Download The Oldest Pali Texts and the Early Buddhist Archaeology

T he Oldest Pali Texts and
the Early Buddhist Archaeology
of India and· Burma
janice Sru-gaxdt ls senior t·es�rili fello�v in %rchlieolegy and' hrsterkal ·ge.o­
.
gllaphy,.�d cUrecter of rhe G�brldge Proteet oa Aocic�nt Chrilization ia South
East .Asia, Di!p!lrtm.e9,t Q>f Geo.gt-aphy, U.n:ivetsit:y .�£ Cnrqb�tqge. $he is also
.fo.reigm p.refesoor for. life in South .East Asian ArChaeol0gy-at tlie Ecole Ptat.ique
des Hautes Etudes 1 v at �he Sotboane. Slae has written many.st�l.ldie.s. ea �chlae-­
.
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ology i,�;S0uth �nd Sou'�
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Tracing Thought
through Things:
The Oldest Pali Texts and
the Early Buddhist Archaeology
of India ind Burma
BY JANICESTARGARDT
ROYAL NETHERLANDS ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
Amsterdam,
2ooo
Tracing Thought
through Things:
The Oldest Pali Texts and
the Early Buddhist Archaeology
of India ind Burma
BY JANICESTARGARDT
ROYAL NETHERLANDS ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
Amsterdam,
2ooo
This monograph is dedicated
to the memory ojmy late husband,
Professor A.W Stargardt,
vivid!Jpresent at the 7th Gonda Lecture
but tragical!J absent by the time
of its publication.
5
This monograph is dedicated
to the memory ojmy late husband,
Professor A.W Stargardt,
vivid!Jpresent at the 7th Gonda Lecture
but tragical!J absent by the time
of its publication.
5
'The order of ideas must proceed according to the order of things.. .'.
Giambattista Vico, The NeJP Science. Naples, Stamperia Muziana, 1744
ARCHAEOLOGY IN INDOLOGY
I had the honour to know Professor Gonda from 1977 until his death in 1991,
visiting him almost every year for intensive discussions of his and my research,
and broader issues in Indology. In the presence of many of his former pupils,
it would be inappropriate for me to attempt to evaluate his achievements as a
Sanskritist: they are preserved in the public domain in his own prolific record
of publications, in the many books that he edited and the dissertations he super­
vised (see also Bodewitz 1992). I would like, however, to note here a particular
aspect of Professor Gonda's achievement: the innovative methodology and con­
ceptual basis of his work. For a Sanskritist and textual Indologist, who reached
maturity in the first part of the twer:�ieth century, to reach out to and absorb
the theories and methods of cultural anthropology and archaeology was not only
innovative but, in the academic context of the time, even risky. He was also dee­
ply interested in the additional modes of access to information on ancient socie­
ties opened up by the science-based archaeology developed in the 1940s and
1950s at Cambridge and which has subsequently become, not only an influential
norm in archaeological research, but has become particularly respected by the ar­
chaeologists of India and parts of South East Asia. To name among these meth­
ods only the few with which I have been directly involved over the past thirty
years in Cambridge, South and South East Asia: improved survey and mapping
techniques through the use of aerial photographs and satellite imagery, leading
in turn to the discovery of additional archaeological sites and a better under­
standing of their shape and size, location and relation to their environment; stu­
dies of the ancient soils at archaeological sites, traces of ancient irrigation sys­
tems, and the ancient food resources of a society through research on fossilized
pollens and carbonized plant remains; and improved dating techniques of ar­
chaeological remains based on cr4, AMS, TL and other techniques.
Throughout his long life, Professor Gonda remained highly interested in the
latest developments in theory and method, and integrated much from the
anthropological and archaeological disciplines into his particular concepts of
7
'The order of ideas must proceed according to the order of things.. .'.
Giambattista Vico, The NeJP Science. Naples, Stamperia Muziana, 1744
ARCHAEOLOGY IN INDOLOGY
I had the honour to know Professor Gonda from 1977 until his death in 1991,
visiting him almost every year for intensive discussions of his and my research,
and broader issues in Indology. In the presence of many of his former pupils,
it would be inappropriate for me to attempt to evaluate his achievements as a
Sanskritist: they are preserved in the public domain in his own prolific record
of publications, in the many books that he edited and the dissertations he super­
vised (see also Bodewitz 1992). I would like, however, to note here a particular
aspect of Professor Gonda's achievement: the innovative methodology and con­
ceptual basis of his work. For a Sanskritist and textual Indologist, who reached
maturity in the first part of the twer:�ieth century, to reach out to and absorb
the theories and methods of cultural anthropology and archaeology was not only
innovative but, in the academic context of the time, even risky. He was also dee­
ply interested in the additional modes of access to information on ancient socie­
ties opened up by the science-based archaeology developed in the 1940s and
1950s at Cambridge and which has subsequently become, not only an influential
norm in archaeological research, but has become particularly respected by the ar­
chaeologists of India and parts of South East Asia. To name among these meth­
ods only the few with which I have been directly involved over the past thirty
years in Cambridge, South and South East Asia: improved survey and mapping
techniques through the use of aerial photographs and satellite imagery, leading
in turn to the discovery of additional archaeological sites and a better under­
standing of their shape and size, location and relation to their environment; stu­
dies of the ancient soils at archaeological sites, traces of ancient irrigation sys­
tems, and the ancient food resources of a society through research on fossilized
pollens and carbonized plant remains; and improved dating techniques of ar­
chaeological remains based on cr4, AMS, TL and other techniques.
Throughout his long life, Professor Gonda remained highly interested in the
latest developments in theory and method, and integrated much from the
anthropological and archaeological disciplines into his particular concepts of
7
a pre-existing non-Indic culture of their own, which inclu ded monumental ar­
chitecture and elaborate group burials in urns ( Stargardt 1990, 1 992a and b).
If we turn to the maps of India and Burma (Pls. I and z), we can distinguish
the regions of central importance to the history of early Buddhism. The heart­
land of Buddhism is the middle Ganges Valley in India in the middle of the first
millennium BC. It is well-known that, during the centuries following the Bud­
dha's death, the influence of Buddhism was not equally strong in time or in
space. Especially important for the first part of this lecture, are the spread of
Buddhism out of the middle Ganges Valley in the 3rd-znd century BC into
North India and into the North-West Deccan, and its descent into the South­
East coastal plain of Andhra very soon after. This last area was central to the later
spread of Buddhism to South East Asia and, in the first instance, into Burma.
In Burma, the earliest dated Buddhist sites are in the Pyu kingdoms centred, re­
spectively, on the ancient city of Beikthano (where they belong to the late 3rd/
4th century AD) , Sri K�etra (where they belong to the 5 th century) and Halingyi
(where they belong to the 5 thf6th c;entury). But the processes of conversion
themselves in each place mu st, axiomatically, be older than the earliest datable
monumental remains. Each of these large Pyu cities had pre-Buddhist origins.
They are all inland sites, accessible via the Irrawadi and Mu Rivers, but not lo­
cated directly on them. The conversion of the Pyu to Buddhism was a process
that seems to have begun in the znd century AD and continued in the following
centuries. The coastal Mon and Arakanese kingdoms of Burma - the intermedi­
aries through whom contacts by river and sea between the Pyu and the Buddhist
societies of India would have passed - may also have adopted Buddhism in the
znd-4th century period (for epigraphical evidence from Arakan, see Johnston
1 944, 3 5 7-8 5 ; U San Tha Aung n .d., 4-8; Gutman 1 976; for numismatic evidence
on the Mon, see Mahlo's Appendix in Stargardt n .d.)
The actual dates of the life and death of the Buddha, long considered the ear­
liest reliable dates of an historical person in Indian history, are currently being
reappraised. For our purposes, however, it is still sufficient that all the possible
dates lie around the middle of the first millennium BC. The reconstruction just
outlined of the places and dates of the spread of Buddhism in India and into Bur­
ma af ter the Buddha's lifetime would have been impossible without archaeologi­
cal evidence. Archaeological evidence is also of central importance in the con­
struction of reliable dates for the life of the Buddha (Hiirtel 1991). There is
9
a pre-existing non-Indic culture of their own, which inclu ded monumental ar­
chitecture and elaborate group burials in urns ( Stargardt 1990, 1 992a and b).
If we turn to the maps of India and Burma (Pls. I and z), we can distinguish
the regions of central importance to the history of early Buddhism. The heart­
land of Buddhism is the middle Ganges Valley in India in the middle of the first
millennium BC. It is well-known that, during the centuries following the Bud­
dha's death, the influence of Buddhism was not equally strong in time or in
space. Especially important for the first part of this lecture, are the spread of
Buddhism out of the middle Ganges Valley in the 3rd-znd century BC into
North India and into the North-West Deccan, and its descent into the South­
East coastal plain of Andhra very soon after. This last area was central to the later
spread of Buddhism to South East Asia and, in the first instance, into Burma.
