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Case Selection for Case‐Study Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative Techniques
OxfordHandbooksOnline
CaseSelectionforCase‐ StudyAnalysis:QualitativeandQuantitative
Techniques JohnGerring
TheOxfordHandbookofPoliticalMethodology
EditedbyJanetM.Box-Steffensmeier,HenryE.Brady,andDavidCollier
PrintPublicationDate: Aug2008
OnlinePublicationDate: Sep
2009
Subject: PoliticalScience,ComparativePolitics,Political
Methodology
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199286546.003.0028
AbstractandKeywords
Thisarticlepresentssomeguidancebycatalogingninedifferenttechniquesforcaseselection:typical,diverse,
extreme,deviant,influential,crucial,pathway,mostsimilar,andmostdifferent.Italsoindicatesthatifthe
researcherisstartingfromaquantitativedatabase,thenmethodsforfindinginfluentialoutlierscanbeused.In
particular,thearticleclarifiesthegeneralprinciplesthatmightguidetheprocessofcaseselectionincase-study
research.Casesaremoreorlessrepresentativeofsomebroaderphenomenonand,onthatscore,maybe
consideredbetterorworsesubjectsforintensiveanalysis.Thearticlethendrawsattentiontotwoambiguitiesin
case-selectionstrategiesincase-studyresearch.Thefirstconcernstheadmixtureofseveralcase-selection
strategies.Thesecondconcernsthechangingstatusofacaseasastudyproceeds.Somecasestudiesfollow
onlyonestrategyofcaseselection.
Keywords:typicalcase,diversecase,extremecase,deviantcase,influentialcase,crucialcase,pathwaycase,mostsimilarcase,mostdifferent
case,case-studyanalysis
CASE ‐studyanalysisfocusesononeorseveralcasesthatareexpectedtoprovideinsightintoalargerpopulation.
Thispresentstheresearcherwithaformidableproblemofcaseselection:Whichcasesshouldsheorhechoose?
Inlarge‐sampleresearch,thetaskofcaseselectionisusuallyhandledbysomeversionofrandomization.
However,incase‐studyresearchthesampleissmall(bydefinition)andthismakesrandomsamplingproblematic,
foranygivensamplemaybewildlyunrepresentative.Moreover,thereisnoguaranteethatafewcases,chosen
randomly,willprovideleverageintotheresearchquestionofinterest.
Inordertoisolateasampleofcasesthatbothreproducestherelevantcausalfeaturesofalargeruniverse
(representativeness)andprovidesvariationalongthedimensionsoftheoreticalinterest(causalleverage),case
selectionforverysmallsamplesmustemploypurposive(nonrandom)selectionprocedures.Ninesuchmethods
arediscussedinthischapter,eachofwhichmaybeidentifiedwithadistinctcase‐study(p.646) “type:”typical,
diverse,extreme,deviant,influential,crucial,pathway,most‐similar,andmost‐different.Table28.1summarizes
eachtype,includingitsgeneraldefinition,atechniqueforlocatingitwithinapopulationofpotentialcases,itsuses,
anditsprobablerepresentativeness.
Whileeachofthesetechniquesisnormallypracticedononeorseveralcases(thediverse,most‐similar,andmost‐
differentmethodsrequireatleasttwo),allmayemployadditionalcases—withtheprovisothat,atsomepoint,they
willnolongerofferanopportunityforin‐depthanalysisandwillthusnolongerbe“casestudies”intheusualsense
(Gerring2007,ch.2).Itwillalsobeseenthatsmall‐Ncase‐selectionproceduresrest,atleastimplicitly,uponan
analysisofalargerpopulationofpotentialcases(asdoesrandomization).Thecase(s)identifiedforintensive
studyischosenfromapopulationandthereasonsforthischoicehingeuponthewayinwhichitissituatedwithin
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Case Selection for Case‐Study Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative Techniques
thatpopulation.Thisistheoriginoftheterminology—typical,diverse,extreme,etal.Itfollowsthatcase‐selection
proceduresincase‐studyresearchmaybuilduponpriorcross‐caseanalysisandthattheydepend,atthevery
least,uponcertainassumptionsaboutthebroaderpopulation.
Incertaincircumstances,thecase‐selectionproceduremaybestructuredbyaquantitativeanalysisofthelarger
population.Here,severalcaveatsmustbesatisfied.First,theinferencemustpertaintomorethanafewdozen
cases;otherwise,statisticalanalysisisproblematic.Second,relevantdatamustbeavailableforthatpopulation,or
asignificantsampleofthatpopulation,onkeyvariables,andtheresearchermustfeelreasonablyconfidentinthe
accuracyandconceptualvalidityofthesevariables.Third,allthestandardassumptionsofstatisticalresearch
(e.g.identification,specification,robustness)mustbecarefullyconsidered,andwhereverpossible,tested.Ishall
notdilatefurtheronthesefamiliarissuesexcepttowarntheresearcheragainsttheunreflectiveuseofstatistical
techniques.1Whentheserequirementsarenotmet,theresearchermustemployaqualitativeapproachtocase
selection.
Thepointofthischapteristoelucidategeneralprinciplesthatmightguidetheprocessofcaseselectionincase‐
studyresearch,buildinguponearlierworkbyHarryEckstein,ArendLijphart,andothers.Sometimes,these
principlescanbeappliedinaquantitativeframeworkandsometimestheyarelimitedtoaqualitativeframework.In
eithercase,thelogicofcaseselectionremainsquitesimilar,whetherpracticedinsmall‐Norlarge‐Ncontexts.
Beforewebegin,abitofnotationisnecessary.Inthischapter“N”referstocases,notobservations.Here,Iam
concernedprimarilywithcausalinference,ratherthaninferencesthataredescriptiveorpredictiveinnature.Thus,
allhypothesesinvolveatleastoneindependentvariable(X)andonedependentvariable(Y).Forconvenience,I
shalllabelthecausalfactorofspecialtheoreticalinterestX1,andthecontrolvariable,orvectorofcontrols(if
thereareany),X2 .Ifthewriterisconcernedtoexplainapuzzlingoutcome,buthasnopreconceptionsaboutits
causes,thentheresearchwillbedescribedasY‐centered.Ifaresearcherisconcernedto(p.647) (p.648)
investigatetheeffectsofaparticularcause,withnopreconceptionsaboutwhattheseeffectsmightbe,the
researchwillbedescribedasX‐centered.Ifaresearcherisconcernedtoinvestigateaparticularcausal
relationship,theresearchwillbedescribedasX1/Y‐centered,foritconnectsaparticularcausewithaparticular
outcome.2 X‐orY‐centeredresearchisexploratory;itspurposeistogeneratenewhypotheses.X1/Y‐centered
research,bycontrast,isconfirmatory/disconfirmatory;itspurposeistotestanexistinghypothesis.
Table28.1.Techniquesofcaseselection
1.Typical
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)aretypicalexamplesofsomecross‐caserelationship.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Alow‐residualcase(on‐lier).
ºUses:Hypothesis‐testing.
ºRepresentativeness:Bydefinition,thetypicalcaseisrepresentative.
2.Diverse
ºDefinition:Cases(2ormore)illuminatethefullrangeofvariationonX1,,Y,orX1/Y.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Diversitymaybecalculatedby(a)categoricalvaluesofX1orY(e.g.Jewish,
Catholic,Protestant),(b)standarddeviationsofX1orY(ifcontinuous),(c)combinationsofvalues(e.g.based
oncross‐tabulations,factoranalysis,ordiscriminantanalysis).
ºUses:Hypothesisgeneratingorhypothesistesting.
ºRepresentativeness:Diversecasesarelikelytoberepresentativeintheminimalsenseofrepresentingthe
fullvariationofthepopulation(thoughtheymightnotmirrorthedistributionofthatvariationinthepopulation).
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Case Selection for Case‐Study Analysis: Qualitative and Quantitative Techniques
fullvariationofthepopulation(thoughtheymightnotmirrorthedistributionofthatvariationinthepopulation).
3.Extreme
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)exemplifyextremeorunusualvaluesofX1orYrelativetosomeunivariate
distribution.
ºCross‐casetechnique:AcaselyingmanystandarddeviationsawayfromthemeanofX1orY.
ºUses:Hypothesis‐generating(open‐endedprobeofX1orY).
ºRepresentativeness:Achievableonlyincomparisonwithalargersampleofcases.
4.Deviant
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)deviatefromsomecross‐caserelationship.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Ahigh‐residualcase(outlier).
ºUses:Hypothesis‐generating(todevelopnewexplanationsforY).
ºRepresentativeness:Afterthecasestudyisconducteditmaybecorroboratedbyacross‐casetest,which
includesageneralhypothesis(anewvariable)basedonthecase‐studyresearch.Ifthecaseisnowanon‐
lier,itmaybeconsideredrepresentativeofthenewrelationship.
5.Influential
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)withinfluentialconfigurationsoftheindependentvariables.
ºCross‐casetechnique:HatmatrixorCook'sDistance.
ºUses:Hypothesis‐testing(toverifythestatusofcasesthatmayinfluencetheresultsofacross‐case
analysis).
ºRepresentativeness:Notpertinent,giventhegoalsoftheinfluential‐casestudy.
6.Crucial
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)aremostorleastlikelytoexhibitagivenoutcome.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Qualitativeassessmentofrelativecrucialness.
ºUses:Hypothesis‐testing(confirmatoryordisconfirmatory).
ºRepresentativeness:Oftendifficulttoassess.
7.Pathway
ºDefinition:Cases(1ormore)thatembodyadistinctcausalpathfromX1toY.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Cross‐tab(forcategoricalvariables)orresidualanalysis(forcontinuousvariables).
ºUses:Hypothesis‐testing(toprobecausalmechanisms).
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ºRepresentativeness:Maybetestedbyexaminingresidualsforthechosencases.
8.Most‐similar
ºDefinition/:Cases(2ormore)aresimilaronspecifiedvariablesotherthanX/1/and/orY.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Matching.
ºUses:Hypothesis‐generatingorhypothesis‐testing.
ºRepresentativeness:Maybetestedbyexaminingresidualsforthechosencases.
9.Most‐different
ºDefinition:Cases(2ormore)aredifferentonspecifiedvariablesotherthanX1andY.
ºCross‐casetechnique:Theinverseofthemost‐similarmethodoflarge‐Ncaseselection(seeabove).
ºUses:Hypothesis‐generatingorhypothesis‐testing(eliminatingdeterministiccauses).
ºRepresentativeness:Maybetestedbyexaminingresidualsforthechosencases.
1TypicalCase
Inorderforafocusedcasestudytoprovideinsightintoabroaderphenomenonitmustberepresentativeofa
broadersetofcases.Itisinthiscontextthatonemayspeakofatypical‐caseapproachtocaseselection.The
typicalcaseexemplifieswhatisconsideredtobeatypicalsetofvalues,givensomegeneralunderstandingofa
phenomenon.Byconstruction,thetypicalcaseisalsoarepresentativecase.
Sometypicalcasesserveanexploratoryrole.Here,theauthorchoosesacasebaseduponasetofdescriptive
characteristicsandthenprobesforcausalrelationships.RobertandHelenLynd(1929/1956)selectedasinglecity
“tobeasrepresentativeaspossibleofcontemporaryAmericanlife.”Specifically,theywerelookingforacitywith
1)atemperateclimate;2)asufficientlyrapidrateofgrowthtoensurethepresenceofaplentiful
assortmentofthegrowingpainsaccompanyingcontemporarysocialchange;3)anindustrialculturewith
modern,high‐speedmachineproduction;4)theabsenceofdominanceofthecity'sindustrybyasingle
plant(i.e.,notaone‐industrytown);5)asubstantiallocalartistic(p.649) lifetobalanceitsindustrial
activity…;and6)theabsenceofanyoutstandingpeculiaritiesoracutelocalproblemswhichwouldmark
thecityofffromthemidchannelsortofAmericancommunity.(LyndandLynd1929/1956,quotedinYin
2004,29–30)
AfterexamininganumberofoptionstheLyndsdecidedthatMuncie,Indiana,wasmorerepresentativethan,orat
leastasrepresentativeas,othermidsizedcitiesinAmerica,thusqualifyingasatypicalcase.
Thisisaninductiveapproachtocaseselection.Notethattypicalitymaybeunderstoodaccordingtothemean,
median,ormodeonaparticulardimension;theremaybemultipledimensions(asintheforegoingexample);and
eachmaybedifferentlyweighted(somedimensionsmaybemoreimportantthanothers).Wheretheselection
criteriaaremultidimensionalandalargesampleofpotentialcasesisinplay,someformoffactoranalysismaybe
usefulinidentifyingthemost‐typicalcase(s).
However,themorecommonemploymentofthetypical‐casemethodinvolvesacausalmodelofsomephenomenon
oftheoreticalinterest.Here,theresearcherhasidentifiedaparticularoutcome(Y),andperhapsaspecificX1/Y
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hypothesis,whichshewishestoinvestigate.Inordertodoso,shelooksforatypicalexampleofthatcausal
relationship.Intuitively,oneimaginesthatacaseselectedaccordingtothemeanvaluesofallparametersmustbe
atypicalcaserelativetosomecausalrelationship.However,thisisbynomeansassured.
SupposethattheLyndswereprimarilyinterestedinexplainingfeelingsoftrust/distrustamongmembersofdifferent
socialclasses(oneoftheimplicitresearchgoalsoftheMiddletownstudy).Thisoutcomeislikelytobeaffectedby
manyfactors,onlysomeofwhichareincludedintheirsixselectioncriteria.Sochoosingcaseswithrespecttoa
causalhypothesisinvolves,firstofall,identifyingtherelevantparameters.Itinvolves,secondly,theselectionofa
casethathasa“typical”valuerelativetotheoverallcausalmodel;itiswellexplained.Caseswithuntypical
scoresonaparticulardimension(e.g.veryhighorverylow)maystillbetypicalexamplesofacausalrelationship.
Indeed,theymaybemoretypicalthancaseswhosevalueslieclosetothemean.Thus,adescriptive
understandingoftypicalityisquitedifferentfromacausalunderstandingoftypicality.Sinceitisthelatterversion
thatismorecommon,Ishalladoptthisunderstandingoftypicalityintheremainderofthediscussion.
Fromaqualitativeperspective,causaltypicalityinvolvestheselectionofacasethatconformstoexpectations
aboutsomegeneralcausalrelationship.Itperformsasexpected.Inaquantitativesetting,thisnotionismeasured
bythesizeofacase'sresidualinalarge‐Ncross‐casemodel.Typicalcaseslieonorneartheregressionline;
theirresidualsaresmall.Insofarasthemodeliscorrectlyspecified,thesizeofacase'sresidual(i.e.thenumberof
standarddeviationsthatseparatetheactualvaluefromthefittedvalue)providesahelpfulcluetohow
representativethatcaseislikelytobe.“Outliers”areunlikelytoberepresentativeofthetargetpopulation.
