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Journal of the
International Association
of Buddhist Universities
JIABU, Vol. IX, 2016
Buddhism & ASEAN Regional Issues
Edited by Dr. Dion Peoples
The Journal of the
International Association of Buddhist Universities
(JIABU) Volume IX, 2016
Buddhism & ASEAN Regional Issues
(Digital Edition)
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
iii
Editorial Message:
At the International Association of Buddhist Universities, we have several
principles that we take as our guidelines in moving forward in our engagements. Here is
a reminder of how we progress in our work and how we wish to inspire others, through:
IABU Vision:
• Motivate future generations to gain and apply profound understanding of the
Buddhadhamma in every aspect of life
• Raise the quality of scholarly work within Buddhist Studies and across other academic
endeavors
• Contribute to meeting the challenges that face human society worldwide
IABU Mission:
• Support and collaborate with members to ensure humanity can benefit from the
richness and variety of the multi-dimensional Buddhist traditions
• Provide a framework towards better understanding diverse policies and activities
• Collaborate in administration, teaching, research and outreach
• Recognize each other’s qualifications
IABU Goals:
• Propagate the Buddhadhamma through collaborative academic channels
• Eliminate Buddhist sectarian, national, and institutional barriers
• Raise the academic standards throughout the Buddhist world
• Maximize academic potentials and abilities
The papers in this volume are on a variety of topics. Originally the volume intended
to contain papers on: “Buddhism and ASEAN’s Political Security & Economic
Communities”, but there were few contributions on the theme, so a revision to the call for
papers included papers on any topic pertaining to Buddhism. As a result, we received
papers diverse in quality. There are papers that are very impressive as well as papers from
emerging-scholars aspiring towards graduation-requirements. Therefore, the IABU
contributed towards making some of these papers become something other than what it
was submitted. Hours of editing work went into a few of these papers, and yet, we still
apologize if any imperfections remain. We tried, very diligently, to assist these scholars,
sacrificing our personal research, for the sake of these scholars that contributed papers to
this edition of the JIABU. Dr Rodriguez-Diaz has a very technical paper on Buddhist-data
and the concept of loving-kindness in everyone’s daily life, and despite the rhetoric of
Buddhism, computerized results show interesting results. Dr. Scherer contributes a paper,
originally an epilogue to his upcoming book, on Buddhism’s perspective towards people
with variations to their bodies (disabilities or even gender-issues) – towards a very
interesting social conversation that more people may find interesting. The research and
writing of Sigmund Frued is very popular, and Mr. Tan contributes an excerpt of his
research on evaluating dream-states. Dr. Tony Sin-Heng See explores Buddha-Nature, a
topic many Buddhists pursue and still have trouble comprehending, this paper should
clarify the concept for readers. Our comrade in peace, Mr. Amjad Mohamed-Saleem
contributes his writing to help Buddhists understand Non-Violence and Conflict
Resolution in the Islamic Perspective – so Buddhists can comprehend how another person
from another tradition, may be thinking. This important paper will assist Buddhists in their
interreligious-dialogues. Socially-engaged Buddhism, the topic pursued next, by Dr.
Priyasen Singh is included next, as continuity in ideas for attaining peace and pursuing
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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peace and liberation, through the Bodhisattva Ideal. Ven. Phan Anh Duoc contributes a
paper on various leaders involved with engaged Buddhism, expressing their ideas on
Nibbana. A leader from China is written about in Mr. Saiping An’s paper on Venerable
Chin Kung, illuminating the idea of multicultural education, and how this brings social
peace. Other leaders from the pages of Thai history are resurrected by Venerable Yuande
Shih, as he researches the holy-men and their involvement with political leadership within
texts from Thai history. From the pages of history, towards influential literature and art:
the last two papers are on the Sinxay Story, perhaps a Jataka tale from Laos, translated by
Peter Whittlesey; and the wonderful architecture of Champa, Vietnam is written about by
Dr. Arvind Singh - and many pictures of these temples were included into the article so
readers who have never been to Vietnam may one day be inspired to visit a beautiful nation,
recovering from decades of a devasting war for liberation.
With all of that being said, we hope you will enjoy this ninth edition of the journal
for the International Association of Buddhist Universities. This volume, along with all of
our other volumes, can be found online, at: www.iabu.org/JIABU - and we hope you will
have ample time to read these volumes, and build your research upon our ideas that have
been released already, instead of contributing basic-paper after basic-paper. History is full
of interesting ideas, and modern researchers try their best to incorporate the past with
modern wisdom, so that the emerging generations can produce better research. The vision,
mission, and goals of the IABU are expressed to ensure our students and professors are not
beginning from nothing. We have an extensive catalog of conference publications and
journals which should be explored within the various classrooms in Buddhist Studies,
across all of the universities in our association. Professors are encouraged to use these
articles as conversation-pieces to push the boundraries beyond what their students are
normally producing, and what they themselves are producing. For Buddhist Studies to be
taken more seriously in the world of academia, and to be globally-influential, we need to
discuss the difficult ideas that traditional studies are often afraid to consider. We all need
to be literate on the controversial issues; we must lead discussions on the global stage
where these issues are discussed so that policy-makers and shareholders will take our ideas
seriously – ideas from Buddhist people and the Buddhist tradition, for the benefit of the
world and our civilizations.
Thank you for your time and patience with this journal. As with other volumes, if
there is any issue you wish to discuss, the IABU Secretariat can put you in direct contact
with the author, because these ideas expressed within are not necessarily our own, but
deserve consideration as conversation pieces.
If you would like to contact the Manager of the IABU, please find him on
Facebook, at: https://www.facebook.com/Dr.DionPeoples - or send a message to the new
official IABU Secretariat page, at: https://www.facebook.com/IABUManager/ - to reach
the International Association of Buddhist Universities. Please note, Facebook has
shutdown the page for: https://www.facebook.com/IABUSecretariat - until we submit
official documentation their offices to register as an official certified Facebook-page. We
are working on restoring access to the Facebook-page.
Respectfully,
Dr. Dion Peoples
JIABU General Editor
IABU Manager, MCU, Thailand
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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Table of Contents:
The Social Structure of Loving-Kindness in Buddhist Populations of
the ASEAN Region (And Neighbors) - A Sociological Analysis
Dr. José A. Rodríguez Díaz
1
Buddhism and Disability: Toward a Socially Engaged Buddhist
‘Theology’ of Bodily Inclusiveness
Dr. Bee Scherer
26
Evaluating the “Unconscious in Dream” between Sigmund Freud
and the Buddhist Tipiṭaka
Mr. P.B. Tan
36
The Doctrine of Buddha-Nature in Mahāyāna Buddhism
Dr. Tony Sin-Heng See
47
Understanding Principles and Community Practices Related to NonViolence and Conflict Resolution from an Islamic Tradition
Mr. Amjad Mohamed-Saleem
57
The Bodhisattva Ideal and Socially Engaged Buddhism: A
Progressive Approach
Asst. Prof. Dr. Priyasen Singh
70
Interpretation of Concept of Nibbāna in Engaged Buddhism: A Case
Study on Engaged Buddhist Leaders
Ven. Phan Anh Duoc
81
Contribution towards the Peace and Security of Southeast Asia
through Venerable Chin Kung’s Idea of “Multicultural Education”
Mr. Saiping An
94
The “Holy Men’s” Uprisings in the Thai Political Dynamics: Merits
Counted
Venerable Yuande Shih
101
Sinxay as a Jataka Nauk Nibat – A Jataka Outside the Circle
Mr. Peter Whittlesey
109
Cham Architecture in Viet Nam
Asst. Prof. Dr. Arvind Kumar Singh
119
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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The Social Structure of Loving-Kindness in Buddhist Populations
Of The ASEAN Region (And Neighbors)* - A Sociological Analysis.**
José A. Rodríguez Díaz, Dr., PhD
Professor of Sociology
FEE, University of Barcelona
Doctrinal Buddhism is well known and studied by a large group of excellent
Buddhist scholars, but much less is known about the ways Buddhism takes form in the
values, visions, attitudes and actions of Buddhist people. This paper aims to contribute
insight into the knowledge of the structural form socially taken by one of the main pieces
in the Buddhist cosmovision: loving-kindness. The complex system of interconnections
and influences among multiple structural, existential, spiritual, and loving-kindness
elements (variables) produces the social structure of loving-kindness, which will be
visualized and analyzed. The paper also focuses on the similarities and differences in the
models of loving-kindness among countries of the ASEAN Region and neighboring
countries from a sociological point of view. It builds, and heavily relies on, graphic
representations as new social maps to better understand the Buddhist social field.
What?:
This paper analyzes values, positions and actions of Buddhist people in some
ASEAN countries, and in comparison with neighboring countries. The analysis aspires to
understand the peculiarities, the similarities and the differences of Buddhist people of
different countries and regions, of different traditions. The objective is to uncover some of
the social, cognitive and action structures aimed at offering knowledge to deepen relations
among Buddhist countries, especially within the ASEAN Region. It focuses on indicators
(religious, cultural and social values, interaction, trust, action) regarding and towards
others. In fact, loving-kindness, along with compassion, empathetic-joy and equanimity
(the four immeasurables1) constitute a main avenue of values and practices towards the
creation of harmonious relations with others, and within and between societies.
The first part of the paper empirically explores, using survey data, how lovingkindness is seen and practiced by Buddhist people in the ASEAN region and of neighboring
countries. We use indicators of their contribution to a better world by focusing on the
happiness and wellbeing of others and therefore facilitating harmony, dialogue and
cooperation. As the background to loving-kindness, we explore structural and
demographic, religious and spiritual, and enjoyment of life variables that define the social
territory where it resides. To enhance the comparison, Multi-Dimensional Scaling (MDS)
and Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) are used to build social maps, which depict
countries according to their social distances.
First, I have seen how countries are placed in a new social map of loving-kindness;
then in the second part of the paper, we explore its social structure; and how it takes form
as structural combination of variables, both globally and in each country. The combination
of systems of relations, of those values, attitudes and actions define the social field of
loving-kindness. The map of the social field shows the essence of the social cultural
identities of Buddhist people in the ASEAN Region, and in surrounding countries.
1
Mettam Sutta: The Brahma-viharas. SN 46.54
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How?:
I use the largest global sociological survey currently being carried out (World
Values Survey2) which focuses on general social values and attitudes and gathers
information from almost 83-thousand people from 58 countries worldwide with an
important presence of countries with large Buddhist populations. This ample data-set
allows me to compare Buddhist people in some countries of the ASEAN region (Thailand,
Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore) and also with neighboring countries (such as China,
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, along with Hong Kong) and provides a glimpse of how
Buddhist people contribute to a better world.
As technical and conceptual apparatus I use Multi-Dimensional Scaling (MDS) and
Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) with the statistical program SPSS (for the first part
of the paper) along with Social Network Analysis using UCINET (in the second part of
paper). MDS, using the ALSCAL algorithm in SPSS, is a statistical procedure that
calculates similarities and differences between countries and translates them into Euclidean
distances in order to place countries in a two dimensional space. The positioning in the
Euclidean space is metrically equivalent to the physical distances between all countries at
the same time that produces the standard geographical map. Here I substitute physical
distances for social distances producing social maps.
Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA), using both intergroup and closest neighbor
approaches, mathematically identifies and groups together the most similar countries in
what we could think of as social regions. Social Network Analysis (SNA) works with
relational matrixes, in this case they are mathematical expressions of the relations among
all the variables used in part one of the paper. We can identify and visualize, using the
special visualization program Netdraw, the social structure, the social grid and network, of
Loving Kindness.
Buddhist in the ASEAN Region, and Asian Neighbors
We will start our journey looking into the social configurations and spaces, the
social territory, where we believe the field of loving-kindness is embedded. They are
structural, spiritual and living elements and dimensions acting as background for lovingkindness. As structural elements, we look into sociodemographic dimensions such as age,
gender, education, income, and social class. As spiritual-religious dimensions we look into
the relevance of religion and spirituality in their lives and their religious practice. As the
living dimension, we are using elements defining the quality and possibilities of their lives
(Table 1). Our goal here is to see how those elements are distributed throughout the
Buddhist populations of the ASEAN region (in our data represented by Thailand, Vietnam,
Malaysia and Singapore) and those of the neighboring Asian countries. By looking into
their similarities and differences, we will place the countries (the Buddhist people of a
country) in social maps representing social distances.
Sociodemographics
The Buddhist population, in the survey, is a bit older than the general population
(mean age of 45 vs. 42). There is not an even age distribution or composition within the
region as some countries have Buddhist populations substantially younger and others much
older. The Buddhist population of Malaysia, followed by that of Vietnam, is the youngest
of all the Buddhists, and even younger than the mean age of the general population of the
survey (M:32; V: 40). The oldest Buddhist populations are those from Japan (average age
48), Singapore, Thailand, China and Hong Kong.
2
The data used for all the countries belongs to wave 5 (2007) with the exception of that of Singapore which is a new
addition in wave 6 (2014)
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In the Buddhist population the proportion of women is slightly larger in all the
countries studied (average global proportion of women: 52,7%) and even larger than in the
general population. Although the gender composition in most countries is quite
homogeneous and similar to the overall mean, in some there is a very large female
composition. This is the case of Hong Kong where 68% of Buddhists are women, followed
by Taiwan (57%), Vietnam (57%) and China (56%) and Singapore (56%).
The average educational level of the Buddhist population is in the middle of the
scale (where one is incomplete elemental schooling and eight university degree) but slightly
under the global mean (4.0 vs. 4.3), and, overall, their education period is shorter (two
years less) than the global population. Two of the countries of the ASEAN Region
(Thailand and Vietnam) coincide in similar low levels of education, below the levels of
their Asian counterparts, while Malaysia and specially Singapore single out by their high
levels.
Buddhist people place themselves in middle income and social positions and above
the mean of the global population. On average, they are close to the middle lower class
and in the middle of the income scale (5.2) while the average in the general population is
the working class and a 4.6 in the income scale level. Buddhist people of Vietnam and
Thailand coincide with those of Malaysia and Singapore)in their highest levels of income.
However, they differ in their perceived social positions, reflecting probably different social
structures. Vietnamese Buddhists place themselves in the lowest positions while Thai and
those from Malaysia and Singapore (along with Taiwan and South Korea) place themselves
in the highest positions.
The use of Multidimensional Scaling offers a concise and precise vision of
sociodemographic differences and similarities between countries (Buddhist people of
countries) by placing countries in a two dimensional space according to the distances to
each other and to all the countries. It is a metrical-physical representation of their social
distances. Hierarchical cluster analysis is used to group countries by their similarities.
SOCIODEMOGRAPHICS (Graph 1)
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In the representation (Graph 1) we can see a large group of countries concentrated
in the center of the space and three scattered countries at equidistant outside positions
(Hong Kong, Malaysia, India). It points to a high level of similarity in the social structure
of a large part of the Buddhist people. The center of the sociodemographic space is made
up of two very close clusters. Vietnam and Singapore along with China and Taiwan on the
right, and Thailand, Japan and South Korea on the left. The social structures of Vietnam,
Singapore and Thailand seem to be quite similar and are placed at equidistant distances.
The youth and perceived higher social levels of Malaysian Buddhist differentiate them from
the other countries.
Life:
Buddhist people are, overall, healthy, satisfied and happy; and are happier, more
satisfied, and healthier than the average person in the global population. Almost one third
of all Buddhists defined themselves as very happy and only 9% are not happy. Buddhists
also suffer less. Using “not happy” as an indicator of suffering, the proportion of Buddhist
people that suffer is half that of the global population. Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia
have the largest proportion of Buddhists that are very happy, healthy and satisfied. In the
opposite extreme, China has the highest proportion of non-happy, with poor health and not
satisfied Buddhist people. Vietnam occupies middle positions in health and happiness
while having similar positions as Thailand in satisfaction. In summary, in some countries
Buddhist are doing well in terms of happiness, health and satisfaction (Singapore,
Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam and Japan), while in others they are doing quite bad (China
and South Korea), and in others they are closer to average (Taiwan, Hong Kong, India).
As overall comparison, the map of similarities and differences (translated into
Euclidean metric distances) offers an image (Graph 2) of a slight dispersion of the countries
in this space, with Vietnam occupying a central position. It points to different patterns of
life quality and enjoyment. The use of Hierarchical Clustering defines four groups of
countries, one in each quadrant of the space, and the division of the space between the right
and the left side. On the left side the group formed by Vietnam, Japan and India together
with the one formed by China and Hong Kong; and on the right side, Thailand, Singapore
and Malaysia and the group formed by South Korea and Taiwan.
HAPPINESS, HEALTH, SATISFACTION (Graph 2)
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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In the top part of the graphic most countries are doing well and happy and on the
bottom part not so well (below average). The vertical axis divides the space into a right
side, where good health and satisfaction dominates, and a left side with health below
average and a mix of satisfied and unsatisfied countries. Vietnam Buddhists are closer to
the center of the space, between the good life indicators of those of Thailand and Singapore
and the worst indicators of China at the opposite extreme.
Spirituality-Religion
The perception and practice of Buddhism as a religion is an important
embedding/supporting dimension for loving kindness. To look into this dimension we use
a combination of indicators included in the WVS: thinking about meaning of life, thinking
religion is important in life, dedicating time to meditate or/and pray, attending religious
services, and being a religious person. Buddhist people, on average, think quite a lot about
the meaning of life even though most do not consider religion as very important (only 47%
consider religion very important). Almost half see themselves as religious people, the
majority (2/3) allocates time to meditate or pray, and their level of attendance at religious
services is in the middle of the scale with a less than once a month frequency and close to
attendance limited to religious festivities. On average, their levels of religiosity are lower
than the global population with the exception of attendance to religious services, which is
higher. Collective practices are quite important in the way Buddhism is practiced.
The polarization of the differences between ASEAN countries, and neighbors as
well, distributes the countries through the social space around a centralizing role played by
Singapore. Vietnam is placed at the very top and Malaysia, opposed to it, at the very
bottom, and Thailand is placed on the bottom on the right. The positions of the ASEAN
countries produce a shape that looks like a star system with Singapore as the intermediating
center. China and Hong Kong are placed on the top left corner while Japan and South
Korea are in the opposite top right corner. In the ASEAN Region, Buddhist in Vietnam
and Singapore coincide in their low levels of religious practice and of considering religion
as very important, even though they see themselves as religious people. Meanwhile those
in Thailand and Malaysia consider religion as very important and practice (meditate) a lot.
Buddhists in Thailand and Vietnam coincide (and this is their only coincidence) in thinking
about the meaning of life a lot and above the average Buddhist and General populations.
Buddhist in China, Hong Kong and India, think much less about it.
Apart from this coincidence, the positions of Thailand and Vietnam differ
systematically, producing two opposed patterns. Buddhist in Thailand have high levels of
considering religion as important in life (along with Malaysia), having time to meditate
(along with Taiwan), attendance of religious services (in a very differentiated patter from
the rest), but/and have the lowest level of considering themselves as religious people (along
with Japan and South Korea). Vietnamese Buddhist (along with Hong Kong) have very
low levels of considering religion as important in life, of having time to meditate (along
with South Korea), and of attending religious services (along with China), but have the
highest level of considering themselves as religious people (along Malaysia and India).
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY (Graph 3)
MDS allows the visualization (Graph 3), in two dimensions, of the system of
similarities and differences and Hierarchical Clustering confirms the division in three
groups of countries representing three religious patters of meanings and practices (religious
models). Buddhist people in the ASEAN region are grouped into two clusters in opposing
spatial positions (Vietnam and Singapore on the top right and Malaysia and Thailand at the
bottom). The group of China and Hong Kong is close to the cluster formed by Vietnam
and Singapore along Taiwan, Japan and South Korea on the top part of the graph, and quite
separated from Thailand, Malaysia and India at the bottom.
Attendance of religious services and importance of religion in their lives separates
the countries in the top part of the graph (with less attendance to religious services and less
consideration of religion as important) from those at the bottom part (with high levels in
both). On the right side quadrants, Buddhists think a lot about the meaning of life while
they do much less on the left side.
The social territory:
The complete map of the “social territory”, result of the union of
sociodemographics with life and religious indicators, is presented in Graph 4. MDS places
countries (their Buddhist populations) scattered around the two dimensional space circling
the center. Hierarchical Clustering Analysis points to the creation of three groupings of
countries representing distinctive social backgrounds and lives.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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SOCIAL TERRITORY (Graph 4)
The ASEAN region countries belong to two different clusters. Vietnamese
Buddhists have shown social patterns quite different from the other ASEAN countries; and
as a result, they are in the center top group along Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.
Meanwhile Buddhist people from Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand are together with
similar social patters on the right bottom cluster, along India. China and Hong Kong form
the other model having coincided earlier in the region and spirituality and the happiness,
health and satisfaction spaces. Singapore plays an intermediate position both globally and
also between Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia.
Loving Kindness
Loving-Kindness3, along with Compassion, Empathetic Joy and Equanimity (The
Four Immeasurable4) constitute a main avenue of values and practices towards the creation
of harmonious relations and societies.
I empirically study, using the WVS data, the positioning and practices of Buddhist
people in the ASEAN Region and their Asian neighbors towards the four-immeasurables
as indicators of their contribution to a better world by focusing on the happiness and
wellbeing of others and therefore facilitating harmony, dialogue and cooperation (Table 1).
3
Loving-Kindness is an English equivalent for the term Metta, described in the Metta Sutta of the Pāli Canon‘s Sutta
Nipata (Sn 1.8) and Khuddakapatha (Khp 9)
4 Mettam Sutta: The Brahma-viharas. SN 46.54
May all sentient beings have happiness and its causes,
May all sentient beings be free of suffering and its causes,
May all sentient beings never be separated from bliss without suffering,
May all sentient beings be in equanimity, free of bias, attachment and anger.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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Love and Compassion
We have identified several variables (meanings and practices), in the WVS data set,
that could be used as indicators (proxies) of love and compassion: being family and friends
very important; supporting altruism in children, being member and active in civic
organizations; and caring for others and for the environment.
Family is of most importance for the vast majority of Buddhist people (86%) as it
also is for the majority of people in the world (90%). It is always more important than
friends; 37% of the Buddhist and 48% of the overall population consider friends as very
important. There are some worth noting differences and similarities between countries.
Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia (along with Japan, South Korea) are above the mean
affirming the importance of the family while Vietnam (along with Hon Kong and China)
is way below.
Two countries of the ASEAN regions in the survey (Malaysia and Singapore) are
the ones valuing friends the most. The other two countries (Thailand and Vietnam, along
China) coincide in not considering friends so important and at the same time stressing,
above most countries, the value of altruism in children. Only Japan has a larger proportion
of its Buddhist population (53%) stressing altruism in the new generations.
Action towards the wellbeing of others often takes the form of participation in
social life, of membership and active volunteering in civil organizations dedicated to issues
such as religion, sports and recreation, education and culture, labor unions, political parties,
environmental, professional, or charity. Altogether, Buddhists show similar social
behavior to the overall population. Both populations average membership and active
volunteering in 1.6 and 0.7 organizational types.
The form and intensity of active participation (membership and volunteering) in
civil society differs among countries producing an interesting image. Thailand and China,
followed by Malaysia, have the most social active Buddhist populations with level of
membership above average; and Thailand, Vietnam and Malaysia have the highest active
volunteering rates. Singapore and the other Buddhist populations have participation and
active rates below and/or close to the mean.
Closely associated to love and compassion are the Schwartz indicators (Table 1) of
level of identification (in a scale from 1 total identification to 6 no identification at all) with
a person for whom it is important to help people nearby, and for whom it is important to
look after the environment. The Buddhist population of the WVS strongly identifies with
those who care for the environment and for the wellbeing of others (means of 2.8 and 2.9).
As another indicator of caring for others, a relevant part of the Buddhist population (14%),
slightly below the rate in the overall population (17%), would act and give part of their
income to stop the destruction of the environment. It is worth noting that both the Buddhist
and the general population stress the relevance of actions towards others (be it people or
the environment) well above individual goals such as wealth or/and adventure.
Buddhists from Vietnam, followed by those from China and from Taiwan, stand
out for being the ones caring the most for others and the environment. On the opposite
position, Buddhists from Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore follow Japan and South Korea
with lower rates of caring for others. In brief, Buddhists in Vietnam are the ones more
oriented towards and loving others while Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand are a bit less.
MDS represents the system of similarities and differences, translated into metric
Euclidean distances, placing countries in a two dimensional space according to distances
between their structures/patterns of love and compassion. Hierarchical Clustering Analysis
(HCA) helps to identify countries with higher similarities. In this case (Graph 5), most
countries are placed around the center, with the exception of Japan, Hong Kong and
Vietnam father out in the west, east and south. HCA points to two main groups of countries
very similar in their love-compassion models. A larger and most central one formed by
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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two small and close to each other clusters (India and South Korea on the top center-right,
and Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore on the left). Vietnam and China form another cluster
on the bottom part of the graphic, leaving Hong Kong and Japan isolated. Importance of
family and care for others seems to act as main dividers of this social space. The top large
cluster represents a model stressing the importance of the family with lower levels of care
for others. In the bottom cluster, family is not so relevant but their care for others and the
environment are the highest.
