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Meeting, Matching and Bonding: A Communication Ethnography of an Animal Shelter Sara Kaufman Susan Poulsen Priya Kapoor Abstract Scholarly inquiry into the presence and meaning of animals within human lives is an emerging focus of study. After the work of Cary Wolfe (2009), Donna Haraway (2003) and Clinton Sanders (2003), scholars have developed an interest in the interdisciplinary field of Animal Studies, casting new light on the ways in which humans view, use and interact with animals. However, the field of Communication has not closely examined the ways we speak about animals, and the meanings of such speech. This study used Dell Hymes (1962), Saville Troike (2003) and Clifford Geertz (1973) Ethnography of Communication as a theoretical framework to understand the speech community within a United States humane society. Through analysis of a set of long interviews, in situ observations and shelter artifacts, findings revealed a significant level of communication related to relationship building and maintenance between humans and animals, with an overarching promotion of bonding as a key focus. Shelter staff made efforts to bond with shelter animals, and encouraged bonding between adopters and animals. Relationship language within the shelter setting centered on relationship building and development, including the “dark side” of relationships. By using knowledge about individual animals, shelter workers attempted to evaluate an appropriate fit between animal and adopter. In instances when relational bonding did not occur, workers engaged in language of the “dark side.” For shelter workers, the darker side of human-animal relationships presented itself as failed bonding in the form of animal surrenders, violence, neglect and death. Traditionally, interpersonal communication theory has focused solely on human-human relationships. The presence and promotion of relationship language within an animal shelter setting invites further inquiry into our often complicated and evolving relationships with animals. Key Words Communication, ethnography, culture, human-animal bond, sociolinguistics, animal shelters, animal studies. ***** 1. Introduction Whereas previous studies have looked at the culture of animal shelters through sociological, psychological, and cultural studies (Furst, 2007; Serpell, 1986; Wolfe, 2009), this study directly addressed communication within the context of an animal shelter in the US. 1 Understanding the way a cultural group utilizes communication within a community can be a significant way to understand their culture, in this case communication related to or about companion animals within the shelter context. This study of shelter culture was motivated by an observation that living with companion animals and adopting animals from shelters appeared to be a taken-for-granted facet of US culture. Over 60 percent of households in the United States live with a companion animal (Risley-Curtis et al., 2006). The term companion animal is distinguished from the term “pet” to describe domesticated animals, namely dogs, cats, birds and other small mammals that live with humans whose purpose is companionship rather than entertainment or economic function. (Irving, 2004; Mondelli et al., 2004) 2. Research Purpose The purpose of this study was to understand the culture-sharing group of people working within an animal shelter using the Ethnography of Communication. The study was qualitative and inductive, in that the study was attempting to understand both the meaning and context of this cultures’ communication by examining their communicative processes. Guiding research questions included: RQ1: What are the cultural communication forms performed in the context of the humane society? RQ2: How do shelter volunteers1 and staff communicate about companion animals? RQ3: What cultural meanings are instantiated through communication in this context? 3. Literature Within US culture, humane societies are a recent phenomenon within the last 150 years, found primarily in communities whose political and socioeconomic environments have advanced beyond “marginal survival” (Arkow, 1985, p. 455). Animal protection, as social movement, can be traced to the 19th century. Evidence of attitude change regarding animal treatment is reflected in the number of protection agencies and legislation against animal cruelty during this time period. (Arkow, 1999; Franklin, 1999; Irving, 2004). The US humane movement grew in strength after the Civil War (Arkow, 1999; Mason, 2005) and the animal humane movement in the 1800s became a parent to the child protection movement in both the US and Britain (Howard, 2009; Schultz, 1924). Previous studies found that those who choose shelter work are drawn to it from a desire to work with animals (Alger, 2003; Harbolt, 2003) and identify themselves as “animal people” in a cultural community engaged in a “battle” against pet overpopulation (Arluke, 1994). Shelters are experiencing a shifting of goals from primarily population control to a focus on retaining animals in homes and behavioral education (Arkow, 1985). Since the early 20th century, the increased organization of shelters has allowed for efforts toward preventing animal overpopulation and public awareness (Schultz, 1924). Previous literature has examined the shelter from primarily a sociological view, with the communication of groups whose jobs involve caring for companion animals less well documented. Researchers have called for inquiry into the specific language and communication of shelter workers (Harbolt, 2003). 