Ofcourse,justbecauseacasehasalowresidualdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatitisarepresentativecase(with
respecttothecausalrelationshipofinterest).Indeed,(p.650) theissueofcaserepresentativenessisanissue
thatcanneverbedefinitivelysettled.Whenonereferstoa“typicalcase”oneissaying,ineffect,thatthe
probabilityofacase'srepresentativenessishigh,relativetoothercases.Thistestoftypicalityismisleadingifthe
statisticalmodelismis‐specified.Anditprovideslittleinsuranceagainsterrorsthatarepurelystochastic.Acase
mayliedirectlyontheregressionlinebutstillbe,insomeimportantrespect,atypical.Forexample,itmighthavean
oddcombinationofvalues;theinteractionofvariablesmightbedifferentfromothercases;oradditionalcausal
mechanismsmightbeatwork.Forthisreason,itisimportanttosupplementastatisticalanalysisofcaseswith
evidencedrawnfromthecaseinquestion(thecasestudyitself)andwithourdeductiveknowledgeoftheworld.
Oneshouldneverjudgeacasesolelybyitsresidual.Yet,allotherthingsbeingequal,acasewithalowresidualis
lesslikelytobeunusualthanacasewithahighresidual,andtothisextentthemethodofcaseselectionoutlined
heremaybeahelpfulguidetocase‐studyresearchersfacedwithalargenumberofpotentialcases.
Bywayofconclusion,itshouldbenotedthatbecausethetypicalcaseembodiesatypicalvalueonsomesetof
causallyrelevantdimensions,thevarianceofinteresttotheresearchermustliewithinthatcase.Specifically,the
typicalcaseofsomephenomenonmaybehelpfulinexploringcausalmechanismsandinsolvingidentification
problems(e.g.endogeneitybetweenX1andY,anomittedvariablethatmayaccountforX1andY,orsomeother
spuriouscausalassociation).Dependingupontheresultsofthecasestudy,theauthormayconfirmanexisting
hypothesis,disconfirmthathypothesis,orreframeitinawaythatisconsistentwiththefindingsofthecasestudy.
Thesearetheusesofthetypical‐casestudy.
2DiverseCases
Asecondcase‐selectionstrategyhasasitsprimaryobjectivetheachievementofmaximumvariancealong
relevantdimensions.Irefertothisasadiverse‐casemethod.Forobviousreasons,thismethodrequiresthe
selectionofasetofcases—atminimum,two—whichareintendedtorepresentthefullrangeofvalues
characterizingX1,Y,orsomeparticularX1/Yrelationship.3
Wheretheindividualvariableofinterestiscategorical(on/off,red/black/blue,Jewish/Protestant/Catholic),the
identificationofdiversityisreadilyapparent.Theinvestigatorsimplychoosesonecasefromeachcategory.Fora
continuousvariable,(p.651) thechoicesarenotsoobvious.However,theresearcherusuallychoosesboth
extremevalues(highandlow),andperhapsthemeanormedianaswell.Theresearchermayalsolookforbreak‐
pointsinthedistributionthatseemtocorrespondtocategoricaldifferencesamongcases.Orshemayfollowa
theoreticalhunchaboutwhichthresholdvaluescount,i.e.whicharelikelytoproducedifferentvaluesonY.
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Anothersortofdiversecasetakesaccountofthevaluesofmultiplevariables(i.e.avector),ratherthanasingle
variable.Ifthesevariablesarecategorical,theidentificationofcausaltypesrestsupontheintersectionofeach
category.Twodichotomousvariablesproduceamatrixwithfourcells.Threetrichotomousvariablesproducea
matrixofeightcells.Andsoforth.Ifallvariablesaredeemedrelevanttotheanalysis,theselectionofdiverse
casesmandatestheselectionofonecasedrawnfromwithineachcell.Letussaythatanoutcomeisthoughttobe
affectedbysex,race(black/white),andmaritalstatus.Here,adiverse‐casestrategyofcaseselectionwould
identifyonecasewithineachoftheseintersectingcells—atotalofeightcases.Thingsbecomeslightlymore
complicatedwhenoneormoreofthefactorsiscontinuous,ratherthancategorical.Here,thediversityofcase
valuesdonotfallneatlyintocells.Rather,thesecellsmustbecreatedbyfiat—e.g.high,medium,low.
Itwillbeseenthatwheremultiplevariablesareunderconsideration,thelogicofdiverse‐caseanalysisrestsupon
thelogicoftypologicaltheorizing—wheredifferentcombinationsofvariablesareassumedtohaveeffectsonan
outcomethatvaryacrosstypes(Elman2005;GeorgeandBennett2005,235;LazarsfeldandBarton1951).George
andSmoke,forexample,wishtoexploredifferenttypesofdeterrencefailure—by“faitaccompli,”by“limited
probe,”andby“controlledpressure.”Consequently,theywishtofindcasesthatexemplifyeachtypeofcausal
mechanism.4
DiversitymaythusrefertoarangeofvariationonXorY,ortoaparticularcombinationofcausalfactors(withor
withoutaconsiderationoftheoutcome).Ineachinstance,thegoalofcaseselectionistocapturethefullrangeof
variationalongthedimension(s)ofinterest.
Sincediversitycanmeanmanythings,itsemploymentinalarge‐Nsettingisnecessarilydependentuponhowthis
keytermisdefined.Ifitisunderstoodtopertainonlytoasinglevariable(X1orY),thenthetaskisfairlysimple.A
categoricalvariablemandatesthechoiceofatleastonecasefromeachcategory—twoifdichotomous,threeif
trichotomous,andsoforth.Acontinuousvariablesuggeststhechoiceofatleastone“high”and“low”value,and
perhapsonedrawnfromthemeanormedian.Butotherchoicesmightalsobejustified,accordingtoone'shunch
abouttheunderlyingcausalrelationshiporaccordingtonaturalthresholdsfoundinthedata,whichmaybe
groupedintodiscretecategories.Single‐variabletraitsareusuallyeasytodiscoverinalarge‐Nsettingthrough
descriptivestatisticsorthroughvisualinspectionofthedata.
(p.652) Wherediversityreferstoparticularcombinationsofvariables,therelevantcross‐casetechniqueis
someversionofstratifiedrandomsampling(inaprobabilisticsetting)orQualitativeComparativeAnalysis(ina
deterministicsetting)(Ragin2000).Iftheresearchersuspectsthatacausalrelationshipisaffectednotonlyby
combinationsoffactorsbutalsobytheirsequencing,thenthetechniqueofanalysismustincorporatetemporal
elements(Abbott2001;AbbottandForrest1986;AbbottandTsay2000).Thus,themethodofidentifyingcausal
typesrestsuponwhatevermethodofidentifyingcausalrelationshipsisemployedinthelarge‐Nsample.
Notethattheidentificationofdistinctcasetypesisintendedtoidentifygroupsofcasesthatareinternally
homogeneous(inallrespectsthatmightaffectthecausalrelationshipofinterest).Thus,thechoiceofcaseswithin
eachgroupshouldnotbeproblematic,andmaybeaccomplishedthroughrandomsamplingorpurposivecase
selection.However,ifthereissuspecteddiversitywithineachcategory,thenmeasuresshouldbetakentoassure
thatthechosencasesaretypicalofeachcategory.Acasestudyshouldnotfocusonanatypicalmemberofa
subgroup.
Indeed,considerationsofdiversityandtypicalityoftengotogether.Thus,inastudyofglobalizationandsocial
welfaresystems,DuaneSwank(2002)firstidentifiesthreedistinctivegroupsofwelfarestates:“universalistic”
(socialdemocratic),“corporatistconservative,”and“liberal.”Next,helookswithineachgrouptofindthemost‐
typicalcases.HedecidesthattheNordiccountriesaremoretypicaloftheuniversalisticmodelthanthe
Netherlandssincethelatterhas“somecharacteristicsoftheoccupationallybasedprogramstructureanda
politicalcontextofChristianDemocratic‐ledgovernmentstypicalofthecorporatistconservativenations”(Swank
2002,11;seealsoEsping‐Andersen1990).Thus,theNordiccountriesarechosenasrepresentativecaseswithin
theuniversalisticcasetype,andareaccompaniedinthecase‐studyportionofhisanalysisbyothercaseschosen
torepresenttheotherwelfarestatetypes(corporatistconservativeandliberal).
Evidently,whenasampleencompassesafullrangeofvariationonrelevantparametersoneislikelytoenhance
therepresentativenessofthatsample(relativetosomepopulation).Thisisadistinctadvantage.Ofcourse,the
inclusionofafullrangeofvariationmaydistorttheactualdistributionofcasesacrossthisspectrum.Ifthereare
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more“high”casesthan“low”casesinapopulationandtheresearcherchoosesonlyonehighcaseandonelow
case,theresultingsampleoftwoisnotperfectlyrepresentative.Evenso,thediverse‐casemethodprobablyhas
strongerclaimstorepresentativenessthananyothersmall‐Nsample(includingthestandalonetypicalcase).The
selectionofdiversecaseshastheadditionaladvantageofintroducingvariationonthekeyvariablesofinterest.A
setofdiversecasesis,bydefinition,asetofcasesthatencompassesarangeofhighandlowvaluesonrelevant
dimensions.Thereis,therefore,muchtorecommendthismethodofcaseselection.Isuspectthatthese
advantagesarecommonlyunderstoodandareappliedonanintuitivelevelbycase‐studyresearchers.However,
thelackofarecognizablename—andanexplicitmethodologicaldefense—hasmadeitdifficultforcase‐study
researcherstoutilizethismethodofcaseselection,andtodosoinanexplicitandself‐consciousfashion.
Neologismhasitsuses.
(p.653) 3ExtremeCase
Theextreme‐casemethodselectsacasebecauseofitsextremevalueonanindependent(X1)ordependent(Y)
variableofinterest.Thus,studiesofdomesticviolencemaychoosetofocusonextremeinstancesofabuse
(Browne1987).Studiesofaltruismmayfocusonthoserareindividualswhoriskedtheirlivestohelpothers(e.g.
Holocaustresisters)(Monroe1996).Studiesofethnicpoliticsmayfocusonthemostheterogeneoussocieties(e.g.
PapuaNewGuinea)inordertobetterunderstandtheroleofethnicityinademocraticsetting(Reilly2000–1).
Studiesofindustrialpolicyoftenfocusonthemostsuccessfulcountries(i.e.theNICS)(Deyo1987).Andsoforth.5
Oftenanextremecasecorrespondstoacasethatisconsideredtobeprototypicalorparadigmaticofsome
phenomenaofinterest.Thisisbecauseconceptsareoftendefinedbytheirextremes,i.e.theiridealtypes.Italian
FascismdefinestheconceptofFascism,inpart,becauseitofferedthemostextremeexampleofthatphenomenon.
However,themethodologicalvalueofthiscase,andotherslikeit,derivesfromitsextremity(alongsome
dimensionofinterest),notitstheoreticalstatusoritsstatusintheliteratureonasubject.
Thenotionof“extreme”maynowbedefinedmoreprecisely.Anextremevalueisanobservationthatliesfaraway
fromthemeanofagivendistribution.Thismaybemeasured(iftherearesufficientobservations)byacase's“Z
score”—thenumberofstandarddeviationsbetweenacaseandthemeanvalueforthatsample.Extremecases
havehighZscores,andforthisreasonmayserveasusefulsubjectsforintensiveanalysis.
Foracontinuousvariable,thedistancefromthemeanmaybeineitherdirection(positiveornegative).Fora
dichotomousvariable(present/absent),extremenessmaybeinterpretedasunusual.Ifmostcasesarepositive
alongagivendimension,thenanegativecaseconstitutesanextremecase.Ifmostcasesarenegative,thena
positivecaseconstitutesanextremecase.Itshouldbeclearthatresearchersarenotsimplyconcernedwith
caseswheresomething“happened,”butalsowithcaseswheresomethingdidnot.Itistherarenessofthevalue
thatmakesacasevaluable,inthiscontext,notitspositiveornegativevalue.6 Thus,ifoneisstudyingstate
capacity,acaseofstatefailureisprobablymoreinformativethanacaseofstateendurancesimplybecausethe
formerismoreunusual.Similarly,ifoneisinterestedinincesttaboosaculturewheretheincesttabooisabsentor
weakisprobablymoreusefulthanaculturewhereitispresentorstrong.Fascismismoreimportantthan
nonfascism.Andsoforth.Thereisagoodreason,therefore,whycasestudiesofrevolutiontendtofocuson
“revolutionary”cases.ThedaSkocpol(1979)hadmuchmoretolearnfromFrancethanfromAustro‐Hungarysince
FrancewasmoreunusualthanAustro‐HungarywithinthepopulationofnationstatesthatSkocpolwas(p.654)
concernedtoexplain.Thereasonisquitesimple:Therearefewerrevolutionarycasesthannonrevolutionary
cases;thus,thevariationthatweexploreasacluetocausalrelationshipsisencapsulatedinthesecases,against
abackgroundofnonrevolutionarycases.
Notethattheextreme‐casemethodofcaseselectionappearstoviolatethesocialsciencefolkwisdomwarningus
notto“selectonthedependentvariable.”7 Selectingcasesonthedependentvariableisindeedproblematicifa
numberofcasesarechosen,allofwhichlieononeendofavariable'sspectrum(theyareallpositiveornegative),
andiftheresearcherthensubjectsthissampletocross‐caseanalysisasifitwererepresentativeofapopulation.8
Resultsforthissortofanalysiswouldalmostassuredlybebiased.Moreover,therewillbelittlevariationtoexplain
sincethevaluesofeachcaseareexplicitlyconstrained.
However,thisisnottheproperemploymentoftheextreme‐casemethod.(Itismoreappropriatelylabeledan
extreme‐samplemethod.)Theextreme‐casemethodactuallyrefersbacktoalargersampleofcasesthatlieinthe
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backgroundoftheanalysisandprovideafullrangeofvariationaswellasamorerepresentativepictureofthe
population.Itisaself‐consciousattempttomaximizevarianceonthedimensionofinterest,nottominimizeit.If
thispopulationofcasesiswellunderstood—eitherthroughtheauthor'sowncross‐caseanalysis,throughthework
ofothers,orthroughcommonsense—thenaresearchermayjustifytheselectionofasinglecaseexemplifyingan
extremevalueforwithin‐caseanalysis.Ifnot,theresearchermaybewelladvisedtofollowadiverse‐casemethod,
asdiscussedabove.