In Burma, the earliest dated Buddhist sites are in the Pyu kingdoms centred, re­
spectively, on the ancient city of Beikthano (where they belong to the late 3rd/
4th century AD) , Sri K�etra (where they belong to the 5 th century) and Halingyi
(where they belong to the 5 thf6th c;entury). But the processes of conversion
themselves in each place mu st, axiomatically, be older than the earliest datable
monumental remains. Each of these large Pyu cities had pre-Buddhist origins.
They are all inland sites, accessible via the Irrawadi and Mu Rivers, but not lo­
cated directly on them. The conversion of the Pyu to Buddhism was a process
that seems to have begun in the znd century AD and continued in the following
centuries. The coastal Mon and Arakanese kingdoms of Burma - the intermedi­
aries through whom contacts by river and sea between the Pyu and the Buddhist
societies of India would have passed - may also have adopted Buddhism in the
znd-4th century period (for epigraphical evidence from Arakan, see Johnston
1 944, 3 5 7-8 5 ; U San Tha Aung n .d., 4-8; Gutman 1 976; for numismatic evidence
on the Mon, see Mahlo's Appendix in Stargardt n .d.)
The actual dates of the life and death of the Buddha, long considered the ear­
liest reliable dates of an historical person in Indian history, are currently being
reappraised. For our purposes, however, it is still sufficient that all the possible
dates lie around the middle of the first millennium BC. The reconstruction just
outlined of the places and dates of the spread of Buddhism in India and into Bur­
ma af ter the Buddha's lifetime would have been impossible without archaeologi­
cal evidence. Archaeological evidence is also of central importance in the con­
struction of reliable dates for the life of the Buddha (Hiirtel 1991). There is
9
IRON TOOLS AND FOOD RESOURCES IN PRE- AND
EARLY BUDDHIST INDIA
Archaeological research since the r96os has demonstrated that India was one of
the countries in the world with an early and highly expert production of iron
from around the beginning of the first millennium BC (Banerjee r96 5). By the
7th century BC, iron tools and weapons were abundant in archaeological sites
of the middle Ganges Valley, North-East India and all down the East coast plain
from Orissa to Tamil Nadu. Probably as a direct result of the availability of such
superior tools, harvests of food crops and general wealth increased in these areas.
We are also now in a position to document with some precision f rom a still ear­
lier date the appearance in the archaeological record of the Deccan of an in­
creased number of food crops (Pl. 3, Fuller zooo). The most important new crop
was rice which, along with bananas and coconuts, may have been introduced
into India from South East Asia. The data assembled in Pl . 4 show a significant
cluster of finds of ancient rice in the;-. middle Ganges Valley, the hearth of the
new religious thought just mentioned, f rom rzoo-5oo BC (Fuller in press).
The development of rice cultivation in this area and time was to provide the
indispensable conditions for the rise of early Buddhism, Jainism and new forms
of Hinduism. That is � strong statement which is not meant to carry a message
of environmental determinism. On the contrary, it points to a f requently over­
looked but highly significant social as well as environmental relationship be­
tween the food resources of an ancient society and great new developments in
its cultural life . The rice plant had an inherent capacity to produce more abun­
dant yields than any other crop plant under cultivation in India at that time . That
capacity was further augmented whenever irrigation water was available. It is
well-known that Buddhism, Jainism and some sects of Hinduism - the intellec­
tually important movements of c. 5 th century BC- shared a common tradition
in their practice of asceticism. One should not underestimate what an extraordin­
ary phenomenon this was in its time and place . Significant numbers of the most
intelligent young men at the height of their physical strength withdrew from
the economic life of their time and devoted themselves completely to contempla­
tion, discussion and teaching - but did not starve, unless deliberately. Unlike
the Christian monastic communities of Europe, Mediterranean Africa and Asia,
who worked to support themselves and sometimes became great experts in hor-
11
IRON TOOLS AND FOOD RESOURCES IN PRE- AND
EARLY BUDDHIST INDIA
Archaeological research since the r96os has demonstrated that India was one of
the countries in the world with an early and highly expert production of iron
from around the beginning of the first millennium BC (Banerjee r96 5). By the
7th century BC, iron tools and weapons were abundant in archaeological sites
of the middle Ganges Valley, North-East India and all down the East coast plain
from Orissa to Tamil Nadu. Probably as a direct result of the availability of such
superior tools, harvests of food crops and general wealth increased in these areas.
We are also now in a position to document with some precision f rom a still ear­
lier date the appearance in the archaeological record of the Deccan of an in­
creased number of food crops (Pl. 3, Fuller zooo). The most important new crop
was rice which, along with bananas and coconuts, may have been introduced
into India from South East Asia. The data assembled in Pl . 4 show a significant
cluster of finds of ancient rice in the;-. middle Ganges Valley, the hearth of the
new religious thought just mentioned, f rom rzoo-5oo BC (Fuller in press).
The development of rice cultivation in this area and time was to provide the
indispensable conditions for the rise of early Buddhism, Jainism and new forms
of Hinduism. That is � strong statement which is not meant to carry a message
of environmental determinism. On the contrary, it points to a f requently over­
looked but highly significant social as well as environmental relationship be­
tween the food resources of an ancient society and great new developments in
its cultural life . The rice plant had an inherent capacity to produce more abun­
dant yields than any other crop plant under cultivation in India at that time . That
capacity was further augmented whenever irrigation water was available. It is
well-known that Buddhism, Jainism and some sects of Hinduism - the intellec­
tually important movements of c. 5 th century BC- shared a common tradition
in their practice of asceticism. One should not underestimate what an extraordin­
ary phenomenon this was in its time and place . Significant numbers of the most
intelligent young men at the height of their physical strength withdrew from
the economic life of their time and devoted themselves completely to contempla­
tion, discussion and teaching - but did not starve, unless deliberately. Unlike
the Christian monastic communities of Europe, Mediterranean Africa and Asia,
who worked to support themselves and sometimes became great experts in hor-
11
1 975). If one consults the older archaeological reports, this phenomenon was al­
ready recorded there (see Mackenzie's Amaravati map of 1 8 16, published in Bur­
gess 1887; Cunningham 1 871; Rea 1 9 12). Schopen draws the following conclu­
sion: 'The significance of what we have seen here is simply put: the association
of Buddhist monastic sites with the presence of the proto-historical dead occurs
too often to be coincidental, and suggests that Buddhist monastic communities
in 'India'. . . intentionally chose to build their residences and sacred structures
on sites which already housed the dead of former occupants. Although this pat­
tern is very common in the history of religions it has almost never been noted
in specific regard to Buddhist monastic sites.' (Schopen 1 995, 22 5).
Archaeological evidence from the earliest Pyu site, Beikthano, has in fact re­
cently been studied in some detail to show, not only just such a juxtaposition be­
tween Iron Age-type burials and early Buddhist monuments, but also to distin­
guish a protracted process of reciprocal influences passing between the pre­
Buddhist and early Buddhist systems of thought as reflected in both continuity
and change in the burials (Stargardt 1 990, 171-90. 200-28, 307-13; Stargardt
1992a, 89-ro6) . The same complex relationships between pre- or non-Buddhist
burials and burials of the Buddhist period are revealed by archaeological research
at the other main Pyu cities, Sri K�etra and Halin (Stargardt n.d.).
Continuities in the settlement pattern of ancient India have to be assessed very
cautiously when trying to understand the thought behind the phenomenon. As
Schopen himself points out, quoting Subrahmanyam ( 1 975, r66), prevailing con­
cepts of appropriate land-use meant that late prehistoric Iron Age burials in
South India were consistently located on high ground; so were early Buddhist
establishments. Habitations were on the slopes, while the best land - the flatlands
- was reserved for agriculture. Pl. 5, from van Kooij's fieldwork, illustrates pre­
cisely this type of land-use around the famous early Buddhist site, Salihundam,
in the border area between Orissa and A ndhra Prade sh, while Cunningham's
mid-19th century map (here Pl. 6, Cunningham r 856) of the Saiichi area shows
the same practice being consistently adopted. I mention in passing here that cur­
rent research is attempting to reconstruct the historic landscape around Saiichi
and to establish the sight-lines between these Buddhist establishments. In that
new research, the data on elevations and locations so faithfully recorded in maps
almost 1 5 0 years ago provide precious information (Shaw, in progress).
In a later report (Cunningham 1 87 1, 76 n.3, 79), Cunningham recorded an at-
13
1 975). If one consults the older archaeological reports, this phenomenon was al­
ready recorded there (see Mackenzie's Amaravati map of 1 8 16, published in Bur­
gess 1887; Cunningham 1 871; Rea 1 9 12). Schopen draws the following conclu­
sion: 'The significance of what we have seen here is simply put: the association
of Buddhist monastic sites with the presence of the proto-historical dead occurs
too often to be coincidental, and suggests that Buddhist monastic communities
in 'India'. . . intentionally chose to build their residences and sacred structures
on sites which already housed the dead of former occupants. Although this pat­
tern is very common in the history of religions it has almost never been noted
in specific regard to Buddhist monastic sites.' (Schopen 1 995, 22 5).