LOVE COMPASSION (Graph 5)
Joy and Equanimity:
As indicators (proxies) for joy and equanimity we are using several variables
(meanings and practices) dealing with importance of tolerance values in children, social
aperture/closure towards others (wanting/or not to have them as neighbors), believing
wealth is beneficial for all, and trust (general and towards population groups both known
and unknown).
As with the other indicators analyzed, the distribution of these values and practices
in not even throughout the Buddhist population, existing contrasting positions and
similarities between countries, and especially among the AR countries. Malaysian
Buddhists, followed by those from China, Taiwan and Japan, are leaders stressing the
importance of tolerance in the value system of children, well above the Buddhist and
overall population means. In this dimension, Thailand, Vietnam and Singapore coincide
in lower rates similar to the average, and Hong Kong and South Korea with the lowest.
Social openness and closure somehow reflects equanimity as their visions and
perceptions of others. Vietnam Buddhists stands up, following Buddhists from Hong
Kong, as the most socially open and differ from those from Thailand, and China, with
higher rates of closure and non-equanimical positions.
In a scale between the opinion that people can become rich only exploiting others
on one extreme and the belief that wealth can grow in such a way as to be enough for
everybody, Buddhists position themselves towards the more equanimical positions (6.9 in
a scale from 1 to 10). Buddhists from China stand out for their strong orientation towards
this position, followed by those from Taiwan and Thailand. Conversely, Buddhists from
Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore have positions below the mean.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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More than one third of the Buddhist (36%) believes that most people can be trusted,
and their trust in others is above that of the overall population average (27%). Trust in
others connects us to concepts such as interdependence and no-ego, equanimity, and
interrelation and closeness. Trust is seen, in the ample social science literature, as a key
component of social capital, which facilitates social interaction. It becomes a crucial
indicator of social richness and potential. By facilitating interaction with others,
cooperation can be very intense and with a potential social impact. This trust in others in
high in the countries of the ASEAN region with the exception of Malaysia. Half the
Buddhists in Vietnam, and China, and a bit less in Thailand and Singapore, believe most
people can be trusted. The lowest levels of trust are found among Buddhists from Malaysia,
Taiwan, South Korea and India. When trust refers to specific groups of people (in a scale
of 1: total trust to 5: no trust) the indexes vary from higher trust in known people to lowest
in people upon first meeting, with middle low levels of trust towards people from other
nations or other religions. In all cases, Buddhists show average rates a bit lower than the
average overall population. Singapore Buddhists stand out for their highest level of trust
towards others, above the Buddhists and overall population averages. Rates in Thailand,
Vietnam and Malaysia are lower, just below the average.
JOY EQUANIMITY (Graph 6)
The representation of distances (similarities and differences) between Buddhist
populations done with MDS produces a social map of joy and equanimity presented in
Graph 6. Countries are scattered throughout the space forming four clusters of countries,
with high levels of similarities, circling the center. Trust seems to separate the cluster at
the bottom part with higher levels of trust from those on the top part with lower levels, with
the exception of Hong Kong isolated on the right margin. On the center bottom of the map,
we find the group formed by a very central Singapore with Thailand and Vietnam along
Japan and China. On the top part of the field, we find India and South Korea forming the
middle cluster; and the right cluster of Taiwan and Malaysia also coinciding in high levels
of importance given to altruism.
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The Loving Kindness social field
The complete map of the loving-kindness “social field”, result of the union of love
and compassion with joy and equanimity indicators, is presented in Graph 7. MDS places
countries (their Buddhist populations) in the two dimensional space circling the center.
Hierarchical Clustering Analysis statistically confirms four groups of countries
representing distinctive models of loving-kindness.
The pattern of Loving Kindness differs among the Buddhist populations in the
ASEAN Region. Thailand and Vietnam, with China, are close together forming a cluster
placed on the center top part of the map. Hong Kong is placed afar on the bottom right
margin. India and South Korea are grouped together with Singapore at the center bottom
and Malaysia clusters with Taiwan and Japan on the left.
LOVING KINDNESS (Graph 7)
The representation maintains some of the key features seen in the previous LC and
JY maps and the division between the top and the bottom parts of the map. General trust
and care for others and the environment are high on the top cluster. Importance of family
and friends and less general trust in others is more spread on the bottom clusters. These
two general models of loving-kindness seem to represent a more open approach towards
others in general, including environment, on one extreme (top) and a model of loving
kindness more centered on close relational circles (family, friends and known people)
spread throughout the bottom clusters.
The social structure of loving-kindness
Once we have seen and analyzed the social maps of countries placed according to
their similarities and differences, we can now attempt to uncover the social structure of
loving-kindness (LK). By social structure of LK we understand the entire system of
relations and mutual influence among the variables defining the field of social LK (LC:
love-compassion plus JE: joy-equanimity) as well as the social territory.
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Similar or different configurations of relations and influences produce distinctive
social structures. That is to say, they are specific combinations of meanings and practices
producing types of Loving Kindness (as kind of DNA). To uncover, visualize, and analyze
such structure I transform the mathematical system of relations and mutual influences
among variables (correlations) into a relational matrix. The matrix is the mathematical
embodiment of the system of influences and covariance among variables. I use statistically
significant relations. To be able to better visualize and compare the structures of the
countries, I use relations greater than r: 0,20, resulting in a system that represents some
relational intensity by being above the minimum significance level in all countries, except
China and India. In these countries, I use strong relations greater than r: 0,30 and r: 0,40
respectively). To create the representation of the structures, the graphs, I use Social
Network Analysis (SNA) instruments of visualization (Netdraw) and SNA indicators such
as centrality of nodes (where the size of node if proportional to the number of direct
relations with others) and strength of relations indicated by the thickness of the connecting
lines. The two main elements in the Graphs are Nodes and Lines. Nodes represent the
variables. Color and shapes are added according to dimension:
 Joy Equanimity (JE): purple diamond
 Love Compassion (LC): yellow square+
 Religion and Spirituality (R): green up triangle
 Happiness Health and Satisfaction (HHS): blue square
 Sociodemographics (S): red circle.
Lines represent the connection (relation, influence) among variables. Their
thickness reproduces the relational intensity, that is to say the correlation between variables
(the thicker the stronger).
Loving Kindness in the ASEAN Region
The combination of variables and relational intensities produce what we could
consider as the Loving Kindness DNA of Buddhist people. Graph 8 depicts the social
structure of LK in Thailand.
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THAILAND (GRAPH 8) (gt r: 0,2)
Trust: People Met First time
Sex
Moments of prayer, meditation.
Unselfishness Important child qualities
Would give part oincome for environment
Trust: People Another Nationality
Trust: People Another rReligion
Tolerance and respect Important child qualitiesr
Trust: People Know Personally
Most people can be trusted
Friends Important in life
Frecuency attend religious services
Family Important in life
Religion Important in life
Religious person
Important to look after environment
Feeling of happiness
Important to help people nearby
Thinking about Meaning of Life
State of health
Age
Satisfaction with life
Highest Educational Level
Age Completing Education
Social class
Number of organizations Active
Scale of incomes
Wealth good for all
Number of organizations Member
Social closure
Social openness
At this level of relational intensity/influences, there is a large weakly connected
structure and a small part of love-compassion (LC) disconnected. At the extremes of this
central structure, there are two blocks of loving kindness (LK) (a larger one on the top and
a smaller one at the bottom). The top block is made up of trust (joy-equanimity: JE) and
importance of others (LC). The bottom one connects membership and activity in civil
organizations (LC) with social closure and openness (JE). Importance to help people and
look after the environment form another block in this case separated from the main web.
These blocs represent different aspects of LK: trust and importance of others (top), action
towards others (bottom) and importance to do things for others and the environment
(isolated on the right). The center of the structure is occupied by happiness-healthsatisfaction (HHS) and religion (R) connecting the entire system. On the top part of the
graph, religion is linked to indicators of meanings. On the bottom, HHS is linked with
indicators of practices on the right and to sociodemographic indicators on the left. The
main link maintaining the whole system together is between happiness (HHS) and
importance of religion in life (R). In Thailand, the social structure of LK comes together
thanks to R and HHS linking separated approaches of meanings and practices. Happiness
and importance of religion in life glue the system together. The social structure of LK in
Vietnam takes the form of a connected structure without isolated elements. All the
elements directly or indirectly influence each other (Graph 9).
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VIETNAM (GRAPH 9) (gt r: zero,2)
Trust: People Met First time
Trust: People Another Nationality
Moments of prayer, meditation.
Trust: People Know Personally
Most people can be trusted
Trust: People Another rReligion
Wealth good for all
Frecuency attend religious services
Important to help people nearby
Religion Important in life
Unselfishness Important child qualities
Important to look after environment
Religious person
Would give part oincome for environment
Thinking about Meaning of Life
Social openness
Family Important in life
Sex
Satisfaction with life
Number of organizations Member
Social closure
Age Completing Education
Friends Important in life
Number of organizations Active
State of health
Feeling of happiness
Scale of incomes
Highest Educational Level
Social class
Age
There is some similarity to the structure in Thailand as the structure takes an
elongated form with a large top and bottom connected by a thinner center. The top part
with indicators of JE (trust, wealth for all) along LC variables (importance to help people
and protect environment) represents meanings (ways of seeing, orientation, values) and it
is bordered by / linked to Religion indicators. Towards the bottom right there are LC
elements representing practices (action in society) surrounded by HHS and
Sociodemographics. The center of the structure is occupied by elements of HHS (Life
Satisfaction) and Religion (Religious person, Thinking about Meaning of Life) connecting
the system by bridging top meanings with bottom practices. Satisfaction in Life and
Religiosity are here the elements gluing the LK structure.
Malaysia’s LK social structure is a simple, thin, and disconnected structure (Graph
10). The main structural component (the main body of the network) is dominated by a
large substructure of LK (LC and JE linked together). It is connected to the rest of the
sparse network by Health (HHS), which plays a key central role in the whole structure. The
small isolated group on the left is formed by social openness and importance of Family in
life as LC indicators. Overall, the main component of the network is dominated by a LK
substructure autonomous from, though linked to, the social territory. Health plays the key
bridging role holding together the main component.
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MALAYSIA (GRAPH 10) (gt r: 0,2)
F recuency attend religious serv ices
Age
M oments of pray er, meditation.
Age Completing Education
Wealth good for all
Religious person
S atisfaction w ith life
S cale of incomes
Thinking about Meaning of Life
S ex
S ocial class
Tolerance and respect Important child qualitiesr
Highest Educational Level
U nselfishness Important child qualities
Religion Important in life
Feeling of happiness
State of health
Would give part oincome for environment
Important to look after environment
Number of organizations Active
Trust: People Met First time
Important to help people nearby
Number of organizations Member
Trust: People Know Personally
Trust: People Another Nationality
Family Important in life
Friends Important in life
Trust: People Another rReligion
Social openness
Most people can be trusted
Social closure
In Singapore, we find a large, complex but broken, social structure (Graph 11). In
the main component of the network, two sets of Loving Kindness meaning indicators
(Trust, on the left, and Importance of Family and Friends, on the right) are linked thanks to
the connecting role played by the Happiness-Health-Satisfaction part of the social territory.
Religion and spirituality indicators do not play a key role although they are indirectly
connected to LK. At this level of relational intensity, Loving Kindness meaning and
practices are not connected. In fact, practices, the two isolated structures on the top left
and right corners, are disconnected from the main social structure.
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SINGAPORE (GRAPH 11) (gt r: 0,2)
Important do something good for society
ACTIVE
Important look after environment
Important help care people lnearby
MEMBER
Trust People another nationality
Trust People know personally
Social Closure
Social class
Trust People meet first time
Social Openness
Most people can be trusted
Trust People another religion
Satisfaction financial household
Scale of incomes
Thinking meaning purpose life
Highest educational level
Age completed education
Feeling of happiness
State of health
Important in life: Friends
Satisfaction with life
Gender (Female)
Age
Important in life: Family
Frequency pray
Important in life: Religion
Frequency attend religious services
Religious person
Wealth for all
IChQ: Tolerance and respect others
Money ecological organization
IChQ: Unselfishness
Similarities and differences among the countries of the ASEAN Region.
While the Loving Kindness structure of Vietnam is densely connected, those of
Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore are fragmented with LK elements isolated. Even though
in all cases there seems to be different dimensions of LK which get connected, it is always
thanks to the bridging role of HHS and also, to a lesser extent, of Religion and
Sociodemographic indicators. Those three dimensions become the social territory where
LK emerges as a connected phenomenon. Religion indicators seem to be closely linked to
Meaning indicators (JE) while HHS is connected to Practices (LC). Religiosity has a key
linking role in the Thailand and Vietnam. Along with it, Happiness also has a bridging role
in Thailand and Singapore, while in Vietnam the role is played by Satisfaction with Life
and in Malaysia by Health.
Loving Kindness in the Buddhist population living in neighboring countries
The social structure of LK of the Buddhist people in China is a well-connected
network, which could be seen as composed of two sides connected by an intermediating
structure (Graph 12). The left side of the structure is occupied by a large group of JE
indicators (trust and social openness). The right side is occupied by two small LC groups
of variables connected by Sociodemographic variables (Education) and Spirituality
(Thinking about the Meaning of Life). The top right group is formed by social action
indicators (membership and activity in organizations along willing to give money to protect
the environment) while the bottom represent the importance to help and care for others and
the environment (the predisposition and orientation towards the wellbeing of others).
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CHINA (GRAPH 12) (gt r: 0,3)
The division between meaning indicators and practices ones (left and right) are
linked together by a central structure formed by some HHS indicators (Happiness),
Religion (Religious person and Religion Importance), and Sociodemographics (Income).
The social structure of LK is held together by the important connecting role of Happiness
and Religiosity along Sociodemographic indicators such as Income and Education.
The social structure/field of Loving Kindness in Taiwan emerges as a very large,
dense and connected network (Graph 13).
TAIWAN (GRAPH 13) (gt r: 0,2)
LK indicators are interconnected occupying the central top part of the network, with
JE indicators in the middle surrounded by LC elements, with Importance of Friends as the
central piece of the whole system. This whole central part rests upon a line of
Sociodemographic indicators, which rest themselves upon the HHS subsystem (bottom on
the left), and Religiosity (bottom on the right). In this Buddhist population, the Loving
Kindness field (well connected) dominates the whole structure and rests upon/rises from
the social territory formed by sociodemographic, happiness-health-satisfaction, and
religious indicators.
In Japan, we find a very simple, yet stylish, and weak structure. Most indicators of
JE are not part of the network, they are not connected at this significant level, with the only
exception of Wealth Good for all. On the right side of the network there is a well-connected
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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subgroup of LC, linked to the rest of the system by Importance of Religion (top) and
Sociodemographic variables (Age, Social class). The HHS group is at the very bottom of
the structure, linked to social class and income but with no direct relation with any LK
indicators. Loving Kindness in Japan is mostly formed by the interaction among Love
Compassion indicators. Among these, Importance to Help and Care for People and the
Environment are the most central in the whole system.
JAPAN (GRAPH 14) (gt r: 0,2)
Loving Kindness is directly connected to Religion and Sociodemographic
variables, but not to Happiness-Health-Satisfaction.
Loving Kindness in South Korea is a large, dense, and complete network. The
bottom part of the structure is occupied by a large group of LC and JE variables creating a
solid structure of LK combining meanings and practices. The other extreme of the network,
top left, is occupied by LC action indicators (membership and active participation in civil
organizations). Both parts (and extremes) are linked by a large group of HHS,
Sociodemographic and Religion indicators. In this case, the complete mix of LK indicators,
of meanings and practices needs of the linking role of what we called the social territory
(Sociodemographics, Religion, HHS).
SOUTH KOREA (GRAPH 15) (gt r: 0,2)
Loving Kindness in the Buddhist of Hong Kong takes the form of a small structure
with a very little LK sector (Graph 16). Most LK indicators are not connected at this
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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statistically significant level, they do not have a significant relation or influence. The social
territory here is a very cohesive and strong base from where a thin and weak line of LC and
JE rises, from Care for the Environment to Social Closure. It is also worth noting the
central linking/grounding role played by the base of the weak LK, Care for the
Environment. On the social territory, the most central and connecting elements are Social
Class and Education along with Health. Thin line of LK rising from strong grounding
social territory.
HONG KONG (GRAPH 16) (gt r: 0,2)
LK in India unfolds as a large connected network (Graph 17). LC and JE indicators
are interconnected creating a large group wrapped by HHS, Religion and
Sociodemographics. In India, what we defined as social territory acts as a holding space
for a large LK. It is worth noting too, the centrality role played by Importance of Religion
and Importance to Care for the Environment, on the LK space, and Life Satisfaction and
Education from the social territory.
INDIA (GRAPH 17) (gt r: 0,4)
The comparison of these structures shows that in most cases LK takes the shape of
a compact and connected structure, which is wrapped and/or held by the social territory
(Sociodemographics, Religion, Happiness-Health-Satisfaction). With the exception of
China, the social territory does not play a gluing role for LK, but it has a host, fertile ground,
role, where Loving Kindness takes place. Japan and Hong Kong stand out by their very
thin and simple structures. The ones in China, Taiwan, South Korea and India are very
compact and dense. Loving Kindness dimension is the dominant substructure in Taiwan,
Malaysia and India.
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Global comparison
To complete the study I look into the Loving Kindness social structures for the
entire Buddhist population and the overall survey population. The structure taken by LK
for the entire Buddhist population resembles a humanoid figure with a body, a head, two
short arms, and a triangular base. The large and strongly connected body results from the
interconnection of R, HHS and Sociodemographics. The head and the extremities are
groups of LK elements. The head, the largest of the hanging substructures, is made up of
Trust indicators and Importance of Others. The head represent meanings here. The arms
imply action, of doing things for others on the right, and of openness and interaction with
others on the left. The base of the whole system is Love and Care for Others and the
Environment.
GENERAL BUDDHIST POPULATION (GRAPH 17) (gt r: 0,15)
For the entire Buddhist population, the social territory elements take shape as a
strong body with guiding (head) and action (extremities) parts composed of LK ingredients.
The body plays a fundamental role connecting Meanings with Practices, head with
extremities. Values need the linking social dimensions of the body to materialize into
social action. The social structure of LK for the overall population (represented by the
survey) takes the form of four groups of variables, three of which are linked together
forming a larger structure, and one is isolated on the left. The top structure is a large group
of LK combining all the ingredients of JE (trust and social openness) with Importance of
others (family, friends). It is dominated by Meanings. In the middle, right there is a large
structure of HHS and Sociodemographics from which a small social LC action group
(memberships and activity in organizations) emerges.
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OVERALL POPULATION (GRAPH 18) (gt r: 0,15)
On the bottom left, the religious group hangs from weak links to the other two
substructures. Religion does not play a significant role here, even though it is connected,
weakly, to the two larger subgroups. For the overall global population the social structure
of Loving Kindness takes form, uniting meanings and practices (values becoming
practices) thanks to the mediating role of Education and Satisfaction with life.
Comparing overall Buddhist with overall population
They represent two different models of Loving Kindness. In the Buddhist model,
the meaning and practice parts of LK are united thanks to the linking role of the social
territory (S, R, and HHS). In the overall population model, LK is fragmented. This main
difference emerges from the different role played by Religion. Religion plays a key role in
the Buddhist model uniting the head with the body, while it is marginal in the population
model. In fact, the group of LC, which is isolated in the fragmented overall population
structure, is the base of the Buddhist structure and is linked to the main body thanks to a
Religion element (To Think about Meaning of Life). Overall, Loving Kindness is more
articulated and united in the Buddhist model than in the population model (due to the role
of Religion and Spirituality).
Conclusions:
This paper has focused on the complex ways Buddhism lives in the values, attitudes
and actions of Buddhist people nowadays. Using survey data, and combining and fusing
methodological and conceptual approaches (classical ego centered and lineal causality,
MDS and HCA, with newer relational and non-lineal intercausality and SNA) it uncovers
a piece of the Buddhist social, cognitive, and action world. The exploration of how Loving
Kindness is embedded in those values, attitudes and actions has resulted in social maps
where physical distances, between countries, have been substituted by social distances.
These social maps provide a new cartography of Buddhist in the ASEAN Region and
neighboring Asian countries.
In the map of the social territory, union of sociodemographics with life and religious
indicators, the ASEAN countries are spatially separated and placed in two of the three
existing clusters of countries that divide the space/territory. Vietnam is in one cluster and
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia are together in another. In the Loving Kindness social
field, the four countries of the ASEAN Region are spread through the three clusters giving
form to two general models of Loving Kindness. One represents a more open approach
towards others in general, including environment (Thailand, Vietnam, China) and the other,
spread throughout Singapore, Malaysia and the other countries, is more centered on close
relational circles (family, friends, known people). The second part of the paper uncovers
the social structure of Loving Kindness as the systems of relations and mutual influence of
variables forming the social territory and the Loving Kindness social field. In three of four
countries of the ASEAN Region studied, Loving Kindness becomes an interconnected
structure thanks to the bridging and gluing role played by the social territory. In Malaysia
and the other countries, however, the social territory hosts and nurtures LK, it does not play
a gluing role. In either case, values/meanings need the linking or nurturing social
dimensions to materialize into actions/practices.
The comparison of the overall Buddhist population with the overall survey
population indicates Loving Kindness is more articulated and united in the Buddhist model
than in the population model thanks to the key linking role of Religion and Spirituality.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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References:
Bell, I.P (1979) “Buddhist Sociology: Some Thoughts on the Convergence of Sociology
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2nd IABU, Ayutthaya, Thailand (Bangkok, Thailand: Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya
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Rodríguez Díaz. José A. “ Being Buddhist in the XXI Century Society. A Sociological
Analysis of Buddhist People Social Values and Attitudes” in M.V. Dr. Thich Nhat Tu and
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Buddhism and Disability:
Toward a Socially Engaged Buddhist ‘Theology’ of Bodily Inclusiveness1
Prof. Dr. Bee Scherer
Director, International Centre for Inclusion and Social Justice
Canterbury Christ Church University, United Kingdom
Introduction:
Following on from current discourses within critical disability studies, I investigate
the parameters, opportunities and challenges of some Buddhist responses to variable
bodies. Negotiating the different Buddhist modes between ‘karmatic’ sociology and
‘nirvāṇic’ soteriology, I develop outlines of Socially Engaged Buddhist ‘theology’ of
bodily inclusiveness, arguing for a person-centered, non-judgmental approach to bodily
variability and neuro-diversity. I conclude with critical ruminations about oppressive
normalcy and by pointing out some pathways to navigating variability-affirming
‘anthroposcapes’ - landscapes of embodied human experiences.
Recently, Chris Mounsey has proposed a shift in critical disability studies, away
from the Foucauldian emphasis on the notion of compulsory ableism - as e.g. in McRuer’s
Crip Theory2 - toward a fuller emphasis on and an appreciation of the individual embodied
experience.3 Mounsey theorises this approach under the concept of variability, “same only
different”4 as a discursive replacement to ‘disability’. Consciously or not, Mounsey’s
radical reconceptualization and celebration of sameness in difference contrast-imitates
Homi Bhabha’s observations on the oppressive fixation as “a ‘partial’ presence” of the
colonial subject through “the ambivalence of mimicry (almost the same, but not quite).”5
The postcolonial critique of oppressive identity construction through mimicry is
transformed for critical disability theory into the variability approach: Mounsey’s same
only different affords, without center and margin, any variable body the complete autonomy
of an embodied presence while leaving empathic, unoppressive recognizability in sameness
intact.
This article testifies to the fact that focusing on the body can facilitate history,
speaking to the presence - without the necessity of anachronistic categorizations and retrodiagnoses. This does not preclude - or devalue the usefulness of - diachronic
phenomenological and philosophical meanderings, in particular when the focus, limitations
and parameters of such enquiries are clearly defined. With these caveats, I would like to
open up a dialogue between contemporary critical disability theory with Buddhist thought,
moving in this chapter from investigating selected variable bodies within the circumscribed
yet still somewhat fluid, fuzzy and messy discursive context of Buddhist practices,
narratives and philosophies6 to infusing ‘variability’ as a critical angle with Buddhist
1
This article is slightly adapted from Scherer, Bee. 2016: “Variable Bodies, Buddhism and (No-)Selfhood: Towards
Dehegemonized Embodiment.” In The Variable Body in History (QP in Focus 1), edited by Chris Mounsey and Stan
Booth, 247-263, Oxford: Peter Lang.
2 Robert McRuer, Crip Theory: Cultural Signs of Queerness and Disability (NYU Press: New York, 2006).
3 Chris Mounsey, “Introduction: Variability – Beyond Sameness and Difference,” in The Idea of Disability in the
Eighteenth Century, edited by Chris Mounsey (Bucknell University Press: Lewisburg, 2014), 1-27.
4 Ibid., 18.
5 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York and London: Routledge, [1994] 2012), 123; emphasis in the
original.