Bywayofconclusion,letusreturntotheproblemofrepresentativeness.Itwillbeseenthatanextremecasemay
betypicalordeviant.ThereissimplynowaytotellbecausetheresearcherhasnotyetspecifiedanX1/Ycausal
proposition.Oncesuchacausalpropositionhasbeenspecifiedonemaythenaskwhetherthecaseinquestionis
similartosomepopulationofcasesinallrespectsthatmightaffecttheX1/Yrelationshipofinterest(i.e.unit
homogeneous).Itisatthispointthatitbecomespossibletosay,withinthecontextofacross‐casestatistical
model,whetheracaseliesnearto,orfarfrom,theregressionline.However,thissortofanalysismeansthatthe
researcherisnolongerpursuinganextreme‐casemethod.Theextreme‐casemethodispurelyexploratory—a
wayofprobingpossiblecausesofY,orpossibleeffectsofX,inanopen‐endedfashion.Iftheresearcherhassome
notionofwhatadditionalfactorsmightaffecttheoutcomeofinterest,orofwhatrelationshipthecausalfactorof
interestmighthavewithY,thensheoughttopursueoneoftheothermethodsexploredinthischapter.Thisalso
impliesthatanextreme‐casemethodmaytransformintoadifferentkindofapproachasastudyevolves;thatis,as
amorespecifichypothesiscomestolight.Usefulextremecasesattheoutsetofastudymayprovelessusefulata
laterstageofanalysis.
(p.655) 4DeviantCase
Thedeviant‐casemethodselectsthatcase(s)which,byreferencetosomegeneralunderstandingofatopic
(eitheraspecifictheoryorcommonsense),demonstratesasurprisingvalue.Itisthusthecontraryofthetypical
case.BarbaraGeddes(2003)notestheimportanceofdeviantcasesinmedicalscience,whereresearchersare
habituallyfocusedonthatwhichis“pathological”(accordingtostandardtheoryandpractice).TheNewEngland
JournalofMedicine,oneofthepremierjournalsofthefield,carriesaregularfeatureentitledCaseRecordsofthe
MassachusettsGeneralHospital.Thesearticlesbeartitleslikethefollowing:“An80‐Year‐OldWomanwithSudden
UnilateralBlindness”or“A76‐Year‐OldManwithFever,Dyspnea,PulmonaryInfiltrates,PleuralEffusions,and
Confusion.”9 Anotherinterestingexampledrawnfromthefieldofmedicineconcernstheextensivestudynow
devotedtoasmallnumberofpersonswhoseemresistanttotheAIDSvirus(BuchbinderandVittinghoff1999;
Haynes,Pantaleo,andFauci1996).Whyaretheyresistant?Whatisdifferentaboutthesepeople?Whatcanwe
learnaboutAIDSinotherpatientsbyobservingpeoplewhohavebuilt‐inresistancetothisdisease?
Likewise,inpsychologyandsociologycasestudiesmaybecomprisedofdeviant(inthesocialsense)personsor
groups.Ineconomics,casestudiesmayconsistofcountriesorbusinessesthatoverperform(e.g.Botswana;
Microsoft)orunderperform(e.g.Britainthroughmostofthetwentiethcentury;Searsinrecentdecades)relativeto
somesetofexpectations.Inpoliticalscience,casestudiesmayfocusoncountrieswherethewelfarestateismore
developed(e.g.Sweden)orlessdeveloped(e.g.theUnitedStates)thanonewouldexpect,givenasetofgeneral
expectationsaboutwelfarestatedevelopment.Thedeviantcaseiscloselylinkedtotheinvestigationoftheoretical
anomalies.Indeed,tosaydeviantistoimply“anomalous.”10
Notethatwhileextremecasesarejudgedrelativetothemeanofasingledistribution(thedistributionofvalues
alongasinglevariable),deviantcasesarejudgedrelativetosomegeneralmodelofcausalrelations.Thedeviant‐
casemethodselectscaseswhich,byreferencetosome(presumably)generalrelationship,demonstratea
surprisingvalue.Theyare“deviant”inthattheyarepoorlyexplainedbythemultivariatemodel.Theimportant
pointisthatdeviant‐nesscanonlybeassessedrelativetothegeneral(quantitativeorqualitative)model.This
meansthattherelativedeviant‐nessofacaseislikelytochangewheneverthegeneralmodelisaltered.For
example,theUnitedStatesisadeviantwelfarestatewhenthisoutcomeisgaugedrelativetosocietalwealth.Butit
islessdeviant—andperhapsnotdeviantatall—whencertainadditional(politicalandsocietal)factorsareincluded
inthemodel,asdiscussedin(p.656) theepilogue.Devianceismodeldependent.Thus,whendiscussingthe
conceptofthedeviantcaseitishelpfultoaskthefollowingquestion:Relativetowhatgeneralmodel(orsetof
backgroundfactors)isCaseAdeviant?
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Conceptually,wehavesaidthatthedeviantcaseisthelogicalcontraryofthetypicalcase.Thistranslatesintoa
directlycontrastingstatisticalmeasurement.Whilethetypicalcaseisonewithalowresidual(insomegeneral
modelofcausalrelations),adeviantcaseisonewithahighresidual.Thismeans,followingourprevious
discussion,thatthedeviantcaseislikelytobeanunrepresentativecase,andinthisrespectappearstoviolatethe
suppositionthatcase‐studysamplesshouldseektoreproducefeaturesofalargerpopulation.
However,itmustbeborneinmindthattheprimarypurposeofadeviant‐caseanalysisistoprobefornew—butas
yetunspecified—explanations.(IfthepurposeistodisproveanextanttheoryIshallrefertothestudyascrucial‐
case,asdiscussedbelow.)Theresearcherhopesthatcausalprocessesidentifiedwithinthedeviantcasewill
illustratesomecausalfactorthatisapplicabletoother(moreorlessdeviant)cases.Thismeansthatadeviant‐
casestudyusuallyculminatesinageneralproposition,onethatmaybeappliedtoothercasesinthepopulation.
Oncethisgeneralpropositionhasbeenintroducedintotheoverallmodel,theexpectationisthatthechosencase
willnolongerbeanoutlier.Indeed,thehopeisthatitwillnowbetypical,asjudgedbyitssmallresidualinthe
adjustedmodel.(Theexceptionwouldbeacircumstanceinwhichacase'soutcomeisdeemedtobe“accidental,”
andthereforeinexplicablebyanygeneralmodel.)
Thisfeatureofthedeviant‐casestudyshouldhelptoresolvequestionsaboutitsrepresentativeness.Evenifitis
notpossibletomeasurethenewcausalfactor(andthustointroduceitintoalarge‐Ncross‐casemodel),itmaystill
beplausibletoassert(basedongeneralknowledgeofthephenomenon)thatthechosencaseisrepresentativeof
abroaderpopulation.
5InfluentialCase
Sometimes,thechoiceofacaseismotivatedsolelybytheneedtoverifytheassumptionsbehindageneralmodel
ofcausalrelations.Here,theanalystattemptstoprovidearationalefordisregardingaproblematiccaseorasetof
problematiccases.Thatistosay,sheattemptstoshowwhyapparentdeviationsfromthenormarenotreally
deviant,ordonotchallengethecoreofthetheory,oncethecircumstancesofthespecialcaseorcasesarefully
understood.Across‐caseanalysismay,afterall,bemarredbyseveralclassesofproblemsincluding
measurementerror,specificationerror,errorsinestablishingproperboundariesfortheinference(thescopeofthe
argument),andstochasticerror(fluctuationsinthephenomenonunderstudythataretreatedasrandom,given
availabletheoreticalresources).Ifpoorlyfittingcases(p.657) canbeexplainedawaybyreferencetothese
kindsofproblems,thenthetheoryofinterestisthatmuchstronger.Thissortofdeviant‐caseanalysisanswersthe
question,“WhataboutCaseA(orcasesoftypeA)?Howdoesthat,seeminglydisconfirming,casefitthemodel?”
Becauseitsunderlyingpurposeisdifferentfromtheusualdeviant‐casestudy,Iofferanewtermforthismethod.
Theinfluentialcaseisacasethatcastsdoubtuponatheory,andforthatreasonwarrantscloseinspection.This
investigationmayreveal,afterall,thatthetheoryisvalidated—perhapsinsomeslightlyalteredform.Inthisguise,
theinfluentialcaseisthe“casethatprovestherule.”Inotherinstances,theinfluential‐caseanalysismay
contributetodisconfirming,orreconceptualizing,atheory.Thekeypointisthatthevalueofthecaseisjudged
relativetosomeextantcross‐casemodel.
Asimpleversionofinfluential‐caseanalysisinvolvestheconfirmationofakeycase'sscoreonsomecritical
dimension.Thisisessentiallyaquestionofmeasurement.Sometimescasesarepoorlyexplainedsimplybecause
theyarepoorlyunderstood.Acloseexaminationofaparticularcontextmayrevealthatanapparentlyfalsifying
casehasbeenmiscoded.Ifso,theinitialchallengepresentedbythatcasetosomegeneraltheoryhasbeen
obviated.
However,themoreusualemploymentoftheinfluential‐casemethodculminatesinasubstantivereinterpretationof
thecase—perhapsevenofthegeneralmodel.Itisnotjustaquestionofmeasurement.ConsiderThomasErtman's
(1997)studyofstatebuildinginWesternEurope,assummarizedbyGerardoMunck.Thisstudyargues
thattheinteractionofa)thetypeoflocalgovernmentduringthefirstperiodofstatebuilding,withb)the
timingofincreasesingeopoliticalcompetition,stronglyinfluencesthekindofregimeandstatethat
emerge.[Ertman]teststhishypothesisagainstthehistoricalexperienceofEuropeandfindsthatmost
countriesfithispredictions.Denmark,however,isamajorexception.InDenmark,sustainedgeopolitical
competitionbeganrelativelylateandlocalgovernmentatthebeginningofthestatebuildingperiodwas
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generallyparticipatory,whichshouldhaveledthecountrytodevelop“patrimonialconstitutionalism.”But
infact,itdeveloped“bureaucraticabsolutism.”Ertmancarefullyexplorestheprocessthroughwhich
DenmarkcametohaveabureaucraticabsolutiststateandfindsthatDenmarkhadtheearlymarksofa
patrimonialconstitutionaliststate.However,thecountrywaspushedoffthisdevelopmentalpathbythe
influenceofGermanknights,whoenteredDenmarkandbroughtwiththemGermaninstitutionsoflocal
government.Ertmanthentracesthecausalprocessthroughwhichtheseimportedinstitutionspushed
Denmarktodevelopbureaucraticabsolutism,concludingthatthisdevelopmentwascausedbyafactor
welloutsidehisexplanatoryframework.
(Munck2004,118)
Ertman'soverallframeworkisconfirmedinsofarashehasbeenabletoshow,byanin‐depthdiscussionof
Denmark,thatthecausalprocessesstipulatedbythegeneraltheoryholdeveninthisapparentlydisconfirming
case.Denmarkisstilldeviant,butitissobecauseof“contingenthistoricalcircumstances”thatareexogenousto
thetheory(Ertman1997,316).
Evidently,theinfluential‐caseanalysisissimilartothedeviant‐caseanalysis.Bothfocusonoutliers.However,as
weshallsee,theyfocusondifferentkindsofoutliers.(p.658) Moreover,theanimatinggoalsofthesetwo
researchdesignsarequitedifferent.Theinfluential‐casestudybeginswiththeaimofconfirmingageneralmodel,
whilethedeviant‐casestudyhastheaimofgeneratinganewhypothesisthatmodifiesanexistinggeneralmodel.
Theconfusionstemsfromthefactthatthesamecasestudymayfulfillbothobjectives—qualifyingageneralmodel
and,atthesametime,confirmingitscorehypothesis.
Thus,intheirstudyofRobertoMichels's“ironlawofoligarchy,”Lipset,Trow,andColeman(1956)choosetofocus
onanorganization—theInternationalTypographicalUnion—thatappearstoviolatethecentralpresupposition.The
ITU,asnotedbyoneoftheauthors,has“along‐termtwo‐partysystemwithfreeelectionsandfrequentturnoverin
office”andisthusanythingbutoligarchic(Lipset1959,70).Assuch,itcallsintoquestionMichels'sgrand
generalizationaboutorganizationalbehavior.Theauthorsexplainthiscuriousresultbytheextraordinarilyhigh
levelofeducationamongthemembersofthisunion.Michels'slawisshowntobetrueformostorganizations,but
notall.Itistrue,withqualifications.Notethattherespecificationoftheoriginalmodel(ineffect,Lipset,Trow,and
Colemanintroduceanewcontrolvariableorboundarycondition)involvestheexplorationofanewhypothesis.In
thisinstance,therefore,theuseofaninfluentialcasetoconfirmanexistingtheoryisquitesimilartotheuseofa
deviantcasetoexploreanewtheory.
Inaquantitativeidiom,influentialcasesarethosethat,ifcounterfactuallyassignedadifferentvalueonthe
dependentvariable,wouldmostsubstantiallychangetheresultingestimates.Theymayormaynotbeoutliers
(high‐residualcases).Twoquantitativemeasuresofinfluencearecommonlyappliedinregressiondiagnostics
(Belsey,Kuh,andWelsch2004).Thefirst,oftenreferredtoastheleverageofacase,derivesfromwhatiscalled
thehatmatrix.Basedsolelyoneachcase'sscoresontheindependentvariables,thehatmatrixtellsushowmuch
achangein(orameasurementerroron)thedependentvariableforthatcasewouldaffecttheoverallregression
line.ThesecondisCook'sdistance,ameasureoftheextenttowhichtheestimatesofalltheparameterswould
changeifagivencasewereomittedfromtheanalysis.CaseswithalargeleverageorCook'sdistancecontribute
quitealottotheinferencesdrawnfromacross‐caseanalysis.Inthissense,suchcasesarevitalformaintaining
analyticconclusions.Discoveringasignificantmeasurementerroronthedependentvariableoranimportant
omittedvariableforsuchacasemaydramaticallyreviseestimatesoftheoverallrelationships.Hence,itmaybe
quitesensibletoselectinfluentialcasesforin‐depthstudy.
Notethattheuseofaninfluential‐casestrategyofcaseselectionislimitedtoinstancesinwhicharesearcherhas
reasontobeconcernedthatherresultsarebeingdrivenbyoneorafewcases.Thisismostlikelytobetruein
smalltomoderate‐sizedsamples.WhereNisverylarge—greaterthan1,000,letussay—itisextremelyunlikely
thatasmallsetofcases(muchlessanindividualcase)willplayan“influential”role.Ofcourse,theremaybe
influentialsetsofcases,e.g.countrieswithinaparticularcontinentorculturalregion,orpersonsofIrishextraction.