Archaeological evidence from the earliest Pyu site, Beikthano, has in fact re­
cently been studied in some detail to show, not only just such a juxtaposition be­
tween Iron Age-type burials and early Buddhist monuments, but also to distin­
guish a protracted process of reciprocal influences passing between the pre­
Buddhist and early Buddhist systems of thought as reflected in both continuity
and change in the burials (Stargardt 1 990, 171-90. 200-28, 307-13; Stargardt
1992a, 89-ro6) . The same complex relationships between pre- or non-Buddhist
burials and burials of the Buddhist period are revealed by archaeological research
at the other main Pyu cities, Sri K�etra and Halin (Stargardt n.d.).
Continuities in the settlement pattern of ancient India have to be assessed very
cautiously when trying to understand the thought behind the phenomenon. As
Schopen himself points out, quoting Subrahmanyam ( 1 975, r66), prevailing con­
cepts of appropriate land-use meant that late prehistoric Iron Age burials in
South India were consistently located on high ground; so were early Buddhist
establishments. Habitations were on the slopes, while the best land - the flatlands
- was reserved for agriculture. Pl. 5, from van Kooij's fieldwork, illustrates pre­
cisely this type of land-use around the famous early Buddhist site, Salihundam,
in the border area between Orissa and A ndhra Prade sh, while Cunningham's
mid-19th century map (here Pl. 6, Cunningham r 856) of the Saiichi area shows
the same practice being consistently adopted. I mention in passing here that cur­
rent research is attempting to reconstruct the historic landscape around Saiichi
and to establish the sight-lines between these Buddhist establishments. In that
new research, the data on elevations and locations so faithfully recorded in maps
almost 1 5 0 years ago provide precious information (Shaw, in progress).
In a later report (Cunningham 1 87 1, 76 n.3, 79), Cunningham recorded an at-
13
In du e course this archaeological research will also prompt new discussions,
readings and interpretations of the relevant Buddhist and Hindu texts.
AD.
URBANIZATION, TRADE AND BUDDHISM
Buddhist texts concerning the life of the Buddha name the patrons f rom whom
he accepted the use of gardens and dwellings seasonally for himself and his fol­
lowers. These accounts provide a sketchy background of early urban societies,
c. 500-400 BC in the middle Ganges Valley, where kings, princes, merchants
and courtesans possessed such wealth that they could make these gifts. Archaeo­
logical researches endow these shadowy pictures of mid-1st millennium society
with concrete dimensions. I have already mentioned iron and agriculture. Other
significant sources of wealth came f rom trade within India itself from c. the
mid-first millennium BC to the Mauryan period - traceable archaeologically
through the distribution of NBP [Northern Black Polished ware ceramics] and
Asokan inscriptions into southern sit es - which was then followed by trade be­
tween India and South East Asia f rom c. znd century BC onwards. Trade may
well have been a factor attracting the Satavahana dynasty to move from the
Karle-Nasik area of the North-West Deccan down to the South-East plain of
A ndhra in c. znd century (Fergusson and Burgess 188o; La/it Kala 19 56-7; Dehe­
jia 197o), a shift that immediately had profound consequences for the develop­
ment of Buddhism in South India and later for its spread into South East Asia.
The strength of this sector of India's internal trade from a much earlier pre- Sa­
tavahana date, has been demonstrated by recent archaeological excavations at
the devastated site of the Great Stupa at Amaravati. These excavations have re­
vealed an exceptional concentration of NPB of c. 3rd century BC date under the
foundations of the stupa and nearby. Thi s is the largest concentration of these
trade ceramics found so far outside North-East India (Indian A rchaeology, A Re­
view 1958-9, 1 973-4, 1 974-5). A fragment of an Asokan pillar edict inscribed on
local stone in Brahmi letters was a surface find in this area (Sarma 198 5 , Pl. 12),
confirming Marshall's view that the occupation of this site dated back to the
Mauryan period (Marshall 1909, 40).
Recent excavations close by have also uncovered the structures of a river port
adjacent to the ancient royal citadel of Dharal)ikota (Indian Archaeology, A Review
15
In du e course this archaeological research will also prompt new discussions,
readings and interpretations of the relevant Buddhist and Hindu texts.
AD.
URBANIZATION, TRADE AND BUDDHISM
Buddhist texts concerning the life of the Buddha name the patrons f rom whom
he accepted the use of gardens and dwellings seasonally for himself and his fol­
lowers. These accounts provide a sketchy background of early urban societies,
c. 500-400 BC in the middle Ganges Valley, where kings, princes, merchants
and courtesans possessed such wealth that they could make these gifts. Archaeo­
logical researches endow these shadowy pictures of mid-1st millennium society
with concrete dimensions. I have already mentioned iron and agriculture. Other
significant sources of wealth came f rom trade within India itself from c. the
mid-first millennium BC to the Mauryan period - traceable archaeologically
through the distribution of NBP [Northern Black Polished ware ceramics] and
Asokan inscriptions into southern sit es - which was then followed by trade be­
tween India and South East Asia f rom c. znd century BC onwards. Trade may
well have been a factor attracting the Satavahana dynasty to move from the
Karle-Nasik area of the North-West Deccan down to the South-East plain of
A ndhra in c. znd century (Fergusson and Burgess 188o; La/it Kala 19 56-7; Dehe­
jia 197o), a shift that immediately had profound consequences for the develop­
ment of Buddhism in South India and later for its spread into South East Asia.
The strength of this sector of India's internal trade from a much earlier pre- Sa­
tavahana date, has been demonstrated by recent archaeological excavations at
the devastated site of the Great Stupa at Amaravati. These excavations have re­
vealed an exceptional concentration of NPB of c. 3rd century BC date under the
foundations of the stupa and nearby. Thi s is the largest concentration of these
trade ceramics found so far outside North-East India (Indian A rchaeology, A Re­
view 1958-9, 1 973-4, 1 974-5). A fragment of an Asokan pillar edict inscribed on
local stone in Brahmi letters was a surface find in this area (Sarma 198 5 , Pl. 12),
confirming Marshall's view that the occupation of this site dated back to the
Mauryan period (Marshall 1909, 40).
Recent excavations close by have also uncovered the structures of a river port
adjacent to the ancient royal citadel of Dharal)ikota (Indian Archaeology, A Review
15
as late as the 7th-8th century AD (Barrett 1 954, 4 1-54; Schastok 1994). I wish to
conclude the first half of my lecture with a brief consideration of the Great Stupa
at Amaravati, as an interesting test-case of tracing Buddhist thought through
things.
When Colin Mackenzie, mathematician turned surveyor and archaeologist,
first visited the site in 1798 with his Brahmin colleagues, so little was known
about Buddhism in the land of its origin that these scholarly men thought the
Amaravati stupa was a ruined Jain monument. Nevertheless Mackenzie's Indian
and English draughtsmen, between then and r 8 r6, produced detailed drawings
that faithfully reflected the iconographic and architectural expression of a system
of religious thought about which they knew nothing (Franks r 8 8 r). Their work
is particularly important because it recorded many sculptures that had been da­
maged or destroyed by the time Burgess's photographs were made in the
r88os, and thus constitute the only record of some significant aspects of religious
thought as it was expressed in things. A small selection of Mackenzie's drawings
was published by Fergusson in 1 873 � nd another in Burgess r887 (see Bibliogra­
phy). The original Mackenzie drawings are in the British Library, Oriental and
India Office Collections, Department of Prints and Drawings, where the list
alone occupies over 6o pages in the Printed Catalogue (Archer 1 969-94, vol. 2).
In addition, Mackenzie recorded and copied over 8,ooo [!] ancient inscriptions
of South India between 1798 and 1 816, and may be considered to have rendered
a substantial service to Indian archaeology in addition to his official duties as
Head of the Topographical \Service (later the Survey Department).
Dissertations could be written on the significant changes in Buddhist thought
in the period rst-4th century AD on the basis of a rigorous analysis of the archae­
ological evidence of the Amaravati Great Stupa alone (cf . Dutt 1 971, 6o-ro4;
Ho Dac Cu (Thich Thien Chau] 1 977; Dube, S.N. 1 980, Sections Band c). Mack­
enzie's drawings, the surviving sculptured slabs and railings preserved in the Ma­
dras Government Museum and the British Museum (both alas only part of the
assemblage surviving at the end of the r8th century), together with the inscrip­
tions on those things, provide the primary data on this subject. Most of what
we know about the religious thought and practice of the monastic communities
here, in particular the thought of the Caityakas, one of the Andhaka Buddhist
sects that developed in the rst-3fd century out of the MahasaJ:Zghikas (Bareau
1 955, 87-9; Lamotte 1 977; Dutt 1 971, 6 8-9, 72, 122-4).
17
as late as the 7th-8th century AD (Barrett 1 954, 4 1-54; Schastok 1994). I wish to
conclude the first half of my lecture with a brief consideration of the Great Stupa
at Amaravati, as an interesting test-case of tracing Buddhist thought through
things.