6 In this article, I do not attempt to provide a survey of the vast streams of Buddhist traditions in their relationship to
‘disability’. A useful - yet by its lack of direct access to primary texts quite limited - compilation of literature on
Buddhism and disability in Asia is M. Mills, ‘Buddhism and Responses to Disability, Mental Disorders and Deafness in
Asia. A bibliography of historical and modern texts with introduction and partial annotation, and some echoes in
Western countries’ (West Midlands, 2013), http://cirrie.buffalo.edu/bibliography/buddhism/, (accessed 12 April 2016).
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‘theology’ (i.e. Buddhist constructive-critical thought). I aim to demonstrate how
embodied and body-oppressive normativities - and the margins they produce - can
successfully be challenged through the lens of the conjunct Buddhist principles of
interdependency, cause & effect; and no self. In conclusion I dare to finish this nonFoucauldian article with a (post-)Foucauldian critique of oppressive normalcy and I will
attempt to point out some pathways to navigating variability-affirming ‘anthroposcapes’7 landscapes of embodied human experiences.
Buddhist Variable Bodies
Buddhist approaches to the body flow from two pivotal angles: soteriology and
sociology, i.e. aspiration and (conditioned) socio-cultural reality. On the level of aspiration
and soteriology the Buddhist traditions approach bodies as fields of transformative virtue
while, on the level of socio-cultural realities, bodies are seen as limiting or expedient
expressions of past actions and ripened conditions. Both approaches are based on the key
Buddhist tenets of karma as the law of cause and effect; and of the pratītyasamutpāda ‘dependent arising’. Buddhist bodies are constructed within the parameter of Buddhist
(virtue) Ethics or virtuosity.8 However, variant embodied abilities, while linked to past
actions, are not attributable to individualized (non-)virtue, since the Buddhist key tenet of
‘no-self’ (anātman) precludes the judgmental attribution of causal agency to an individual
core, self or soul: instead, phenomena and empiric persons manifest as karmic continuities
without essential identities attached. The ensuing conundrum of cause & effect and rebirth
without a Self is itself the subject of intensive philosophical and doctrinal debate9; however,
Buddhist Modernisms10 have mostly solved the riddle by firmly pointing to the nonontological nature of the Buddhist teachings: Without ontological assumptions of, e.g.
‘self’, ‘soul’ or even ‘mind’ and without any essentialized notion of ultimate reality, a
particular meaningful way to understand the framework of the Buddhist intention-led, yet
subject-essence-free karmatic theory arises as an exercise in deconstruction of essentialism
by practice (or performance in [Judith] Butlerian terms).
In this pedagogical or ‘andragogical’11 reading of Buddhism and Buddhist praxis i.e. thought and performance -, questions of ontologically essentialized selfhood and truths
are rendered obsolete in favor of the soteriological pragmatics, experience-oriented
andragogy aiming only at showing methods to enduring happiness. In the famous Snake
Simile Sutta of the Pāli canon’s Middle Length Discourses, the Buddha as interlocutor
proclaims “I only teach suffering and its ending.”12 This can be read as the Buddha saying
that he does not concern himself with essentialized identities; ontology, cosmology and
other conceptualizations of reality. Instead, the focus of his teachings is freedom from
dukkha: ‘pain’, ‘unsatisfactoriness’ or ‘suffering’. Dukkha in Buddhist terms is juxtaposed
to sukha: ‘happiness’, and points to the lack (duḥ-) of permanent happiness (kha). The
Buddhist concept of suffering includes the inextricably interpolated complexes of
individual psycho-physical integrity as the dukkha-dukkhatā, the pain of experiencing pain,
7
Bee Scherer, ‘Crossings and Dwellings: Being behind Transphobia,’ paper given at the conference Fear and Loathing:
Phobia in Literature and Culture, 9-10 May 2014, University of Kent, U.K. Available at the Queering Paradigms blog,
http://queeringparadigms.com/2014/08/11/crossings-and-dwellings-being-behind-transphobia/ (accessed 12 April
2016).
8 Susanne Mrozik, Virtuous Bodies: The Physical Dimensions of Morality in Buddhist Ethics (Oxford University Press:
Oxford, 2007).
9 B. Scherer, “Karma: The Transformations of a Buddhist Conundrum,” in Vajrayana Buddhism in Russia: History and
Modernity, edited by Chetyrova, L.B. et al. (St Petersburg State University: St. Petersburg, 2009), 259-285.
10 David L. McMahan, The Making of Buddhist Modernism (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2008).
11 Scherer, ‘Karma’, 265 and 277-8.
12 dukkhañceva paññāpemi dukkhassa ca nirodhaṃ M 22 I 140. Pāli texts referred to are the editions of the Pāli Text
Society, London. Abbreviations follow the Critical Pāli Dictionary (see the Epilegomena to Vol. 1 and online at
http://pali.hum.ku.dk/cpd/intro/vol1_epileg_abbrev_texts.html, accessed 12 April 2016).
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within ever-changing and fluid conditioned reality as the sankhāra-dukkhatā, the pain of
karmatic flux, and the ensuing experience of lack, due to the constant change, the
vipariṇāma-dukkhatā.
The Buddhist notion of karma without individually essentialized agent and of
rebirth without anyone who is reborn, hence, points to the experience of our ever-changing
spatial, temporal and ‘cosmic’ (psycho-spiritual) context as a continuity without
ontological, fixed identity – a flow without essence. In this reading of Buddhist philosophy,
widening Butler’s concept of performativity to the extreme, reality itself is performance.
The view of simple, variable causalities without self - without judging, blaming, shaming,
and guilt-trapping variable embodiments - mitigates the Buddhist karmatic views on
‘disability’ or embodied variabilities: it can be argued that that from a Buddhist point of
view body variances express genealogies or actualizations of generic human potentials
rather than essentialized, individual histories of (non-)virtue.
This non-judgmental and in its potential arguably dehegemonic Buddhist approach
does not preclude the moralizing of (un)virtuous Buddhist bodies in cautionary narratives;
nor has it on the level of socio-cultural organization and expression prevented Buddhists
and Buddhisms from variability-based discriminatory practices – most importantly on the
level of the monastic discipline. All extant and still valid and mostly enforced Buddhist
monastic codes preclude applicants with physical and mental variabilities from ordination.
For example, in the Theravāda tradition the Pāli canon’s section on monastic discipline or
vinaya congenital and acquired impairment are physiomorally grouped together with those
having received corporeal punishments - such as branding, scourging, marking as robber,
cutting off of hands, feet, ears, nose, fingers, thumb, tendons - with congenital and/or
acquired variabilities - such as webbed fingers, humpback, dwarfism; deformity; blindness,
dumbness, deafness, lameness and other walking impairments; paralysis - and general
medical problems such as infirmity, bad health, contagious disease; goiter; elephantiasis.13
The list is quite consistent across the five extant early vinaya traditions.14 Equally, those
seen as having non-normative sex/gender – i.e. the ‘neither-male-nor-female’ paṇḍakas
and the ‘both-and’ intersex15 - were and are prohibited from ordination; interestingly, were
they inadvertently ordained their ordination was deemed annulled 16 while the inadvertent
ordination of those disqualified due to impairments such as various degrees of blindness,
deafness, skeletal deformation etc., was and is still deemed as valid.17
Ordination to the Buddhist monastic community was and is not governed by
soteriology but according to social context and societal pragmatics. The vinaya rules
establish a physiomoral elite in-group, which feels the need guard itself from societal
damage both by behavior and by association. However, Buddhist modernisms are
challenging the elite status of the monastics by privileging soteriology above sociology.
Modernist lay movements in particular in the Global North vocally advocate equality of
virtuosi status for householders and non-monastic ‘yogis’ in Buddhist praxis;
transnationally, many ‘new’ lay Buddhist modernists move their traditions along onto a
path of democratization, dehierarchization and counter-heteropatriarchal reform. In this
context, it is relevant to keep in mind that the traditional monastic rules are, indeed, limited
to the governance of monastic elite: they cannot be argued to establish a universal ethical
governance or code, which could be utilized to encouraging discrimination.
13
Mahāvagga Vin I 71 i 91; cp. IX, 4, 10-11 i 322; Vin I 76 i 93-95 adds leprosy, boils, eczema and epilepsy.
For the parallels on ‘cripples’ in the other four early Buddhist vinaya traditions see the references in Erich
Frauwallner, The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature (Is.M.E.O.: Rome, 1956), 77.
15 Vin I 61 i 85-86; see Bee Scherer, “Variant Dharma: Buddhist Queers, Queering Buddhisms” in Queering Paradigms
VI (Oxford: Peter Lang 2016).
16 Vin IX, 4, 10 i 322.
17 Vin IX, 4, 11 i 322.
14
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In doctrinal terms, the imperative of universal compassion is absolute paramount in
Buddhisms and explicitly includes ‘out-groups’ and the marginalized. All variabilities –
within and without the normative boundaries - are seen as manifestation of karma. Those
physically and/or socially afflicted by these manifestations are prominently deserving of
love-in-action. In canonical stories we can find that caring for ‘the blind and old parents’18
is narratively constructed as a valid reason for refusing to become a monk, as happened in
the case of the potter Ghāṭikāra; and Buddhist rulers regularly are praised in chronicles as
sustaining institutions for the blind and sick and otherwise variable.19
From a Buddhist modernist point of view it can be argued that, what has opened up
Buddhist traditions to discriminatory interpretations of - and practices with regard to –
variabilities, is the popular and unsophisticated utilization of karma theory in the form of
attributing guilt and shame for past(-lives) actions. This form of moralizing ignores the
intricacies of Buddhist psychologies of (no-)selfhood and is based on cautionary
explanations of karma abounding in Buddhist scriptures. In the Buddhist canonical texts
karmatic ‘foolishness’, equaling to non-virtuous behavior, is directly linked to nonfavorable physical variability, e.g. prominently in the Theravāda Pāli canon in the
Discourse on the Fool and the Wise20; although the judging and moralizing is aimed at the
non-virtue which causes the variability it is difficult to ignore the real socially stigmatizing
consequences for the subjects of embodied variability whose physicality is traced back to
human non-virtue - however non-essentializing and ‘no-self-ed’ such causality
philosophically is meant to be. The non-virtuous fool (bāla) experiences embodied aspects
of his moral deficit in a variety of impairments, combined in the following stock phrase list
in the Pāli canon: ‘ugly (or: of inferior class), unsightly, deformed, diseased, or blind or
crooked or lame or paralyzed’.21 This mnemonic list is usually preceded by a paragraph
detailing (re-)birth into a socially abject group or caste (nīcakula) such as the
untouchables.22 The list-heading term dubbaṇṇo, ‘of bad color’, implies both aesthetical
and social abjection23: the overlaying of physical and social appearances is paramount in
the South Asian social context of the Buddhist sources, in which social inferiority was and
largely still is equivalent with corporeal unattractiveness. The description of a boy in the
Buddhist Sanskrit Avadāna-Śatakam, a collection of religious-didactic poetic narratives
probably redacted around the first century CE, drastically exemplifies this marriage of
social abjection to the non-normative physicality: the youngster is depicted as ‘‘ugly (or:
of inferior class), unsightly, deformed, his body smeared all over with feces, and foulsmelling”.24
The Buddhist “physiomoral discourse of the body”25 includes abject class and nonnormative sex/gender26 and the inferior female birth.27 Any progress on the Buddhist path
18
andhe jiṇṇe mātāpitaro M. 81 ii 48 and 51-52.
For example, the Lesser Chronicle of the Buddhist rulers of Sri Lanka, the Cūl̥avaṃsa, mentions such charity for the
4th century CE king Buddhadāsa (Mhv 37. 148 and 182); the 7th century CE ruler Aggibodhi (Mhv 45.43) and the 8th
century CE king Udaya I (Mhv 49. 20).
20 Bālapaṇḍita-sutta, M. 129, iii 167-178.
21 dubbaṇṇo duddasiko okoṭimako bavhābādho, kāṇo vā kuṇi vā khañjo vā pakkhahato vā, Vin II 90 S I 194 A I 107, II
85, III 385 Pug 51; the Bālapaṇḍita-sutta M 129 III 169 substitutes khañjo ‘lame’ for khujjo ‘humpbacked’.
22 E.g. M III 169; S I 194 A I 107, II 85, III 385 Pug 51. Additionally, parts of the stock phrase occur separately
throughout the Pāli canon.
23 Sanskrit varṇa (Pāli vaṇṇo) denotes both color and caste.
24 durvarṇo durdarśano avakoṭimako ‘medhyamrakṣitagātro durgandhaś ca Av 50 i 280; p. 125 Vaidya (abbreviations
and editions of Sanskrit texts refer to Franklin Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary (1953)
with occasionally relevant alternative or newer editions added by editor’s name only).
25 Mrozik, Virtuous Bodies, Ch. 4.
26 paṇḍaka and intersex; see above Scherer, Variant Dharma.
27 itthibhāva (cp. Mrozik, Virtuous Bodies, 70-71). See, for example, the list in the para-canonical verses in the Jātaka
commentary (J-a I 44) and the statement in the Milindapañha Mil 93 PTS on the inferiority (ittaratā) of woman (itthi,
note the wordplay!).
19
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towards enlightenment is impeded by physiomoral problematic rebirth as the Pāli
commentarial list of eighteen ‘impossible states’ (abhabbaṭṭḥāna) shows28: among
humans, the list features the physical abject as blind, deaf, dumb, deformed and leper
together with the sex/gender abject and the social abject as ‘barbarian’, slave, notorious
criminal and heretic.29 Within the early Sanskritic Buddhist traditions, such ‘inopportune’
(akṣaṇaprāpta) birth as result of karma is described in the Pravrajyāntarāya-sūtra as
quoted in Śāntideva’s 8th c. Compendium of Discipline:
He is born blind, stupid, dumb, an outcaste - certainly not privileged, a notorious
slanderer; a sex/gender deficient and deviant (ṣaṇḍaka and paṇḍaka), a perpetual
slave, a woman, a dog, a pig, a donkey, a camel and a poisonous serpent.30
Another Mahāyāna discourse quoted in the same compendium, the Inquiry of the
Girl Candrottarā, enumerates being ‘blind, lame, without tongue, and deformed’ among
the karmic results of sense-attachment or desire (rāga)31: “Those who lead the low-life of
lust become party to the various multitude of defects.”32 Again, as in the case of the earlier
quoted Pravrajyāntarāya-sūtra, mental disabilities or learning difficulties33 and various
animal rebirths are included in the shortly following summary of such physiomoral
expressions of causality: “Truly, those lustful will continuously be born as blind, deaf, and
idiotic…”34 With the self-referential ‘cult of the book’ emerging within Mahāyāna praxis,
disregard for the respective scripture becomes another karmic cause for disadvantageous
births with variable bodies. The Lotus Sūtra illustrates this when it claims that “those who
do not have faith in this discourse I dispense, when they are born human again are then
born idiots, lame, crooked, blind and dull.” The blasphemer, “foolish and deaf, does not
hear the dharma (liberating teaching)”; “and when he obtains human birth he becomes
blind, deaf and idiotic; he is a slave, always poor.”35
However, the karmic ripening of impairing conditions within one’s lifetime does
not necessarily preclude spiritual progress and realization. The canonical texts testify to
the achievement of variable-bodied and/or impaired monastics; famously, the Ven.
Bhaddiya ‘the dwarf’ is depicted in the very terms of physiomoral rejection discussed
above as ‘ugly (or of inferior class), unsightly, deformed’ and as ‘shunned by most
monks’36 – yet he is praised by the Buddha for his high spiritual achievements. Another
example is the story of the blind Elder Cakkhupāla as told in the commentary to the famous
collection of doctrinal verses, the Dhammapada.
The narrative illustrates the
Dhammapada’s very first verse on intention-led and mind-governed karma; it relates how
Cakkhupāla, by accepting the loss of its sight during rigorous asceticism dissolves a great
karmic obstacle on the spiritual path.
28
Suttanipāta commentary Sn-a i 50 and Apadāna commentary Ap-a 141.
See Toshiichi Endo, Buddha in Theravada Buddhism: A Study of the Concept of Buddha in the Pāli Commentaries
(Buddhist Cultural Centre: Dehiwala, Sri Lanka, 2002), 160-164, and Mrozik, Virtuous Bodies, 71.
30 jātyandhaś ca jaḍaś câjihvakaś ca caṇḍālaś [ca] {na} jātu | sukhito bhavaty abhyākhyānabahulaś ca ṣaṇḍakaś ca
paṇḍakaś ca nityadāsaś ca | strī ca bhavati śvā ca śūkaraś ca gardabhaś côṣṭraś ca āśīviṣaś ca bhavati tatra jātau ||
Śikṣāsamuccaya Śikṣ p. 69; all translations are my own unless indicated otherwise.
31 kāṇāś ca khañjāś ca vijihvakāś ca | virūpakāś câiva bhavanti rāgāt Candrottarādārikāparipr̥cchā, Śikṣ p. 80.
32 bhavanti nānāvidhadoṣabhājāś caranti ye kāmacarīṃ jaghanyām (ibid.)
33 Here denoted by the term visaṃjña cp. above jaḍa.
34 jātyandhabhāvā vadhirā visaṃjñā | […] bhavanti nityaṃ khalu kāmalolāḥ || Śikṣ p. 80.
35 Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra SP 3 verses 122; 129ab; 132 a-c: puruṣātmabhāvaṃ ca yada labhante te kuṇṭhakā
laṅgaka bhonti tatra | kubjātha kāṇā ca jaḍā jaghanyā aśraddadhantā ima sūtra mahyam || 122; na cāpi so dharma
śṛṇoti bālo badhiraśca so bhoti acetanaśca | 129ab; manuṣyabhāvatvamupetya cāpi andhatva badhiratva jaḍatvameti |
parapreṣya so bhoti daridra nityaṃ 3.132a-c.
36 dubbaṇṇaṁ duddasikaṁ okoṭimakaṁ yebhuyyena bhikkhūnaṁ paribhūtarūpaṃ Ud VII 5, 76.
29
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As has become clear, the Buddhist physiomoral encoding of variable corporealities
through the doctrine of karma can be - and is only - resolved by the nirvāṇic soteriology.
Such nirvāṇic or bodhi orientation projects a utopia of invariable bliss and translates this
salvific impetus into the healing activities of enlightenment. In fact, the Buddha had
compared the non-essentializing pragmatics of his liberating teachings to a physician
removing a poisonous arrow without the delay of forensic over-scrutinizing.37 Following
on from Early Buddhist praises of the Buddha as the unrivalled physician of humanity, the
‘supreme surgeon’38 who removes the poisons of attachment, aversion and ignorance which
fuel the ego-delusion, Mahāyāna scriptures metaphorize the spiritual transformation of
suffering as healing rays born out of the deep contemplative trance and fueled by the higher
compassion of enlightened beings.39 For example, the influential Mahāyāna scripture
Discourse of the Golden Light describes in its second chapter the healing contemplation
rays emitted by the Bodhisattva (enlightenment-being) Ruciraketu, whose name can be
translated as ‘Radiant Brightness’40:
And all the beings in this triple-thousand great-thousand world-sphere by the
Buddha’s power became possessed of divine happiness.[…] And beings blind from
birth see forms with the eye. And deaf beings hear sounds with the ear. And
unconscious beings regain their mindfulness. And beings whose minds were
distraught were no longer distraught in mind. (9) And naked beings became clothed
in robes. And hungry beings became full-bellied. And thirsty beings became
thirstless. And disease-afflicted beings became diseaseless. And beings whose
bodily organs were defective became possessed of complete organs (tr.
Emmerick41).
The salvific power of the Bodhisattvas is described in similar ways in the
Ratnolkadhāraṇī as quoted in Śāntideva’s Compendium, Chapter Eighteen.42 The
Enlightenment-being’s salvific aspiration is founded upon the wish for universal happiness.
Hence, the confessional aspiration liturgies include the prayer that all varieties of suffering
in sentient beings cease. The Discourse of the Golden Light includes in Chapter Three, the
‘confession chapter’ (deśanā-parivarta), such an elaborate aspirational prayer of hope and
healing for all kind of variably disadvantaged43:
37
M 63 i 429.
sallakato anuttaro Sn 560; Mil 215.
39 For Buddhism and Healing see [Paul Demiéville], Buddhism and Healing: Demiéville’s Article “Byo” from
Hōbōgirin, translated by Mark Tatz (University Press of America: Lanham, 1985); Raoul Birnbaum, The Healing
Buddha (Shambhala: Boston, 1989); Tadeusz Skorupski, ‘Health and Suffering in Buddhism: Doctrinal and Existential
Considerations,’ in Religion, Health and Suffering, edited by J.R. Hinnells and R. Porter (Kegan Paul International:
London, 1999), 139-165; and Anālayo, ‘Healing in Early Buddhism’ Buddhist Studies Review 32n1, 2015, 19-33.
40 Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra Sv 8-9 sarve cāsmiṃstrisāhasramahāsāhasralokadhātau sattvā buddhānubhāvena
divyasukhena samanvāgatā babhūvuḥ | jātyandhāśca sattvā rūpāṇi paśyanti sma | vadhirāśca sattvāḥ sattvebhyaḥ
śabdāni śṛṇvanti | unmattāśca sattvāḥ smṛtiṃ pratilabhante ‘vikṣiptacittāśca smṛtimanto babhū-| vuḥ | nagnāśca
sattvāścīvaraprāvṛtā (Bagchi 5) babhūvuḥ | jighatsitāśca sattvāḥ paripūrṇagātrā babhūvuḥ | tṛṣitāśca sattvā
vigatatṛṣṇā babhūvaḥ | rogaspṛṣṭāśca sattvā vigatarogā babhūvuḥ | hīnakāyāśca sattvāḥ paripūrṇendriyā babhūvuḥ |
(I have omitted […] ‘Beings whose senses were incomplete became possessed of all their senses’, which is most likely
an interpolation duplicating the concluding sentence quoted and only found in the Tibetan and Chinese versions, but not
in the Sanskrit manuscripts. Nobel conjected and added this passage as aparipūrṇendriyāḥ sattvāḥ
sarvendriyasamanvāgatā babhūvuḥ).
41 Ronald E. Emmerick, The Sutra of Golden Light: Being a Translation of the Suvarnabhasottamasutra (Pāli Text
Society: Oxford, 2001), 4.
42 See in particular Śikṣ 341-2.
43 Sv verses 3.81-83 (p. 39 Nobel) andhāśca paśyantu vicitrarūpān vadhirāśca śṛṇvantu manojñaghoṣān || 81 nagnāśca
vastrāṇi labhantu citrā daridrasattvāśca dhanāṃllabhantu | 82ab mā kasyaciddhāvatu duḥkhavedanā sudarśanāḥ
sattva bhavantu sarve | abhirūpaprāsādikasaumyarūpā anekasukhasaṃcita nitya bhontu || 83
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And may the blind see the various forms, the deaf hear delightful sounds, the naked
obtain various garments, poor beings obtain treasures […] May the experience of
woe harm no one. May all beings be good-looking. May they have beautiful,
gracious, auspicious forms and continually have a heap of numerous blessings (tr.
Emmerick44).
The popularity of the aspirational hope for those in disadvantaging variabilities is
evidenced by the intertextual variation of key formulations found throughout Buddhist
literatures. For example, most influentially, the seventh to eighth century CE Buddhist
poet-philosopher Śāntideva, in the concluding chapter of his seminal Entering the Path to
Enlightenment (Bodhicaryāvatāra), concisely includes an only slight alteration to a central
verse in the Sūtra’s wishing prayer: ‘May the blind see and may the deaf hear always.’45
What emerges from the discussion above are contradicting and idiosyncratic
Buddhist approaches to embodied variance and impairment, which exemplify attempts to
negotiate different hegemonic social regimes of bio-power with soteriological universalism
and inclusiveness. Buddhist modernisms with their main modes of detraditionalization,
demythologization and psychologization46 have found creative ways to propagate the
demarginalization of the Buddhist ‘un-ordainable’, including, in modern terms, convicts;
LGBT people; sex workers; and the ‘disabled’ variable.47 Within the heterogeneous
plethora of contemporary Buddhist modernist groups and flows called ‘Socially Engaged
Buddhism’ karma is inventively rethought in terms of social justice and human rights
advocacy.48 Socially Engaged Buddhists most visibly aim their activism at ecological and
socio-economic cause and they campaign for peace and gender equality; but just as in the
case of Buddhist LGBT liberation, Buddhist ‘disability’ activism appears to be comparably
underdeveloped49, with the exception of Buddhist and Buddhist-derived approaches to
depression and anxiety such as Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy or Mindfulness
Based Stress Reduction.50 Still, variable-bodied people are able to self-narrate meaning
and hope through Buddhism.51 Buddhist Modernist ‘disabled’ writers such as postpolio
paraplegic Lorenzo Milam in his CripZen: A Manual for Survival, and right-hand-lacking
Joan Tollifson in her Bare-Bones Meditation are utilizing the experience of variability for
spiritual transformation and offer pathways to variable Buddhist empowerment.52
The time seems ripe for Socially Engaged Buddhist Crip Liberation and a fuller
Buddhist ‘theology’ of embodied variability. The idiosyncratic and contradictory
orientations of social marginalizing and soteriological inclusiveness found within Buddhist
thought on human embodied variance by karma theory can firmly be reintegrated and
dissolved by refocusing embodied experience from an essentialized individual subject and
its misconstrued individualized past, to the opportunity in the here and now for the future.