Setsofinfluentialobservationsareoftenproblematicinatime‐seriescross‐sectiondata‐setwhereeach(p.659)
unit(e.g.country)containsmultipleobservations(throughtime),andhencemayhaveastronginfluenceon
aggregateresults.Still,thegeneralruleis:thelargerthesample,thelessimportantindividualcasesarelikelytobe
and,hence,thelesslikelyaresearcheristouseaninfluential‐caseapproachtocaseselection.
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6CrucialCase
Ofalltheextantmethodsofcaseselectionperhapsthemoststoried—andcertainlythemostcontroversial—isthe
crucial‐casemethod,introducedtothesocialscienceworldseveraldecadesagobyHarryEckstein.Inhisseminal
essay,Eckstein(1975,118)describesthecrucialcaseasone“thatmustcloselyfitatheoryifoneistohave
confidenceinthetheory'svalidity,or,conversely,mustnotfitequallywellanyrulecontrarytothatproposed.”A
caseiscrucialinasomewhatweaker—butmuchmorecommon—sensewhenitismost,orleast,likelytofulfilla
theoreticalprediction.A“most‐likely”caseisonethat,onalldimensionsexceptthedimensionoftheoretical
interest,ispredictedtoachieveacertainoutcome,andyetdoesnot.Itisthereforeusedtodisconfirmatheory.A
“least‐likely”caseisonethat,onalldimensionsexceptthedimensionoftheoreticalinterest,ispredictednotto
achieveacertainoutcome,andyetdoesso.Itisthereforeusedtoconfirmatheory.Inallformulations,thecrucial‐
caseoffersamost‐difficulttestforanargument,andhenceprovideswhatisperhapsthestrongestsortof
evidencepossibleinanonexperimental,single‐casesetting.
SincethepublicationofEckstein'sinfluentialessay,thecrucial‐caseapproachhasbeenclaimedinamultitudeof
studiesacrossseveralsocialsciencedisciplinesandhascometoberecognizedasastapleofthecase‐study
method.11Yettheideaofanysinglecaseplayingacrucial(or“critical”)roleisnotwidelyacceptedamongmost
methodologists(e.g.Sekhon2004).(Evenitsprogenitorseemstohavehaddoubts.)
Letusbeginwiththeconfirmatory(a.k.a.least‐likely)crucialcase.Theimplicitlogicofthisresearchdesignmaybe
summarizedasfollows.Givenasetoffacts,weareaskedtocontemplatetheprobabilitythatagiventheoryistrue.
Whilethefactsmatter,tobesure,theeffectivenessofthissortofresearchalsorestsupontheformalpropertiesof
thetheoryinquestion.Specifically,thedegreetowhichatheoryisamenabletoconfirmationiscontingentupon
howmanypredictionscanbederivedfromthetheoryandonhow“risky”eachindividualpredictionis.InPopper's
(1963,36)words,“Confirmationsshouldcountonlyiftheyaretheresultofriskypredictions;thatistosay,if,
unenlightenedbythetheoryinquestion,weshouldhaveexpectedan(p.660) eventwhichwasincompatible
withthetheory—andeventwhichwouldhaverefutedthetheory.Every‘good’scientifictheoryisaprohibition;it
forbidscertainthingstohappen.Themoreatheoryforbids,thebetteritis”(seealsoPopper1934/1968).Arisky
predictionisthereforeonethatishighlypreciseanddeterminate,andthereforeunlikelytobeachievedbythe
productofothercausalfactors(externaltothetheoryofinterest)orthroughstochasticprocesses.Atheory
producesmanysuchpredictionsifitisfullyelaborated,issuingpredictionsnotonlyonthecentraloutcomeof
interestbutalsoonspecificcausalmechanisms,andifitisbroadinpurview.(Thenotionofriskinessmayalsobe
conceptualizedwithinthePopperianlexiconasdegreesoffalsifiability.)
ThesepointscanalsobearticulatedinBayesianterms.ColinHowsonandPeterUrbachexplain:“Thedegreeto
whichh[ahypothesis]isconfirmedbye[asetofevidence]depends…ontheextenttowhichP(eČh)exceedsP
(e),thatis,onhowmuchmoreprobableeisrelativetothehypothesisandbackgroundassumptionsthanitis
relativejusttobackgroundassumptions.”Again,“confirmationiscorrelatedwithhowmuchmoreprobablethe
evidenceisifthehypothesisistruethanifitisfalse”(HowsonandUrlbach1989,86).Thus,thestrangerthe
predictionofferedbyatheory—relativetowhatwewouldnormallyexpect—thegreaterthedegreeofconfirmation
thatwillbeaffordedbytheevidence.Asanintuitiveexample,HowsonandUrbach(1989,86)offerthefollowing:
Ifasoothsayerpredictsthatyouwillmeetadarkstrangersometimeandyoudoinfact,yourfaithinhis
powersofprecognitionwouldnotbemuchenhanced:youwouldprobablycontinuetothinkhispredictions
werejusttheresultofguesswork.However,ifthepredictionalsogavethecorrectnumberofhairsonthe
headofthatstranger,yourpreviousscepticismwouldnodoubtbeseverelyshaken.
WhilethesePopperian/Bayesiannotions12 arerelevanttoallempiricalresearchdesigns,theyareespecially
relevanttocase‐studyresearchdesigns,forinthesesettingsasinglecase(or,atmost,asmallnumberofcases)
isrequiredtobearaheavyburdenofproof.Itshouldbenosurprise,therefore,thatPopper'sideaof“riskiness”
wastobeappropriatedbycase‐studyresearcherslikeHarryEcksteintovalidatetheenterpriseofsingle‐case
analysis.(AlthoughEcksteindoesnotcitePoppertheintellectuallineageisclear.)Riskiness,here,isanalogousto
whatisusuallyreferredtoasa“most‐difficult”researchdesign,whichinacase‐studyresearchdesignwouldbe
understoodasa“least‐likely”case.Notealsothatthedistinctionbetweena“must‐fit”caseandaleast‐likelycase
—that,intheevent,actuallydoesfitthetermsofatheory—isamatterofdegree.Casesaremoreorlesscrucialfor
confirmingtheories.Thepointisthat,insomecircumstances,apaucityofempiricalevidencemaybe
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compensatedbytheriskinessofthetheory.
Thecrucial‐caseresearchdesignis,perforce,ahighlydeductiveenterprise;muchdependsonthequalityofthe
theoryunderinvestigation.Itfollowsthatthetheoriesmostamenabletocrucial‐caseanalysisarethosewhichare
lawlikeintheirprecision,(p.661) degreeofelaboration,consistency,andscope.Themoreatheoryattainsthe
statusofacausallaw,theeasieritwillbetoconfirm,ortodisconfirm,withasinglecase.Indeed,riskypredictions
arecommoninnaturalsciencefieldssuchasphysics,whichinturnservedasthetemplateforthedeductive‐
nomological(“covering‐law”)modelofsciencethatinfluencedEcksteinandothersinthepostwardecades(e.g.
Hempel1942).
Afrequentlycitedexampleisthefirstimportantempiricaldemonstrationofthetheoryofrelativity,whichtookthe
formofasingle‐eventpredictionontheoccasionoftheMay29,1919,solareclipse(Eckstein1975;Popper1963).
StephenVanEvera(1997,66–7)describestheimpactofthispredictiononthevalidationofEinstein'stheory.
Einstein'stheorypredictedthatgravitywouldbendthepathoflighttowardagravitysourcebyaspecific
amount.Henceitpredictedthatduringasolareclipsestarsnearthesunwouldappeardisplaced—stars
actuallybehindthesunwouldappearnexttoit,andstarslyingnexttothesunwouldappearfartherfromit
—anditpredictedtheamountofapparentdisplacement.Noothertheorymadethesepredictions.The
passageofthisonesingle‐case‐studytestbroughtthetheorywideacceptancebecausethetested
predictionswereunique—therewasnoplausiblecompetingexplanationforthepredictedresult—hence
thepassedtestwasverystrong.
Thestrengthofthistestistheextraordinaryfitbetweenthetheoryandasetoffactsfoundinasinglecase,and
thecorrespondinglackoffitbetweenallothertheoriesandthissetoffacts.Einsteinofferedanexplanationofa
particularsetofanomalousfindingsthatnootherexistingtheorycouldmakesenseof.Ofcourse,onemust
assumethattherewasno—orlimited—measurementerror.Andonemustassumethatthephenomenonofinterest
islargelyinvariant;lightdoesnotbenddifferentlyatdifferenttimesandplaces(exceptinwaysthatcanbe
understoodthroughthetheoryofrelativity).Andonemustassume,finally,thatthetheoryitselfmakessenseon
othergrounds(otherthanthecaseofspecialinterest);itisaplausiblegeneraltheory.Ifoneiswillingtoaccept
theseaprioriassumptions,thenthe1919“casestudy”providesaverystrongconfirmationofthetheory.Itis
difficulttoimagineastrongerproofofthetheoryfromwithinanobservational(nonexperimental)setting.
Insocialsciencesettings,bycontrast,onedoesnotcommonlyfindsingle‐casestudiesofferingknockoutevidence
foratheory.Thisis,inmyview,largelyaproductofthelooseness(theunderspecification)ofmostsocialscience
theories.GeorgeandBennettpointoutthatwhilethethesisofthedemocraticpeaceisasclosetoa“law”as
socialsciencehasyetseen,itcannotbeconfirmed(orrefuted)bylookingatspecificcausalmechanismsbecause
thecausalpathwaysmandatedbythetheoryaremultipleanddiverse.Underthecircumstances,nosingle‐case
testcanofferstrongconfirmationofthetheory(GeorgeandBennett2005,209).
However,ifoneadoptsasofterversionofthecrucial‐casemethod—theleast‐likely(mostdifficult)case—then
possibilitiesabound.Indeed,Isuspectthat,implicitly,mostcase‐studyworkthatmakesapositiveargument
focusingonasinglecase(withoutacorrespondingcross‐caseanalysis)relieslargelyonthelogicoftheleast‐
likelycase.Rarelyisthislogicmadeexplicit,exceptperhapsinapassingphraseortwo.Yetthedeductivelogicof
the“risky”predictioniscentraltothecase‐studyenterprise.(p.662) Whetheracasestudyisconvincingornot
oftenrestsonthereader'sevaluationofhowstrongtheevidenceforanargumentmightbe,andthisinturn—
wherevercross‐caseevidenceislimitedandnomanipulatedtreatmentcanbedevised—restsuponanestimation
ofthedegreeof“fit”betweenatheoryandtheevidenceathand,asdiscussed.
LilyTsai's(2007)investigationofgovernanceatthevillagelevelinChinaemploysseveralin‐depthcasestudiesof
villageswhicharechosen(inpart)becauseoftheirleast‐likelystatusrelativetothetheoryofinterest.Tsai's
hypothesisisthatvillageswithgreatersocialsolidarity(basedonpreexistingreligiousorfamilialnetworks)will
developahigherlevelofsocialtrustandmutualobligationand,asaresult,willexperiencebettergovernance.
Crucialcases,therefore,arevillagesthatevidenceahighlevelofsocialsolidaritybutwhich,alongother
dimensions,wouldbejudgedleastlikelytodevelopgoodgovernance,e.g.theyarepoor,isolated,andlack
democraticinstitutionsoraccountabilitymechanismsfromabove.“LiSettlement,”inFujianprovince,issucha
case.Thefactthatthisimpoverishedvillagenonethelessboastsanimpressivesetofinfrastructural
accomplishmentssuchaspavedroadswithdrainageditches(ararityinruralChina)suggeststhatsomething
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ratherunusualisgoingonhere.Becausehercaseiscarefullychosentoeliminaterivalexplanations,Tsai's
conclusionsaboutthespecialroleofsocialsolidarityaredifficulttogainsay.Howelseisonetoexplainthis
otherwiseanomalousresult?Thisisthestrengthoftheleast‐likelycase,whereallotherplausiblecausalfactorsfor
anoutcomehavebeenminimized.13
JackLevy(2002,144)referstothis,evocatively,asa“Sinatrainference:”ifitcanmakeithere,itcanmakeit
anywhere(seealsoKhong1992,49;Sagan1995,49;Shafer1988,14–6).Thus,ifsocialsolidarityhasthe
hypothesizedeffectinLiSettlementitshouldhavethesameeffectinmorepropitioussettings(e.g.wherethereis
greatereconomicsurplus).Thesameimplicitlogicinformsmanycase‐studyanalyseswheretheintentofthestudy
istoconfirmahypothesisonthebasisofasinglecase.
Anothersortofcrucialcaseisemployedforthepurposeofdisconfirmingacausalhypothesis.AcentralPopperian
insightisthatitiseasiertodisconfirmaninferencethantoconfirmthatsameinference.(Indeed,Popperdoubted
thatanyinferencecouldbefullyconfirmed,andforthisreasonpreferredtheterm“corroborate.”)Thisis
particularlytrueofcase‐studyresearchdesigns,whereevidenceislimitedtooneorseveralcases.Thekey
provisoisthatthetheoryunderinvestigationmusttakeaconsistent(a.k.a.invariant,deterministic)form,evenifits
predictionsarenotterrificallyprecise,wellelaborated,orbroad.
Asithappens,thereareafairnumberofinvariantpropositionsfloatingaroundthesocialsciencedisciplines
(GoertzandLevyforthcoming;GoertzandStarr2003).Itusedtobeargued,forexample,thatpoliticalstability
wouldoccuronlyincountriesthatarerelativelyhomogeneous,orwhereexistingheterogeneitiesaremitigatedby
(p.663) cross‐cuttingcleavages(Almond1956;Bentley1908/1967;Lipset1960/1963;Truman1951).Arend
Lijphart's(1968)studyoftheNetherlands,apeacefulcountrywithreinforcingsocialcleavages,iscommonly
viewedasrefutingthistheoryonthebasisofasinglein‐depthcaseanalysis.14
Granted,itmaybequestionedwhetherpresumedinvarianttheoriesarereallyinvariant;perhapstheyarebetter
understoodasprobabilistic.Perhaps,thatis,thetheoryofcross‐cuttingcleavagesisstilltrue,probabilistically,
despitetheapparentDutchexception.Orperhapsthetheoryisstilltrue,deterministically,withinasubsetofcases
thatdoesnotincludetheNetherlands.(Thissortofclaimseemsunlikelyinthisparticularinstance,butitisquite
plausibleinmanyothers.)Orperhapsthetheoryisinneedofreframing;itistrue,deterministically,butappliesonly
tocross‐cuttingethnic/racialcleavages,nottocleavagesthatareprimarilyreligious.Onecanquibbleoverwhatit
meansto“disconfirm”atheory.Thepointisthatthecrucialcasehas,inallthesecircumstances,provided
importantupdatingofatheoreticalprior.