When Colin Mackenzie, mathematician turned surveyor and archaeologist,
first visited the site in 1798 with his Brahmin colleagues, so little was known
about Buddhism in the land of its origin that these scholarly men thought the
Amaravati stupa was a ruined Jain monument. Nevertheless Mackenzie's Indian
and English draughtsmen, between then and r 8 r6, produced detailed drawings
that faithfully reflected the iconographic and architectural expression of a system
of religious thought about which they knew nothing (Franks r 8 8 r). Their work
is particularly important because it recorded many sculptures that had been da­
maged or destroyed by the time Burgess's photographs were made in the
r88os, and thus constitute the only record of some significant aspects of religious
thought as it was expressed in things. A small selection of Mackenzie's drawings
was published by Fergusson in 1 873 � nd another in Burgess r887 (see Bibliogra­
phy). The original Mackenzie drawings are in the British Library, Oriental and
India Office Collections, Department of Prints and Drawings, where the list
alone occupies over 6o pages in the Printed Catalogue (Archer 1 969-94, vol. 2).
In addition, Mackenzie recorded and copied over 8,ooo [!] ancient inscriptions
of South India between 1798 and 1 816, and may be considered to have rendered
a substantial service to Indian archaeology in addition to his official duties as
Head of the Topographical \Service (later the Survey Department).
Dissertations could be written on the significant changes in Buddhist thought
in the period rst-4th century AD on the basis of a rigorous analysis of the archae­
ological evidence of the Amaravati Great Stupa alone (cf . Dutt 1 971, 6o-ro4;
Ho Dac Cu (Thich Thien Chau] 1 977; Dube, S.N. 1 980, Sections Band c). Mack­
enzie's drawings, the surviving sculptured slabs and railings preserved in the Ma­
dras Government Museum and the British Museum (both alas only part of the
assemblage surviving at the end of the r8th century), together with the inscrip­
tions on those things, provide the primary data on this subject. Most of what
we know about the religious thought and practice of the monastic communities
here, in particular the thought of the Caityakas, one of the Andhaka Buddhist
sects that developed in the rst-3fd century out of the MahasaJ:Zghikas (Bareau
1 955, 87-9; Lamotte 1 977; Dutt 1 971, 6 8-9, 72, 122-4).
17
stupa. Pl. 9 presents some of ayaka pillar inscriptions f rom Amaravati inscribed
in the Satavahana period and then re-inscribed during the Ik�vaku period (3rd
century), when the court was centred on Nagarjunakot).<;la but Amaravati contin­
ued to be a focus of veneration and endowments ( Sircar 1939, 9-4o; Hultzsch
in Burgess 1887, wo-6, Pls. LVI-Lxrrr) .
The last aspect of Buddhist thought as expressed in the art of Amaravati
which can be mentioned briefly within the constraints of this lecture is the re­
cord of the changing attitudes of the Caityaka sect to the long-standing, and dee­
ply divisive debates between and within the early Buddhist sects on the crucial
subject of the nature of the Buddha's body, his kliyii, and on whether it could
be represented in human form (Dutt 1 971, 77-8 1; Lamotte 1977; Coomaraswamy,
A.K. 1928; Huntington 199o; Dehijia 1997; van Kooij 1998, 27-54). It will be no­
ticed that this is the only significant difference between the two Amaravati slabs
recorded in the Mackenzie drawing and the Burgess photograph (Pls. 7 and 8, re­
spectively). In the one, the teaching of the Buddha is venerated through the sym­
bols of the dhammacakka, throne and footprints; in the other, the majestic stand­
,
ing figure of the Buddha occupies that place. The entire subsequent history of
Buddhist thought, ritual and art in all surviving sects has been affected by the
doctrinal changes that took place and were incorporated in the central motifs
of these tw0 sculptures. Since this is the area of India from which Buddhism
spread to South East Asia, it forms the essential archaeological background to
the second half of this lecture. A total of twelve names of Pali-based Buddhist
sects are preserved in the Pali traditions of Sri Lanka. Seven out of those twelve
sects were present among the monastic communities of Amaravati and Nagarju­
nakot).<;la and a re represented in their inscriptions ( Hultzsch in Burgess 1887,
wo-6, Pls. LVI-LXIII; Vogel 1929-30, 1-37).
Among the earliest South East Asian kingdoms to adopt Buddhism were the
Pyu kingdoms of Central Burma as already mentioned. The small sample of
Pyu palaeography from Beikthano (Aung Thaw 1968; Starga rdt 1990, 93, Fig.
37) and the very large sample preserved in the Pyu Pali texts f rom S ri K�etra
(Pl. 1 9 below), show that the monks who inscribed them predominantly used
writing styles of the A ndhra area, and not the Kadamba script. The Kadamba hy­
pothesis was originally proposed by Finot (1912 and 1913), and has been repeated
by many scholars since then. The closest affinities of the Pyu inscriptions in the
19
stupa. Pl. 9 presents some of ayaka pillar inscriptions f rom Amaravati inscribed
in the Satavahana period and then re-inscribed during the Ik�vaku period (3rd
century), when the court was centred on Nagarjunakot).<;la but Amaravati contin­
ued to be a focus of veneration and endowments ( Sircar 1939, 9-4o; Hultzsch
in Burgess 1887, wo-6, Pls. LVI-Lxrrr) .
The last aspect of Buddhist thought as expressed in the art of Amaravati
which can be mentioned briefly within the constraints of this lecture is the re­
cord of the changing attitudes of the Caityaka sect to the long-standing, and dee­
ply divisive debates between and within the early Buddhist sects on the crucial
subject of the nature of the Buddha's body, his kliyii, and on whether it could
be represented in human form (Dutt 1 971, 77-8 1; Lamotte 1977; Coomaraswamy,
A.K. 1928; Huntington 199o; Dehijia 1997; van Kooij 1998, 27-54). It will be no­
ticed that this is the only significant difference between the two Amaravati slabs
recorded in the Mackenzie drawing and the Burgess photograph (Pls. 7 and 8, re­
spectively). In the one, the teaching of the Buddha is venerated through the sym­
bols of the dhammacakka, throne and footprints; in the other, the majestic stand­
,
ing figure of the Buddha occupies that place. The entire subsequent history of
Buddhist thought, ritual and art in all surviving sects has been affected by the
doctrinal changes that took place and were incorporated in the central motifs
of these tw0 sculptures. Since this is the area of India from which Buddhism
spread to South East Asia, it forms the essential archaeological background to
the second half of this lecture. A total of twelve names of Pali-based Buddhist
sects are preserved in the Pali traditions of Sri Lanka. Seven out of those twelve
sects were present among the monastic communities of Amaravati and Nagarju­
nakot).<;la and a re represented in their inscriptions ( Hultzsch in Burgess 1887,
wo-6, Pls. LVI-LXIII; Vogel 1929-30, 1-37).
Among the earliest South East Asian kingdoms to adopt Buddhism were the
Pyu kingdoms of Central Burma as already mentioned. The small sample of
Pyu palaeography from Beikthano (Aung Thaw 1968; Starga rdt 1990, 93, Fig.
37) and the very large sample preserved in the Pyu Pali texts f rom S ri K�etra
(Pl. 1 9 below), show that the monks who inscribed them predominantly used
writing styles of the A ndhra area, and not the Kadamba script. The Kadamba hy­
pothesis was originally proposed by Finot (1912 and 1913), and has been repeated
by many scholars since then. The closest affinities of the Pyu inscriptions in the
19
dia in the 5 th century AD (Zurcher 1 96z). I have been able to push this time
threshold back by about a century by studying and dati ng specific resemblances
between the Buddhist monastic architecture and script of the oldest Pyu site in
Burma, Beikthano, and Nagarjunakol).<;la, the Ik�vaku capital in A ndhra. I now
date the earliest durable traces of the introduction of Buddhism to Burma (which
are obv iously later than the process itself) to c. the late 3rd(early 4th century
AD. This evidence further suggests that a combination of trade and court-to­
court contacts were probably the agencies through which B uddhism came to
be adopted by the Pyu kingdoms in Burma (Stargardt 1 990, 3Z6-3o, 338-4o).
SRI KSETRA AND EARLY BUDDHISM IN BURMA­
TRACING THOUGHT THROUGH THINGS AND TEXTS
The largest of the Pyu cities was S ri K�etra, which covered over I8 sq km within
the city walls with extensive extramp ral developments occupying a still larger
space (Pis. II and IZ). It had a brilliant material culture from the 4th-9th century
AD, sufficient to impress the ambassadors of the Tang court in the 8th century.
They were also impressed by the profoundly Buddhist character of this culture.
Tang records mention that the city's outer walls were punctuated by four great
stupas. Those on the north-east, south-west and north-west still stand (e.g. Pis.
13 and 14), while the foundations of the fourth, on the south-east of the city, were
discovered as recently as 1999 (personal information, U Win Maung, artist and
archaeologist Mandalay).