As the leading socially engaged, Buddhist Theorist David Loy points out:
44
Emmerick, The Sutra of Golden Light, 16.
Bodhicaryāvatāra BCA 10.19ab andhāḥ paśyantu rūpāṇi śṛṇvantu badhirāḥ sadā (ed. Minaev 1889; the tenth
chapter is missing in Prajñākaramati’s commentary ed. by de la Vallée Poussin 1904-1914).
46 McMahan, The Making of Buddhist Modernism, 45-57.
47 Cp. Christopher Queen, ‘Introduction: From Altruism to Activism,’ in Action Dharma: New Studies in Engaged
Buddhism, edited by Christopher Queen, Charles Prebish and Damien Keown, pp. 1-35 (RoutledgeCurzon: London,
2003), 18.
48 See Sally B. King, Socially Engaged Buddhism (University of Hawai’I Press: Honolulu, 2009).
49 See King Socially Engaged Buddhism, 163-164.
50 See, e.g., Jon Kabat-Zinn, ‘Some Reflections on the Origins of MBSR, Skillful Means, and the Trouble with Maps’,
Contemporary Buddhism, 12n1, 2001, 281-306.
51 For example, see Darla Y. Schumm and Michael Stoltzfus, ‘Chronic Illness and Disability: Narratives of Suffering
and Healing in Buddhism and Christianity ‘, Journal of Religion, Disability & Health, 11:3, 2004, 5-21 and Kampol
Thongbunnum, Bright and Shining Mind in a Disabled Body (Friends of Morak Society: Bangkok, 2007).
52 See Susan Squier, ‘Meditation, Disability, and Identity’, Literature and Medicine 23n1, 2004, 23-45.
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Karma is better understood as the key to spiritual development ... When we add the
Buddhist teaching about not-self […] We can see that karma is not something the
self has, it is what the sense of self is […].53
By utilizing a twofold Buddhist hermeneutics of preliminary (socio-cultural) and
ultimate (soteriological) contexts, I argue accordingly for a Buddhist liberation ‘theology’
and praxis as non-judgmental, demarginalized and dehegemonized, celebratory approaches
to bodily variability and neuro-diversity, in the full acknowledgment of the universal
principle of saṃsāric conditionality and the individual expression of saṃsāric challenges.
Despite the multiple examples of missed opportunities to challenge embodied and
body-oppressive normativities - and the margins they produce – in Buddhist cultural
contexts, I maintain that Buddhist notions such as (re)birth as a ‘continuity without
identity’, ‘no-self’ and ‘interdependency’ or ‘inter-being’54 and as karma taking charge of
the future rather than paying a debt to the past offers a wide array of emancipatory impulses,
which can provide new tools to critical ‘disability’ theory and advocacy. Oppressive bodynormalcy as regimes of bio-power can be successfully critiqued through Buddhist
(modernist) social theory, which provides pathways for navigating variability-affirming
anthroposcapes.
Conclusion
Buddhist realities, Buddhist utopias clash, and their battleground are real, historical
defined and culturally refined embodied experiences of variance, marginalization,
stigmatization, but also experiences of emancipation, transformation and liberation. The
shift advocated in this edited volume toward telling historical bodies, far from heralding an
end of theory, ought to decisively (in)form contemporary practical philosophy, social
theory and cultural critique from the grassroots and is bound to co-create new accents and
insights in critical theory, including Foucauldian derived approaches; Feminist; and Queer
Theories. The human journey through the temporal and spatial landscape of our embodied
experiences manifests within primary parameters of identity and difference; inside and
outside; sameness and otherness; inclusion and rejection. Rather than being binary
absolutes, the fundamental parameters of identitarian belonging form in protean, shifting
ways with situation, context, time and space always in orientation to an underlying
‘prototype’55 center attracting the most enduring, extreme and recognizable example. The
Lakoffian prototype distribution and its center(s) for psycho-social identitarian recognition
is hence paradoxically oriented at an almost impossible (hence extreme) ideal; while each
individual’s embodied human experience is unique and varied, it is co-shaped by
parameters gauging its distance to the center of the human prototype, which in many
cultures through history manifests as the essentialized ideal of the (binary, cisgender) male
(patriarchal bias; sexism; cisgenderism; transphobia); racially elite-constructed (as for
example in white supremacy; racism; colorism); heterosexual (homo, lesbo-, bi-,
queerophobia); abled-bodied (ableism), young (ageism), healthy (nosemaphobia) and
beautiful (lookism; beauty-fetishism; fat-ism; cacophobia) person. The closer to the center
individuals performs their embodiment, the stronger is their participation in psycho-social
power (the phallus in Lacan’s terms). In particular, in relationship to transphobia,
homophobia and sexism I have suggested to think of the underlying power dynamic as
53
David R. Loy, Money, Sex, War, Karma: Notes for a Buddhist Revolution (Wisdom: Boston, 2008), 61.
‘Inter-being’ is a term coined and popularized by Thich Nhat Hanh, a Vietnamese Zen teacher who also is credited
with coining the term ‘Socially Engaged Buddhism’.
55 George Lakoff, Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about the Mind (University of
Chicago Press: Chicago and London, 1987).
54
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34
aphallophobia56: the very fear of losing that individually channeled societal power of the
essentialized, ideal center. Extending the aphallophobia-principle to intersections beyond
heteropatriarchal oppressions with regard to gender and sexuality, I maintain that the key
struggle for inclusion and social justice lies exactly in the rethinking of the illusion of
identitarian stabilities, essentialism or in other words the ideal yet illusionary and random
centers of belonging. The radical acceptance of human variability transforms the struggle
to include variabled embodiments within a projected center of ‘ontological security’57 into
the celebratory recognition of belonging as being the same, only different: varyingly
performed embodiment, flowing from time and space and context and situation. Inhabiting
such variable anthroposcapes without center and margin restores the possibility of
(biographically fluid or relatively static) individual body-performances without creating
oppressive body-normativities.
In terms of post-phallic forms of governmentality, after heteropatriarchy and
theocracy, the ethical imperative of social action can re-establish itself as aiming at the full
protection of the integrity of the variably embodied individual. Where freedom from harm
and suffering is established as highest legal good, competing societal discourses of
meaning-making are disempowered to affect oppressively the variable embodied
individual. These discourses include the two dominant exponents of oppressive cultural
modes, the medical-pathologizing and the religious-stigmatizing discourses.58 Culturally
harmful practices, disconnected from hegemonizing and essentializing discourses, can be
discontinued for the benefit of the suffering individual. If the individuals’ rights to being
asserted within their own variable center and their freedom from harm become the key
parameters of trans-national solidarity, embodied experiences can become the pivotal
angles to challenge oppression without the need to navigate a jungle of competing
hierarchies of rights and cultural relativisms: this individual, ‘body-without-center-andmargin’ angle changes the evaluation of both contested and mainstream harmful practices,
including the binarist sex inscription through mutilation of healthy infant intersex bodies;
the pseudo-medical and/or religious scarring and penile desensitizing of healthy male infant
bodies in the form of circumcision; the dramatic heteropatriarchal mutilation of healthy
female bodies in the form of Female Genital Cutting (FGC); and the ageist, sexist and
misogynic re-’normatizing’ mutilation of healthy bodies through cosmetic surgeries, only
to name a few examples. Within these debate, the proposed dehegemonic and aphallic
affirmation of variable-bodily integrity differs from some arguments around individual
‘agency’, which dominate contemporary postcolonial, feminist and queer intersectional
discourse and which in their well-meant privileging of decolonization and postcolonial and
subaltern agency sometimes disempower inter-human solidarity and hence ignore the real,
embodied suffering of the subject constructed as agentive. The here proposed approach is
capable of devaluing the oppressive contexts (rather than affirming it), which co-shape
‘agentive’ decisions manifested as pseudo-agency or disempowered agency such as is the
case in women’s complicity to oppressive heteropatriarchy in the context of, among others,
dowry; behavioral prohibitions and prescriptions, e.g. regarding clothes; FGC and other
culturally harmful practices; or in the case of developing ‘Stockholm syndrome’ among
queer subjects in fundamentalist queerophobic religious contexts.59
Infusing the concept of variability and, more broadly, critical social theory with the
opportunities afforded by Buddhist (modernist) philosophies I maintain that pathways
appear for navigating variability-affirming ‘anthroposcapes’. By relaxing the artificial
56
Scherer, ‘Crossings and Dwellings’.
Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: self and Society in the Late Modern Age (Polity Press: Cambridge,
1991), Ch. 2.
58 Bee Scherer, ‘QueerThinking Religion: Queering Religious Paradigms’, Scholar & Feminist Online 2016 (forthc.).
59 Ibid.
57
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boundaries of our anxious Selfhood into the ravishing of ontological uncertainty and
fluidity we are able to perform compassion without essentialized Self; solidarity without
colonizing and hegemonizing overpowering; and dehegemonized embodiment, same only
different.
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36
Evaluating the “Unconscious in Dream” between
Sigmund Freud and the Buddhist Tipiṭaka
P.B. Tan
Ph. D Candidate in Buddhist Studies
Mahidol University, Thailand
Introduction
Sigmund Freud, based on his clinical psychoanalysis, distinguished three different
systems of psyche: ‘unconscious’, ‘preconscious’, and ‘conscious’ and relate them to the
respective concepts of ‘id’, ‘ego’, and ‘superego’. A constant movement of impulses of
stored unconscious data is passing from the ‘id’ to the ‘ego’ and becoming ‘preconscious’,
and through the efforts of the ‘ego’, undergo the modification process and become
‘conscious’. The unconscious system is the source origin of memory data that transmit to
the preconscious system and the conscious system. The Preconscious and Conscious items
were all evolved from the Unconscious.
The preconscious is involved with data retained in the ‘id’ that can readily be brought
to conscious form. The preconscious mind rejects all the undesired elements Freud called
‘defenses’ - to deny elements of the Unconscious (all that are uncertain or unknown) in
order to safeguard our self-esteem, self-ego, etc. The ‘superego’, which is at least partially
conscious, serves as a censor on the ego functions and comprises the individual’s awareness
of the present perceptions, feelings, and thoughts, towards family and society, at any
particular moment. Freud uses the term ‘unconscious’ in several ways, but the term is used
primarily to designate a functional system of the mind which acts as an archive of memory
data, and exists independently of the individual’s conscious awareness. Dreams and slips
of the tongue are examples of the unconscious.
To find an exact term from the Buddhist corpus to match Freud’s notion of the
Unconscious would be futile, except finding only its surface meaning used to describe
general situations. However, there may be some terms or a grouping of them, which come
closer to it.
The ‘unconscious’ in the Id and the Ego
Freud’s theory postulated the ‘unconscious’ as both a repository for repressed
traumatic memories (for example, the ‘Oedipal Complex’) as well as the stimuli source of
inducing anxiety to individual from certain socially or ethically unacceptable behaviors (for
example, an offence of a religious taboo). These unconscious events are not directly
observable. In the following sections, I shall extend the explanation of ‘unconscious’ to
include its other peculiarities and the Buddhist renderings for it.
Characteristics of the ‘Id’
Freud describes the characteristics of id as: an impulse to get satisfaction for
instinctual needs with no recognition of the passage of time; it has no negatives but its
content elements are energized with either greater or lesser strength. It is interesting how
Freud explains this degree of intensity of the id content:
“…no means of showing the ego either love or hate. It cannot say what it wants; it
has achieved no unified will. Eros [sexual instinct] and the death instinct struggle
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within it; we have seen with what weapons the one group of instincts defends itself
against the other.”1
This aspect of the id-forces of unconscious is precisely the point I made, according
to the Abhidhamma, how our latently stored mental concomitants will behave:
“... joint-forces by several factors to achieve a common purpose; the good
supplementation and harmonization of isolated qualities were used mistakenly
as the opposing forces instead of using as supporting forces.”2
Pleasure Principle and Death Instinct
The unconscious system of the ‘id’ works on the “Pleasure Principle”, demanding
immediate gratification of its urges, to the extent of even disregard the undesirable effects
(for example, stealing, rape, incest). The id unconscious elements also act on the “Death
Instinct” of dangers or obsessional neurosis, either as ways of defusing them, emotionally
unmoved, or acting confrontationally as Freud describes it:
“… instinctual diffusion and the marked emergence of the death instinct call for
particular consideration among the effects of some severe neuroses3; …and death
instincts are in part “rendered harmless by being fused with erotic components,
…diverted towards the external world in form of aggression, …continued in their
internal work unhindered.”4
The ‘ego’ operates mainly in conscious and preconscious levels, but it also contains
unconscious elements because both the ‘ego’ and the ‘superego’ are also furnished by the
‘id’. The ‘ego’ works on the ‘reality principle’ which takes the most strains to either satisfy
or deny the id urges as soon they arise, and simultaneously respond to the restraints imposed
by the ‘superego’ or reality of the physical world. The function of the ‘ego’ is liken to an
arbitrator, controlling and organizing the id instincts, as well as balancing the conflicting
drives of both ‘id’ and ‘superego’. Inappropriate desires are not satisfied will be suppressed
by the ego and these repressed memories are retained in the unconscious ‘id’.
The unconscious neuroses of ‘Rebirth’
Freud also mentions the clinical implications of the unconscious notion of ‘Rebirth’.
Freud’s attributes the phantasy of ‘rebirth’ to the imaginative life of the neurotics such as
the mutilated version of the homosexual wishful phantasy, and in another euphemism, the
phantasy of incestuous intercourse with the mother or father (the womb-phantasy).5
Freud’s notion of the unconscious ‘rebirth’ is a psychoanalytic approach to neuroses. In
contrast, the Buddhist explanation of the unconscious in its sense of the afterlife and rebirth,
could be quite surprising. According to Tibetan Buddhism:
1
Smith, Ivan (compiled, 2011), Freud, Sigmund (auth), Strachey, James & Freud, Anna (ed.). The Complete
Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. “The Ego and the Id” (UK: Hogarth Press, 1974), p. 3992.
2 P.B. Tan. An Anatomy of Mind. Being Essence of the Dhammasaṅgaṇi in Abhidhamma. (Germany: Grin Publishing,
2015), p. 231.
3 Smith, Ivan (compiled, 2011), Freud, Sigmund (author), Strachey, James & Freud, Anna (ed.). The Complete
Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. “The Ego And The Id” (UK: Hogarth Press, 1974), p. 3975.
4 ibid., p. 3988.
5 Smith, Ivan (compiled 2011), Freud, Sigmund (author), Strachey, James & Freud, Anna (ed.). The Complete
Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. “From The History Of An Infantile Neurosis”. (UK: Hogarth Press, 1974), p.
3579-3580.
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“…after having been unconscious for up to three and a half days, you will be awaken
from unconsciousness and wonder, “What has happened to me?” So, recognize this
to be the intermediate state [bardo]…”6; “…If you are to be born as a male… If you
are to be born as a female… experience the perceptions… [Emotional arousal] will
cause you to enter a womb… in the midst of the meeting between the sperm and the
ovum. From that state of bliss you will faint into unconsciousness, and as time
passes, the embryo will come to maturity in the womb …”7
It is not easy to find the best rendering of the Freudian version of ‘unconscious’ in
the Buddhist literature as there is no direct parallel. I will include these terms as the closest
for discussion: bhavaṅga (the factor of becoming or existence); anusaya (the underlying
tendency); āsava (the metaphorical “canker” or “intoxicant”).
The idea of ‘Collective Unconscious’
Interestingly, Freud comes up with the notion of ‘collective unconscious’8 but no
significant progress had been made as it was not easy to translate the concepts of individual
psychology into group psychology. Similarly, very little had been mentioned in the
Buddhist doctrines about the topic of “collective unconscious”, which I presume it to have
a direct relationship to the aggregate of “kamma”, of either the individual or the collective
mode as group. The research on “collective unconscious” should be a profound and
rewarding attempt.
The concept of Bhavaṅga
When we keyword-search for the term ‘bhavaṅga’ in the Theravada Tipitaka, we can
see the term appearing in only two collections - mainly however: inside the Abhidhamma.
9
Whenever the mind is in a state such as a dreamless deep sleep, or at the final
moment of death, or right after the end of every thought process, or stop receiving a fresh
external object or thought-freed (vīthimutta), we say the mind is in the state of ‘bhavaṅga’.
Thus, we can also say bhavaṅga acts like a buffer as it arises and perishes between two
consecutive thought-process. Nyanaponika Thera likens bhavaṅga to ‘subconscious’,
‘stored-up memory’, ‘kamma’, ‘rebirth’, ‘life-continuum’, which seem closer to the
Freudian sense of the dynamic ‘unconscious’:
“Since time immemorial, all impressions and experiences are, as it were, stored up,
or better said, are functioning, but concealed as such to full consciousness, from
where however they occasionally emerge as subconscious phenomena and approach
the threshold of full consciousness, or crossing it become fully conscious. This socalled ‘subconscious life-stream’ or undercurrent of life is that by which might be
explained the faculty of memory, paranormal psychic phenomena, mental and
6
Padmasambhava (comp.), Gyurme Dorje (trans.), Graham Coleman & Thupten Jinpa (ed.). The Tibetan Book of the
Dead. (US: Penguin Group, 2005), p. 236.
7 Ibid., p. 289-290.
8 Freud, Sigmund (auth.), Jones, Katherine (trans). Moses And Monotheism (UK: Hogarth Press, 1939), p. 208
9 Thank you to Dr. Dion Peoples, the editor of the JIABU, for doing a keyword-search on the Digital Pāli Reader Firefox
browser-software, for this term, and for providing a screenshot of the authentic results, and for making a correction in my
text to reflect the accuracy of the information.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
physical growth, karma and rebirth, etc.
continuum’.”10
39
An alternative rendering is ‘life-
S.Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids view bhavaṅga as a functional moment of
subconsciousness, a subliminal consciousness, but disagree for it to be treated as a subplane from which thought emerge from the substrate to surface:
“Bhavaṅga means function… a functional state or moment of subconsciousness…
below the threshold’ of consciousness by which we conceive continuous subjective
existence as possible. … a flow of momentary states of subliminal consciousness…
constitutes the stream of being… The stream is liable to be interrupted constantly by
thought… it cannot be regarded as a sub-plane from which thoughts ‘rise to the
surface’.” 11
In my view, bhavaṅga does not correspond to a sub-plane; it is not a subliminal
consciousness, nor is it a functional state of subconscious existence. The author’s
description as “below the threshold” of consciousness, and “continuous subjective
existence” is suggesting the coexistence of subconscious and consciousness, but there are
no two types of consciousness that can coexist according to Abhidhamma - they arise and
perish in an infinitesimal split-moment. The following illustration of bhavaṅga by Mrs.
Rhys Davids as a vibrating node in two consecutive thought-moments (second and third)
of the total seventeen thought-moments (khaṇa) would totally rule out bhavaṅga as a
repository of either the subconscious or unconscious:
“…in every such act, seventeen moments or flashes of consciousness took place,
each moment being considered to involve the three time-phases of all ‘becoming’
namely, a nascent, static and dissolving phase … after one citta-moment (1) has
passed, enters the avenue [or focus] of sight, the life-continuum (bhavanga) vibrating
twice (2) (3) … then seven flashes of full perception, or apperception (javana) (915); finally, if the percept is sufficiently vivid, two moments of retention or
registering consciousness (16, 17) … After that comes subsidence into the lifecontinuum [bhavaṅga].”12
Dr. O. H. De A. Wijesekera concludes that ‘bhavaṅga’ can be equated with Freud’s
notion of the id forces of unconscious:
“At the non-empirical state, viññāna is unconscious and becomes conscious only
when confronted by the objective world in the perceptual process… Freud’s concept
of the human psyche consisting of id-forces and the Unconscious may therefore be
considered to a large extent parallel to the Buddhist notion of bhavaṅga which,
according to our understanding, is constituted by the saṅkhāras or physical forces
combined with viññāna which in the empirical state appears as consciousness which
Freud attributed to the ego or the empirical agent.”13
10
Nyanaponika Thera. Buddhist Dictionary: Manual of Buddhist Terms & Doctrines. (Kandy: BPS, 1980),p. 70
S. Z. Aung (trans.), Mrs. Rhys Davids (eds.). Compendium of Philosophy: Being a Translation of AbhidhammatthaSangaha. (Oxford: PTS, 1910), p. 266-267.
12 Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids. Buddhist Psychology… (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1914), p. 180-181.
13 O.H. de A. Wijesekera (1979). The Freudian Unconscious and Bhavaṅga. The Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies, Vol. 1, p. 65-66.
11
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In my view, this is confusing. At the non-empirical state (or prior to the first
vibrating bhavaṅga), not only is viññāna stays at unconscious, the saṅkhāras are also in
unconscious. Saṅkhāras are not physical forces but is the term designated in Suttanta, and
for which in Abhidhamma are being translated into 50 mental factors excluding vedanā
(feeling) and saññā (perception). It is perhaps only true to say that, according to Theravada
Abhidhamma, some of the biased 52 mental factors arising with the different consciousness
as a result of influence by corporeal objects (or mental visuals), and together as a whole
constitute a working process similar to Freud’s notion of the empirical ego-forces.
Anusaya (latent tendency)
The term ‘anusaya’ is seemed comparable to the Freudian id-forces. The PTS’s
Pāli-English Dictionary defines ‘anusaya’ as: “bent, bias, proclivity, the persistence of a
dormant or latent disposition, predisposition, and tendency. Always in bad sense.”
According to the Yamaka in Abhidhamma, there are 7 latent tendencies of the: (1) sensual
craving (kāmarāgānusaya), (2) aversion (paṭighānusaya), (3) conceit (mānānusaya), (4)
fallacy (diṭṭhānusaya), (5) scepticism (vicikicchānusaya), (6) craving for existence
(bhavarāgānusaya), (7) ignorance (avijjánusaya).14 These English renderings has the
characteristics of the dormant and lurking tendencies, latent proclivities, thus making the
term ‘anusaya’ closer to the Freudian sense of ‘unconscious’ repository.
Āsava (personality-canker)
The term ‘āsava’ is also closely resembles that of the ‘id’ unconscious of Freud’s.
Rhys Davids (The Expositor’ [Atthasālinī], 1976, p. 63) interprets ‘āsavas’ as “intoxicants”
of the mind, likens it to juices of the Madira fruits which become intoxicants after longfermentation. U Kyaw Khine (The Dhammasaṅgaṇī, 1999, p. 535) interprets ‘āsavas’ as
“defilements” that befuddle the mind. PTS Pāli-English Dictionary defines ‘āsava’ as
“outflow”. Other translated renderings for ‘āsava’ include “canker, pollutant, taint”, and
so on. The metaphorical “canker” implicates more closely to the ‘id’ unconscious
mechanism as it means the affective capability of corroding the minds covertly, quietly,
gradually, and durably. The 4 kinds of ‘cankers” refer to the attachment and clinging to:
(1) sensuous pleasures, (2) existences, (3) fallacious views, (4) ignorance as to the Four
Noble Truths and theory of the Dependent Origination (Paṭiccasamuppāda).15
The ‘unconscious’ in the dreams
Freud emphasizes the value of dreams as sources of insight into the unconscious
desires, especially the infantile roots of unconscious wishes in dreams. Fascinated by the
anomaly that the things we hide in the day appeared in disguise in the dark of night (such
as the incestuous acts, murderous thoughts, etc.), he wrote: “The interpretation of dreams
is the royal road to a knowledge of the unconscious activities of the mind.”16
Reinforcement from the ‘unconscious’
Every dream is an attempted gratification of some unconscious wishes. That is to
say, the dream would not happen if the conscious wish were not reinforced from the
unconscious. According to Freud, in our sleep, unconscious wishes always remain active
and ready to “off-load” their intensity whenever they find an opportunity to unite
themselves with the emotions from conscious life. The more intense the emotion in the
awaking hours, the more chances the unconscious wishes will manifest in dream. An
14
Cf. Saṃyutta Nikāya: 45.175; Yamaka: 7.27, 7.28; Nyanatiloka Mahāthera (2007). Guide Through the Abhidhamma
Piṭaka. (Kandy: BPS), p. 138.
15 Cf. Dhammasaṅganī : par. 1465.
16 Freud, Sigmund (auth.), Strachey, James (ed.). The Interpretation of Dreams.(US: Basic Books,2010), p. 604.
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example is children often have bad dreams after a day of intense activities. The stronger
the unconscious wishes, the more they will dominate the dream content: worry, guilt,
jealousy, envy, lust, as examples.
Irrationality of the ‘unconscious’
Although the unconscious system of id is a dynamic and an affective base which
influence all aspects of our conative and cognitive personality (perception, feeling,
emotion, and so on), it, however, contains passion, instincts, and is “irrational” in contrast
to the ego which operates on reasoning and sanity. Just imagine how many times the
dreams that we had in the past were rational and expressed logic? Rationality and logic do
not hold for the unconscious mechanism of the id, typified in dreams.