Heretofore,Ihavetreatedcausalfactorsasdichotomous.Countrieshaveeitherreinforcingorcross‐cutting
cleavagesandtheyhaveregimesthatareeitherpeacefulorconflictual.Evidently,thesesortsofparametersare
oftenmattersofdegree.Inthisreadingofthetheory,casesaremoreorlesscrucial.Accordingly,themostuseful
—i.e.mostcrucial—caseforLijphart'spurposeisonethathasthemostsegregatedsocialgroupsandthemost
peacefulanddemocratictrackrecord.Intheserespects,theNetherlandswasaverygoodchoice.Indeed,the
degreeofdisconfirmationofferedbythiscasestudyisprobablygreaterthanthedegreeofdisconfirmationthat
mighthavebeenprovidedbyothercasessuchasIndiaorPapuaNewGuinea—countrieswheresocialpeacehas
notalwaysbeensecure.Thepointisthatwherevariablesarecontinuousratherthandichotomousitispossibleto
evaluatepotentialcasesintermsoftheirdegreeofcrucialness.
Notethatthecrucial‐casemethodofcase‐selection,whetheremployedinaconfirmatoryordisconfirmatorymode,
cannotbeemployedinalarge‐Ncontext.Thisisbecauseanexplicitcross‐casemodelwouldrenderthecrucial‐
casestudyredundant.Onceoneidentifiestherelevantparametersandthescoresofallcasesonthose
parameters,onehasineffectconstructedacross‐casemodelthatconfirmsordisconfirmsthetheoryinquestion.
Thecasestudyisthenceforthirrelevant,atleastasameansofdecisiveconfirmationordisconfirmation.15It
remainshighlyrelevantasameansofexploringcausalmechanisms,ofcourse.Yet,becausethisobjectiveisquite
differentfromthatwhichisusuallyassociatedwiththeterm,Ienlistanewtermforthistechnique.
(p.664) 7PathwayCase
Oneofthemostimportantfunctionsofcase‐studyresearchistheelucidationofcausalmechanisms.Butwhichsort
ofcaseismostusefulforthispurpose?Althoughallcasestudiespresumablyshedlightoncausalmechanisms,not
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allcasesareequallytransparent.Insituationswhereacausalhypothesisisclearandhasalreadybeenconfirmed
bycross‐caseanalysis,researchersarewelladvisedtofocusonacasewherethecausaleffectofX1onYcan
beisolatedfromotherpotentiallyconfoundingfactors(X2 ).Ishallcallthisapathwaycasetoindicateitsuniquely
penetratinginsightintocausalmechanisms.Incontrasttothecrucialcase,thissortofmethodispracticableonlyin
circumstanceswherecross‐casecovariationalpatternsarewellstudiedandwherethemechanismlinkingX1and
Yremainsdim.Becausethepathwaycasebuildsonpriorcross‐caseanalysis,theproblemofcaseselectionmust
besituatedwithinthatsample.Thereisnostandalonepathwaycase.
Thelogicofthepathwaycaseisclearestinsituationsofcausalsufficiency—whereacausalfactorofinterest,X1,
issufficientbyitself(thoughperhapsnotnecessary)toaccountforY'svalue(0or1).TheothercausesofY,about
whichweneedmakenoassumptions,aredesignatedasavector,X2 .
Notethatwherevervariouscausalfactorsaresubstitutableforoneanother,eachfactorisconceptualized
(individually)assufficient(Braumoeller2003).Thus,situationsofcausalequifinalitypresumecausalsufficiencyon
thepartofeachfactororsetofconjointfactors.Anexampleisprovidedbytheliteratureondemocratization,
whichstipulatesthreemainavenuesofregimechange:leadership‐initiatedreform,acontrolledopeningto
opposition,orthecollapseofanauthoritarianregime(Colomer1991).Thecase‐studyformatconstrainsusto
analyzeoneatatime,soletuslimitourscopetothefirstone—leadership‐initiatedreform.Soconsidered,a
causal‐pathwaycasewouldbeonewiththefollowingfeatures:(a)democratization,(b)leadership‐initiatedreform,
(c)nocontrolledopeningtotheopposition,(d)nocollapseofthepreviousauthoritarianregime,and(e)noother
extraneousfactorsthatmightaffecttheprocessofdemocratization.Inacaseofthistype,thecausalmechanisms
bywhichleadership‐initiatedreformmayleadtodemocratizationwillbeeasiesttostudy.Notethatitisnot
necessarytoassumethatleadership‐initiatedreformalwaysleadstodemocratization;itmayormaynotbea
deterministiccause.Butitisnecessarytoassumethatleadership‐initiatedreformcansometimesleadto
democratizationonitsown(givencertainbackgroundfeatures).
Nowletusmovefromtheseexamplestoageneral‐purposemodel.Forheuristicpurposes,letuspresumethatall
variablesinthatmodelaredichotomous(codedas0or1)andthatthemodeliscomplete(allcausesofYare
included).Allcausalrelationshipswillbecodedsoastobepositive:X1andYcovaryasdoX2 andY.Thisallows
ustovisualizearangeofpossiblecombinationsataglance.
Recallthatthepathwaycaseisalwaysfocused,bydefinition,onasinglecausalfactor,denotedX1.(The
researcher'sfocusmayshifttoothercausalfactors,butmayonlyfocusononecausalfactoratatime.)Inthis
scenario,andregardlessofhow(p.665) manyadditionalcausesofYtheremightbe(denotedX2 ,avectorof
controls),thereareonlyeightrelevantcasetypes,asillustratedinTable28.2.Identifyingthesecasetypesisa
relativelysimplematter,andcanbeaccomplishedinasmall‐Nsamplebytheconstructionofatruth‐table
(modeledafterTable28.2)orinalarge‐Nsamplebytheuseofcross‐tabs.
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Table28.2.Pathwaycasewithdichotomouscausalfactors
Casetypes
X1
X2
Y
A
1
1
1
B
0
0
0
C
0
1
1
D
0
0
1
E
1
0
0
F
1
1
0
G
1
0
1
H
0
1
0
Notes:X1=thevariableoftheoreticalinterest.X2 =avectorofcontrols(ascoreof0indicatesthatallcontrol
variableshaveascoreof0,whileascoreof1indicatesthatallcontrolvariableshaveascoreof1).Y=the
outcomeofinterest.A–H=casetypes(theNforeachcasetypeisindeterminate).G,H=possiblepathway
cases.Samplesize=indeterminate.
Assumptions:(a)allvariablescanbecodeddichotomously(abinarycodingoftheconceptisvalid);(b)all
independentvariablesarepositivelycorrelatedwithYinthegeneralcase;(c)X1is(atleastsometimes)a
sufficientcauseofY.
Notethatthetotalnumberofcombinationsofvaluesdependsonthenumberofcontrolvariables,whichwehave
representedwithasinglevector,X2 .Ifthisvectorconsistsofasinglevariablethenthereareonlyeightcase
types.Ifthisvectorconsistsoftwovariables(X2a ,X2b )thenthetotalnumberofpossiblecombinationsincreases
fromeight(23 )tosixteen(24 ).Andsoforth.However,noneofthesecombinationsisrelevantforpresentpurposes
exceptthosewhereX2a andX2b havethesamevalue(0or1).“Mixed”casesarenotcausalpathwaycases,for
reasonsthatshouldbecomeclear.
Thepathwaycase,followingthelogicofthecrucialcase,isonewherethecausalfactorofinterest,X1,correctly
predictsYwhileallotherpossiblecausesofY(representedbythevector,X2 )make“wrong”predictions.IfX1is—
atleastinsomecircumstances—asufficientcauseofY,thenitisthesesortsofcasesthatshouldbemostuseful
fortracingcausalmechanisms.ThereareonlytwosuchcasesinTable28.2—GandH.Inallothercases,the
mechanismrunningfromX1toYwouldbedifficulttodiscerneitherbecauseX1andYarenotcorrelatedinthe
usualway(constitutinganunusualcase,inthetermsofourhypothesis)orbecauseotherconfoundingfactors(X
2 )intrude.IncaseA,forexample,thepositivevalueonY(p.666) couldbeaproductofX1orX2 .Anin‐depth
examinationofthiscaseisnotlikelytobeveryrevealing.
Keepinmindthatbecausetheresearcheralreadyknowsfromhercross‐caseexaminationwhatthegeneral
causalrelationshipsare,sheknows(priortothecase‐studyinvestigation)whatconstitutesacorrectorincorrect
prediction.Inthecrucial‐casemethod,bycontrast,theseexpectationsaredeductiveratherthanempirical.Thisis
whatdifferentiatesthetwomethods.Andthisiswhythecausalpathwaycaseisusefulprincipallyforelucidating
causalmechanismsratherthanverifyingorfalsifyinggeneralpropositions(whicharealreadymoreorless
apparentfromthecross‐caseevidence).Ofcourse,wemustleaveopenthepossibilitythattheinvestigationof
causalmechanismswouldinvalidateageneralclaim,ifthatclaimisutterlycontingentuponaspecificsetofcausal
mechanismsandthecasestudyshowsthatnosuchmechanismsarepresent.However,thisisratherunlikelyin
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mostsocialsciencesettings.Usually,theresultofsuchafindingwillbeareformulationofthecausalprocessesby
whichX1causesY—or,alternatively,arealizationthatthecaseunderinvestigationisaberrant(atypicalofthe
generalpopulationofcases).
Sometimes,theresearchquestionisframedasaunidirectionalcause:oneisinterestedinwhy0becomes1(or
viceversa)butnotinwhy1becomes0.Inourpreviousexample,weaskedwhydemocraciesfail,notwhy
countriesbecomedemocraticorauthoritarian.Soframed,therecanbeonlyonetypeofcausal‐pathwaycase.
(Whetherregimefailureiscodedas0or1isamatteroftaste.)Whereresearchersareinterestedinbidirectional
causality—amovementfrom0to1aswellasfrom1to0—therearetwopossiblecausal‐pathwaycases,GandH.
Inpractice,however,oneofthesecasetypesisalmostalwaysmoreusefulthantheother.Thus,itseems
reasonabletoemploytheterm“pathwaycase”inthesingular.Inordertodeterminewhichofthesetwocasetypes
willbemoreusefulforintensiveanalysistheresearchershouldlooktoseewhethereachcasetypeexhibits
desirablefeaturessuchas:(a)arare(unusual)valueonX1orY(designated“extreme”inourprevious
discussion),(b)observabletemporalvariationinX1,(c)anX1/Yrelationshipthatiseasiertostudy(ithasmore
visiblefeatures;itismoretransparent),or(d)alowerresidual(thusindicatingamoretypicalcase,withintheterms
ofthegeneralmodel).Usually,thechoicebetweenGandHisintuitivelyobvious.
Now,letusconsiderascenarioinwhichall(ormost)variablesofconcerntothemodelarecontinuous,ratherthan
dichotomous.Here,thejobofcaseselectionisconsiderablymorecomplex,forcausal“sufficiency”(intheusual
sense)cannotbeinvoked.Itisnolongerplausibletoassumethatagivencausecanbeentirelypartitioned,i.e.
rivalfactorseliminated.However,thesearchforapathwaycasemaystillbeviable.Whatwearelookingforinthis
scenarioisacasethatsatisfiestwocriteria:(1)itisnotanoutlier(oratleastnotanextremeoutlier)inthegeneral
modeland(2)itsscoreontheoutcome(Y)isstronglyinfluencedbythetheoreticalvariableofinterest(X1),taking
allotherfactorsintoaccount(X2 ).Inthissortofcaseitshouldbeeasiestto“see”thecausalmechanismsthatlie
betweenX1andY.
Achievingtheseconddesideratarequiresabitofmanipulation.Inordertodeterminewhich(nonoutlier)casesare
moststronglyaffectedbyX1,givenalltheother(p.667) parametersinthemodel,onemustcomparethesizeof
theresidualsforeachcaseinareducedformmodel,Y=Constant+X2 +Resreduced ,withthesizeofthe
residualsforeachcaseinafullmodel,Y=Constant+X2 +X1+Resfull.Thepathwaycaseisthatcase,orsetof
cases,whichshowsthegreatestdifferencebetweentheresidualforthereduced‐formmodelandthefullmodel
(ΔResidual).Thus,
Notethattheresidualforacasemustbesmallerinthefullmodelthaninthereduced‐formmodel;otherwise,the
additionofthevariableofinterest(X1)pullsthecaseawayfromtheregressionline.Wewanttofindacasewhere
theadditionofX1pushesthecasetowardstheregressionline,i.e.ithelpsto“explain”thatcase.
Asanexample,letussupposethatweareinterestedinexploringtheeffectofmineralwealthontheprospectsfor
democracyinasociety.Accordingtoagooddealofworkonthissubject,countrieswithabountyofnatural
resources—particularlyoil—arelesslikelytodemocratize(oroncehavingundergoneademocratictransition,are
morelikelytoreverttoauthoritarianrule)(Barro1999;Humphreys2005;Ross2001).Thecross‐countryevidence
isrobust.Yetasisoftenthecase,thecausalmechanismsremainratherobscure.Inordertobetterunderstandthis
phenomenonitmaybeworthwhiletoexploitthefindingsofcross‐countryregressionmodelsinordertoidentifya
countrywhoseregimetype(i.e.itsdemocracy“score”onsomegeneralindex)isstronglyaffectedbyitsnatural‐
researchwealth,allotherthingsheldconstant.Ananalysisofthissortidentifiestwocountries—theUnitedArab
EmiratesandKuwait—withhighΔResidualvaluesandmodestresidualsinthefullmodel(signifyingthatthese
casesarenotoutliers).Researchersseekingtoexploretheeffectofoilwealthonregimetypemightdowellto
focusonthesetwocasessincetheirpatternsofdemocracycannotbewellexplainedbyotherfactors—e.g.
economicdevelopment,religion,Europeaninfluence,orethnicfractionalization.Thepresenceofoilwealthin
thesecountrieswouldappeartohaveastrongindependenteffectontheprospectsfordemocratizationinthese
cases,aneffectthatiswellmodeledbygeneraltheoryandbytheavailablecross‐caseevidence.
Toreiterate,thelogicofcausal“elimination”ismuchmorecompellingwherevariablesaredichotomousandwhere
causalsufficiencycanbeassumed(X1issufficientbyitself,atleastinsomecircumstances,tocauseY).Where
variablesarecontinuous,thestrategyofthepathwaycaseismoredubious,forpotentiallyconfoundingcausal
factors(X2 )cannotbeneatlypartitioned.Evenso,wehaveindicatedwhytheselectionofapathwaycasemaybe
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alogicalapproachtocase‐studyanalysisinmanycircumstances.