2 4. Ethnography of Communication Ethnography of Communication (EOC) was used as a descriptive theoretical framework to guide this study of the shelter speech community in the context of its uses, functions and patterns (Hymes, 1962). This study drew on the concept of culture as identified by Geertz (1973). Cultural patterns of religion, philosophy and aesthetics function as “blueprints” for sociological processes of a culture. Communication and language in particular, are one of the major systems through which ideology is transmitted, and meaning created. Therefore, looking at the processes, functions and meanings of language within a culture is key to understanding the culture itself. Within EOC, the social unit of a community is termed “speech community” and is the unit of analysis (Hymes and Gumperz, 1972). This is a social rather than purely linguistic term that acknowledges all forms of language including writing and nonverbal communication (Saville-Troike, 2003). By looking at the language structures, a cultural community can be understood through discourse, revealing what is important to the community. This includes assumptions about the beliefs, values and rights accorded individuals as well as providing the means to define and mark social and political categories. (Saville-Troike, 2003). EOC data types include background information, material artifacts, social organization or structure, communication forms, common knowledge and assumptions about language use and beliefs, including positive or negative views surrounding language use. 5. Research setting and analysis The Oregon Humane Society (OHS) was established in 1868 as one of the first humane organizations in the United States. Founded in 1880 by Dr. Thomas Lamb Eliot after he witnessed the beating of a carriage horse, OHS was Oregon’s child and animal protection organization from 1881 to 1933. OHS currently operates as a nonprofit agency and is funded through voluntary private and public contributions. The organization is presently located in Portland Oregon, in a primarily industrial neighborhood. Research took place over 9 months at OHS in settings where shelter volunteers and staff had direct contact daily with animals2. Data collection included 40 hours of participant observation, field notes focused on communication patterns, two key speech events, material artifacts and documents, and eight face-to-face interviews with shelter workers3. Using thematic analysis (Luborsky, 1994) and EOC analytic components, I examined data that characterized the cultural scene, discursive patterns, including frequently heard phrases and words, what constituted appropriate speech, common knowledge of the speech community, euphemisms, and emergent critical speech events. Interview data were triangulated (Patton, 2002) with fieldwork materials and key artifacts. 6. Findings Analysis of communication revealed a significant level of relationship communication throughout the animal shelter portions of OHS. Findings revealed three main communication forms: verbal, written and nonverbal. Prominent emergent themes 3 clustered around relationship building and maintenance. The presence of repeated relationship building terms that support the overarching theme of relational bonding suggest that a network of interrelated relationships occurred in the service of bonding between shelter workers, animals and the public. Relationship Building and Maintenance A significant level of relationship building and maintenance communication reflected in terms such as “Meeting,” “Getting to know,” “Matching,” “Spending time,” “Get Acquainted” and “Bond” were frequently heard from staff. The overarching promotion of bonding was a key focus. As a relational term, bond described an “attachment” or “connection” between animal and human. Shelter staff and volunteers made efforts to bond with shelter animals, and ensured as much as possible, bonding between the public (adopters) and animals to prevent returns of animals.4 By using knowledge about individual animals, staff attempted to evaluate a potential fit between an animal and adopter. “And, you have to be able to look at the dogs and the people and you know, say this is going to work or this isn’t going to work.” (Volunteer Worker D). “Meeting” and “getting to know” an animal were stressed in formal classes at OHS, as well as emphasized by interview participants as a part of their everyday work. Spending time with an animal as “A” explains: You know, I love dogs and so just to be able to spend some time with a dog, take out of his kennel, um interact with him and help him feel more comfortable, him confident, relaxed um even if he just sleeps for a little bit…some of them don’t sleep a lot…cause there’s other dogs barking and it’s a strange place and it’s kind of scary. (Volunteer Worker A) “Meeting” an animal was used in the context of both understanding the individual traits of an animal, as well as a process that was encouraged by the shelter if a customer appeared interested in an animal. The