Sexual symbolism
To Freud, the representation of sexual material in dreams is symbolical in which
unconscious sexual desires play an enormous part. Apart from dream, Freud said:
“Identification is most often used in hysteria to express sexual community” which has
remained in the unconscious.”17 It is possible that unconscious phantasies could have given
in to the dominating sexual emotions or libido. These unconscious phantasies come to their
expression not only in dreams but also in hysterical phobias and in other symptoms.
Interpretations of dream in Theravada Buddhism
There is not much that had been explained of dreams in the Theravada Buddhist
scriptures but a little are mentioned in a few places in the Theravada Tipiṭaka. Their
explanations, which were the later additions, are controversial. It is interesting to bring out
here, of what had been recorded, into a critical review particularly pertaining to
consciousness, and how the id- unconscious fits into the arguments.
In Kathāvatthu of Abhidhamma (Kv: 22.6), there was a Theravadin asking
Uttarapāthakas about the morality of dream. Uttarapāthakas maintained that even though
a person may commit evil thoughts and crimes in dreams, but all the consciousness in
dream should be treated as just ‘ethically neutral’. He argued because the Buddha has said
that dream-consciousness was negligible.18 According to S. Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids,
the commentary (Pārājikaṇḍa-Aṭṭhakathā) remarked in response to the answer by
Uttarapāthakas, that: “There is volition, and that volition is negligible.”19
Some may argue that because the visuals in the dream are vague and indistinct
presentations and hence his consciousness was irrational and absurd. But one can tell with
certainty in his dream that his consciousness after the usual three bhavaṅga vibration and
arrested by the two thought-moments of senses-based cognitive consciousness, passed
subsequently through “receiving”, “investigating” and “determining” thought-moments has actually lapsed into the seven ‘javana’ or ‘impulsion’. If his thought-moment had
arisen at ‘javana’, then his dream activity has to be judged as either moral or immoral
because kamma takes place at ‘javana’.20 It doesn’t matter whether it is just a dream or
‘power of will’ in dream is too weak to effect kamma because his apperception is bound
by his volative consciousness (or unconscious) as what the Buddha said:
17
Freud, Sigmund (auth.), M. D. Eder (tran.). Dream Psychology. (US: Feedbooks, 1920), p. 49.
Cf. Kathāvatthu: 22.6.
19 S.Z. Aung, Mrs. Rhys Davids (1969). Points of Controversy. Being a Translation of The Kathāvatthu. (Oxford: PTS,
1969), p. 261.
20 Narada Mahāthera (1956). A Manual of Abhidhamma, Being Abhidhammattha-Saṅgaha of Bhadanta
Anuruddhācariya. (Malaysia: Buddhist Missionary Society), p. 49-51.
18
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“O Bhikkhus! Volition [intention] is what is called kamma, and having willed, one
acts by body, speech and thought.”21
Furthermore, questions are raised by S. Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids22 regarding:
whether consciousness coming from the thought in dream and activity acted on the dream
is moral, immoral, or unmoral? How far do the dream-thoughts carry on influencing his
character (kamma)? My view is that whether the episodes of consciousness in the dream
is moral, immoral, or unmoral have to be verified by thorough recollection of one’s
intentions and motives (volition) by going through a detailed checklist of cetasikas and
their categorized constituents. Whether the activities happened in dream must be dealt with
is an ethical question. For example, the guilt consciousness that follows because the dream
is true which continues to prick on his conscience. But in some cases, the dreams simply
have to be ignored altogether because they are either irrelevant or illogical which are
characteristic of the unconscious when only a little part of the brain is working. These
Buddhist views of dream provide useful guide to Freud’s concept of the ‘id’ and
unconscious.
An interesting example relevant to the concept of ‘id’ is about the emission of semen
during a dream as recorded in the Vinaya-Pitaka.23 At one time, because of good food and
unworried life, a monk discovered he had emitted semen during a dream. This was reported
to the Buddha who answered that a formal retraining program did not apply in that case.
Monk’s intentional emission of semen during a dream constitutes a monastic disciplinary
offence. But why was it not applicable as replied by the Buddha? My view is that the
thought-moment had not reached the phase of impulsion or the thought-moment had ceased
when intention was just about to form. For example, it is also natural that for no other
reason than sleeping in the warm blanket of a very cold night, an adolescent full of sap
woke up to discover that he had nocturnal emission. This matter of semen emission during
dream was one of the five controverted points in the debates on Arahants, brought up by
Mahādeva of the Mahāsāṃghikas but rejected by the Sthaviras (antecedent of Theravada).24
In my view, the matter is a valid question. It is because only the Buddha is able to verify
the validity status of an Arahant. My earlier discussion on the case in the Kathāvatthu
concerning thought-moments, volition and consciousness in dream applies similarly here.
All these facets of the Buddhist records on dream bring us closer to the subject of
‘unconscious’ symbolized by the Freudian concept of ‘id’.
Unconscious mind arises out of quantum field
Mark Germine (MD), wrote about the role and mechanism of the unconscious and
preconscious in dreams by referring to the work of Freud, and explained them, to some
extent, with the quantum theories.25 I add a few lines to discuss the quantum view of the
unconscious because of their close correlation to each other. Many people find it enigmatic
and confused about the quantum reality of superimposed potentialities. But the paradox of
our latent ‘unconscious’ resonates very well with the paradox of the quantum field theory.
The expected possibilities of the quantum wave function become unpredictable and less
real when they are involved in an interaction with the agency of observation (wave of our
21
Saṃyutta Nikāya 12.25; 35.146; Majjhima Nikāya 136; Aṅguttara Nikāya 10.217.
S. Z. Aung (trans.), Mrs. Rhys Davids (eds.). Compendium of Philosophy: Being a Translation of AbhidhammatthaSangaha. (Oxford: PTS, 1910), p. 52.
23 I. B. Horner (trans.) (1949). The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya-Pitaka), Vol. 1 (Suttavibhaṅga). London: PTS. p.
195-196
24 Prebish, Charles and Keown Damien (2006). Buddhism—The Ebook, Third Edition. (US: Journal of Buddhist Ethics
Online Books), p. 124-125.
25 Mark Germine (1998). On the Quantum Psychodynamics of Dreams. Retrieved from:
http://www.goertzel.org/dynapsyc/1998/QuantumDreams.html
22
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43
consciousness). The same when we enter the unconscious world of dreams, the less real
we become. The arbitrary reality arising out of our conscious observation of the quantum
wave function was what caused Einstein to say unbelievingly: “God does not play dice with
the universe”, and “spooky action at a distance.” Quantum reality exists in the limitless
worlds of possibilities, which is precisely how our world of the unconscious mind
functions; it is even capable of going back in time albeit with limited scientific validation.
According to physicist Timothy Ralp, although it has been possible to simulate time travel
with tiny quantum particles, the same result might not be repeatable for larger groups of
particles like atoms.26 To a certain extent, it is perhaps true to say that, we visit quantum
reality every night in our unconscious - in dreams.
According to Germine, a dream cannot be formed by the unconscious alone because
unconscious, even though is the primary process of dreams, it links with the secondary
process which lies with the preconscious mind. Our dream is the preconscious borderland
between two worlds, namely unconscious and conscious. He adds that the process of the
unconscious, which is the quantum field, works in a “bi-directional” hierarchy of systems:
“the whole gives rise to the parts, and the parts also give rise to the whole”. In effect, this
is the principle of dependent co-arising or reciprocal causality (Paṭiccasamuppāda).
However, there is a distinction between our inclined id-forces of unconscious and the
quantum unconscious, which is, in his words:
“In the quantum unconscious, everything is a whole.
unconscious, everything is “I”.”
In the depths of the
Conclusion
From what are examined above, I would draw a conclusion to the theme that there
is none from the Buddha that can be used to describe exactly the Freud’s notion of the
unconscious system. Freud’s approach of the id-forces of unconscious was intended on the
ontological dualism of brain-mind relation and the materialism-neurosis interconnection,
whereas the Buddha explained it in the ways of Abhidhamma, which is the lurking mental
factors as the unconscious reality - collaborating with consciousness, and all that is
corporeality. For us it is unconscious, but the unconscious latency in itself is an
undiscovered wisdom of ‘superconscious’, the key to unlock secrets of our personality.
Dreams occur in the boundary between the unconscious and the conscious. It thus
answers why certain dreams are illogical, nonsensical but some appear as if so real—
because the process of dream works on the principle of dependent causality in which the
id-forces of unconscious and the conscious of superego can either be partially active or
fully dominant, even totally dormant. Dreams are real only in the reality of mind, and in
this regard, dreams provide us the opportunities for the profound insight into our true
personality. Whether content of the dream is ethically moral or immoral, it requires an
honest self-anatomy into the category components of the id-forces or cetasikas, which
reflect our predispositions and dispositions.
26
Martin Ringbauer, Timothy C. Ralph, et al. (2014). Experimental Simulation of Closed Timelike Curves. Nature
Communications, 5, 4145, p. . Pdf retrived from Cornell University Library: http://arxiv.org/abs/1501.05014.
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Notes
“God does not play dice”: One of Albert Einstein’s famous statements, who
expressed his contempt for the notion that the universe is governed by probability - an idea
fundamental to quantum theory.
Oedipal Complex: The erotic emotions of the son directed at the mother, joined by
rivalry and violence or resentment toward the father, during the phallic stage of growth.
Physiological Events: Physiology refers to a branch of biology that studies the
functions and processes of living organisms including the organs, tissues, and chemical
phenomena involved. Physiological events may include sensual organs impingements,
arousal levels, and other physical variables that may affect behavior.
Pleasure principle: The psychic force, which drives individuals to seek out
immediate pleasure of instinctual, libidinal urges, etc. It overcomes the id and operates
most greatly during childhood. During adulthood, it is opposed by the ego’s reality
principle.
Reality Principle: The ability of the mind to satisfy the id’s desires in realistic and
socially appropriate ways. The reality principle weighs the costs and benefits of an action
before deciding to act upon or abandon an impulse accordingly, as opposed to acting on
the pleasure principle.
“Spooky action at a distance”: A statement Einstein used to refer to quantum
mechanics, which describes the strange behavior of the smallest particles of matter and
light. He was referring, specifically, to quantum non-locality of “entanglement”, the idea
that two physically and remotely separated particles can have correlated properties, with
values that are uncertain until they are measured.
Womb Phantacy: The state of envy experienced by some males for the
reproductive ability of females, thought of as an unconscious drive to discriminate females;
or the drive experienced by a transsexual.
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Dhammasaṅgaṇi in Theravada Abhidhamma
Kathāvattu in Theravada Abhidhamma
Yamaka in Theravada Abhidhamma
Freud, Sigmund (Author), James Strachey (editor), Anna Freud (editor), (1956–1974). The
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Freud, Sigmund (auth.), Jones, Katherine (trans.) (1939).
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(Suttavibhaṅga). London: PTS.
Mark Germine (1998). On the Quantum Psychodynamics of Dreams. Retrived from:
http://www.goertzel.org/dynapsyc/1998/QuantumDreams.html
Martin Ringbauer, Matthew A. Broome, Casey R. Myers, Andrew G. White, Timothy C.
Ralph. (2014). Experimental Simulation of Closed Time like Curves. Nature
Communications, 5, 4145.
Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids (1914). Buddhist Psychology: an Inquiry into the Analysis and
Theory of Mind in Pāli Literature. London: G. Bell and Sons.
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of Bhadanta Anuruddhācariya. Malaysia: Buddhist Missionary Society.
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the Philosophical Collection of the Buddhist Pāli Canon. Kandy: BPS.
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the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Vol. 1.
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(ed.) (2005). The Tibetan Book of the Dead. US: Penguin Group.
Pe Maung Tin (trans.), Rhys Davids (eds). (1976). The Expositor (Atthasālinī) Buddhaghosa’s Commentary on the Dhammasaṅgaṇi. Oxford: PTS.
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Prebish, Charles and Keown Damien (2006). Buddhism—the Ebook, Third Edition.US:
Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.
Shwe Zan Aung (trans.), Mrs. Rhys Davids (Eds). (1969). Points of Controversy or
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Oxford: PTS.
U Kyaw Khine (Trans.). (1999). The Dhammasaṅgaṇī: Enumeration of the Ultimate
Realities Vol 1. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.
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The Doctrine of Buddha-Nature in Mahāyāna Buddhism
Dr. Tony Sin-Heng SEE
National University of Singapore (NUS)
Introduction
The doctrine of Buddha-Nature (Buddhadhātu) is one of the most important
doctrines in Mahāyāna Buddhism. This doctrine can be found in a number of Mahāyāna
texts that were composed at least by the 3rd to the 5th century C. E. and traces of this doctrine
can be found in the development of Chinese, Korean and Japanese Buddhism. The doctrine
of Buddha-nature basically teaches that all sentient beings have the Buddha-nature and that
they can all attain Buddhahood. The Buddha-nature is described as pure and immaculate,
free from emotional and conceptual defilements that plague sentient beings. This is
apparently a very positive teaching that affirms every one’s potential to attain Buddhahood.
However, this is quite an independent question from whether it is a “Buddhist” teaching.
The idea that sentient beings possess something that is permanent seems to reintroduce the
very thing that the historical Buddha rejected, namely, the idea of “self.” This is most
probably the reason why the doctrine of Buddha-nature has been a source of contention in
scholarly debates. The doctrine of Buddha-nature may be regarded as a deviation from the
historical Buddha is teaching of “non-self.” However, as we shall see, this stems from a
misunderstanding about the Buddha-nature. In the following sections, we will critically
reflect on some scholarly perspectives on the Buddha-nature, and examine whether their
arguments are valid and sound. This will be followed by a note on the teaching of non-self
and its compatibility with the doctrine of Buddha-nature.
The Buddha-Nature Texts and Doctrines
The term “Buddha-nature” can be found in a number of Buddhist texts that are
composed around the 3rd to 5th century and forms an important part of Mahāyāna Buddhist
philosophy.
The term “Buddha-nature” is a translation of the Sanskrit term
“Buddhadhātu,” and it can refer either to a “site”, “location”, or a “potential” for
Buddhahood (Takasaki 1966, 74-94). In the history of Mahāyāna Buddhist philosophy, a
number of different terms have been used to describe the Buddha-nature. Some of these
include the “Store of the This Come One” (tathāgatagarbha) which refers to the Buddhanature in its hidden state, and the “Body of Dharma” (Dharmakāya) which refers to the
Buddha-nature in its absolutely pure and original state. Modern scholarly research on the
doctrine of Buddha-nature is relatively new and did not gain momentum until recent
decades. There were, until the 90s, only a limited number of academic works that focused
on the Buddha-nature (Ruegg, 1969; Verdu, 1974; Ruegg, 1989; Brown 1991). Research
on this doctrine only intensified after Obermiller’s translation of the Ratnogotravibhāgaśāstra. The next important study, which followed, was David Seyfort Ruegg’s La Theorie
du Tathāgatagarbha et du Gotra: Etudes sur la Soterologie et la Gnoseologie du Buddhism
in the sixties. In the seventies, Alfonso Verdu’s Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist Thought:
Studies in Sino-Japanese Mahāyāna Idealism expanded our understanding of the doctrine
of Buddha-nature in the East Asian contexts while Ruegg’s study Buddha-nature, Mind and
the Problem of Gradualism in a Comparative Perspective in the seventies also contributed
to our understanding of the Buddha-nature in the Tibetan tradition. In the period stretching
from the early eighties to the early nineties, there were also many studies on the Buddhanature. Here, we will examine three of these interpretations. These are namely, Liu Ming-
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Wood’s The Doctrine of Buddha-Nature in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-Sūtra (1982),
Brian Edward Brown’s The Buddha Nature: A Study of the Tathāgatagarbha and Ālayavijñāna (1991) and Sallie Behn King’s Buddha Nature (1991).
Some of the Buddha-nature texts include the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra, the
Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra, the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra.
The
Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra is a relatively short sūtra, which consists mainly of nine metaphors
that illustrate the various different ways in which sentient beings possess the Buddha-nature
(Grosnick, 1995; Zimmermann 2002). The text uses a number of metaphors to teach that
sentient beings have a Buddha-nature and that they can all attain Buddhahood. The
Buddha-nature, for instance, is like a treasury of gold that is hidden in a storehouse etc.
This idea is echoed in the Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda Sūtra a text, which mainly consists of a
dialogue between the queen Sri Mala and her interlocutors. This text teaches that sentient
beings have a Buddha-nature by way of the saying that they have a treasure, a “Store of the
Tathāgata” (Tathāgatagarbha), which is hidden from sight. This text also further identifies
the tathāgatagarbha with the “Dharma body” (Dharmakāya) of the Buddha itself.
Furthermore, it also uses positive language to describe this, such as “permanent,”
“unchanging” and it is possessed of innumerable excellent qualities that are merely
obscured by defilements and we only need to uncover it (Wayman and Wayman, 1974).
Another text which teaches the doctrine of Buddha-nature is the Mahāyana
Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra. This text purports to record the Buddha’s last teachings prior to
his entrance into nirvāṇa, and it has a parallel version in the Theravāda tradition. Like the
other texts, it also teaches that sentient beings have the Buddha-nature, but what makes this
text unique is that it explicitly uses the term “Self” (ātman). The text teaches that the
Buddha only denied the self because we are attached to the self where there is no self, but
this is not a categorical denial of self. Just as we can be mistaken when we see a self where
there is none, we can also be mistaken when we see no-self when there is actually a “self.”
Of course, the text qualifies this by saying that the “self” that is spoken of here is not the
identical to the self that is preached by the other non-Buddhist thinkers, that this “self” is
the dharmakāya of the Buddha (Williams 108-109; Zimmermann 2002, 83).
Although the Mahāyana Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra clearly maintains that there is a
self, some scholars have argued that this text does not teach that we have a self. In Liu’s
“The Doctrine of Buddha-Nature in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-Sūtra” (1982), for
instance, an argument is made in which the sūtra teaches that sentient beings can only
“have” the Buddha-nature in the future, and that they do not have the Buddha-nature
currently (Taisho vol. 12 I-25-c, 1-10) (Liu 1982, 80). Liu also maintains that sentient
beings do not have the Buddha-nature because the Buddha-nature is said to “abide
nowhere” (Liu 1982, 70, 80). These two interpretative claims, however, seem to contradict
other passages in the sūtra, which clearly states that we have the Buddha-nature.
Furthermore, it is also mistaken to claim that “not abiding” means “not existing.” In the
language of Mahāyāna Buddhism, the term “not abiding” does not mean “not existing.”
Rather, it means that the bodhisattva does not abide in either samsara nor in nirvāṇa. Thus,
in retrospect, Liu’s argument cannot be accepted as an accurate reflection of what the text
is trying to say.
In addition to the sūtras, the doctrine of Buddha-nature is also more systematically
elaborated in a number of śāstras in Mahāyāna Buddhism. These are namely the
Ratnogotravibhāga-śāstra (Chinese: Pao Hsing Lun; 寶性論), the Buddha-Nature Treatise
(Chinese: Fo Hsing Lun; 佛性論) and the Mahāyāna Awakening of Faith (Chinese: Da
Cheng Chi Hsing Lun; 大乘起性論). The Ratnogotravibhāga-śāstra, more commonly
known as the Uttaratantra in the Tibetan tradition, also teaches that the tathāgatagarbha
and the dharmakāya are in reality the same thing. This text clarifies that what makes them
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different is in terms of their modalities – when it is tainted by defilements it is called
tathāgatagarbha, and when it is free from taint it is the dharmakāya. In this state, it is
radiant, pure and non-dual (Williams 1989, 110). Another text that teaches the doctrine of
Buddha-nature, is the Ratnogotravibhāga-śāstra. This text is unique in that while it teaches
that there is a Buddha-nature and that it is empty of defilements, it also emphasizes that the
Buddha-nature is not empty of positive qualities. The Buddha-nature has its own “intrinsic
existence” and short of calling it a “self,” the text suggests that the aim of Buddhist practice
is not nihilistic nothingness (Williams 1989, 112). In addition to the Ratnogotravibhāgaśāstra, another important text that teaches the Buddha-nature is the Mahāyāna Awakening
of Faith. The text teaches that although the mind is one, it can also have two different
aspects, these are namely, the phenomenal aspect and the transcendental aspects. In other
words, the text teaches that the mind has two aspects – “the Mind as Suchness” which is
Absolute Reality itself, and “the Mind as phenomena,” which is the same Absolute Reality
when it is obscured by defilements. While the use of the word “mind” may be interpreted
as a “substratum,” there is in fact no reason for thinking so, just as the Theravāda would
recognize the use of the term “citta” for mind without falling into the view that it is a
“substratum,” likewise, there is actually no scholarly reason for thinking that this text reads
the “mind” as a Brahmanic substratum. The text teaches that defilements come from the
differentiation of subject-object in phenomena, and that this arises through fundamental
ignorance of one’s true nature (Hakeda 1967; Williams 1989, 116). Thirdly, the BuddhaNature Treatise is also an important text that teaches the doctrine of Buddha-nature. The
treatise is usually attributed to Vasubandhu by tradition, although modern scholarship
deems it to have been composed by its translator Paramārtha. Thus, overall these texts
teaches that sentient beings have the Buddha-nature and that it can exist in one of two states
– in its original pristine condition it is called the dharmakāya, and in its defiled condition
it is called tathāgatagarbha.
Although the śāstras teaches that sentient beings have the Buddha-nature and
presents systematic argumentation to prove this, some scholars try to prove otherwise. In
Buddha Nature (1991), King admits that the śāstra teaches the doctrine of Buddha-nature,
but argues that the Buddha-nature is not a thing with “ontological” status and that it only
refers to “action” or “Buddhist practice” (King 1991, 174 – 192). King quotes directly
from the text to argue that the “essence” of the Buddha refers to the Buddha-nature, while
the “functions” of the Buddha refers to his wisdom, great compassion and meditation. In
saying that the “essence” of the Buddha’s is not separate from the “functions” of the
Buddha, it implies that the Buddha-nature is not separate from the wisdom, great
compassion and meditation of the Buddha (Taisho 811b-c). Next, King goes on to subsume
wisdom, great compassion and meditation under the category of “action.” Thus, King
claims that the Buddha-nature is none other than “action” (King 1991, 56). King states,
“Thus, the “essence” of Buddha nature is its functions; that is, the actions constitutive of
great compassion, meditation, and pragma are the essence of Buddha nature. Actions, then,
or “functions” is the essence of Buddha nature, and the particular character of this action is
soteriological: the salvation of oneself and others” (King 1991, 56). When we examine the
quotation in question, however, we see that this interpretation is problematic, not least
because it seems to commit a non sequitur argument of arguing from the inseparability of
“essence” and “functions” to their identity, but also from the fact that it contradicts what
the sutra themselves say. In the Abhidharma system of both the Mahāyāna and Theravāda
systems, we know that the mind (citta) and the mental functions (citta) can arise together
and are not separable, but this does not mean that they are identical with each other.
While scholars have tried to reinterpret the doctrine of Buddha-nature, others have
straightforwardly denied that it is a “Buddhist” doctrine. The Critical School of Buddhism,
for instance, represented by Matsumoto Shirō and Hakamaya Noriaki, argued that the
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doctrine of Buddha-nature is “non-Buddhist” (Swanson 1997, 6). They argue that the idea
of Buddha-nature conforms to a “substance ontology” that has more to do with the Hindu
notion of “self” than with Buddhist teachings (Matsumoto 1997, 165-173). It is a form of
a form of dhātu-vada or “monistic ontology” and the term dhātu in the term buddhadhātu
originally refers to “a place to put something,” a “foundation” or a “locus,” with no sense
of an original “cause” or “potential” for Buddhahood (Matsumoto, 169). Furthermore,
since dhātu-vada is the very thing that is rejected by the Buddha’s teachings of no-self
(anatman) and the doctrine of dependent-origination (pratītyasamutpāda) in the
Mahāvagga, hence, it cannot be regarded as “Buddhist” (Matsumoto, 165). Secondly,
Matsumoto also argued that the doctrine of Buddha-nature is “non-Buddhist” because it
supposedly gives rise to social discrimination and justifies social oppression (Matsumoto
1997). Although the doctrine sounds positive and seems to give the impression of teaching
equality, he notes that in practice it implies a form of monistic “locus,” a “generative
monism” or “foundational realism” which maintains the status quo because it suggests that
good and evil, strong and weak, rich and poor, right and wrong, are fundamentally “the
same.” This monistic ontology does not give rise to any incentive to correct any injustice
or challenge the status quo (Swanson 1997, 7). Likewise, Matsumoto argues that the
doctrine of “original enlightenment” (hongaku) in Japan promotes strong ethnocentric
sentiments that glorifies the unique Japanese essence. Although the doctrine suggests that
that enlightenment is open to everyone regardless of age, sex, wealth, the doctrine in
practice perpetuates the belief that everything is essentially the same, including moral
distinctions and the notions of right and wrong. This suggests that there is no need to fight
injustice at all, because it is as good as justice (Matsumoto 1997, 167-169). The singular
structure of Buddha-nature thought, therefore, does not eliminate differences in spiritual
lineage between people, but only serves to make absolute the social discrimination between
people (Matsumoto 1997, 170-173). Therefore, Matsumoto Shirō argues, the doctrine of
Buddha-nature is “non-Buddhist” because it does not merely submit to a form of monistic
ontology but is also promotes social inequality.