Theexceptionsmaybebrieflynoted.Sometimes,whereallvariablesinamodelaredichotomous,thereareno
pathwaycases,i.e.nocasesoftypeGorH(inTable28.2).Thisisknownasthe“emptycell”problem,ora
problemofseverecausalmulticollinearity.Theuniverseofobservationaldatadoesnotalwaysobligeuswith
casesthatallowustoindependentlytestagivenhypothesis.Wherevariablesarecontinuous,theanalogous
problemisthatofacausalvariableofinterest(X1)that(p.668) hasonlyminimaleffectsontheoutcomeof
interest.Thatis,itsroleinthegeneralmodelisquiteminor.Inthesesituations,theonlycasesthatarestrongly
affectedbyX1—ifthereareanyatall—maybeextremeoutliers,andthesesortsofcasesarenotproperly
regardedasprovidingconfirmatoryevidenceforaproposition,forreasonsthatareabundantlyclearbynow.
Finally,itshouldbeclarifiedthattheidentificationofacausalpathwaycasedoesnotobviatetheutilityofexploring
othercases.Onemight,forexample,wanttocomparebothsortsofpotentialpathwaycases—GandH—witheach
other.Manyothercombinationssuggestthemselves.However,thissortofmulti‐caseinvestigationmovesbeyond
thelogicofthecausal‐pathwaycase.
8Most‐similarCases
Themost‐similarmethodemploysaminimumoftwocases.16 Initspurestform,thechosenpairofcasesissimilarin
allrespectsexceptthevariable(s)ofinterest.Ifthestudyisexploratory(i.e.hypothesisgenerating),the
researcherlooksforcasesthatdifferontheoutcomeoftheoreticalinterestbutaresimilaronvariousfactorsthat
mighthavecontributedtothatoutcome,asillustratedinTable28.3(A).Thisisacommonformofcaseselectionat
theinitialstageofresearch.Often,fruitfulanalysisbeginswithanapparentanomaly:twocasesareapparently
quitesimilar,andyetdemonstratesurprisinglydifferentoutcomes.Thehopeisthatintensivestudyofthesecases
willrevealone—oratmostseveral—factorsthatdifferacrossthesecases.Thesedifferingfactors(X1)arelooked
uponasputativecauses.Atthisstage,theresearchmaybedescribedbytheseconddiagraminTable28.3(B).
Sometimes,aresearcherbeginswithastronghypothesis,inwhichcaseherresearchdesignisconfirmatory
(hypothesistesting)fromtheget‐go.Thatis,shestrivestoidentifycasesthatexhibitdifferentoutcomes,different
scoresonthefactorofinterest,andsimilarscoresonallotherpossiblecausalfactors,asillustratedinthesecond
(hypothesis‐testing)diagraminTable28.3(B).
Thepointisthatthepurposeofamost‐similarresearchdesign,andhenceitsbasicsetup,oftenchangesasa
researchermovesfromanexploratorytoaconfirmatorymodeofanalysis.However,regardlessofwhereone
begins,theresults,whenpublished,looklikeahypothesis‐testingresearchdesign.Questionmarkshavebeen
removed:(A)becomes(B)inTable28.3.
Asanexample,letusconsiderLeonEpstein'sclassicstudyofpartycohesion,whichfocusesontwo“most‐similar”
countries,theUnitedStatesandCanada.Canadahashighlydisciplinedpartieswhosemembersvotetogetheron
theflooroftheHouseof(p.669) CommonswhiletheUnitedStateshasweak,undisciplinedparties,whose
membersoftendefectonfloorvotesinCongress.Inexplainingthesedivergentoutcomes,persistentovermany
years,Epsteinfirstdiscussespossiblecausalfactorsthatareheldmoreorlessconstantacrossthetwocases.
BoththeUnitedStatesandCanadainheritedEnglishpoliticalcultures,bothhavelargeterritoriesand
heterogeneouspopulations,botharefederal,andbothhavefairlyloosepartystructureswithstrongregionalbases
andaweakcenter.Thesearethe“control”variables.Wheretheydifferisinoneconstitutionalfeature:Canadais
parliamentarywhiletheUnitedStatesispresidential.AnditisthisinstitutionaldifferencethatEpsteinidentifiesas
thecrucial(differentiating)cause.(Forfurtherexamplesofthemost‐similarmethodseeBrenner1976;Hamilton
1977;Lipset1968;Miguel2004;Moulder1977;Posner2004.)
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Table28.3.Most‐similaranalysiswithtwocasetypes
Casetypes
X1
X2
Y
(A)Hypothesis‐generating(Y‐centered):
A
?
0
1
B
?
0
0
A
1
0
1
B
0
0
0
(B)Hypothesis‐testing(X1/Y‐centered):
X1=thevariableoftheoreticalinterest.X2 =avectorofcontrols.Y=theoutcomeofinterest.
Severalcaveatsapplytoanymost‐similaranalysis(inadditiontotheusualsetofassumptionsapplyingtoallcase‐
studyanalysis).First,eachcausalfactorisunderstoodashavinganindependentandadditiveeffectonthe
outcome;thereareno“interaction”effects.Second,onemustcodecasesdichotomously(high/low,
present/absent).Thisisstraightforwardiftheunderlyingvariablesarealsodichotomous(e.g.federal/unitary).
However,itisoftenthecasethatvariablesofconcerninthemodelarecontinuous(e.g.partycohesion).Inthis
setting,theresearchermust“dichotomize”thescoringofcasessoastosimplifythetwo‐caseanalysis.(Some
flexibilityisadmissibleonthevectorofcontrols(X2 )thatare“heldconstant”acrossthecases.Nonidentityis
tolerableifthedeviationrunscountertothepredictedhypothesis.Forexample,EpsteindescribesboththeUnited
StatesandCanadaashavingstrongregionalbasesofpower,afactorthatisprobablymoresignificantinrecent
CanadianhistorythaninrecentAmericanhistory.However,becauseregionalbasesofpowershouldleadto
weakerparties,ratherthanstrongerparties,thiselementofnonidentitydoesnotchallengeEpstein'sconclusions.
Indeed,itsetsupamost‐difficultresearchscenario,asdiscussedabove.)
Inonerespecttherequirementsforcasecontrolarenotsostringent.Specifically,itisnotusuallynecessaryto
measurecontrolvariables(atleastnotwithahighdegreeofprecision)inordertocontrolforthem.Iftwocountries
canbeassumed(p.670) tohavesimilarculturalheritagesoneneedn'tworryaboutconstructingvariablesto
measurethatheritage.Onecansimplyassertthat,whatevertheyare,theyaremoreorlessconstantacrossthe
twocases.Thisissimilartothetechniqueemployedinarandomizedexperiment,wheretheresearchertypically
doesnotattempttomeasureallthefactorsthatmightaffectthecausalrelationshipofinterest.Sheassumes,
rather,thattheseunknownfactorshavebeenneutralizedacrossthetreatmentandcontrolgroupsby
randomizationorbythechoiceofasamplethatisinternallyhomogeneous.
Themostusefulstatisticaltoolforidentifyingcasesforin‐depthanalysisinamost‐similarsettingisprobablysome
varietyofmatchingstrategy—e.g.exactmatching,approximatematching,orpropensity‐scorematching.17 The
productofthisprocedureisasetofmatchedcasesthatcanbecomparedinwhateverwaytheresearcherdeems
appropriate.Thesearethe“most‐similar”cases.RosenbaumandSilber(2001,223)summarize:
Unlikemodel‐basedadjustments,where[individuals]vanishandarereplacedbythecoefficientsofa
model,inmatching,ostensiblycomparablepatternsarecompareddirectly,onebyone.Modernmatching
methodsinvolvestatisticalmodelingandcombinatorialalgorithms,buttheendresultisacollectionofpairs
orsetsofpeoplewholookcomparable,atleastonaverage.Inmatching,peopleretaintheirintegrityas
people,sotheycanbeexaminedandtheirstoriescanbetoldindividually.
Matching,concludetheauthors,“facilitates,ratherthaninhibits,thickdescription”(RosenbaumandSilber2001,
223).
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Inprinciple,thesamematchingtechniquesthathavebeenusedsuccessfullyinobservationalstudiesofmedical
treatmentsmightalsobeadaptedtothestudyofnationstates,politicalparties,cities,orindeedanytraditional
pairedcasesinthesocialsciences.Indeed,thecurrentpopularityofmatchingamongstatisticians—relative,that
is,togarden‐varietyregressionmodels—restsuponwhatqualitativeresearcherswouldrecognizeasa“case‐
based”approachtocausalanalysis.IfRosenbaumandSilberarecorrect,itmaybeperfectlyreasonableto
appropriatethislarge‐Nmethodofanalysisforcase‐studypurposes.
Aswithothermethodsofcaseselection,themost‐similarmethodispronetoproblemsofnonrepresentativeness.If
employedinaqualitativefashion(withoutasystematiccross‐caseselectionstrategy),potentialbiasesinthe
chosencasemustbeaddressedinaspeculativeway.Iftheresearcheremploysamatchingtechniqueofcase
selectionwithinalarge‐Nsample,theproblemofpotentialbiascanbeaddressedbyassuringthechoiceofcases
thatarenotextremeoutliers,asjudgedbytheirresidualsinthefullmodel.Most‐similarcasesshouldalsobe
“typical”cases,thoughsomescopefordeviancearoundtheregressionlinemaybeacceptableforpurposesof
findingagoodfitamongcases.(p.671)
Table28.4.Most‐differentanalysiswithtwocases
Casetypes
X1
X2a
X2b
X2c
X2d
Y
A
1
1
0
1
0
1
B
1
0
1
0
1
1
X1=thevariableoftheoreticalinterest.X2a–d =avectorofcontrols.Y=theoutcomeofinterest.
9Most‐differentCases
Afinalcase‐selectionmethodisthereverseimageofthepreviousmethod.Here,variationonindependent
variablesisprized,whilevariationontheoutcomeiseschewed.Ratherthanlookingforcasesthataremost‐
similar,onelooksforcasesthataremost‐different.Specifically,theresearchertriestoidentifycaseswherejust
oneindependentvariable(X1),aswellasthedependentvariable(Y),covary,whileallotherplausiblefactors(X
18
2a–d )showdifferentvalues.
Thesimplestformofthistwo‐casecomparisonisillustratedinTable28.4.CasesAandBaredeemed“most
different,”thoughtheyaresimilarintwoessentialrespects—thecausalvariableofinterestandtheoutcome.
Asanexample,IfollowMarcHoward's(2003)recentwork,whichexplorestheenduringimpactofCommunismon
civilsociety.19 Cross‐nationalsurveysshowastrongcorrelationbetweenformerCommunistregimesandlow
socialcapital,controllingforavarietyofpossibleconfounders.Itisastrongresult.Howardwonderswhythis
relationshipissostrongandwhyitpersists,andperhapsevenstrengthens,incountriesthatarenolongersocialist
orauthoritarian.Inordertoanswerthisquestion,hefocusesontwomost‐differentcases,RussiaandEast
Germany.Thesetwocountrieswerequitedifferent—inallwaysotherthantheirCommunistexperience—priorto
theSovietera,duringtheSovietera(sinceEastGermanyreceivedsubstantialsubsidiesfromWestGermany),and
inthepost‐Sovietera,asEastGermanywasabsorbedintoWestGermany.Yet,theybothscorenearthebottomof
variouscross‐nationalindicesintendedtomeasuretheprevalenceofcivicengagementinthecurrentera.Thus,
Howard's(2003,6–9)caseselectionproceduremeetstherequirementsofthemost‐differentresearchdesign:
Varianceisfoundonall(ormost)dimensions(p.672) asidefromthekeyfactorofinterest(Communism)andthe
outcome(civicengagement).
Whatleverageisbroughttotheanalysisfromthisapproach?Howard'scasestudiescombineevidencedrawnfrom
masssurveysandfromin‐depthinterviewsofsmall,stratifiedsamplesofRussiansandEastGermans.(Thisisa
goodillustration,incidentally,ofhowquantitativeandqualitativeevidencecanbefruitfullycombinedinthe
intensivestudyofseveralcases.)Theproductofthisanalysisistheidentificationofthreecausalpathwaysthat,
Howard(2003,122)claims,helptoexplainthelaggardstatusofcivilsocietyinpost‐Communistpolities:“the
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mistrustofcommunistorganizations,thepersistenceoffriendshipnetworks,andthedisappointmentwithpost‐
communism.”Simplyput,Howard(2003,145)concludes,“agreatnumberofcitizensinRussiaandEastern
Germanyfeelastrongandlingeringsenseofdistrustofanykindofpublicorganization,ageneralsatisfactionwith
theirownpersonalnetworks(accompaniedbyasenseofdeterioratingrelationswithinsocietyoverall),and
disappointmentinthedevelopmentsofpost‐communism.”
Thestrengthofthismost‐differentcaseanalysisisthattheresultsobtainedinEastGermanyandRussiashould
alsoapplyinotherpost‐Communistpolities(e.g.Lithuania,Poland,Bulgaria,Albania).Bychoosinga
heterogeneoussample,Howardsolvestheproblemofrepresentativenessinhisrestrictedsample.However,this
sampleisdemonstrablynotrepresentativeacrossthepopulationoftheinference,whichisintendedtocoverall
countriesoftheworld.
Moreproblematicisthelackofvariationonkeycausalfactorsofinterest—Communismanditsputativecausal
pathways.Forthisreason,itisdifficulttoreachconclusionsaboutthecausalstatusofthesefactorsonthebasisof
themost‐differentanalysisalone.Itispossible,thatis,thatthethreecausalpathwaysidentifiedbyHowardalso
operatewithinpolitiesthatneverexperiencedCommunistrule.
Nordoesitseempossibletoconclusivelyeliminaterivalhypothesesonthebasisofthismost‐differentanalysis.
Indeed,thisisnotHoward'sintention.Hewishesmerelytoshowthatwhateverinfluenceoncivilsocietymightbe
attributedtoeconomic,cultural,andotherfactorsdoesnotexhaustthissubject.