shelter had several rooms in both the cat and dog areas specifically for the purpose of providing a quiet place for a potential adopter and an animal to spend time together. The rooms were referred to as the Get Acquainted and Meet and Greet rooms. Interpersonal Communication Theory The relationship network among shelter workers, animals, and the public appears to follow Mark Knapp’s (1992) model of interaction stages in relationships characterized by different patterns of communication. The model, initially developed to explain human interpersonal relationship development, maintenance and decline includes 10 sub-steps; 6 of which this study was able to examine. The model includes The Coming Together phase, which includes steps of initiating, experimenting, and intensifying. Integration and bonding follow. The second stage of the model is the Coming Apart stage, which includes the termination step. The majority of steps identified within shelter communication fell into Knapp’s relationship development, or “coming together” stage. The findings of this study do not speak to the entire macro stage of “coming apart,” but the process, and the final step of relationship termination. 4 In the initiating step of relationship development, communicators are attempting to show that they are pleasant and likable. One volunteer worker used the metaphor of a dance to describe this step: “I love that little dance that you do at first with a dog, to let them read you and you read them” (Volunteer Worker B) Duck (1985) also describes relationship development as a process and those getting to know one another seek to “match” themselves with others on the basis of a range of factors including physical appearance, attitude and nonverbal information. At the same time, individuals are attempting to reduce uncertainty to gain information of mood or interest toward themselves. This includes careful observation of the other including exchanging greetings. In shelter literature it has been noted that there is some difficulty “reading” the personality or behavior of an animal within the shelter setting, as both animals and people may not act exactly as they would at home (Irving, 2004; Alger & Alger 2003). Shelter workers appeared to engage in reducing this uncertainty for members of the public in several ways. For example, “kennel cards” were displayed on the kennel of each shelter animal. These often included perceived likes or dislikes or behavior traits of the animal. Volunteers working in the cattery were encouraged to “sit” with cats in the clear glass colony rooms, which were visible to the public, either grooming them or “socializing” with them. These behaviors perhaps modeled the way the shelter animal might act with a potential adopter: This creates a favorable impression for the public, as they may walk by and see a dog interacting with someone they then can see that scene in their home, thus potentially making that dog adoptable. (Field note, September 2010) In the experimenting step (2nd), communicators gain further information about the other individual. The shelter appeared to facilitate both steps of initiating and experimenting between potential adopters and shelter animals by encouraging them to visit the “Get Acquainted” and “Meet and Greet” rooms in the shelter. This appeared to allow potential adopters space to engage in “sizing up” or the attempt to obtain new information about others while reducing uncertainties (Knapp, 1992). In addition, adopters may be searching for potential similarities (Knapp, 1992). Within shelter literature, this step appeared to take place as potential adopters spent time with an animal before adoption, as well as an activity that was encouraged by shelter workers. A customer is looking at a cat in the colony room next to us and ____ asks, “Would you like to meet her? If you want you can come into the room and talk to her to see what she’s like.” (Field note, October 2010) During Intensifying step (3rd), there is active participation within the relationship, such as direct expressions of commitment or terms of endearment. In relation to the public, a volunteer worker who assisted in an adoption of a shelter dog demonstrated the intensifying step: 5 This guy came in and met ___ two or three times, fell in love with ___, ___ fell in love with him and on Christmas Eve last year…___ got adopted, snow was up to here, we were closing early, he comes in and adopts this dog on Christmas Eve. (Volunteer Worker D) Bonding is described as a relationship step in terms of an extension of integrating, or a commitment to the relationship (Knapp, 1984), or intimacy based on “complex behavioral interdependence” (Trenholm & Jensen, 1996, p. 334). The latter steps of bonding and integrating appear to be similar to the adoption of an animal and integration of the animal into the individual’s home. Shelter workers who had adopted shelter animals described this step in their own experiences: And ___ was the one, he came in um, and then he got adopted by a family with children and then he was returned because he wasn’t good with children. So I adopted him...I really liked him. He’s a hugger, so when he gets nervous he’ll come up to a person and climb up and snuggle. And that doesn’t happen very often with cats so it’s hard not to fall in love. And he