While there are many ways of arguing that the doctrine of Buddha-nature is “not
Buddhist,” most of these rely on the commonly held assumption that Mahāyāna Buddhism
was influenced by Brahmanism and that the influence was unidirectional. While this
opinion has been perpetuated for generations, scholarly research has already shown that
this view is becoming increasingly untenable. While it is true that Buddhism as a religion
may have been influenced by Brahmanic beliefs, and scholarly and archeological findings
have demonstrated this, it remains to be seen how Buddhism as a philosophical system has
been shaped by Brahmanism. In fact, there is evidence that the Buddha-nature texts were
composed much earlier than the Gauḍapāda period in the 7th century C.E. and that Sankara,
the founder of Advaita Vedānta, was influenced himself by Mahāyāna Buddhist teachings.
Just to mention two examples, which are more relevant for our purposes, Richard King’s,
work in the mid-nineties, specifically his Early Advaita Vedānta and Buddhism: The
Mahāyāna Context of the Gauḍapādῑya-Kārikā (1995) already gave us ample evidence that
the philosophical system of Advaita Vedānta was influenced by Mahāyāna Buddhist
philosophy. Recently, Warren Todd’s The Ethics of Sankara and Santideva: A Selfless
Response to an Illusory World (2013), a comparative study on the philosophical ideas of
Sankara and Santideva, also seems to point in the same direction, although it seems to
maintain a more conservative view that the two systems were not opposed to each another
in terms of their views regarding the self and non-self (ātman/anātman) (Todd 2013). It is
beyond the scope of this paper to elaborate on the relationship between Mahāyāna
Buddhism and Advaita Vedānta, nevertheless, we can conclude that where we see
similarities between Buddhist ideas and Brahmanic ideas, that it is not a simple and
straightforward case of having Buddhism influenced by Brahmanism.
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Matsumoto also launched a second argument in support of the idea that the doctrine
of Buddha-nature is “non-Buddhist.” He says that it is a monistic ontology, which may
lead to a justification for oppressive conditions. While we agree that monistic ontologies
may lead to a legitimation for oppression, we are also hesitant in accepting the idea that it
is “non-Buddhist.” This is because it seems to maintain the untenable position that
whichever idea is susceptible to political manipulation that it is therefore “non-Buddhist.”
We know that this assumption is untenable and does not hold true to our knowledge because
even what is commonly regarded as Buddhist teaching can also be susceptible. Just to
name one case study, specifically the one by Brian Victoria Daizen’s Zen and War, which
demonstrated that Zen monks in Japan were susceptible to Imperialist Japanese propaganda
to the extent of supporting the war effort. While the behavior of the Zen monks were
abominable and should be condemned, and we could even argue that they were “nonBuddhist,” this by no means suggests that the tenets that they hold on to are ‘non-Buddhist.”
We cannot jump to conclusions without an explicit study of their Zen teachings. Suffice it
here to say that we cannot reason from the obvious “non-Buddhist” qualities of their
behavior to the conclusion that their teachings were “non-Buddhist.” Likewise, even if we
should take a second look at the history of the various Buddhist traditions, we might be
surprised by the violence perpetuated by those who proclaim themselves Buddhist.
However, this does not merit our ascertaining that their teachings are “non-Buddhist.”
Therefore, there is a need to review the claim by some scholars that the doctrine of Buddhanature is “non-Buddhist” simply because it may have been misused for political ends. Even
if this were the case, it calls for greater vigilance against misinterpretation and misuse of
the teachings, and not a categorical denial of the teachings’ potential for liberation.
The Theory of Subjectivity in Buddhism
Having analyzed the interpretations that say that the doctrine of Buddha-nature is
“non-Buddhist” or that the Buddha-nature is non-existent, we must now consider whether
it is a “Buddhist” teaching. This is an important question, at least for a Mahāyāna Buddhist
because it pertains directly to the philosophical basis of his or her practice. However, it
would be a difficult, if not, impossible task to do so within the limits of academic setting,
as competing and sometimes contradictory evidence may seem to emerge. In this paper,
we will do so indirectly by comparing the doctrine of Buddha-nature with some tenets in
Theravāda Buddhism. This by no means directly proves that the doctrine of Buddha-nature
is a “Buddhist” teaching, but it at least indicates that the distance between the two traditions
is not that great.
It is generally accepted that the doctrine of “non-self” is foundational to Theravāda
Buddhist philosophy. This doctrine is usually interpreted in a metaphysical sense, and not
in an epistemic or phenomenological sense, as a denial of the existence of the self
(anātman). Paul Williams, for instance, translates anātman as “not-Self” and interprets the
doctrine as a denial of the metaphysical self (Williams 2009: 125). The idea of that there
is no self, however, is philosophically problematic not in the least, because it seems to go
against the Buddha’s explicit warning against falling into nihilism, but also from a
philosophical standpoint: if there is no self then what undergoes karmic retribution? The
examples found in the dialogues with King Milinda, for instance, about the candle flames
moving from one candle to another does not say that there is nothing in the strong sense of
the word. At the end of the day, the candle flame is indeed impermanent, but it is still
something! This is why other scholars such as Steven Collins have offered us a more
sophisticated account, in his Selfless Persons (1982), by presenting us with a picture in
which how it is possible for there to be no permanent self, and yet, having the possibility
of psychological continuity (Collins 1982: 7, 10, 71). A reexamination of what the
Buddhist texts themselves say shows that it is not so clear that a metaphysical self is denied
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in Buddhism (Harvey 1995: 7). The usual interpretation of the Buddha’s teaching of the
five aggregates (khandhas) is that there is no self. In opposition to the idea of a fixed,
independently existing self, the Buddha asked if the self can be found in any one of the five
constituents that make up the human personality, namely: material form, feeling, cognition,
volition and discerning consciousness, and the point of this is that it cannot be found in any
of the five constituents (Harvey 1995). One may object to this, saying that this denial of
the self in the five aggregates does not preclude that a self cannot be found elsewhere.
When we reexamine the teaching on the five aggregates, we read that they are separated
from each other at the moment of death, but the last aggregate of “consciousness” is passed
on to the next life. This means that we need to reconsider our usual assumption that the
doctrine of “non-self” means that there is nothing, which continues to the next life. This is
perhaps why Harvey interprets the doctrine of “non-self” in a heuristic sense, taught with
the aim of having the students let go of things in this world, to see that they do not belong
to his “self,” and to enable them to stop clinging to things that appear to be permanent and
pleasant but which are in reality impermanent and give rise to suffering. It is not meant to
give rise to the metaphysical view that there is “no self” (Harvey 1995, 45-46). Thus, it
would be better to replace the translation of “no self” with the negation of the possessive
term as “non-self.” From this perspective, the Buddha was not teaching the nihilistic
doctrine of nothingness but that permanence cannot be found in the five aggregates (Harvey
1995: 8).
The idea of a substratum was thought to be necessary in Buddhist philosophy
because Buddhism is also committed to the view that the individual being undergoes
repeated rebirth until they attain enlightenment. If there is no substratum to provide for a
basis for continuity, then there is no basis for personal transformation or the religious life
(Harvey 1990: 32-46). Of course, accepting the idea that there is a substratum does not
mean that this substratum must be permanent. As some traditional scholars have said
clearly, this “substratum” is like a torrent of river that flows endlessly. The accepted view
that Buddhism teaches no self then would imply that it is committed to the inconsistent
position of denying the self and yet maintaining that there must be some entity that can
serve as a basis for continuity through different lives at the same time. Another reason for
accepting the idea of a substratum consciousness is that, as mentioned, without such a
postulate, Buddhist teachings would be regarded as a “nihilism” that promotes extinction.
This is clearly not the intention of the Buddha’s teachings as stated in the canonical texts,
which advises against the belief in eternal unchanging self, just as we are also to avoid the
nihilistic view that there is “no self.” Thus, it is very likely that Buddhism holds that what
we usually mistake for “Self” is nothing more than a fictional identity that is used to label
the coming together of these five factors, but this does not mean that there is nothing, which
serves as a basis for the continuity of this fictitious self.
Thus, we find that in some canonical Buddhist texts, there are suggestions of that a
“Great self” is assumed in Buddhist thought. The self is identified with one’s
consciousness or mind (citta) itself (Harvey, 1995: 54-55). One of the most important
characteristics of this mind is that it is an experience of having broken down the barriers
between one’s own “self” and “others” in a way that resonates with the idea of a preindividual or trans-personal manner (M I. 139). The religious aspirant here is to rely on
himself so that he or she is not trapped by phenomenal and dogmatic images of thought, so
that he can return to his primordial experience of being at one with others. Here, it may
seem that we arrive at a somewhat paradoxical situation because the religious aspirant must
separate from others and be at home with his own “self” (citta) as an island, before he can
be truly be at one with others. Finally, he arrives at a condition in which he considers
himself a man that is a not a thing that has overcome the boundaries between oneself and
others (M III. 45) (Harvey 1995: 62).
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In the commentarial tradition, this mind (citta) is considered to be “radiant” (Harvey
1995, 170). An important Theravādin commentator, Buddhaghosa, for instance, refers to
this radiant mind as a sort of “naturally pure becoming-mind” (A.A. I. 61). This is quite
near to the doctrine of Buddha-nature in Mahāyāna Buddhism. Furthermore, it also states
that this consciousness is not simply a static thing but as a sort of “becomingness”
(bhavaṅga) (A. A. I. 60) (Harvey 1995: 166, 170). Thus, the mind is considered a
“becoming” that can change depending on what kind of thoughts it holds. The mind is
considered radiant because it is said to possess the natural qualities of “loving-kindness”
(mettā) (A I. 8-10 and 10-11.) this is only covered by defilements such as greed, hatred and
delusion (M I 91, Harvey 1995 167). This is the basis for the Mahāyāna view of the
Buddha-nature (Buddha-dhātu) and ālaya-vijňāna in Yogācāra thought (Harvey 1995:
175).
This conception of the mind, whether it is called “Buddha-nature” or “bhavaṅga,”
is actually quite similar to the doctrine of the mind in Yogācāra Buddhism. In the Yogācāra
tradition, for instance, human experience is explained in terms of the theory of eight
consciousnesses. These are namely the five types of sensory consciousnesses, the sixth
mind-consciousness (mano-vijñāna) which receives sensory impressions from the five
senses, and the seventh “defiled” kliṣṭa-manas consciousness, which divides the received
experience into subjective and objective poles, the eighth store-consciousness (Ālayavijñāna) which is a repository, which collects and gives rise to further impressions
(Williams 1989, 97). This eighth consciousness serves as a “substratum” for the other
consciousness and it has been theorized by Asaṅga and Vasubandhu, the founders of the
Yogācāra Buddhist tradition to explain karmic continuity between one self and another self.
This substratum, however, is not the same thing as permanently existing “self” (ātman) as
taught in the non-Buddhist schools. Vasubandhu likens this “substratum” to a great torrent
of water or a river, which changes from moment to moment, but which yet preserves a sort
of identity as they share the same karmic energies. In this “substratum” is a collection and
repository of maturing and reproducing “seeds” (bīja), a torrent of tendencies and
impressions (vāsanās) that mutually affect and give rise to each other, forming an identity
in the process (Williams 1989: 97). It is clear that this Ālaya-vijñāna refers to the Buddhanature when it exists in a state of perturbation.
Understanding the concept of Buddha-nature from the perspective of the theory of
Ālaya-vijñāna in Yogācāra Buddhism, we come to see that there is much more in common
with the concept of mind in Theravāda Buddhism than we have previously thought. In the
Theravāda theory of mind, for instance, the mind is also analyzed in terms of six different
types of sensory consciousnesses. We get a better glimpse of this when we turn to the wellknown Sutta Pitaka, for instance, which makes many references to the first five
consciousnesses together with the sixth consciousness. In the Salayatana Vagga section
as found in the Saṃyukta Nikaya, for instance, the Buddha delimits our commitment to the
“All” by teaching that there is no “All” apart from our six consciousnesses. He states:
“What is the All? Simply the eye and forms, ear and sounds, nose and aromas, tongue and
flavors, body and tactile sensations, intellect and ideas. This, monks, is called the All” (SN
35.23. Sabba Sutta). This passage makes it clear that early Buddhism recognizes different
types of consciousnesses in order to facilitate meditative practices. This does not mean that
the two systems are identical. Whether they depart from each other is that while Theravāda
Buddhist teachings seem to stop at the sixth consciousness, the Yogācāra texts pushes
further to assert that there is a seventh and a eighth consciousness. This, however, does not
mean that the two theories are incompatible or contradictory to each other. Again, it is
beyond the scope of this paper to engage in a comprehensive study of all the similarities
between the Mahāyāna and Theravāda Buddhist theory of mind, however, suffice it here
for us to say that a more nuanced reading of the Theravāda theory of mind suggests that it
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
54
is not entirely absent of language which refers to the mind in positive and affirmative terms.
In an important passage in the Udana, for instance, there is a passage in which the historical
Buddha is recorded as saying that there must be something permanent underlying our
experience for liberation to be possible. In this passage, the historical Buddha is recorded
as having taught that: “There is, O Bhikkhus, an unborn, unoriginated, uncreated,
unformed. Were there not, O Bhikkhus, this unborn, unoriginated, uncreated, unformed,
there would be no escape from the world of the born, originated, created, formed. Since,
O Bhikkhus, there is an unborn, unoriginated, uncreated, unformed, therefore is there an
escape from the born, originated, created, formed” (Conze, 2014). This passage clearly
suggests that while the Buddha would deny that there is a “self” in our afflicted experiences,
he would also advise us not to abandon the idea that there remains something, which is
unborn, unoriginated, uncreated etc. In summary, if our interpretation is correct, then
Theravāda Buddhism also recognizes a state of mind that is pure, shining and filled with
positive qualities, although this is not the same as the Brahmanic “self.” From the
Mahāyāna perspective, this innately pure and shining mind is none other than the Buddhanature.
Conclusion
The doctrine of Buddha-nature in Mahāyāna Buddhism has been a highly
controversial teaching in modern Buddhist studies, not least because it seems to reintroduce
the notion of “self” that has been rejected in early Buddhist teachings. However, this stems
from a broader intellectual prejudice which started in the early nineteenth century, which
holds that Mahāyāna are different from and opposed to Theravāda and that they can have
nothing in common. Another commonly held assumption is that Buddhist teachings are
defined by “non-self” and “impermanence” and that anything that is contrary to this is
“non-Buddhist.” It is perhaps due to reasons like these, which motivated some scholars
have offered various interpretations in order to “prove” that the Buddha-nature does not
exist or is “non-Buddhist.” However, as we have shown, even the Theravāda teachings do
contain teachings that describe the state of Buddhahood in positive terms, and that there is
a region in which things are not “impermanent,” “non-self” and “suffering.” Hence, it is
important at this stage of Buddhist studies to re-examine some of the assumptions held so
dear for decades. In any case, it is our hope that this research suggests that the differences
between the two traditions in terms of its understanding of the self, or Buddha-nature, may
have been over-exaggerated, and that there is more affinity between the Mahāyāna and the
Theravāda concept of mind than meets the eye.
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55
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Understanding Principles and Community Practices Related to
Non-Violence and Conflict Resolution from an Islamic Tradition
Amjad Mohamed-Saleem1
Peace Building Consultant, Sri Lanka
“Faith is a restraint against all violence, let no Mu’min [believer] commit violence”.2
INTRODUCTION
Islam as a religion and a tradition is replete with teachings and practices of
nonviolence and peace building for example: the nonviolent response to the persecution
faced in the first thirteen years of Islam by the early Muslims in Makkah; or by the letters
sent by the Prophet ( PBUH3) to the great powers of that time which scholars state sought
peace and security combined with appeals for voluntary compliance (Crow 2013). “Since
its formative years, Muslim communities have been empowered by various Islamic values
and principles of peace which has allowed Muslim men and women to resolve their
conflicts peacefully and to establish just social, political and economic systems”
(Kadayifci-Orellana 2007:85). They have adapted and applied these values and principles
to unique day-to-day needs and requirements in their social, political and cultural contexts.
This paper is written to understand broad ethics and teachings on avoiding violent conflict
and bloodshed from an Islamic perspective. This paper will thus focus on the Islamic
traditions of peace and conflict resolution and argue that nonviolent and the peaceful
resolution of conflicts has been an integral aspect of Islamic tradition since the time of the
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In other words, it seeks to identify the principles, which can
be used to justify Islamic teachings against violence and a process of resolving conflict.
There are of course, a few caveats that need to be addressed. Firstly, conflict
transformation and peace building mechanisms are not owned by any one culture and
religious tradition. There is no such thing as ‘Islamic’ Peace building tools. There are
generic peace building mechanisms, tools and theories that have been developed (mainly
from the Western perspective), tried and tested. These should be understood and then
contextualized for the situation without ignoring or imposing cultural biases. This means
that practitioners should be able to utilize religious and social patterns already present in
society and integrate that information with appropriate concepts and experiences from the
West. This paper recognizes that “Islamic culture is not an ‘object’ that can be reified into
one objective or dimension;” (Abu-Miner 2003, 5) nor is it distributed uniformly among
all Muslims. Culture is not a static entity that can be identified as a constant, but it is always
in the making, constantly evolving and changing with the experiences and context of
society. Furthermore, there is more than one Islamic culture depending on geography and
demography as well as various subcultures, within each community. This paper thus
recognizes that culture is always psychologically and socially distributed in a group
(Avruch 1998). Therefore, conflict resolution practices in different Islamic countries such
as Egypt, Indonesia, Afghanistan, and Palestine, amongst others, have various differences
due to their unique contexts. Such an understanding of culture allows us to recognize that
each Muslim community will have many internal paradoxes, subcultures, and identities.
1
This paper is derived from a larger piece of work that the author participated in as a consortia for Islamic Relief:
Kadayifci-Orellana S. A., Abu-Nimer M. & Mohamed-Saleem A. (2013). Understanding an Islamic Framework for
Peacebuilding, Islamic Relief Worldwide, Working Paper Series No. 2013-02: Birmingham, UK.
2 Collection of Abu Dawud. See “A Collection of Hadith on Non-Violence, Peace and Mercy” available at
http://www.sufism.org/society/articles/PeaceHadith.htm
3 Peace Be Upon Him
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
58
This perspective also recognizes that each Muslim responds to the realities and challenges
of life in their own unique way influenced by the many identities and subcultures s/he is a
part of. These contextual factors and cultural differences have also led to different
understanding of Islamic teachings and practices. In fact, as long as they do not contradict
Islamic teachings, local customs (‘urf) are often considered a source of Islamic law.4
In most Muslim communities, Islam plays an important role in social and political
life and religion is one of the key components of people’s identity both as a cultural
framework and as a religious creed. In these societies, Islamic discourse becomes an
important source of legitimacy upon which notions of truth, justice and peace are built.
Here, Islamic tradition derives its legitimacy by virtue of the sanctity of its roughly 1400year-old rules and customs derived from its holy texts, such as the Qur’an and the Sunna
(Prophetic teachings) which contain sacred truths that form the basis for Islamic ethics and
inform the actions of the Muslims. Hence resolving conflicts in different Muslim contexts
requires an understanding of the dynamic relationship between the Islamic tradition that
unites Muslims and the unique geographical, cultural, historical and political contexts of
each Muslim community that influences the specific tools employed for resolving conflict
in a given situation.
This paper will offer a framework of values, principles and tools to understand
peacebuilding and conflict resolution practices in the Muslim world within this dynamic
relationship.
Lastly while presenting conceptions of peace building, conflict
transformation and nonviolence from an Islamic perspective, the paper is cognizant of the
fact that currently there is a ‘politicized’ discourse on ‘Islam, Peace and Nonviolence’ that
has been developed largely by Muslim groups in the West to differentiate themselves from
the manifestation of violence and violent rhetoric that has been perpetrated by different
Muslim groups (especially since 9/11). Whilst acknowledging this discourse, this paper is
not about differentiating between ideologies or contributing to this particular political
discourse, rather it is about understanding and recognizing the crucial component of
conflict resolution and peace building within Islamic practices and traditions.
ISLAMIC CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF PEACE
Whilst many Muslims recognize that life in the world often involves conflict and
that it is inevitable, they also understand that peace is the highest goal.5 This itself is seen
from examples taken from the life of the Prophet (PBUH) where he was faced with
situations of conflict as well as seeking peace. For example, Wahiduddin Khan (1998)
notes that there were only three real instances when the Prophet entered into battle (Badr,
Uhud and Hunayn) when it became inevitable to engage in physical contact, but the battles
lasted for half a day from noon to sun set. Consequently when presented with the chance
for peace and to establish the conditions for justice, the Prophet (PBUH) chose to sign the
peace treaty known as ‘Suhl al-Hudaybiya’ despite unfavorable terms to himself.
Derived from the Qur’an and the Sunna, an Islamic conception of peace begins with
its attribution as a Divine name since the Arabic word for peace, as-Salam, is one of the
ninety-nine names of God (Qur’an – Q 59:23). There are many references to peace (salam,
silm, sulh, etc.) in the Qur’an that suggest that peace, together with justice (adl) is a central
message of Islam (Q 3:83; 4:58; 5:8; 10:25; 16:90; 41:11; 42:15; 57:25) .
4
For more details, see Anowar Zahid and Rohimi Shapiee “Customs as a Source of Siyar and International Law: A
Comparison of the Qualifying Criteria” in International Journal of Civil Society and Law Jan 1, 2010 at
www.lawlib.wlu.edu/lexopus/works/265-1.pdf.
5 Zakzouk, Mahmoud Hamdy (1996) “Peace from an Islamic Standpoint: World Peace as Concept and Necessity”
Arab Republic of Egypt , Ministry of Al-Awqaf (Endowments), Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and Center
for Islamic Studies and Encyclopedia at http://www.islamicmessage.net/admin/Books/Peace_from_an_Islamic_Standpoint.pdf.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
59
These references also make it clear that peace in Islam is not limited to a negative
understanding of peace that is often defined in a passive sense as the absence of war,
oppression or tyranny but it actually refers to a process in which human beings strive to
establish foundations for interacting with God’s creation –human and non-human alike - in
harmony and to institute just social, economic and political structures where they can fulfil
their potential (Kadayifci-Orellana 2007). Such an understanding of peace thus requires a
condition of both internal and external order that encompasses both individual and social
spheres as “the individual must be endowed with the necessary qualities to make peace an
enduring reality, not only in the public sphere but also in the private domain” (Kalin, 2010:
8). This approach seeks to attain peace through nonviolent means rather than violence.
According to proponents of nonviolence in Islam, nonviolence is the preferred method in
Islam to address all forms of violence, as the Qur’an commands.6
The Qur’anic conception of peace has been best put into practice by Prophet
Muhammad’s (PBUH) attitude towards peace and his diplomacy, which can be epitomized
as the “reconciliation of hearts” (Troger 1990, 17). Troger states that “coming to terms
with adversaries and enemies and the contractual guaranteeing of agreements were cornerstones of [the Prophet’s] policy” (Ibid.), and that he preferred peaceful regulation of
conflicts and peaceful resolution of enmity.
Islamic Principles and Values of Peace and Conflict Resolution
There are various components (values, principles, and practices) that can lead to
peace in human life. Adopting, implementing, and living by these values and principles is
a necessary part of fulfilling the Islamic faith. All of these values and principles rooted in
the Qur’an and put into practice by the Prophet (PBUH), inform the Islamic understanding
of peace and nonviolence.
Pluralism, Diversity, and Human Solidarity through the Principle of Tawhid (The
Oneness of God):
Discrimination based on religious, ethnic, racial or gender differences is often one
of the main factors that contribute to conflicts. The Islamic tradition in general and the
Qur’anic narrative explicitly states that existence of diversity (e.g. different religions and
nations) is God’s design that has to be celebrated. For instance the Qur’an states:
“To thee We sent the Scripture in truth, confirming the scripture that came before
it, and guarding it in safety: so judge between them by what God hath revealed, and
follow not their vain desires, diverging from the Truth that hath come to thee. To
each among you have we prescribed a law and an open way. If God had so willed,
He would have made you a single people, but (His plan is) to test you in what He
hath given you: so strive as in a race in all virtues. The goal of you all is to God;
it is He that will show you the truth of the matters in which ye dispute” (Q5:48)
“O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and female, and made
you into Nations and tribes, that Ye may know each other (Not that ye may despise
each other). Verily the most honored of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the
most righteous of you.” (Q49:13)
6The
Qur’an states: “Fight for the sake of those that fight against you, but do not initiate aggression” (Q 2:190). The
message of Islam is summarized by the verse that supports the concept of preserving life: “And if any one saved a life,
it would be as if he saved all humanity” (Q 5:32).