Myconsideredjudgmentisthatthemost‐differentresearchdesignprovidesminimalleverageintotheproblemof
whyCommunistsystemsappeartosuppresscivicengagement,yearsaftertheirdisappearance.Fortunately,thisis
nottheonlyresearchdesignemployedbyHowardinhisadmirablestudy.Indeed,theauthoremploystwoother
small‐Ncross‐casemethods,aswellasalarge‐Ncross‐countrystatisticalanalysis.Thesemethodsdomostofthe
analyticwork.EastGermanymayberegardedasacausalpathwaycase(seeabove).Ithasalltheattributes
normallyassumedtofostercivicengagement(e.g.agrowingeconomy,multipartycompetition,civilliberties,afree
press,closeassociationwithWesternEuropeancultureandpolitics),butnonethelessshowslittleorno
improvementonthisdimensionduringthepost‐transitionera(Howard2003,8).Itisplausibletoattributethislack
ofchangetoitsCommunistpast,asHowarddoes,inwhichcaseEastGermanyshouldbeafruitfulcaseforthe
investigationofcausalmechanisms.ThecontrastbetweenEastandWestGermanyprovidesamost‐similar
analysissincethetwopolitiesshare(p.673) virtuallyeverythingexceptaCommunistpast.Thisvariationisalso
deftlyexploitedbyHoward.
Idonotwishtodismissthemost‐differentresearchmethodentirely.Surely,Howard'sfindingsarestrongerwiththe
intensiveanalysisofRussiathantheywouldbewithout.Yethisbookwouldnotstandsecurelyontheempirical
foundationprovidedbymost‐differentanalysisalone.Ifonestripsawaythepathway‐case(EastGermany)andthe
most‐similaranalysis(East/WestGermany)thereislittleleftuponwhichtobaseananalysisofcausalrelations
(asidefromthelarge‐Ncross‐nationalanalysis).Indeed,mostscholarswhoemploythemost‐differentmethoddo
soinconjunctionwithothermethods.20 Itisrarely,ifever,astandalonemethod.21
GeneralizingfromthisdiscussionofMarcHoward'swork,Iofferthefollowingsummaryremarksonthemost‐
differentmethodofcaseanalysis.(Ileaveasideissuesfacedbyallcase‐studyanalyses,issuesthatareexplored
inGerring2007.)
LetusbeginwithamethodologicalobstaclethatisfacedbybothMilleanstylesofanalysis—thenecessityof
dichotomizingeveryvariableintheanalysis.Recallthat,aswithmost‐similaranalysis,differencesacrosscases
mustgenerallybesizeableenoughtobeinterpretableinanessentiallydichotomousfashion(e.g.high/low,
present/absent)andsimilaritiesmustbecloseenoughtobeunderstoodasessentiallyidentical(e.g.high/high,
present/present).OtherwisetheresultsofaMilleanstyleanalysisarenotinterpretable.Theproblemof“degrees”
isdeadlyifthevariablesunderconsiderationare,bynature,continuous(e.g.GDP).Thisisaparticularconcernin
Howard'sanalysis,whereEastGermanyscoressomewhathigherthanRussiaincivicengagement;theyareboth
low,butRussiaisquiteabitlower.Howardassumesthatthisdivergenceisminimalenoughtobeunderstoodasa
differenceofdegreesratherthanofkinds,ajudgmentthatmightbequestioned.Intheserespects,most‐different
analysisisnomoresecure—butalsonoless—thanmost‐similaranalysis.
Inonerespect,most‐differentanalysisissuperiortomost‐similaranalysis.Ifthecodingassumptionsaresound,the
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most‐differentresearchdesignmaybequiteusefulforeliminatingnecessarycauses.Causalfactorsthatdonot
appearacrossthechosencases—e.g.X2a–d inTable28.4—areevidentlyunnecessaryfortheproductionofY.
However,itdoesnotfollowthatthemost‐differentmethodisthebestmethodforeliminatingnecessarycauses.
Notethatthedefiningfeatureofthismethodisthe(p.674) sharedelementacrosscases—X1inTable28.4.This
featuredoesnothelponetoeliminatenecessarycauses.Indeed,ifonewerefocusedsolelyoneliminating
necessarycausesonewouldpresumablyseekoutcasesthatregisterthesameoutcomesandhavemaximum
diversityonotherattributes.InTable28.4,thiswouldbeasetofcasesthatsatisfyconditionsX2a–d ,butnotX1.
Thus,eventhepresumedstrengthofthemost‐differentanalysisisnotsostrong.
Usually,case‐studyanalysisisfocusedontheidentification(orclarification)ofcausalrelations,nottheelimination
ofpossiblecauses.Inthissetting,themost‐differenttechniqueisuseful,butonlyifassumptionsofcausal
uniquenesshold.By“causaluniqueness,”Imeanasituationinwhichagivenoutcomeistheproductofonlyone
cause:YcannotoccurexceptinthepresenceofX.Xisnecessary,andinsomesituations(givencertain
backgroundconditions)sufficient,tocauseY.22
Considerthefollowinghypotheticalexample.Supposethatanewdisease,aboutwhichlittleisknown,has
appearedinCountryA.Therearehundredsofinfectedpersonsacrossdozensofaffectedcommunitiesinthat
country.InCountryB,locatedattheotherendoftheworld,severalnewcasesofthediseasesurfaceinasingle
community.Inthissetting,wecanimaginetwosortsofMilleananalyses.Thefirstexaminestwosimilarcommunities
withinCountryA,oneofwhichhasdevelopedthediseaseandtheotherofwhichhasnot.Thisisthemost‐similar
styleofcasecomparison,andfocusesaccordinglyontheidentificationofadifferencebetweenthetwocasesthat
mightaccountforvariationacrossthesample.Asecondapproachfocusesoncommunitieswherethediseasehas
appearedacrossthetwocountriesandsearchesforanysimilaritiesthatmightaccountforthesesimilaroutcomes.
Thisisthemost‐differentresearchdesign.
Bothareplausibleapproachestothisparticularproblem,andwecanimagineepidemiologistsemployingthem
simultaneously.However,themost‐differentdesigndemandsstrongerassumptionsabouttheunderlyingfactorsat
work.Itsupposesthatthediseasearisesfromthesamecauseinanysetting.Thisisoftenareasonableoperating
assumptionwhenoneisdealingwithnaturalphenomena,thoughtherearecertainlymanyexceptions.Death,for
example,hasmanycauses.Forthisreason,itwouldnotoccurtoustolookformost‐differentcasesofhigh
mortalityaroundtheworld.Inorderforthemost‐differentresearchdesigntoeffectivelyidentifyacausalfactorat
workinagivenoutcome,theresearchermustassumethatX1—thefactorheldconstantacrossthediversecases
—istheonlypossiblecauseofY(seeTable28.4).Thisassumptionrarelyholdsinsocial‐scientificsettings.Most
outcomesofinteresttoanthropologists,economists,politicalscientists,andsociologistshavemultiplecauses.
Therearemanywaystowinanelection,tobuildawelfarestate,togetintoawar,tooverthrowagovernment,or—
returningtoMarcHoward'swork—tobuildastrongcivilsociety.Anditisforthisreasonthatmost‐differentanalysis
israrelyappliedinsocialscienceworkand,whereapplied,israrelyconvincing.
Ifthisseemsatadsevere,thereisamorecharitablewayofapproachingthemost‐differentmethod.Arguably,this
isnotapure“method”atallbutmerelya(p.675) supplement,awayofincorporatingdiversityinthesub‐sample
ofcasesthatprovidetheunusualoutcomeofinterest.Iftheunusualoutcomeisrevolutions,onemightwishto
encompassawidevarietyofrevolutionsinone'sanalysis.Iftheunusualoutcomeispost‐Communistcivilsociety,it
seemsappropriatetoincludeadiversesetofpost‐Communistpolitiesinone'ssampleofcasestudies,asMarc
Howarddoes.Fromthisperspective,themost‐differentmethod(so‐called)mightbebetterlabeledadiverse‐case
method,asexploredabove.
10Conclusions
Inordertobeacaseofsomethingbroaderthanitself,thechosencasemustberepresentative(insomerespects)
ofalargerpopulation.Otherwise—ifitispurelyidiosyncratic(“unique”)—itisuninformativeaboutanythinglying
outsidethebordersofthecaseitself.Astudybasedonanonrepresentativesamplehasno(orverylittle)external
validity.Tobesure,nophenomenonispurelyidiosyncratic;thenotionofauniquecaseisamatterthatwouldbe
difficulttodefine.Oneisconcerned,asalways,withmattersofdegree.Casesaremoreorlessrepresentativeof
somebroaderphenomenonand,onthatscore,maybeconsideredbetterorworsesubjectsforintensiveanalysis.
(Theoneexception,asnoted,istheinfluentialcase.)
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Ofalltheproblemsbesettingcase‐studyanalysis,perhapsthemostpersistent—andthemostpersistently
bemoaned—istheproblemofsamplebias(AchenandSnidal1989;CollierandMahoney1996;Geddes1990;King,
Keohane,andVerba1994;Rohlfing2004;Sekhon2004).LisaMartin(1992,5)findsthattheoveremphasisof
internationalrelationsscholarsonafewwell‐knowncasesofeconomicsanctions—mostofwhichfailedtoelicit
anychangeinthesanctionedcountry—“hasdistortedanalystsviewofthedynamicsandcharacteristicsof
economicsanctions.”BarbaraGeddes(1990)chargesthatmanyanalysesofindustrialpolicyhavefocused
exclusivelyonthemostsuccessfulcases—primarilytheEastAsianNICs—leadingtobiasedinferences.Anna
BremanandCarolynShelton(2001)showthatcase‐studyworkonthequestionofstructuraladjustmentis
systematicallybiasedinsofarasresearcherstendtofocusondisastercases—thosewherestructuraladjustmentis
associatedwithverypoorhealthandhumandevelopmentoutcomes.Thesecases,oftenlocatedinsub‐Saharan
Africa,arebynomeansrepresentativeoftheentirepopulation.Consequently,scholarshiponthequestionof
structuraladjustmentishighlyskewedinaparticularideologicaldirection(againstneoliberalism)(seealsoGerring,
Thacker,andMoreno2005).
Theseexamplesmightbemultipliedmanytimes.Indeed,formanytopicsthemost‐studiedcasesareacknowledged
tobelessthanrepresentative.Itisworthreflectinguponthefactthatourknowledgeoftheworldisheavilycolored
byafew“big”(populous,rich,powerful)countries,andthatagoodportionofthedisciplinesofeconomics,
politicalscience,andsociologyarebuiltuponscholars'familiaritywith(p.676) theeconomics,politicalscience,
andsociologyofonecountry,theUnitedStates.23 Case‐studyworkisparticularlypronetoproblemsof
investigatorbiassincesomuchridesontheresearcher'sselectionofone(orafew)cases.Eveniftheinvestigator
isunbiased,hersamplemaystillbebiasedsimplybyvirtueof“random”error(whichmaybeunderstoodas
measurementerror,errorinthedata‐generationprocess,orasanunderlyingcausalfeatureoftheuniverse).
Thereareonlytwosituationsinwhichacase‐studyresearcherneednotbeconcernedwiththe
representativenessofherchosencase.Thefirstistheinfluentialcaseresearchdesign,whereacaseischosen
becauseofitspossibleinfluenceonacross‐casemodel,andhenceisnotexpectedtoberepresentativeofa
largersample.Thesecondisthedeviant‐casemethod,wherethechosencaseisemployedtoconfirmabroader
cross‐caseargumenttowhichthecasestandsasanapparentexception.Yetevenherethechosencaseis
expectedtoberepresentativeofabroadersetofcases—those,inparticular,thatarepoorlyexplainedbythe
extantmodel.
Inallothercircumstances,casesmustberepresentativeofthepopulationofinterestinwhateverwaysmightbe
relevanttothepropositioninquestion.Notethatwherearesearcherisattemptingtodisconfirmadeterministic
propositionthequestionofrepresentativenessisperhapsmoreappropriatelyunderstoodasaquestionof
classification:Isthechosencaseappropriatelyclassifiedasamemberofthedesignatedpopulation?Ifso,thenitis
fodderforadisconfirmingcasestudy.
Iftheresearcherisattemptingtoconfirmadeterministicproposition,ortomakeprobabilisticargumentsabouta
causalrelationship,thentheproblemofrepresentativenessisofthemoreusualsort:IscaseAunit‐homogeneous
relativetoothercasesinthepopulation?Thisisnotaneasymattertotest.However,inalarge‐Ncontextthe
residualforthatcase(inwhatevermodeltheresearcherhasgreatestconfidencein)isareasonableplacetostart.
Ofcourse,thistestisonlyasgoodasthemodelathand.Anyincorrectspecificationsorincorrectmodeling
procedureswilllikelybiastheresultsandgiveanincorrectassessmentofeachcase's“typicality.”Inaddition,
thereisthepossibilityofstochasticerror,errorsthatcannotbemodeledinageneralframework.Giventhe
explanatoryweightthatindividualcasesareaskedtobearinacase‐studyanalysis,itiswisetoconsidermore
thanjusttheresidualtestofrepresentativeness.Deductivelogicandanin‐depthknowledgeofthecasein
questionareoftenmorereliabletoolsthantheresultsofacross‐casemodel.
Inanycase,thereisnodispensingwiththequestion.Casestudies(withthetwoexceptionsalreadynoted)rest
uponanassumedsynecdoche:Thecaseshouldstandforapopulation.Ifthisisnottrue,orifthereisreasonto
doubtthisassumption,thentheutilityofthecasestudyisbroughtseverelyintoquestion.
Fortunately,thereissomesafetyinnumbers.Insofarascase‐studyevidenceiscombinedwithcross‐case
evidencetheissueofsamplebiasismitigated.Indeed,thesuspicionofcase‐studyworkthatonefindsinthesocial
sciencestodayis,inmyview,aproductofatoo‐literalinterpretationofthecase‐studymethod.Acasestudytout
(p.677) courtisthoughttomeanacasestudytoutseul.Insofarascasestudiesandcross‐casestudiescanbe
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enlistedwithinthesameinvestigation(eitherinthesamestudyorbyreferencetootherstudiesinthesame
subfield),problemsofrepresentativenessarelessworrisome.Thisisthevirtueofcross‐levelwork,a.k.a.
“triangulation.”
11Ambiguities
Beforeconcluding,Iwishtodrawattentiontotwoambiguitiesincase‐selectionstrategiesincase‐studyresearch.
Thefirstconcernstheadmixtureofseveralcase‐selectionstrategies.Thesecondconcernsthechangingstatus
ofacaseasastudyproceeds.