It can be seen in the above plates that the final shape of the S ri K�etra stupas
carried the cylindrical tradition of Andhra stupas (and especially of A ndhra stu­
pa-shaped reliquaries) to an extreme form. This may result f rom several phases
of ancient rebuilding and enlargement. In addition, there were many smaller stu­
pas and also monuments where a stupa was superimposed on a cube-shaped tem­
ple (Pl. 1 5). There must have been numerous relic chambers in this Buddhist city,
but only one survived intact until it was excavated in 1 9z6-7 (Duroiselle 1 9z8).
It was situated in Kalangangon village, near the south-east outer walls of the city.
The Khin Ba mound (so known because it was on la?d owned by a farmer, U
Khin Ba), covered a ruined stupa platform with a relic chamber that was prob­
ably only a little mo.re than one cubic metre in size (Pl . 16), but it contained the
21
dia in the 5 th century AD (Zurcher 1 96z). I have been able to push this time
threshold back by about a century by studying and dati ng specific resemblances
between the Buddhist monastic architecture and script of the oldest Pyu site in
Burma, Beikthano, and Nagarjunakol).<;la, the Ik�vaku capital in A ndhra. I now
date the earliest durable traces of the introduction of Buddhism to Burma (which
are obv iously later than the process itself) to c. the late 3rd(early 4th century
AD. This evidence further suggests that a combination of trade and court-to­
court contacts were probably the agencies through which B uddhism came to
be adopted by the Pyu kingdoms in Burma (Stargardt 1 990, 3Z6-3o, 338-4o).
SRI KSETRA AND EARLY BUDDHISM IN BURMA­
TRACING THOUGHT THROUGH THINGS AND TEXTS
The largest of the Pyu cities was S ri K�etra, which covered over I8 sq km within
the city walls with extensive extramp ral developments occupying a still larger
space (Pis. II and IZ). It had a brilliant material culture from the 4th-9th century
AD, sufficient to impress the ambassadors of the Tang court in the 8th century.
They were also impressed by the profoundly Buddhist character of this culture.
Tang records mention that the city's outer walls were punctuated by four great
stupas. Those on the north-east, south-west and north-west still stand (e.g. Pis.
13 and 14), while the foundations of the fourth, on the south-east of the city, were
discovered as recently as 1999 (personal information, U Win Maung, artist and
archaeologist Mandalay).
It can be seen in the above plates that the final shape of the S ri K�etra stupas
carried the cylindrical tradition of Andhra stupas (and especially of A ndhra stu­
pa-shaped reliquaries) to an extreme form. This may result f rom several phases
of ancient rebuilding and enlargement. In addition, there were many smaller stu­
pas and also monuments where a stupa was superimposed on a cube-shaped tem­
ple (Pl. 1 5). There must have been numerous relic chambers in this Buddhist city,
but only one survived intact until it was excavated in 1 9z6-7 (Duroiselle 1 9z8).
It was situated in Kalangangon village, near the south-east outer walls of the city.
The Khin Ba mound (so known because it was on la?d owned by a farmer, U
Khin Ba), covered a ruined stupa platform with a relic chamber that was prob­
ably only a little mo.re than one cubic metre in size (Pl . 16), but it contained the
21
leaves were found inside the relic chamber. The original height of this reliquary
when intact must have been c. I m. Even the su rviving body of the drum-shaped
base measures almost 40 cm in height. It was decorated in very high relief with
four large gilded fi g ures of Buddhas seated in bhiimispariamudra (Pl. I 8). They di­
vide the cylinder into four equal segments. Between them in lower relief are four
smaller standing figures of disciples (PI. 1 9) each slightly turned towards the Bud­
dha on his right, making eight segments in total (all the details and some enig­
matic aspects of the iconography of this reliquary are discussed in Stargardt in
press).
Although it seems that this was originally a thin silver sheath covering a stron­
ger container with a proper base, no trace either of such a container or of the re­
lic itself were reported. Possibly they were both of organic matter- e.g. the con­
tainer of wood and the relic one or more hairs - and have rotted away. It has
to be said that the excavation and reporting of this relic chamber leave some­
thing to be desired. Neither the size of the relic chamber nor its depth in the
mound were recorded, nor the size of the bricks, the cover slabs or the stupa
platform. However, since the S ri I<.'�etra excavations were a race against treas­
ure-hunters which the latter won in every other case, one is grateful for what
was recorded and the treasure that was preserved. Sadly, at my latest sighting
in I997, the lid bearing one of the two earliest Pali inscriptions in the world
had disintegrated into three fragments and one of the Buddha figures was in
the process of breaking away from the body of the reliquary. My photographic
record of the complete inscription is thus irreplaceable. Many empty relic cham­
bers and scattered fragments of inscribed silver and gold leaves have been found
at Sri K�etra. Taken together with what survived in the Khin Ba mound, they
provide eloquent testimony on what has been lost to Burmese, Buddhist and
world cultural heritage in that city alone.
Here our main concern is with the lid inscription of the Great Silver Reliquary
and the fifth excerpt in the Golden Pali Text. The Great Silver Reliquary was in­
scribed in three places: around the rim of the lid, at the feet of the disciples
and around the foot rim. The second group of inscriptions provide the names
of the disciples, while the third is a later addition in Pyu language with the San­
skrit names of the two royal donors at the time of the refoundation. The lid
rim inscription is a single, regularly inscribed line of writing running right
around the lid (Pls . 20 and 2 1). It was mentioned in Duroiselle's excavation re-
23
leaves were found inside the relic chamber. The original height of this reliquary
when intact must have been c. I m. Even the su rviving body of the drum-shaped
base measures almost 40 cm in height. It was decorated in very high relief with
four large gilded fi g ures of Buddhas seated in bhiimispariamudra (Pl. I 8). They di­
vide the cylinder into four equal segments. Between them in lower relief are four
smaller standing figures of disciples (PI. 1 9) each slightly turned towards the Bud­
dha on his right, making eight segments in total (all the details and some enig­
matic aspects of the iconography of this reliquary are discussed in Stargardt in
press).
Although it seems that this was originally a thin silver sheath covering a stron­
ger container with a proper base, no trace either of such a container or of the re­
lic itself were reported. Possibly they were both of organic matter- e.g. the con­
tainer of wood and the relic one or more hairs - and have rotted away. It has
to be said that the excavation and reporting of this relic chamber leave some­
thing to be desired. Neither the size of the relic chamber nor its depth in the
mound were recorded, nor the size of the bricks, the cover slabs or the stupa
platform. However, since the S ri I<.'�etra excavations were a race against treas­
ure-hunters which the latter won in every other case, one is grateful for what
was recorded and the treasure that was preserved. Sadly, at my latest sighting
in I997, the lid bearing one of the two earliest Pali inscriptions in the world
had disintegrated into three fragments and one of the Buddha figures was in
the process of breaking away from the body of the reliquary. My photographic
record of the complete inscription is thus irreplaceable. Many empty relic cham­
bers and scattered fragments of inscribed silver and gold leaves have been found
at Sri K�etra. Taken together with what survived in the Khin Ba mound, they
provide eloquent testimony on what has been lost to Burmese, Buddhist and
world cultural heritage in that city alone.
Here our main concern is with the lid inscription of the Great Silver Reliquary
and the fifth excerpt in the Golden Pali Text. The Great Silver Reliquary was in­
scribed in three places: around the rim of the lid, at the feet of the disciples
and around the foot rim. The second group of inscriptions provide the names
of the disciples, while the third is a later addition in Pyu language with the San­
skrit names of the two royal donors at the time of the refoundation. The lid
rim inscription is a single, regularly inscribed line of writing running right
around the lid (Pls . 20 and 2 1). It was mentioned in Duroiselle's excavation re-
23
comparative palaeographic table and 81-2); secondly that more than one hand
was involved in inscribing the Golden Pali Text (Falk sees c. twenty; Lore San­
der sees c. four); thirdly, that a passage had been omitted from the fifth excerpt;
fourthly, that some of the text's orthographic peculiarities dismissed previously
as 'scribal errors' in fact revealed a knowledge of Sanskrit orthographic rules or
represented acceptable variants; and lastly the photographs I laid before the sym­
posium yielded the first reading of the lid rim inscription of the Great Silver Re­
liquary and simultaneously revealed a hitherto unsuspected relationship between
the Great Silver Reliquary and the Golden Pali Text (Stargardt 199 5 c; Falk
1997; Stargardt in press and Stargardt n.d.).
During the Cambridge Symposium, it was the opinion of the above scholars
and myself that both the Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary con­
tained the earliest surviving texts in pure canonical Pali, that they were both in­
scribed in closely related but not identical South-East Indian script-types of simi­
lar age and geographical affinities, and should be dated on palaeographical
grounds to the early or mid-5 th cen�ury AD. Falk (1997) gives a detailed analysis
of the palaeography, organization and content of the Golden Pali Text; he there
gives a later date for the palaeography of the Great Silver Reliquary lid inscrip­
tion but does not depict it. That dating is not supported by the character of
the script as shown in Pls. zo and 21). Dr Lore Sander, the palaeographer with
whom I have continued working on these inscriptions since 1995, is of the opi­
nion that allowance should be made for the conservative influence of textual
copying and therefore proposes a dating of mid-5 th to not later than mid-6th
century for both the Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary lid inscrip­
tions. I find her arguments persuasive.