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Thus, Islamic texts clearly call for solidarity and collaborative action as well. Social
solidarity in Islam is reflected in the idea of brotherhood, particularly in the concept of the
ummah (nation / community) as the following hadith highlights “The believers in their
mutual kindness, compassion & sympathy are just like one body, when one of the limbs is
afflicted, the whole body responds to it with wakefulness & fever.”7 However, solidarity
and collaborative action are not limited to interactions with fellow Muslims only. Islam
stresses that the source of creation is one, and thus the whole of humanity is a single family
descending from a single mother and father (i.e. Adam and Eve). Therefore, all human
beings are brothers and sisters in humanity.
The Islamic ideal of diversity, pluralism, and goodwill is rooted in the Qur’anic
principle of Tawhid and Wihdat al Wujud, (principle of unity of God and all being). Seyyed
Hossein Nasr (2003, 31) notes that the term “Tawhid has two meanings ‘the state of unity
or oneness’ and ‘the act of making one or integration’”. While the state of unity, oneness
and uniqueness belongs to God only, God’s creation participates in multiplicity. Therefore,
to exist in the world is to live in the domain of diversity (Ibid.). At the level of diversity
and multiplicity, the second meaning of Tawhid signifies integration, connectedness, and
unity. The interdependency and interconnectedness of humans is thus a central aspect of
this Islamic value and principle.
Throughout Islamic history, the notion of Tawhid encouraged Muslims to integrate
both the individual and the society without destroying cultural and ethnic differences. In
fact, Tawhid reminds Muslims of the connectedness of all beings, particularly all human
communities, and calls on Muslims to work towards establishing peace and harmony
among them. It is important to remember that the Islamic notion of Tawhid is not just
limited to relations within and between human beings only, but among all God’s creation,
including animals and plants as “human disobedience results in even consequences for the
whole of creation.” (Chittick 1990, 152).
Universality, Dignity and Sacredness of Humanity through the Principle of Fitrah (the
Original nature of human beings):
From a nonviolence and peacebuilding perspective, each human being has dignity
and human life is valuable and must be protected. Islamic traditions affirm the sacredness
of human life and recognizes the worth and dignity of each human being. For instance the
Qur’an states, “And if any one saved a life, it would be as if he saved the life of the whole
people” (Q5:32).
According to Islamic traditions, every human being is created in accordance with
the form and image of God (al Hakim 1998, 5) and human spirit is of divine origin. This
perspective holds that every human being is created “innocent, pure, true and free, inclined
to right and virtue and endued with true understanding about… his [or her] true nature…”
(Sharify-Funk 2001, 279). Thus, the idea of Fitrah rejects notions of innate sinfulness, and
recognizes all humans are related and derive from the same pure origin as the Qur’an says:
“O mankind! Revere your Guardian-Lord, Who created you from a single person,
created, of like nature, his mate, and from them twain scattered (like seeds)
countless men and women -- fear Allah, through Whom you demand your mutual
(rights), and (reverence) the wombs (that bore you): for Allah ever watches over
you.” (Q 4:1)
This principle recognizes the goodness that is inherent in each and every human
being at birth, regardless of different religious, ethnic, racial, or gender backgrounds (Q
7Narrated
by: Al-Bukhari, Muslim & Ahmad.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
61
17:70, 95:4, 2:30-34, 33:72). The Fitnah does not judge the wrong or right of human faith
but rather evaluates the moral righteousness of the actions and thus has the capacity to
relate and integrate individual responsibility with spiritual and moral awareness (AbuNimer 2003).
The Fitrah, moreover, recognizes that each individual, irrespective of his or her
gender, is furnished with reason and has the potential to be good and to choose to work for
the establishment of harmony. Thus, reason must be honored since reason is the
mechanism by which moral choices of right and wrong are made. According to the
Qur’anic tradition, this faculty enables human beings to accept the ‘trust’ of freedom of
will, which no other creature is willing to accept (Q33:72). Reason is also one of the ways
through which humans understand the divine message and can implement it8 (Senturk
2004, 14) and hence the rational mind rooted in Fitrah is one of the sources of guidance
for human beings. Whilst it is hard to singularly find examples of where the concept of
Fitrah has been singled out as a ‘cause’ for preventing or de-escalating conflict, the story
of ‘The Imam and the Pastor’ (Henderson 2009) speaks volumes to the concept of going
back to the source to understand commonality and to discover common approaches that
question the cost of violence.
As a central principle of peace and conflict resolution, the Fitrah reminds Muslims
that, irrespective of gender, religion, race, etc., all human beings are created in the image
of God, therefore they are all sacred. It also reminds Muslims that, only God knows the
heart of a human being, and therefore He is the only judge (Hakeem), and that at any point
in his or her lifetime, each individual, no matter what they have done in their lifetime, has
the potential to repent and turn to God. As such, it is a safeguard against killing, torturing
and dehumanizing the “other”.
Social Empowerment by Doing Good (Khayr and Ihsan) through the Principle of
Khilafah (Stewardship):
Peacebuilding requires the involvement and social empowerment of community
members to take action to transform the conflict. “Social empowerment and involvement
through ihsan and khayr are also important paths to justice and peace in the Islamic
tradition” (Abu-Nimer 2003: 55). Kalin (2005) notes that in the context of Islamic theology
and philosophy the questions of peace and violence are treated under the rubric of good
and evil (husn/khayr and sharr/qubh). He adds that, “war, conflict, violence, injustice and
discord are related to the problem of evil” (Kalin 2005, 339). It is the responsibility of
human beings to do good and strive to ward off evil.
The Qur’an recognizes the capacity of human beings to do good in the face of
adversity and evil and to change their conditions as it is stated in the Qur’an “surely Allah
does not change the condition of a people until they change their own condition.” (Q13:11)
This therefore empowers them to change their condition by doing good and shunning evil.
This is also supported by the Qur’anic verse (9:71) that clearly urges Muslims to forbid evil
and do good. The hadith “Whoever sees something evil should change it with his hand. If
he cannot, then with his tongue; and if he cannot do even that, then in his heart. That is
the weakest degree of faith”9, also emphasizes the importance of social empowerment to
do good and forbid evil.
Social empowerment and involvement to do good is closely tied to the Qur’anic
principle of Khilafah (stewardship or vicegerency). According to Islamic theology, when
God created human beings, He made them His vicegerents or representatives on earth as
8
The rational mind (Aql) is only one of the ways through which a believer understands truth and the message of Islam.
Other ways include the Qalb (heart) (Surah 53:11) and the Lubb (heart of hearts, pure intellect, inner most core, through
which a believer understands Truth) (Surah 3:190),
9 On the authority of Abu Sa`id (R.A).
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
62
the Qur’anic verse “God has promised to those among you who believe and do good that
He will establish them as (His) vicegerents” (Q24:55), clearly shows. Thus each individual
as a representative of God on earth (khilafat Allah fi l-Ard (Q2:30, see also 33:72)) is
responsible for the order thereof10 and to contribute towards bringing all creatures under
the sway of equilibrium and harmony and to live in peace with creation (Chittick 1990).
Islamic teachings regard peace work as a collective responsibility. In fact, as AbuNimer (2003, 71) states, “peacebuilding in Islam is based on a framework of deeply
embedded religious beliefs regarding individuals’ responsibility for their actions and their
active participation in larger social contexts”. Muslims are thus expected to further
maintain good and honorable interpersonal relationships (Ibid.). The Qu’ran “promotes
social responsibility and positive bonds between people because of their common ethical
responsibility towards one another” (Sachedina 2001, 76). Nasr (2004, 159-160) supports
this view when he notes that in the Islamic tradition, “human community is judged
according to the degree to which it allows its members to live a good life based on moral
principles”.
Pursuit of Justice, Equality and Fairness through the Principle of Adl (Justice)
Peacebuilding perspectives recognize that justice (adl) is central to establishing
sustainable peace. As a form of structural violence, unjust social, political and economic
systems often deprive communities of their basic needs and rights and lead to grievances
and resentment. As such, they are often a major cause of conflict. Therefore, just social,
political and economic systems and institutions are a prerequisite for resolving conflicts.
Justice is an integral aspect of the Islamic discourse of peace, since the Qur’an clearly states
that the aim of religion is to bring justice: “We sent aforetime Our messengers with clear
signs and sent down with them the book and the balance (of right and wrong), that men
may stand forth in justice.” (Q 57:25). Thus, the Qur’anic conception of peace cannot be
attained unless a just order is first established. Kadayifci-Orellana (2007, 102) observes
that, “justice is the overriding principle and it must transcend any consideration of religion,
animosity, race, or creed”. From an Islamic point of view without justice, there can be no
peace “for peace is predicated upon the availability of equal rights and opportunities for all
to realize their goals and potentials” (Kalin 2010:8). Muslims are asked to resist and correct
the conditions of injustice, which are seen as a source for conflict and disorder on earth (Q
27:52). Justice is the essential component of peace according to the Qur’anic message,
therefore it is the responsibility of all Muslims to work towards the establishment of justice
for all, including social and economic justice (Q4:135; Q 57:25; Q5:8; 2:178; Q2:30;
Q16:90). This notion of justice extends to both men and women, Muslim and non-Muslim,
and cannot be achieved without an actively, socially engaged community.
The Qur’an constantly reminds Muslims about the value of justice, which is a
Divine command, and not an option. The Qur’anic notion of justice is universal and valid
for all human beings with the universality of justice being clearly expressed in the following
Qur’anic verses:
“O ye who believe! Stand out firmly for justice as witnesses to Allah even as against
yourselves, your parents or your kin, and whether It be (against) the rich and
poor...” (Q4:135);
“…To fair dealing, and let not the hatred of others to you make you swerve to wrong
and depart from justice. Be just for it is Next to Piety...” (Q5:8);
10Kadayifci-Orellana,
forthcoming p.102.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
63
The Prophet (PBUH) calls Muslims to mobilize and act against injustice, even if a
Muslim originates the injustice (Abu Nimer 2003). The universality of justice for all, not
only for Muslims, is critical for the resolution of conflicts and developing peaceful relations
as it calls upon Muslims to be self-reflexive, self-critical, humble and to accept
responsibility for one’s actions.
Transformation of Relationships and Rehumanisation through the Principles of
Rahman and Rahim (Compassion and mercy)
Conflict and violence often involves the creation of an enemy through the process
of dehumanization, where the opponent is stripped from his or her human qualities.
Dehumanization makes atrocities such as rape, murder, torture and mutilation, among
others, possible during conflicts, as the ‘opponent’ is no longer viewed as a human being.
Scholars and practitioners of conflict resolution agree that transforming this relationship
from one of enmity to a peaceful coexistence requires a re-humanization of the ‘other.’ The
Qur’anic principles of Rahman (Compassion) and Rahim (Mercy) are two main tools that
can facilitate this process.
Rahman and Rahim are invoked by every Muslim before they take any action when
they recite: “Bi-ism-i- Allah al-Rahman al-Rahim” (“We begin in the name of Allah Who
is Compassionate and Merciful”) as a reminder that actions must be dedicated to God, who
is Himself merciful and compassionate. The centrality of compassion and mercy is evident
in the Qur’an as almost all chapters start with this recitation and God states “My mercy
extends to all things” (Q 7:156). Moreover, according to a famous Hadith Qudsi, God
states: “Without doubt My mercy precedes My wrath,” which is one of the crucial
principles of Islamic thought.
Mercifulness and compassion are key qualities of the Prophets as well. The Qur’an
refers to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as “Mercy to the World” (Q 21:107), thus, as the
Messenger of God, he represents Universal Mercy. Besides pointing out that God is most
forgiving, compassionate and merciful, the Qur’an asks Muslims to be merciful and
compassionate to all creatures: animals, plants and humans (Q 17:18). As the Hadith
indicates: “God is not merciful to him who is not so to mankind”, especially those seeking
God’s mercy should be merciful themselves. Thus, a true Muslim must be merciful and
compassionate to all human beings, irrespective of their ethnic, religious origins, or gender.
The salience of these values, together with the principle of sacredness of life, re-humanizes
the other by reminding Muslims that all human beings are sacred and must be protected.
Therefore, a true Muslim cannot be insensitive to the suffering of other beings (physical,
economic, psychological, or emotional), nor can one be cruel to any creature, and torture,
inflicting suffering or willfully hurting another human being or another creature is
unacceptable according to Islamic tradition.11
Reconciliation and Healing Through the Principle of Afu and Musamaha (Pardoning
and Forgiveness)
Peacebuilding processes require reconciliation and the healing of wounds and
painful memories of war and conflict. Reconciliation and healing are key elements in
Islamic traditions of peace. In this process, the Qur’anic principle of afu, or pardoning
(which is a term that does not just mean forgiveness but something more comprehensive),
plays a central role.
11
For more information on this see: Ralph H Salmi, Cesar Adib, Majul, and George K. Tanham. ‘Islam and Conflict
Resolution: Theories and Practices’ (University Press of America. Lanham. 1998), and Majid Khadduri. ‘Islamic Law
of Nations: Shaybani’s Siyar.’ The John Hopkins Press. Baltimore. MD. (1966)
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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The principle of afu—considered as an act of ihsan (goodness) - is repeatedly
emphasized in the Qur’an, which urges Muslims to adopt afu as a way to reconcile. The
Qur’an stresses that forgiveness is of a higher value than maintaining hatred or vengeance
as the believers are urged to forgive when they are angry (Q42:37). Said, Funk, and
Kadayifci (2001, 8) note that, “there is a clearly articulated preference in Islam for
nonviolence over violence, and for forgiveness [Musamaha] over retribution” (Said et al.
2001, 8).” The Qur’an relates that human life on earth started with an act of forgiveness
by God (Q2:36-38). The Qur’anic verse, “the recompense of an injury the like thereof: but
whosoever forgives and thereby brings about a reestablishment of harmony, his reward is
with God; and God loves not the wrongdoers” (Q42:40), advocates sincere forgiveness as
the preferred path to establish God’s harmony on earth.
Islamic principles of forgiveness also urge Muslims to acknowledge their own
wrong-doing, repent and ask for forgiveness because the Qur’an informs Muslims that
serving the Divine is the way to implement repentance (tawba), through which “the
arrogant and jealous self, melted in the furnace of self-reproach, reforms in remorse and
turns toward God by seeking the forgiveness of one’s fellow human beings” (Sachedina
2000). Even the Prophet (PBUH) himself was told by God to forgive in the Qur’anic verse
“Keep to forgiveness (O Muhammad) and enjoin kindness, and turn away from the
ignorant” (Q7:99).
Muslims have recognized that “The most gracious act of forgiving an enemy is his
who has the power to take revenge” (Saiyidain 1994). The centrality of forgiveness was
illustrated by the Prophet (PBUH) himself when he forgave all those who previously had
persecuted and fought him, when he entered Mecca and stated “There is no censure from
me today on you (for what has happened is done with), may God, who is the greatest
amongst forgivers, forgive you.”12 It is this attitude of forgiveness, which was the basis of
his reconciliation efforts to establish peace between the Muslims and the Meccans, who
had fought them previously, which allowed him to win over friends among his former
enemies.
Nonviolent and Creative Solutions to Problems through the Principle of Sabr
(patience)
Another critical value, which informs the Islamic conception of peace, is patience
(sabr). Patience is the focus of about 200 verses of the Qur’an and is referred to indirectly
in many others. It is one of the core subjects of the Scriptures and “is a virtue of believers,
who are expected to endure enormous difficulties and still maintain a strong belief in God”
(Abu-Nimer 2003, 73). The Qu’ran urges Muslims to suspend judgment and be patient as
the verse states, “And endure patiently whatever may befall thee.” (Q 31:17). God asks
believers to be steadfast and promises deliverance to those who endure these difficulties
with patience: “And We made a people, considered weak (and of no account), inheritors of
lands in both the east and the west, - lands whereon We sent down Our blessings. The fair
promise of thy Lord was fulfilled for the Children of Israel, because they had patience and
constancy, and We levelled to the ground the great works and fine buildings which Pharaoh
and his people erected (with such pride)” (Q7:137). In another verse, the Qur’an has all
the Prophets speak: “And we shall surely bear with patience all the harm you do us”
(Q14:12-13).
Yet, the Qur’an does not ask Muslims to remain passive in the face of oppression
and injustice. On the contrary, it asks Muslims to engage in active struggle (jihad) to
establish peace and harmony. However, Muslims must not transgress in their struggle and
12
Based on Ibn Sa’d. al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, Vol II., p. 142 Beirut 1957 cited in K. G. Saiyidain Islam: The Religion of
Peace 2nd edition. (New Delhi: HarAnand Publications, 1994), p. 93.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
65
must also be patient. The Prophet (PBUH) is reported to have said during the Farewell
Pilgrimage: “The fighter in the way of God is he who makes jihad against himself (jahada
nafsah) for the sake of obeying God.” Taming their tendency to transgress, these mujahidin
(people who undertake jihad) exert energy to overcome the selfish promptings of their egos.
For this reason, the Qur’an equates them with “the patient ones” (sabirin): “We shall put
you on trial so that We know those among you who strive in the cause of God (mujahidin)
and are the patient (sabirin)” (Q 47:31).
Patience (sabr) according to Wahiduddin Khan (1988), makes a person capable of
finding a positive and successful solution to a problem. He states that “patience is set above
all other Islamic virtues with the exceptional promise of reward beyond measure”
(Wahiduddin Khan 1988, 1). He further states that the entire spirit of the Qur’an is in
consonance with the concept of patience. Patience, he states, implies a peaceful response
or reaction, whereas impatience implies a violent response. He continues, adding that the
word sabr expresses the notion of nonviolence as it is understood in modern times. As
such, it is the opposite of violence. In this context, “jihad” refers to nonviolent activism,
while “qital” is violent activism. To support this view he invokes the Qur’anic verse
“perform jihad with this (i.e. the word of the Qur’an) most strenuously.” (Q 25:52). Since
the Qur’an is not a sword or a gun, but a book of ideology, performing jihad could only
mean an ideological struggle to conquer peoples’ hearts and minds through Islam’s superior
philosophy (Ibid).
Quest for Peace through the Hubb and Mawadda ( Principle of Loving-kindness)
Islam obligates its believers to seek peace in all aspects of their lives, for the ideal
society that the religion seeks to create is not only just but peaceful. Loving-kindness is an
important component of peacebuilding as it helps transform former enemies into friends
and establish healthy relations based on respect and understanding.
Loving-kindness is an important aspect of peacebuilding in Islam that is rooted in
the conceptions of Hubb (love) and Mawadda (loving-kindness). Since al-Wadud (the
Loving-kind) is one of the 99 names of God, the source for humans to love one another and
all creation is rooted in the loving nature of God Himself. This perspective contends that
love is the function of human beings. The Sufi poet Rumi alludes to the significance of
love in his famous Masnavi as the attraction that draws all creatures back to reunion with
their Creator.13
Love comes from God; and is often associated with peace, mercy and forgiveness
and is a sign to be reflected upon. For example, the Qur’anic verse Q30:21 reads: “And
among His Signs is this, that He created for you mates from among yourselves, that ye may
dwell in tranquility with them, and He has put love [mawadda] and mercy between your
[hearts]: Verily in that are Signs for those who reflect.” Transforming enmity into love is
a sign of mercy of God and emphasizes the importance of transforming hostile relations
into love and friendship. The Qur’anic verse (Q60:7) states: “It may be that Allah will
grant love (and friendship) [mawadda] between you and those whom ye (now) hold as
enemies. For Allah has power (over all things); and Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most
Merciful.” Linkages between peace and God’s love are also clear in other verses that call
for restraining anger, forgiveness, and justice, all key components of peace according to
Islamic tradition (Q3:134; Q5:96; 60:8).
13
First 18 verses of Masnavi
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66
THE WAY FORWARD
This paper has thus focused on the Islamic tradition of conflict resolution and
peacebuilding and analyzed some the main Islamic values and principles that inform this
tradition. Based on the above-discussed selected set of values and principles, the Islamic
understanding of peace can be defined as a process in which human beings can establish
foundations for interacting with each other and with nature in harmony, instituting just
social-economic structures where human beings can flourish and fulfil their potential.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
67
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The Bodhisattva Ideal and Socially Engaged Buddhism: A Progressive Approach
Asst. Prof. Dr. Priyasen Singh
School of Buddhist Studies & Civilization,
Gautam Buddha University, India
Apart from being a religious order, Buddhism is also a set of ideas and ideals and, above
all, a time tested way of life. This fact has been vividly exemplified and profusely illustrated
centuries after centuries in the form of the Buddhist precepts and ideals like Sikkhapada-s,
stages of Purisa-puggala-hood, Brahmavihara-s, Bodhisattva-cariya-s, Bodhisattva-bhumi-s,
and so on. A newer and contemporary incarnation of all these elements has come up in the
form of Socially Engaged Buddhism. In terms of Buddhist teachings, socially engaged
Buddhism is an embodiment of the Bodhisattva. The Bodhisattva literally a “being” (sattva)
oriented to “awakening” or “enlightenment” (bodhi), is a great vow and archetypal figure found
particularly in Mahayana Buddhism. The Bodhisattva ideal has roots in the original teachings
of the Buddha, who was himself described as a bodhisattva, understood at that time as one on
the way to becoming a Buddha, a fully awakened one.
In the Mahayana Buddhist traditions, there developed a pantheon of archetypal
bodhisattva, each of them suggesting and guiding a different kind of mature spiritual activity
in the world. There is Avalokiteshvara, the male bodhisattva of compassion in India, who
becomes Chenrezig in Tibet, and the female Kwan Yin in China and Kannon or Kanzeon in
Japan, who is perhaps the most popular and well-known Bodhisattva. Avalokiteshvara is
sometimes depicted with a thousand hands, each with an eye-to see what is happing in the
world and to respond, suggesting both the receptive and active dimensions of compassion.
Kwan Yin is often described as the one who “hears the cries of the world.” Manjushri is the
bodhisattva of discriminating wisdom, one who sees deeply into the nature of things, and is
typically shown wielding a sword said to cut through delusive thoughts and views.
Samantabhadra appears as the bodhisattva of enlightening action in the world, particularly
making more apparent the interconnection of all beings. Kshitigarbha is the bodhisattva who
watches over the vulnerable.
The bodhisattva follows a specific training, a series of disciplines. Such training begins
with the orientation to awaken one self, and to do so for the benefit of all. This intention is
often expressed in the “four inconceivable vows”:
Living being is infinite, I vow to free them.
Delusions are inexhaustible, I vow to cut through them.
Dharma gates are boundless, I vow to enter them.
The Buddha Way is unsurpassable, I vow to realize it.
On a rather pragmatic plane, socially engaged Buddhism or engaged Buddhism can be
looked upon as a relatively new Buddhist movement that lays stress on social service and
nonviolent activism.1 It draws upon the Buddha’s teachings and practices of the moral conduct
in order to commit the precepts to non-injury and compassion to others. This can be done by
teaching them a right view and thereby help them relieve their delusion. That is precisely the
way the practice of socially engaged Buddhism proposes to look upon the contemporary world.
However, if we take a retrospective look at how Buddhism has evolved over millennia into a
prominent faith with worldwide following, it might not be difficult to notice that social service
1
E. Buswell, Jr., Editor, Encyclopedia of Buddhism, Vol.1, United Stated of America, p. 248
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has appeared in the Buddhist record since the time of the Buddha only. Thus, socially engaged
Buddhism is not an absolutely new Buddhist movement, as some scholars believe.
Definition and Scope of Socially Engaged Buddhism
According to the Australian scholar Patricia Sherwood, “Socially Engaged Buddhism”
is a Buddhist practice that seeks to make a conscious contribution to the liberation of sentient
beings including oneself as well as others from the shackle of suffering. This position has been
categorically and elaborately expounded by the Thai reformer Sulak Sivaraksa who touches
upon the essence of Buddhism and notes, “It means deep commitment and personal
transformation. To be of help we must become more selfless and less selfish. To do this, we
have to take more and more moral responsibility in society. This is the essence of Buddhism,
from ancient time right up to the present.”2
It seems that the term “Engaged Buddhism” was originally coined by the venerable
Thich Nhat Hanh in 1963. Subsequently, the expanded term, “Socially Engaged Buddhism”
became popular during the 1980s. The term “Socially Engaged Buddhism” essentially
signifies an active involvement of Buddhist members in society and its problems. Those who
are associated with this nascent movement attempt to actualize the ideals of wisdom and
compassion, which have long been rooted in the historical tradition of Buddhism. Based on
the ethical and social teachings of traditional Buddhism, engaged Buddhism tries to apply them
to social life as also to social issues. Any movement of “engaged Buddhist” is comprised of a
wide range of individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds. Inspired by the core values and
ideals of Buddhism, they stand in perfect unison to lessen the suffering of the world,
specifically by “engaging” (as opposed to renouncing) various social, political, and economic
institutions, structures and systems prevailing in the society. This kind of engagement can
assume several forms, such as voting, lobbying, peaceful protest, civil disobedience, and so
forth. However, the fundamental aim of all those is essentially to actively challenge and change
those institutions, etc. which are looked upon as perpetual means of suffering through various
forms of oppression, injustice, and the like.3
Engaged Buddhism is not just an answer to those opinionated scholars who depict
Buddhism as a passive, other-worldly or escapist religion, but it also offers effective long-term
solutions to the problems and challenges of the contemporary society.