Somecasestudiesfollowonlyonestrategyofcaseselection.Theyaretypical,diverse,extreme,deviant,
influential,crucial,pathway,most‐similar,ormost‐differentresearchdesigns,asdiscussed.However,many
casestudiesmixandmatchamongthesecase‐selectionstrategies.Indeed,insofarasallcasestudiesseek
representativesamples,theyarealwaysinsearchof“typical”cases.Thus,itiscommonforwriterstodeclarethat
theircaseis,forexample,bothextremeandtypical;ithasanextremevalueonX1orYbutisnot,inother
respects,idiosyncratic.Thereisnotmuchthatonecansayaboutthesecombinationsofstrategiesexceptthat,
wherethecasesallowforavarietyofempiricalstrategies,thereisnoreasonnottopursuethem.Andwherethe
samecasescanserveseveralfunctionsatonce(withoutfurthereffortontheresearcher'spart),thereislittlecost
toamulti‐prongedapproachtocaseanalysis.
Thesecondissuethatdeservesemphasisisthechangingstatusofacaseduringthecourseofaresearcher's
investigation—whichmaylastforyears,ifnotdecades.Theproblemisacutewhereveraresearcherbeginsinan
exploratorymodeandproceedstohypothesis‐testing(thatis,shedevelopsaspecificX1/Yproposition)orwhere
theoperativehypothesisorkeycontrolvariablechanges(anewcausalfactorisdiscoveredoranotheroutcome
becomesthefocusofanalysis).Thingschange.Anditisthemarkofagoodresearchertokeephermindopento
newevidenceandnewinsights.Toooften,methodologicaldiscussionsgivethemisleadingimpressionthat
hypothesesareclearandremainfixedoverthecourseofastudy'sdevelopment.Nothingcouldbefurtherfromthe
truth.Theunofficialtranscriptsofacademia—accessibleininformalsettings,whereresearcherslettheirguards
down(particularlyifinebriated)—arefilledwithstoriesaboutdead‐ends,unexpectedfindings,anddrastically
revisedtheorychapters.Itwouldbeinteresting,inthisvein,tocomparepublishedworkwithdissertation
prospectusesandfellowshipapplications.Idoubtifthecorrelationbetweenthesetwostagesofresearchis
particularlystrong.
Research,afterall,isaboutdiscovery,notsimplytheverificationorfalsificationofstatichypotheses.Thatsaid,itis
alsotruethatresearchonaparticulartopicshouldmovefromhypothesisgeneratingtohypothesis‐testing.This
markstheprogressofa(p.678) field,andofascholar'sownwork.Asarule,researchthatbeginswithanopen‐
ended(X‐orY‐centered)analysisshouldconcludewithadeterminateX1/Yhypothesis.
Theproblemisthatresearchstrategiesthatareidealforexplorationarenotalwaysidealforconfirmation.The
extreme‐casemethodisinherentlyexploratorysincethereisnoclearcausalhypothesis;theresearcheris
concernedmerelytoexplorevariationonasingledimension(XorY).Othermethodscanbeemployedineitheran
open‐ended(exploratory)orahypothesis‐testing(confirmatory/disconfirmatory)mode.Thedifficultyisthatonce
theresearcherhasarrivedatadeterminatehypothesistheoriginallychosenresearchdesignmaynolonger
appeartobesowelldesigned.
Thisisunfortunate,butinevitable.Onecannotconstructtheperfectresearchdesignuntil(a)onehasaspecific
hypothesisand(b)oneisreasonablycertainaboutwhatoneisgoingtofind“outthere”intheempiricalworld.This
isparticularlytrueofobservationalresearchdesigns,butitalsoappliestomanyexperimentalresearchdesigns:
Usually,thereisa“good”(informative)finding,andafindingthatislessinsightful.Inshort,theperfectcase‐study
researchdesignisusuallyapparentonlyexpostfacto.
Therearethreewaystohandlethis.Onecanexplain,straightforwardly,thattheinitialresearchwasundertakenin
anexploratoryfashion,andthereforenotconstructedtotestthespecifichypothesisthatis—now—theprimary
argument.Alternatively,onecantrytoredesignthestudyafterthenew(orrevised)hypothesishasbeen
formulated.Thismayrequireadditionalfieldresearchorperhapstheintegrationofadditionalcasesorvariables
thatcanbeobtainedthroughsecondarysourcesorthroughconsultationofexperts.Afinalapproachistosimply
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jettison,orde‐emphasize,theportionofresearchthatnolongeraddressesthe(revised)keyhypothesis.Athree‐
casestudymaybecomeatwo‐casestudy,andsoforth.Losttimeandeffortarethecostsofthisdownsizing.
Intheevent,practicalconsiderationswillprobablydeterminewhichofthesethreestrategies,orcombinationsof
strategies,istobefollowed.(Theyarenotmutuallyexclusive.)Thepointtorememberisthatrevisionofone's
cross‐caseresearchdesignisnormalandperhapstobeexpected.Notalltwistsandturnsonthemeanderingtrail
oftruthcanbeanticipated.
12AreThereOtherMethodsofCaseSelection?
AttheoutsetofthischapterIsummarizedthetaskofcaseselectionasamatterofachievingtwoobjectives:
representativeness(typicality)andvariation(causalleverage).Evidently,thereareotherobjectivesaswell.For
example,onewishestoidentifycasesthatareindependentofeachother.Ifchosencasesareaffectedby(p.
679) eachother(sometimesknownasGalton'sproblemoraproblemofdiffusion),thisproblemmustbecorrected
beforeanalysiscantakeplace.Ihaveneglectedthisissuebecauseitisusuallyapparenttotheresearcherand,in
anycase,therearenosimpletechniquesthatmightbeutilizedtocorrectforsuchbiases.(Forfurtherdiscussion
ofthisandotherfactorsimpinginguponcaseselectionseeGerring2001,178–81.)
Ihavealsodisregardedpragmatic/logisticalissuesthatmightaffectcaseselection.Evidently,caseselectionis
ofteninfluencedbyaresearcher'sfamiliaritywiththelanguageofacountry,apersonalentréeintothatlocale,
specialaccesstoimportantdata,orfundingthatcoversonearchiveratherthananother.Pragmaticconsiderations
areoften—andquiterightly—decisiveinthecase‐selectionprocess.
Afinalconsiderationconcernsthetheoreticalprominenceofaparticularcasewithintheliteratureonasubject.
Researchersaresometimesobligedtostudycasesthathavereceivedextensiveattentioninpreviousstudies.
Thesearesometimesreferredtoas“paradigmatic”casesor“exemplars”(Flyvbjerg2004,427).
However,neitherpragmatic/logisticalutilitynortheoreticalprominencequalifiesasamethodologicalfactorincase
selection.Thatis,thesefeaturesofacasehavenobearingonthevalidityofthefindingsstemmingfromastudy.
Assuch,itisappropriatetogranttheseissuesaperipheralstatusinthischapter.
Onefinalcaveatmustbeissued.Whileitistraditionaltodistinguishamongthetasksofcaseselectionandcase
analysis,acloselookattheseprocessesshowsthemtobeindistinctandoverlapping.Onecannotchooseacase
withoutconsideringthesortofanalysisthatitmightbesubjectedto,andviceversa.Thus,thereadershould
considerchoosingcasesbyemployingtheninetechniqueslaidoutinthischapteralongwithanyconsiderations
thatmightbeintroducedbyvirtueofacase'squasi‐experimentalqualities,atopictakenupelsewhere(Gerring
2007,ch.6).
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Notes:
(1)Gujarati(2003);Kennedy(2003).Interestingly,thepotentialofcross‐casestatisticsinhelpingtochoosecases
forin‐depthanalysisisrecognizedinsomeoftheearliestdiscussionsofthecase‐studymethod(e.g.Queen1928,
226).
(2)ThisexpandsonMill(1843/1872,253),whowroteofscientificenquiryastwofold:“eitherinquiriesintothe
causeofagiveneffectorintotheeffectsorpropertiesofagivencause.”
(3)Thismethodhasnotreceivedmuchattentiononthepartofqualitativemethodologists;hence,theabsenceofa
generallyrecognizedname.ItbearssomeresemblancetoJ.S.Mill'sJointMethodofAgreementandDifference(Mill
1843/1872),whichistosayamixtureofmost‐similarandmost‐differentanalysis,asdiscussedbelow.Patton
(2002,234)employstheconceptof“maximumvariation(heterogeneity)sampling.”
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(4)Moreprecisely,GeorgeandSmoke(1974,534,522–36,ch.18;seealsodiscussioninCollierandMahoney
1996,78)setouttoinvestigatecausalpathwaysanddiscovered,throughthecourseoftheirinvestigationofmany
cases,thesethreecausaltypes.Yet,forourpurposeswhatisimportantisthatthefinalsampleincludesatleast
onerepresentativeofeach“type.”
(5)ForfurtherexamplesseeCollierandMahoney(1996);Geddes(1990);Tendler(1997).
(6)Traditionally,methodologistshaveconceptualizedcasesashaving“positive”or“negative”values(e.g.Emigh
1997;MahoneyandGoertz2004;Ragin2000,60;2004,126).
(7)Geddes(1990);King,Keohane,andVerba(1994).SeealsodiscussioninBradyandCollier(2004);Collierand
Mahoney(1996);Rogowski(1995).
(8)Theexceptionwouldbeacircumstanceinwhichtheresearcherintendstodisproveadeterministicargument
(Dion1998).
(9)Geddes(2003,131).Forotherexamplesofcaseworkfromtheannalsofmedicinesee“Clinicalreports”inthe
Lancet,“Casestudies”inCanadianMedicalAssociationJournal,andvariousissuesoftheJournalofObstetrics
andGynecology,oftendevotedtoclinicalcases(discussedinJenicek2001,7).Forexamplesfromthesubfieldof
comparativepoliticsseeKazancigil(1994).
(10)ForadiscussionoftheimportantroleofanomaliesinthedevelopmentofscientifictheorizingseeElman
(2003);Lakatos(1978).Forexamplesofdeviant‐caseresearchdesignsinthesocialsciencesseeAmenta(1991);
Coppedge(2004);Eckstein(1975);Emigh(1997);KendallandWolf(1949/1955).
(11)Forexamplesofthecrucial‐casemethodseeBennett,Lepgold,andUnger(1994);Desch(2002);Goodinand
Smitsman(2000);Kemp(1986);ReillyandPhillpot(2003).ForgeneraldiscussionseeGeorgeandBennett(2005);
Levy(2002);Stinchcombe(1968,24–8).
(12)Athirdposition,whichpurportstobeneitherPopperianorBayesian,hasbeenarticulatedbyMayo(1996,ch.
6).Fromthisperspective,thesameideaisarticulatedasamatterof“severetests.”
(13)ItshouldbenotedthatTsai'sconclusionsdonotrestsolelyonthiscrucialcase.Indeed,sheemploysabroad
rangeofmethodologicaltools,encompassingcase‐studyandcross‐casemethods.
(14)SeealsothediscussioninEckstein(1975)andLijphart(1969).Foradditionalexamplesofcasestudies
disconfirminggeneralpropositionsofadeterministicnatureseeAllen(1965);Lipset,Trow,andColeman(1956);
Njolstad(1990);Reilly(2000–1);anddiscussioninDion(1998);Rogowski(1995).
(15)Granted,insofarascase‐studyanalysisprovidesawindowintocausalmechanisms,andcausalmechanisms
areintegraltoagiventheory,asinglecasemaybeenlistedtoconfirmordisconfirmaproposition.However,ifthe
casestudyupholdsapositedpatternofX/Ycovariation,andfindsfaultonlywiththestipulatedcausalmechanism,
itwouldbemoreaccuratetosaythatthestudyforcesthereformulationofagiventheory,ratherthanits
confirmationordisconfirmation.Seefurtherdiscussioninthefollowingsection.
(16)Sometimes,themost‐similarmethodisknownasthe“methodofdifference,”afteritsinventor(Mill1843/1872).
ForlatertreatmentsseeCohenandNagel(1934);Eggan(1954);Gerring(2001,ch.9);Lijphart(1971;1975);
Meckstroth(1975);PrzeworskiandTeune(1970);SkocpolandSomers(1980).
(17)ForgoodintroductionsseeHoetal.(2004);MorganandHarding(2005);Rosenbaum(2004);Rosenbaumand
Silber(2001).ForadiscussionofmatchingproceduresinStataseeAbadieetal.(2001).
(18)Themost‐differentmethodisalsosometimesreferredtoasthe“methodofagreement,”followingitsinventor,
J.S.Mill(1843/1872).SeealsoDeFelice(1986);Gerring(2001,212–14);Lijphart(1971;1975);Meckstroth(1975);
PrzeworskiandTeune(1970);SkocpolandSomers(1980).ForexamplesofthismethodseeCollierandCollier
(1991/2002);ConverseandDupeux(1962);Karl(1997);Moore(1966);Skocpol(1979);Yashar(2005,23).
However,mostofthesestudiesaredescribedascombiningmost‐similarandmost‐differentmethods.
(19)InthefollowingdiscussionItreatthetermssocialcapital,civilsociety,andcivicengagementinterchangeably.
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(20)E.g.CollierandCollier(1991/2002);Karl(1997);Moore(1966);Skocpol(1979);Yashar(2005,23).Karl
(1997),whichaffectstobeamost‐differentsystemanalysis(20),isaparticularlyclearexampleofthis.Herstudy,
focusedostensiblyonpetro‐states(stateswithlargeoilreserves),makestwosortsofinferences.Thefirst
concernsthe(usually)obstructiveroleofoilinpoliticalandeconomicdevelopment.Thesecondsortofinference
concernsvariationwithinthepopulationofpetro‐states,showingthatsomecountries(e.g.Norway,Indonesia)
managetoavoidthepathologiesbroughtonelsewherebyoilresources.Whenattemptingtoexplainthe
constrainingroleofoilonpetro‐states,Karlusuallyreliesoncontrastsbetweenpetro‐statesandnonpetro‐states
(e.g.ch.10).Onlywhenattemptingtoexplaindifferencesamongpetro‐statesdoessherestricthersampleto
petro‐states.Inmyopinion,verylittleuseismadeofthemost‐differentresearchdesign.
(21)Thiswasrecognized,atleastimplicitly,byMill(1843/1872,258–9).Skepticismhasbeenechoedby
methodologistsintheinterveningyears(e.g.CohenandNagel1934,251–6;Gerring2001;SkocpolandSomers
1980).Indeed,explicitdefensesofthemost‐differentmethodarerare(butseeDeFelice1986).
(22)AnotherwayofstatingthisistosaythatXisa“nontrivialnecessarycondition”ofY.
(23)Wahlke(1979,13)writesofthefailingsofthe“behavioralist”modeofpoliticalscienceanalysis:“Itrarelyaims
atgeneralization;researcheffortshavebeenconfinedessentiallytocasestudiesofsinglepoliticalsystems,most
ofthemdealing…withtheAmericansystem.”
JohnGerring
JohnGerringisProfessorofPoliticalScience,BostonUniversity.
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