got adopted, that was great, but when he got returned he was mine. My cat. (Staff 3) As noted earlier, during my nine months at OHS, I was unable to address the relational decline, or the coming apart steps of Knapp’s model, as de-escalation steps were not mentioned by shelter workers within interviews. However, workers did touch upon final “termination” step of relational decline. Dark Side of Relationships The “Dark Side” of human relating can include social interactions that are difficult, problematic or distressing (Spitzberg and Cupach, 1998). Some features of the dark side include conflict, dissatisfaction, violence and dissolution. The majority of the relationship language observed in the shelter tended to be positive. However, some shelter staff described the “darker” side of human-animal relationships that typically clustered into 3 types. The first were owner-released where animals were “surrendered” to the shelter, and second were animals that had been adopted out from the shelter and then returned back (both types sometimes perceived by shelter workers as “broken bonds”). The third type was violence, neglect and euthanasia. As Spitzberg & Cupach (1998, p. xiv) note “harming those who have little power to protect themselves from harm is another source of darkness.” From the perspective of shelter workers, the “termination” step of Knapp’s model, which includes aspects of the dark side of relating, e.g. giving up an animal, was experienced as essentially negative and perceived some of them as “broken bonds” between humans and animals. Shelter workers described the emotional toll of confronting the negative aspects of animal-human interactions. We have to see a very dark side, and because we also know that there’s a connection between animal violence leading to eventually domestic violence, we know that there’s some very scary people out there because of where we see 6 them start this process that may lead them to violence to fellow human beings. (Staff 1) OHS did not euthanize animals for space reasons, only for ill health or significant behavior issues. Some shelter workers cited this as a positive for the shelter. … the good thing about me coming to OHS is that euthanasia is not taken lightly by this organization. I’ve never seen a place with such low numbers. So I like that. (Staff 1) However when euthanasia did occur, it appeared to affect some shelter workers. And I was waiting for someone to assist me, and I was telling him to sit and lay down he was doing all of this, and so I got a little bit attached. You know? Just in that brief moment and so afterwards I got really emotional because I didn’t know this dog. But I just had that brief attachment to him and it made it…really difficult. So sometimes that can be really difficult, really painful for, for me. (Staff 3) 7. Conclusion Human-Animal Studies (HAS), or Animal Studies is a growing interdisciplinary field that explores the relations between humans and non-humans drawing upon a wide range of fields including, but not limited to sociology, philosophy, history, literature and science. Our lives are connected to animals in many different ways. We eat them, and use their products, view them in zoos, refer to them in metaphors (DeMello, 2012) and, in the case of this study, share our homes and lives with them. Within the study of interpersonal relationships in particular, scholarship has generally focused on human-human relationships with a resulting research gap of how, and if the presence of animals affects human communication, and the meanings of such speech. In looking at the shelter through an analysis of animal shelter communication, the findings of this study revealed a significant level of relationship communication. Relationship terms, types and processes appeared to support an animal-centric culture within this humane society. For those concerned with the ways we relate to and about animals, the question of what constitutes meaning for communicators has the potential to be investigated further. As US society becomes increasingly linked both regionally and globally, understanding how to tackle larger issues of communicable diseases and population health can be linked to ensuring both human and animal health. Companion animal overpopulation, control and welfare are issues faced not only within the speech community studied here but wherever in the world animals live alongside humans. Understanding the communication of groups who rescue and shelter animals may lend additional insight to the meaning and value placed on the animals in their care, and possibly insight into these larger issues. 7 Notes 1 Shelter volunteers are also described as “volunteer workers” in this study. 2 One of the limitations of this study is that it was focused on one area of the humane society. I did not conduct interviews, or include observation notes of specific public activities or discourse. As the public and community is an integral part of the humane society, this was a limitation as I was not able discover the public’s understanding of shelter animals and the shelter itself. 3 Although each interview participant was initially identified by a pseudonym, I assigned a notation system corresponding to each participant to further protect confidentially. 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