It deserves to be emphasized here that a 5 th or 6th century date makes the
Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary between two and four centuries
older than the few isolated paper leaves of the 8th or 9th century Pali Ms. found
in the National Archives in Kathmandu, and hitherto considered the oldest sur­
viving examples of Pali (cf. v. Hinuber 1991). Above all, unlike those isolated
leaves, the Pyu inscriptions come from an identifiable archaeological context,
where the things that they are inscribed on and surrounded by permit rare and
privileged insights into the thought involved in the early phase of Buddhist cul­
ture outside India in the 5 th-6th century, into the circumstances of the composi­
tion of these inscriptions and their deposition, and even into the modalities of
25
comparative palaeographic table and 81-2); secondly that more than one hand
was involved in inscribing the Golden Pali Text (Falk sees c. twenty; Lore San­
der sees c. four); thirdly, that a passage had been omitted from the fifth excerpt;
fourthly, that some of the text's orthographic peculiarities dismissed previously
as 'scribal errors' in fact revealed a knowledge of Sanskrit orthographic rules or
represented acceptable variants; and lastly the photographs I laid before the sym­
posium yielded the first reading of the lid rim inscription of the Great Silver Re­
liquary and simultaneously revealed a hitherto unsuspected relationship between
the Great Silver Reliquary and the Golden Pali Text (Stargardt 199 5 c; Falk
1997; Stargardt in press and Stargardt n.d.).
During the Cambridge Symposium, it was the opinion of the above scholars
and myself that both the Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary con­
tained the earliest surviving texts in pure canonical Pali, that they were both in­
scribed in closely related but not identical South-East Indian script-types of simi­
lar age and geographical affinities, and should be dated on palaeographical
grounds to the early or mid-5 th cen�ury AD. Falk (1997) gives a detailed analysis
of the palaeography, organization and content of the Golden Pali Text; he there
gives a later date for the palaeography of the Great Silver Reliquary lid inscrip­
tion but does not depict it. That dating is not supported by the character of
the script as shown in Pls. zo and 21). Dr Lore Sander, the palaeographer with
whom I have continued working on these inscriptions since 1995, is of the opi­
nion that allowance should be made for the conservative influence of textual
copying and therefore proposes a dating of mid-5 th to not later than mid-6th
century for both the Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary lid inscrip­
tions. I find her arguments persuasive.
It deserves to be emphasized here that a 5 th or 6th century date makes the
Golden Pali Text and the Great Silver Reliquary between two and four centuries
older than the few isolated paper leaves of the 8th or 9th century Pali Ms. found
in the National Archives in Kathmandu, and hitherto considered the oldest sur­
viving examples of Pali (cf. v. Hinuber 1991). Above all, unlike those isolated
leaves, the Pyu inscriptions come from an identifiable archaeological context,
where the things that they are inscribed on and surrounded by permit rare and
privileged insights into the thought involved in the early phase of Buddhist cul­
ture outside India in the 5 th-6th century, into the circumstances of the composi­
tion of these inscriptions and their deposition, and even into the modalities of
25
'. . . indrfyaparoparfyatte iiat:�am buddhaiiat:�am sattannat?l asqyanusqye iiat:�am buddha-iiat:�am . .'
[if. Falk 1997, 70]
There was no possibility for the author of the fifth excerpt to erase and correct
his faulty lettering on a gold leaf- indeed his error remains fresh and clear some
14oo-- r 5oo years later (Pl. 23 ) . Apparently it was also impossible for some reason
for him to obtain a replacement leaf of gold. Judging by its weight, each leaf
in this manuscript represented a very high value in the Pyu period, well beyond
the reach of normal people, let alone a monk vowed to poverty. Perhaps, too,
the other leaves in the text had already been inscribed and numbered before this
error was confessed to the rest of the monastic commu"nity, and to its royal pa­
tron. If so, the correction of this leaf would have involved the rewriting of more
than one leaf. For whatever reason or reasons, this omission in the Golden Pali
Text was never rectified. Thus it remained a ritually imperfect object, and as such
was unfit to become the central relic in the relic chamber of the stupa. This place
was taken by the Great Silver Reliquary to which I shall turn immediately below.
Before doing so, however, this is;.the place to note that, apart from this one
major error, some orthographic peculiarities which are interesting in themselves
in revealing a knowledge of Sanskrit rules and a sprinkling of rather minor
orthographic or textual errors, the seven other excerpts of the Golden Pali Text
do not differ signiftcant!J f�om the Pali Canon collected in Sri Lanka in the second
half of the 1 9th century! This is striking proof of the general reliability with
which Buddhist monks transmitted their texts over some r , 3oo years - the omis­
sion of the short passage in the buddhaiiat:�as being the exception that proves the
rule.
To turn now to the Great Silver Reliquary, as already mentioned the names of
the four Buddhas of the present kalpa were inscribed on the rim of the lid and
were originally intended to be placed directly above the head of each Buddha fig­
ure. Because of damage to the lid, this is no longer reliably the case (pls. 20
and 21) . This naming procedure established four fixed points on the rim of the
·
reliquary lid and limited the space available between each fixed point. The newly
read Pyu/Pali texts occupying these spaces are as follows (I follow Falk's reading
1 997, 88-9, but not his line breaks as the texts are recorded in a single line with­
out spaces):
.
27
'. . . indrfyaparoparfyatte iiat:�am buddhaiiat:�am sattannat?l asqyanusqye iiat:�am buddha-iiat:�am . .'
[if. Falk 1997, 70]
There was no possibility for the author of the fifth excerpt to erase and correct
his faulty lettering on a gold leaf- indeed his error remains fresh and clear some
14oo-- r 5oo years later (Pl. 23 ) . Apparently it was also impossible for some reason
for him to obtain a replacement leaf of gold. Judging by its weight, each leaf
in this manuscript represented a very high value in the Pyu period, well beyond
the reach of normal people, let alone a monk vowed to poverty. Perhaps, too,
the other leaves in the text had already been inscribed and numbered before this
error was confessed to the rest of the monastic commu"nity, and to its royal pa­
tron. If so, the correction of this leaf would have involved the rewriting of more
than one leaf. For whatever reason or reasons, this omission in the Golden Pali
Text was never rectified. Thus it remained a ritually imperfect object, and as such
was unfit to become the central relic in the relic chamber of the stupa. This place
was taken by the Great Silver Reliquary to which I shall turn immediately below.
Before doing so, however, this is;.the place to note that, apart from this one
major error, some orthographic peculiarities which are interesting in themselves
in revealing a knowledge of Sanskrit rules and a sprinkling of rather minor
orthographic or textual errors, the seven other excerpts of the Golden Pali Text
do not differ signiftcant!J f�om the Pali Canon collected in Sri Lanka in the second
half of the 1 9th century! This is striking proof of the general reliability with
which Buddhist monks transmitted their texts over some r , 3oo years - the omis­
sion of the short passage in the buddhaiiat:�as being the exception that proves the
rule.
To turn now to the Great Silver Reliquary, as already mentioned the names of
the four Buddhas of the present kalpa were inscribed on the rim of the lid and
were originally intended to be placed directly above the head of each Buddha fig­
ure. Because of damage to the lid, this is no longer reliably the case (pls. 20
and 21) . This naming procedure established four fixed points on the rim of the
·
reliquary lid and limited the space available between each fixed point. The newly
read Pyu/Pali texts occupying these spaces are as follows (I follow Falk's reading
1 997, 88-9, but not his line breaks as the texts are recorded in a single line with­
out spaces):
.
27
in the Pali language, but we also find that one of them was composed to rectify a
defect in the other.
To understand the thoughts and events behind this relic deposit, one needs all
the material evidence: the objects discussed here and the others listed in the In­
ventory, the precious materials they were made of, the sacred treasure they
jointly composed and the positions they occupied in the relic chamber. Taking
these facts together with the texts they incorporated, we gain rare insights into
the character of the Buddhism flourishing in an early, very affluent non-Indic
kingdom already profoundly influenced by Indian religion. This society was well
versed in a range of ritual texts and ritual actions, even to the point of relegating
a costly but imperfect text to an subordinate position inside the relic chamber.
Then there is the rich archaeological documentation provided by the larger
context of this treasure: going from the particular to the general, it was found in­
side the ruins of a stiipa platform, belonging originally to an early phase of Bud­
dhism among the Pyu, but showing evidence of having been enlarged and re­
founded in the early 8th century. S �i K�etra was the largest and most brilliant
of the Pyu cities. In it, a dynamic Buddhist culture was integrated into the pre­
existing Pre-Buddhist tradition of the Pyu whereby great burial assemblages
were created in urns inside and around monuments (Stargardt 1 992b and n.d.).
All aspects of S ri K�etra's archaeological evidence have to be taken into con­
sideration to obtain privileged glimpses of the historical moment when the cos­
mopolitan kingdoms of Andhra - the Ik�vaku, Salankayana, Vakataka and Palla­
va - forged sufficiently strong links with the early Pyu kingdoms of central
Burma to leave durable traces in the archaeological record. These tesify more elo­
quently than does textual evidence to the long and complex processes involved
in the Pyu adoption and adaptation of the Andhran traditions of Buddhism into
their pre-existing religious thought, to which only the archaeological evidence
of their vast burial fields and monuments provide an introduction. We can only
ever hope to recover a part of that body of early Buddhist thought and to do
even that, we need to trace their thoughts through both things and text.
29
in the Pali language, but we also find that one of them was composed to rectify a
defect in the other.
To understand the thoughts and events behind this relic deposit, one needs all
the material evidence: the objects discussed here and the others listed in the In­
ventory, the precious materials they were made of, the sacred treasure they
jointly composed and the positions they occupied in the relic chamber. Taking
these facts together with the texts they incorporated, we gain rare insights into
the character of the Buddhism flourishing in an early, very affluent non-Indic
kingdom already profoundly influenced by Indian religion. This society was well
versed in a range of ritual texts and ritual actions, even to the point of relegating
a costly but imperfect text to an subordinate position inside the relic chamber.
Then there is the rich archaeological documentation provided by the larger
context of this treasure: going from the particular to the general, it was found in­
side the ruins of a stiipa platform, belonging originally to an early phase of Bud­
dhism among the Pyu, but showing evidence of having been enlarged and re­
founded in the early 8th century. S �i K�etra was the largest and most brilliant
of the Pyu cities. In it, a dynamic Buddhist culture was integrated into the pre­
existing Pre-Buddhist tradition of the Pyu whereby great burial assemblages
were created in urns inside and around monuments (Stargardt 1 992b and n.d.).
All aspects of S ri K�etra's archaeological evidence have to be taken into con­
sideration to obtain privileged glimpses of the historical moment when the cos­
mopolitan kingdoms of Andhra - the Ik�vaku, Salankayana, Vakataka and Palla­
va - forged sufficiently strong links with the early Pyu kingdoms of central
Burma to leave durable traces in the archaeological record. These tesify more elo­
quently than does textual evidence to the long and complex processes involved
in the Pyu adoption and adaptation of the Andhran traditions of Buddhism into
their pre-existing religious thought, to which only the archaeological evidence
of their vast burial fields and monuments provide an introduction. We can only
ever hope to recover a part of that body of early Buddhist thought and to do
even that, we need to trace their thoughts through both things and text.
29
PRINCIPAL PLACES
M EN T IONED IN THE
�'�·�:,;msh:l ARIKAMEDU REPORT
I.
Map ifIndia (from R.M. Wheeler, 'Arikamedu,' in Ancient India 2, I948).
31
PRINCIPAL PLACES
M EN T IONED IN THE
�'�·�:,;msh:l ARIKAMEDU REPORT
I.
Map ifIndia (from R.M. Wheeler, 'Arikamedu,' in Ancient India 2, I948).
31
r 1p W\tl pn:
· lt.:c w I '� i ll.'":
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ri 'C
;. The Prehistoric Diversification rifFood Crops in the Deccan (from Dorian Fuller 2ooo:
The Emergence rifAgricultural Societies in India: a BioarchaeologicalApproach. Ph. D.
Dissertation) Department rifArchaeology) University rif Cambridge).
33
r 1p W\tl pn:
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ri 'C
;. The Prehistoric Diversification rifFood Crops in the Deccan (from Dorian Fuller 2ooo:
The Emergence rifAgricultural Societies in India: a BioarchaeologicalApproach. Ph. D.
Dissertation) Department rifArchaeology) University rif Cambridge).
33
;. The High and Flat Lands ofan Histor.ical Landscape at Saiihundam, Southern Orissa
(from the fieldwork of Professor K.R. van Kooij, Kern Institute).
th n
--
6.
-"�•l!!J.
ftl•!!:...
... .... .
I; -.
, 'l(\rH'
,
--
Map of I8J4, Shmving the Ear!J Buddhist Stupas at Saiichi and Bharhut on High Ground.
(from Cunningham, A. I8J4. Bhilsa the Topes; or Buddhist Monuments of Central India.
London, Smith Elder).
35
;. The High and Flat Lands ofan Histor.ical Landscape at Saiihundam, Southern Orissa
(from the fieldwork of Professor K.R. van Kooij, Kern Institute).
th n
--
6.
-"�•l!!J.
ftl•!!:...
... .... .
I; -.
, 'l(\rH'
,
--
Map of I8J4, Shmving the Ear!J Buddhist Stupas at Saiichi and Bharhut on High Ground.
(from Cunningham, A. I8J4. Bhilsa the Topes; or Buddhist Monuments of Central India.
London, Smith Elder).
35
g. Burgess' Photograph rifa Drum Slab rifthe Great 5titpa, A maravati IU6 (from Burgess, ].
Igg7, Frontispiece).
37
g. Burgess' Photograph rifa Drum Slab rifthe Great 5titpa, A maravati IU6 (from Burgess, ].
Igg7, Frontispiece).
37
De �rmat nn
het ao.ddhltrne
....
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: Vorlmlldl...
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i1 VoorW loeddhl..n.
::v..=��
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Confuclanlsme
Z E£
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ht• eeuw •· Chr.
3de MUW na Chr.
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Randkleuren duld.M t..t
um•l'JQIIm van rWfalu ...n
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lOO'
j , �·
IO. Map on the Spread of Buddhism in the 5th Century (from Zurcher, E. I962: Buddhism: its Origin and Spread in Maps and
Pictures. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul).
De �rmat nn
het ao.ddhltrne
....
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: Vorlmlldl...
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j , �·
IO. Map on the Spread of Buddhism in the 5th Century (from Zurcher, E. I962: Buddhism: its Origin and Spread in Maps and
Pictures. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul).
I2. Map of Sri K[etrafrom Aerial and Surface Surv�, I990 (from Stargardt, Janice I990.'
The A ncient Pyu of Burma. op. cit. Fig. I4} ·
41
I2. Map of Sri K[etrafrom Aerial and Surface Surv�, I990 (from Stargardt, Janice I990.'
The A ncient Pyu of Burma. op. cit. Fig. I4} ·
41
14. The Pqyagyi Stupa, Sri K[etra (courtesy if Drs. Frans Jan.rsen).
43
14. The Pqyagyi Stupa, Sri K[etra (courtesy if Drs. Frans Jan.rsen).
43
16.
The Khin Ban Mound Relic Chamber under Excavation (Glass Plate Negative, Courtesy
of the Archaeological Survry Department, Burma).
q.
Tbe Golden Pa/i Text of Sri K[etra Closed (Glass Plate Negative, Courtesy of tbe
A rchaeological Survry Department, Burma).
45
16.
The Khin Ban Mound Relic Chamber under Excavation (Glass Plate Negative, Courtesy
of the Archaeological Survry Department, Burma).
q.
Tbe Golden Pa/i Text of Sri K[etra Closed (Glass Plate Negative, Courtesy of tbe
A rchaeological Survry Department, Burma).
45
19.
Detail ofa Disciple on the Great Silver Reliquary of Sri K!etra (]anice Stargardt).
47
19.
Detail ofa Disciple on the Great Silver Reliquary of Sri K!etra (]anice Stargardt).
47
22.
The Inscriptions on the First Four Leaves ofthe Golden Pafi Text of 5ri K!etra (from
Lure, G. H. I9Sf.' Pre-Pagan Phases of Burma. Oxford, o . U.P. , Vol. n).
23. The Defective Fifth Excerpt of tbe Golden Pali Text of 5ri K!etra
(from Luce, G. H. I98J) .
49
22.
The Inscriptions on the First Four Leaves ofthe Golden Pafi Text of 5ri K!etra (from
Lure, G. H. I9Sf.' Pre-Pagan Phases of Burma. Oxford, o . U.P. , Vol. n).
23. The Defective Fifth Excerpt of tbe Golden Pali Text of 5ri K!etra
(from Luce, G. H. I98J) .
49
INVENTORY OF T H E CONTENTS OF THE RELIC CHAM BER
AT KHIN BA'S MOUND
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Io
II
I2
r3
.1 4
I5
I6
I7
I8
I9
20
2I
22
23
The central Great Silver Reliquary 45 cm h. x 40 cm diam.
Silver cube-shaped reliquary with four seated Buddhas in high relief I 3 · 5
cm h.
Four silver cylindrical stupas with 'waisted' dome and 8 umbrellas on finial, 2 3 . 5 cm h. (Andhra type].
Silver umbrellas on silver rod [belonging to 3· above].
Golden stupa same shape as 3· I I cm h.
I silver stupa same shape as 3· no umbrellas 4 cm h.
2 conical silver stupas cf. Shwedagon shape no umbrellas [no size given].
I gold Buddha in dl!Jana mudra with gold halo, seated on silver makara
throne support�d by 2 lions rampant Buddha I 4 cm h, throne 8. 5 cm h.
I gold Buddha with gold halo, no throne 9 cm h.
5 0 small Buddhas seated i n dl!J.ana mudra on low thrones ranging i n h.
from 4. 5-I I . 8 cm and made of gold, silver and lead resp. [mandala pattern
of distribution ?]
I silver Buddha in vitarka mudra 9 cm h.
I Buddha seated cross-legged o n circular throne [poss. Indian import] 7
cm h., Buddha gold, throne silver.
Head of Buddha, gold 2. 5 cm h.
Headless figure (Buddha), cross-legged, right hand in abhcrya mudra, left
hand holding edge of robe, bronze 6.5 cm h.
Buddha seated European style, feet on lotus, mixed alloy, thin metal leaf
damaged, bright green glaze [? patina] Io cm h.
24 thin sheets of gold and silver with Buddha in low relief circular or
ovoid max. diam. I I . 2 5 cm.
Buddha in Parinirvana on silver sheet originally gilded I3 h x 6. 5 w.
Fragments o f green glass [? crystal] Buddha, head 5 c m h .
4 small statues in gilded silver: 2 Buddhas, 2 disciples 3 .7-5 cm h.
Small silver Bodhisattva [devotee?] holding lotus [?], 4.8 cm h.
Flying deva in low relief on silver sheet partly gilded 5 .6 cm diam.
I small devotee standing, gold 6. 5 cm h.
I small woman standing, silver 5 - 3 cm h.
51
INVENTORY OF T H E CONTENTS OF THE RELIC CHAM BER
AT KHIN BA'S MOUND
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Io
II
I2
r3
.1 4
I5
I6
I7
I8
I9
20
2I
22
23
The central Great Silver Reliquary 45 cm h. x 40 cm diam.
Silver cube-shaped reliquary with four seated Buddhas in high relief I 3 · 5
cm h.
Four silver cylindrical stupas with 'waisted' dome and 8 umbrellas on finial, 2 3 . 5 cm h. (Andhra type].
Silver umbrellas on silver rod [belonging to 3· above].
Golden stupa same shape as 3· I I cm h.
I silver stupa same shape as 3· no umbrellas 4 cm h.
2 conical silver stupas cf. Shwedagon shape no umbrellas [no size given].
I gold Buddha in dl!Jana mudra with gold halo, seated on silver makara
throne support�d by 2 lions rampant Buddha I 4 cm h, throne 8. 5 cm h.
I gold Buddha with gold halo, no throne 9 cm h.
5 0 small Buddhas seated i n dl!J.ana mudra on low thrones ranging i n h.
from 4. 5-I I . 8 cm and made of gold, silver and lead resp. [mandala pattern
of distribution ?]
I silver Buddha in vitarka mudra 9 cm h.
I Buddha seated cross-legged o n circular throne [poss. Indian import] 7
cm h., Buddha gold, throne silver.
Head of Buddha, gold 2. 5 cm h.
Headless figure (Buddha), cross-legged, right hand in abhcrya mudra, left
hand holding edge of robe, bronze 6.5 cm h.
Buddha seated European style, feet on lotus, mixed alloy, thin metal leaf
damaged, bright green glaze [? patina] Io cm h.
24 thin sheets of gold and silver with Buddha in low relief circular or
ovoid max. diam. I I . 2 5 cm.
Buddha in Parinirvana on silver sheet originally gilded I3 h x 6. 5 w.
Fragments o f green glass [? crystal] Buddha, head 5 c m h .
4 small statues in gilded silver: 2 Buddhas, 2 disciples 3 .7-5 cm h.
Small silver Bodhisattva [devotee?] holding lotus [?], 4.8 cm h.
Flying deva in low relief on silver sheet partly gilded 5 .6 cm diam.
I small devotee standing, gold 6. 5 cm h.
I small woman standing, silver 5 - 3 cm h.
51
49
50
5I
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
Go
6r
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
lotuses single layer of petals, thin gold and silver sheet, circular and
square 4 5 . 5 cm diam.
I 3 small sheets [silver?] with floral relief design, some gilded [no size].
3 3 small gold and silver bells.
I small silver ball i n the shape of a rattan football.
9 small gold and silver cups (?] max. 7· 5 cm diam.
2 thin gold leaves decorated with dots, each 6 . 5 cm w.
Set of small silver boats (no number given, apparently large], max 1 8.75
cm 1.
Gold and silver butterflies [no number given].
6 gold sheets with relief heads of lion max. 3 - 1 cm diam.
2 small gold deer.
I small silver duck gilded.
2 small silver stands, I circular like a lotus throne IO cm diam x 3·75 cm h.
with square hole [for image?] and I conical 5 . 6 cm h., decorated at base
with stylized lotuses with 2 . 5 c� hole at top (for image?].
Small coil of gold wire.
Small fragments of gold, silver, copper, bronze and iron.
Loose stones: spinels, sapphires, moonstones, topaz, agates, amethysts
and jade.
A lump of quartz.
A pierced ball of rock crystal.
A conical piece of well-polished rock crystal with rutile inclusions.
A ball of polished rock crystal of great clarity [cf. 3 2] .
A lotah-shaped terra cotta pot with spout.
46
numbered objects were present in the relic chamber. In addition, no
numbers were given for the sets of Buddha images, silver boats, gold
and silver butterflies, or the precious stones, among other objects].
(430
*
Based on Annual Report1 Archaeological Survry ofIndiafor the Year 1926-j, pp.
r76-8 I ;
data and comments inside [ ] supplied by present author; conversion of
measurements from imperial to metric systems also by present author.
53
49
50
5I
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
Go
6r
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
lotuses single layer of petals, thin gold and silver sheet, circular and
square 4 5 . 5 cm diam.
I 3 small sheets [silver?] with floral relief design, some gilded [no size].
3 3 small gold and silver bells.
I small silver ball i n the shape of a rattan football.
9 small gold and silver cups (?] max. 7· 5 cm diam.
2 thin gold leaves decorated with dots, each 6 . 5 cm w.
Set of small silver boats (no number given, apparently large], max 1 8.75
cm 1.
Gold and silver butterflies [no number given].
6 gold sheets with relief heads of lion max. 3 - 1 cm diam.
2 small gold deer.
I small silver duck gilded.
2 small silver stands, I circular like a lotus throne IO cm diam x 3·75 cm h.
with square hole [for image?] and I conical 5 . 6 cm h., decorated at base
with stylized lotuses with 2 . 5 c� hole at top (for image?].
Small coil of gold wire.
Small fragments of gold, silver, copper, bronze and iron.
Loose stones: spinels, sapphires, moonstones, topaz, agates, amethysts
and jade.
A lump of quartz.
A pierced ball of rock crystal.
A conical piece of well-polished rock crystal with rutile inclusions.
A ball of polished rock crystal of great clarity [cf. 3 2] .
A lotah-shaped terra cotta pot with spout.
46
numbered objects were present in the relic chamber. In addition, no
numbers were given for the sets of Buddha images, silver boats, gold
and silver butterflies, or the precious stones, among other objects].
(430
*
Based on Annual Report1 Archaeological Survry ofIndiafor the Year 1926-j, pp.
r76-8 I ;
data and comments inside [ ] supplied by present author; conversion of
measurements from imperial to metric systems also by present author.
53
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Banerjee, N. 1956. 'Amirthamangalama 1 9 5 5 : a Megalithic Urn-Burial Site in District
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British Museum.
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Buddha. Pt.
I,
(Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung,
) Gottingen, Abhl. der Akade­
IV, I .
mie der Wissenschaften, Vandenhoek u. Ruprecht.
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E,
Hultzch).
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Hiniiber,
von
0.
199 r .
'The Oldest Pali Manuscript. Four Folios of the Vinaya-Pitaka
from the National Archives, Kathmandu,' A A WLM,
6.
Ho Dac Cu [Thich Thien Chau]
1 977. Les Sectes Personnalistes (Pudgalavadin) du Bouddhisme
Ancien. These du doctorat d't�tat-es-lettres et sciences humaines. Paris, Universite
de la Sorbonne nouvelle [Paris rrr].
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1 8 87.
'Amaravati Inscriptions,' in J. Burgess: The Buddhist Stupas ofA mara­
vati and Jaggayapeta in the Krishna District, Madras Presidenry. London, Triibner,
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r oo-6 .
LVI-L X I I I .
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Golden Pali Text,' paper presented at the Cambridge Symposium on the Golden Pali Text
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Khin Ba Mound at S ri K�etra: inscriptions, iconography and chronology,' paper
presented at the Cambridge Symposium on the Golden Pali Text of Sri K!etra.
Stargardt, ]. 199 5 c. 'The Oldest Known Pali Texts, 5 th-6th century; Results of the
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Stargardt, ]. in press. 'The Great Silver Reliquary from Sri K�etra: the oldest Buddhist
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and Klokke, M.Y. (eds.). Festschriftfor J G. de Casparis. Groningen, Forsten, 32 pp.
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and Texts. Cambridge, PACSEA due
z oo r .
59
n,
Ear!J Pyu Buddhism in Cities, Sculptures
Th:e Gon.aa lectures are o�anized eveJjy yeat by tbe J. Gonda Fund. The
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