Another important aspect of Buddhism is that it has never existed in isolation, and
changes within are often connected to the changes outside the Sangha.4 That is why socially
engaged Buddhism suggests that Buddhists are socially active capable of applying Buddhism
to the ‘liberation’ of the society in many ways. These leaders are instrumental in helping the
Sangha to catch up with the demands of a secular society with the true spirit of Buddhism.
Thus, it can be stated that socially engaged Buddhism per se is not new to Buddhism, but it is
instead the way Buddhist leaders have engaged themselves and are being engaged that is new
and deserves clarification.
Within the specific context of socially engaged Buddhism today, the application of the
Dharma or of Buddhist teachings to the resolution of social problems has emerged as pivotal
to myriad global discourses on human rights, distributive justice, and social progress. In this
regard, the timing of observing its practical components is of utmost relevance. For instance,
it has been clearly instructed that one should engage in meditative practice early in the morning
2
Patricia Sherwood, Journal of Buddhist Ethics 8(2001, 61-74), Edith Cowan University.
Kraft, Kenneth L., “Prospects of a Socially Engaged Buddhism” in Inner Peace, World Peace: Essays on Buddhism
and Non-violence, ed. , Kenneth L. Kraft Albany, State University of New York Press,1992, pp. 11-30; Queen,
Christopher, and Sallie King (eds.). Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation Movements in Asia , Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1996 p.34, note 6.
4 Sangha : The Buddhist community, especially those who have been ordained as monks and nuns but originally
referring to the ‘fourfold sangha’ of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen.
3
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and then consciously remain mindful throughout the day of the motivation of practice, which
is genuine compassion for all sentient beings. Likewise, one should regularly consider during
the daytime whether or not one’s actions are truly beneficial to others. Then, before going to
bed, one should review the day’s activities to evaluate what one has done for others. As a style
of ethical practice, engaged Buddhism may be looked upon as a new paradigm of Buddhist
liberation.
Conceptualization of “Socially Engaged Buddhism” During the Time of the Buddha
At the time of the Lord Buddha, the term “Socially Engaged Buddhism” was already
in existence but it did not have the same connotation as today. Basically, the words used then
for the set of practices it signified were different because the language in which the practical
essence of socially engaged Buddhism was conceived was different from our language. In
spite of that, the fundamental implications of socially engaged Buddhism have always been
identical. Given the fact that it has been existed since the enlightenment of the Buddha, it is
hard to say that socially engaged Buddhism is a new form of Buddhism as some scholars have
argued.
There are evidences in the ancient Pāli canon, which indicate that Sakyamuni Buddha
saw individual serenity and social concord as inseparable. Based on his enlightened
observation, he laid down a set of guidelines for the development of just social institutions.
The Jataka tales note that “the Buddha is shown as not withdrawing from the world, but as
acting with compassion and wisdom for the benefit of all living beings”. About two centuries
after the passing away of Lord Buddha, Nagarjuna, the erudite founder of Madhiyamika, also
undertook an elaborate discussion on the application of Buddhist principles in the social realm.5
It is worthwhile here to note a prolonged misconception, which asserts that the
Buddha’s teaching can be followed strictly by those people only who are on the verge of retiring
from life. In all likelihood, it can be regarded as nothing but an unconscious defense against
practicing it. In the Buddhist literature, there are numerous references to men and women who,
despite living ordinary, normal family lives, successfully practiced what the Buddha taught,
and went on to attain Nirvana. Vacchogatta, the Wanderer once asked the Buddha
straightforwardly whether there were laymen and women, who followed the Buddha’s teaching
successfully and attained high spiritual status even while leading a family life. The Buddha
kindly stated that there not one or two, not a hundred or two hundred or five hundred, but many
more laymen and women leading the family life who followed his teaching successfully and
attained high spiritual status.6
It may be agreeable for certain people to live a retired life in a quiet place away from
noise and disturbance. But it is certainly more praiseworthy and courageous to practice
Buddhism while living among fellow beings, helping them and being of service to them. In
certain cases, it may perhaps be useful for a person to live in retirement for a time in order to
improve his or her mind and character, as preliminary moral, spiritual, and intellectual training,
to be strong enough to come out later and help other. But if someone lives an entire life in
solitude, thinking only about their own happiness and salvation, and without caring for their
fellow beings, this surely is not in keeping with the teachings of the Buddha, which are based
on love, compassion and service to others.
Furthermore, it is baseless to think that Buddhism is focused on lofty ideals, high moral
and philosophical thought, while ignoring the social and economic welfare of people. The fact
that the Buddha was always interested in the happiness of people is beyond any debate now.
In his opinion, the state of perfect happiness was impossible to achieve unless one led a pure
life based on moral and spiritual principles. At the same time, he was also absolutely
5
6
Susan. M. (Ed), Not Turning Away: The Practice of Engaged Buddhism, United States of America, 2004, p. 155
Majjihima-nikaya, I (Pāli Text Society edition), p. 30-31.
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conversant with the hard and practical reality that leading such a life was never easy for a
common spiritual practitioner in unfavorable material and social conditions. In this regard, it
is important to remember that Buddhism does not consider material welfare as an end in itself:
it is only a means to an end -- a higher and nobler end. However, as a means to a great end, it
is indispensable for the realization of a higher purpose for human happiness. So, Buddhism
recognizes the need of certain minimum material conditions favorable to spiritual success even
for a monk engaged in meditation in some solitary place.7
The Buddha did not take life out of the context of its social and economic background.
Instead, he looked at it as a whole, in all its social, economic and political aspects. Like an
expert physician, the Buddha took upon himself the marathon task of curing his patients, and
in order to accomplish this mission, he went on to discover how to lead them out of suffering
by teachings on ethical, spiritual, and philosophical problems. However, a lot about his
teaching on social, economic, and political matters is still unknown to a great extent.
Notwithstanding this, there is no denying the fact that numerous discourses dealing with these
problems constitute the core of several ancient Buddhist texts. Let us consider a few examples.
A part of the Cakkavattisihanadasutta in the Digha-nikaya8 clearly states that poverty
(daliddiya) causes immorality, which results in the occurrence of crimes such as theft,
falsehood, violence, hatred, cruelty, etc. Much like modern governments, the ancient kings
tried to suppress crime through punishment. The Kutadanasutta of the same Nikaya explains
the futility of this practice. It says that this method can never be successful and effective. In
order to eradicate crime, as the Buddha argues, the economic condition of the people should be
improved: grain and other facilities for agriculture should be provided for farmers and
cultivators; capital should be provided for traders and those who are engaged in business; and
adequate wages should be paid to those who are employed. When people thus get opportunities
to earn a lot, they will be contented, will have no fear or anxiety, and consequently, the country
will be peaceful and free from crime.
Keeping this in mind, the Buddha told lay people as to how important it was to improve
their economic condition. This does not mean that he approved of hoarding wealth with desire
and attachment, which is against his fundamental teaching, nor did he approve of each and
every way of earning one’s livelihood. The fact is that there are certain trades like the
production and sale of armaments, which he condemns as evil means of livelihood.
Once upon a time a lay disciple named Dighajanu visited the Buddha and asked:
“Venerable Sir, we are ordinary laymen, leading the family life with wife and children. Would
the Blessed One teach us some doctrines which will be conducive to our happiness in this world
and hereafter?” The Buddha replied that there are four things that are conducive to a man’s
happiness in this world. First, he should be skilled, efficient, earnest, and energetic in whatever
profession he is engaged, and he should know it well. Second, he should protect his income,
which he has thus earned righteously, with the sweat of his brow. Third, he should have good,
faithful, learned, virtuous, liberal, and intelligent friends, who can help him along the right path
away from evil. Fourth, he should spend reasonably, in proportion to his income, neither too
much nor too little. In other words, he should not hoard wealth avariciously, and instead of
being extravagant, should live within his means. The Buddha expounds the four virtues
conducive to a layman’s happiness:
1. He should have faith and confidence in moral, spiritual, and intellectual values
(Saddha).
2. He should abstain from destroying and harming life, from stealing and cheating,
from adultery, from falsehood, and from intoxicating drinks (Sīla).
7
8
Majjihima-nikayatthakatha, Papancasudani, I (Pāli text society), p. 290
Digha- nikaya. No. 26
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3. He should practice charity, generosity, without attachment and craving for his
wealth (Caga).
4. He should develop wisdom, which leads to the complete destruction of suffering,
to the realization of Nirvana (Panna).9
Sometimes, the Buddha even goes into details on how to save and spend money. For
instance, he tells the young man Sigala that he should spend one fourth of his income on his
daily expenses, invest half in his business and put aside one fourth for any emergency.10
Thus, one can see that though the Buddha considered economic welfare as requisite for
human happiness, he did not recognize progress as real if it was only material, and devoid of a
spiritual and moral foundation. While encouraging material progress, Buddhism always lays
great stress on the development of the moral and spiritual character for a happy, peaceful, and
contented society.
The Buddha was just as clear on politics, as on war and peace. It is worthwhile here to
reiterate that Buddhism advocates and preaches nonviolence and peace as its universal
message, thereby disapproving of any form of violence or destruction of life. According to
Buddhism, there is nothing that can be called a “just war” which is only a false term coined and
put into circulation to justify and excuse hatred, cruelty, violence and massacre. After all, who
decides what is just or unjust? Going by what usually happens, the mighty and the victorious
are “just” while the weak and the defeated are “unjust”. To the former, war is always “just”
whereas to the latter, it is always “unjust”. This position is not acceptable to the Buddha.
The Buddha not only taught nonviolence and peace, but also went to the battlefield
itself and intervened personally to prevent war, as in the case of the dispute between the Sakyas
and the Koliyas, who had locked horns over the question of the waters of the Rohini. Also, it
was his words that once prevented King Ajatasattu from attacking the kingdom of the Vajjis.
Like many rulers today, there were rulers in the time of the Buddha too who governed
their countries unjustly. People were oppressed, exploited, and persecuted. They were also
subjected to excessive taxes and cruel punishments. The Buddha was deeply moved by the
suffering of the common masses caused by these inhuman practices.
The
Dhammapadatthakatha records that he directed his attention to the problem of good
government. His views should be appreciated against the social, economic and political
background of his time. He had shown how a whole country could become corrupt, degenerate,
and unhappy, when the head of its government, that is the king, the ministers, and
administrative officers become corrupt and unjust. Thus, for a country to be happy, it must
have a just government. The way this form of just government could be realized is explained
by the Buddha in his teaching of the “Ten duties of the King” (Dasarajadhamma), as given in
the Jataka text.11 The term “king” (Raja) of yore has now been replaced by the term
“Government.” So, “The Ten Duties of the King” are applicable to all those who constitute
the government such as head of state, ministers, political leaders, legislative and administrative
officers, and so on.
 The first of the “Ten Duties of the King” laid down by the Buddha is adherence to a set of
positive and morally empowering values like liberality, generosity, and charity (dana).
The ruler should not have craving for and attachment to wealth and property, but he
should give it away for the welfare of the people.
 The second duty of the king is to have a high moral character (sīla). He should never
destroy life, cheat, steal and exploit others, commit adultery, utter falsehood, and take
intoxicating drinks. In other words, he must at least observe the Five Precepts, the
9
Anguttara-nikaya, ed. Devamitta Thera (comlombo,1929) and Pāli text Society, p.786.
Digha-nikaya,III, ed. Nanavasa Thera (Colombo, 1929),p.115.
11 Jataka I, 260,399;II, 400,274; v, 119,378.
10
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minimum moral obligations of a lay Buddhist- 1) not to taken life of other, 2) not stealing,
3) not to commit adultery, 4) not telling lies, and 5) not taking intoxicating drinks.
The third of the king’s duties prescribed by the Buddha is to sacrifice everything for the
good of the people (pariccaga). To put it otherwise, he must be prepared to give up all
personal comfort, name and fame, and even his life, in the interest of the people.
Fourth of the king’s duties is to have honesty and integrity (ajjava). According to the
Buddha, the king must be free from fear and favor in the discharge of his duties, must be
sincere in his attentions, and must not deceive the public.
To have kindness and gentleness (maddhava) is the fifth of the king’s duties. He must
possess a genial temperament.
As the sixth duty, the king should be austere in habits (tapa). He must lead a simple life,
and should not indulge in a life of luxury. He must have self-control.
Freedom from hatred, ill-will, and enmity (Akedah) is the seventh duty of the king. He
should bear no grudge against anybody.
Eighth duty of the king is to stick to the principle and practice of nonviolence (avihimsa).
It not only means that he should harm nobody, but also that he should try to promote
peace by avoiding and preventing war, and everything which involves violence and
destruction of life.
Ninth duty of the king is to have patience, forbearance, and tolerance with understanding
(khanti). It implies that he must be able to bear hardships, difficulties and insults without
losing his temper.
Tenth and last duty of the king is to observe non-opposition and non-obstruction
(avirodha). Thus, he should not oppose the will of the people, should not obstruct any
measures that are conducive to the welfare of the people. In other words, he should rule
in harmony with his people.12
One should overcome anger through kindness, wickedness through goodness,
selfishness through charity, and falsehood through truthfulness. That is the essence of what the
Buddha has taught as regards the moral strengthening of the king’s character.
Buddhism aims to create a society where the ruinous struggle for power is renounced;
where calm and peace prevail away from conquest and defeat; where the persecution of the
innocent is vehemently denounced; where one who conquers oneself is more respected than
those who conquer millions by military and economic warfare; where hatred is conquered by
kindness, and evil by goodness; where enmity, jealously, ill-will and greed do not infect men’s
mind; where compassion is the driving force of action; where all, including the least of living
things, are treated with fairness, consideration and love; where life in peace and harmony, in a
world of material contentment, is directed towards the highest and noblest aim, the realization
of the Ultimate Truth, Nirvana.
The Conceptualization of Socially Engaged Buddhism in Contemporary World
The term “Socially Engaged Buddhism” has been coined by the most venerable Thich
Nhat Hanh, an expatriate Vietnamese Zen Buddhist monk who was born on October 11, 1926
in central Vietnam. A teacher, author, poet and peace activist, he joined a Zen monastery at the
age of sixteen, studied Buddhism as a novice, and was fully ordained as a monk in 1949. He
is commonly referred to as Thich Nhat Hanh. Thich is a title used by all Vietnamese monks
and nuns. It means that they are part of the Shakya (Shakyamuni Buddha) clan.
During the early 1960s, he laid the foundation of the school of Youth for Social
Services (SYSS) in Saigon, a grassroots relief organization that rebuilt bombed villages, set up
12
W. Rahula, What the Buddha Taught: Revised and Expanded Edition with Texts From Suttas and Dhammapada.
1974. p. 107-109
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schools and medical centers, and resettled families left homeless during the Vietnam War. In
course of his numerous trips to the U.S., he studied at Princeton University, lectured at Cornell
University and taught at Columbia University. But the major purpose of those travels was to
urge the U.S. government to withdraw from Vietnam. He urged Martin Luther King Jr., to
oppose the Vietnam War publicly and spoke with people and groups about peace. In a January
25, 1967 letter to the Nobel Institute in Norway, King nominated him for the Nobel Peace
Prize. Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh led the Buddhist delegation to the Paris Peace Talks.
Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh is considered to be one of the primary thinkers behind the
concept of Engaged Buddhism. His teachings and practices appeal to people across various
religious, spiritual, and political backgrounds. He offers a practice of mindfulness adapted to
Western sensibilities. He created the Order of Interbeing in 1966, and established monasteries
and practice centers around the World. He has traveled worldwide giving retreats and talks.
The term “Engaged Buddhism” or “Socially Engaged Buddhism” was coined by him in his
book Lotus in a Sea of Fire. The ideal that enlightenment can be sought not only through study
and formal meditation, but also by mindfulness of daily life, extended to all actions. In
particular, Engaged Buddhism advocates for a compassionate, Buddhist approach to social
justice and social engagement covering a range of issues such as environmentalism, human
rights, education, and poverty among others.
“Engaged Buddhism” teaches a cyclical process. By understanding the true nature of
the self, we can better understand the truth of the society; then we use that enhanced
understanding to gain an even deeper understanding of self, which leads to deeper
understanding of the society and so on. Ultimately, we understand that the self and the society
have no separate existence. They are just two ways of looking at the same unified reality.
Society per se makes it hard to realize this. In fact, it teaches us to worry about the relationship
between individual and society, as if the two were separate pieces of puzzle that must somehow
go together, though they cannot fit together. Society perpetuates this false problem because it
wants us to be asleep, so that we will not do anything to change the status quo.
Awareness of interdependence makes it immediately evident that each of us shares
responsibility for all that happens and will happen. Therefore, there is no phenomenon in the
universe that does not immediately concern us. As soon as we recognize that responsibility,
we are moved to act to improve the situation: “If we are very aware, we can do something to
change the course of things.” We are most motivated to work for change when we realize that
our sense of being a separate self is illusory. We are all part of the same human process and
driven by the same processes. Changing that process means changing both situation and self:
“Mindfulness is to see deeply into things, to see how we can change, how we can transform
our situation. To transform our situation is also to transform our minds. To transform our mind
is also to transform our situation, because the situation is mind, and mind is situation.”
Since the individual and society co-exist each must nourish the other, or both will
wither. The preservation of oneself is the same thing as the preservation of all; the
improvement of oneself is the same thing as the improvement of all; the healing of one’s own
suffering is the same thing as the healing of all suffering. This is what Buddhists mean by
compassion. It does not mean reaching out to another. It is (as the literal meaning of the word
suggests) “feeling together with” in a broader sense, compassion means experiencing one’s
own fate and the fate of the supposed other as identical. Thus, it also means experiencing the
other’s suffering as one’s own suffering.
Compassion does not make any moral judgments about who is innocent and who is to
blame. While making such moral judgments, we usually tend to take the stance of a subject
observing objects. Thus, we lose the sense of immediate interbeing which the essence of
compassion is. But when we identify with everyone, we realize that our own being and
society’s good and evil aspects all share the same essential nature. “When we realize our nature
of interbeing, we will stop blaming and killing, because we know that we inter-are.” So we
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stop splitting the world into good versus evil. Instead, we will love and become friends with
everyone.
When we are truly mindful, we recognize that nothing in life is any more permanent or
secure than an ocean wave. We are always riding the crest of a wave. Try to hold on to
anything is to pursue an impossible illusion of security. When we accept the truth of this
impermanence, we realize that all boundaries are human constructs imposed on the
unpredictable, and therefore uncontrollable, process of reality. Therefore, we make no effort
to control or impose ourselves on others. We simply respond to the demand of the moment,
without expecting to control the future.
Why is it necessary to respond? It is a natural impulse to give vent to our own suffering.
If we accidentally put a finger in the fire, we do not think about what to do; we instinctively
take the finger out of the fire. Compassion implies the tendency to have the same instinctive
desire to ease all suffering, irrespective of where it occurs and who experiences it. This is the
motive of engaged Buddhism and its efforts to create a more just world.
Compassion also allows us to be more objective, because we can see thing more clearly
and be more fully aware of the whole situation. This is in keeping with the assumption that
“To love is to understand.” This assumption suggests that when suffering is humanly caused,
the perpetrators actually suffer along with the victims. It also implies that the perpetrators are
causing suffering because they themselves have suffered. In the nutshell, the better we
understand the causes of suffering, the more effectively we can work to relieve it. So, when
we offer love and understanding to others, no matter how evil their deeds are, we may be able
to defuse the anger that is often the source of those deeds. Certainly, we can be better models
of the behavior we expect from others.
Furthermore, we cannot reach out to the world compassionately unless we become the
compassionate we want to offer others. As it has been observed by the Buddha, if we cannot
be compassionate to ourselves, we will not be able to be compassionate to others. We can only
be happy when we accept ourselves as we are. We must first be aware of all the elements
within us, and then we must bring them into harmony.” This is certainly not easy to practice.
All of us have a desire for security, which makes it hard to accept the truth of impermanence.
We all have emotions and ignorance, which create illusions that block our accurate perception.
Most difficult of all, usually, is our own unacknowledged anger. It’s only after recognizing our
own seeds of anger that we can stop nurturing them. Besides that we can convert them into
constructive feelings of forgiveness and understanding, nurturing the seeds of compassion.
Ironically, even knowledge can block accurate perception. We seek security from our
sense of certainty by clinging to what we are sure we know. When we resist new ideas and
refuse to change our views, we cannot see the truth clearly. Most importantly, we cannot see
the truth that the world is always changing and the next moment is unknown and unpredictable.
Therefore, the world always keeps changing. No ideas are absolutely and permanently true.
Ideas are only useful as means to reduce suffering. We should always be ready to give up our
current ideas and knowledge when circumstances call for new ones.
In traditional Buddhist teachings and practices, the Buddha was most often presented
as the one who knows how to heal suffering because he is “wide awake” (the literal meaning
of the name Buddha). “Engaged Buddhism” broadens its horizon by teaching that each one of
us can do this. Each of us has a Buddha nature, which is our innate capacity to wake up, to
understand the truth of interbeing, and to love all reality. Everyone who is awake embodies
the Buddha and therefore becomes a Buddha in body. In that sense, “you yourself are the
Buddha.” We need not go to a monastery or a far-off mountain top to become the Buddha.
Anyone or anything can help us wake up. It imparts the essence of Buddha’s teachings, just
by being what it is, a part of the endless web of interbeing. There are fourteen guidelines13 for
13
Thich. Nhat. Hanh, “Interbeing”: Fourteen Guidelines for Engaged Buddhism, Parallax Press, Berkeley, 1993
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the engaged Buddhist formulated by Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh. These can be sum up as
follows.
1. Do not be idolatrous about or bend yourself compulsively to any doctrine, theory, or
ideology, including even the Buddhist ones. Buddhist systems of thought are guiding
means; one should not be accepted as absolute truth.
2. Do not think that the knowledge you possess at present is changeless, absolute truth.
Avoid being narrow minded and hardcore stickler of present views. Learn and practice
nonattachment from views in order to be open to others’ viewpoints. Truth is found in
life and not merely in conceptual knowledge. Be ready to learn and to observe reality in
yourself and in the world throughout your life.
3. Do not force others, including children, by any means whatsoever, to adopt your views,
whether by authority, threat, money, propaganda, or even education. However, through
compassionate dialogue, help others renounce fanaticism and narrow-mindedness.
4. Do not avoid or ignore suffering. Do not lose awareness of the existence of suffering in
the worldly life. Find ways to be with those who are suffering, including personal contact,
visits, images and sounds. By such means, awaken yourself and others to the reality of
suffering in the world.
5. Do not accumulate wealth while millions are hungry. Do not make fame, profit, wealth, or
sensual pleasure as the aim of your life. Live simply and share time, energy, and material
resources with those who are needy.
6. Do not harbor anger or hatred. For anything or anyone learn to penetrate and transform
them when they are still nascent stage in your consciousness. The moment they arise, turn
your attention to your breath in order to see and understand the nature of your hatred.
7. Do not lose yourself in dispersion and in your surroundings. Practice mindful breath to get
back to what is happening in the present moment. Be touch with what is wondrous,
refreshing, and healing both inside and around you. Sow seeds of joy, peace, and
understanding in yourself so as to facilitate the work of transformation in the depths of your
consciousness.
8. Do not utter words that can lead to discord and cause the community to break. Make every
effort to reconcile and resolve all conflicts, however small.
9. Do not say untruthful things for the sake of personal interest or to impress people. Do not
utter words that cause division and hatred. Do not spread news that you know may not be
true. Do not criticize or condemn things of which you are not sure. Always speak truthfully
and constructively. Have the courage to speak out about situations of injustice, even when
doing so may threaten your own safety.
10. Do not use the Buddhist community for personal gain or profit, or transform your
community into a political party. A religious community, however, should take a clear
stand against oppression and injustice and should strive to change the situation without
engaging in partisan conflicts.
11. Do not associate yourself with a vocation that is harmful to humans and nature. Do not
invest in companies that deprive others of their chance to live. Choose a vocation that helps
realize your ideal of compassion.
12. Do not kill and let others kill. Find whatever means possible to protect life and prevent
war.
13. Possess nothing that should belong to others. Respect the property of others, but prevent
others from profiting from human suffering or the suffering of other species on Earth.
14. Do not mistreat your body. Learn to handle it with respect. Do not look on your body as
only an instrument. Preserve vital energies (sexual, breath, spirit) for the realization of the
Way. For brothers and sisters who are not monks and nuns: Sexual expression should not
take place without love and commitment. In sexual relations, be aware of future suffering
that may be caused. To preserve the happiness of others and respect the rights and
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commitments of others, be fully aware of the responsibility of bringing new lives into the
world. Meditate on the world into which you are bringing new beings.
Western Buddhist Social Engagement
In the past two hundred years, West society has undergone a more fundamental
transformation than at any period since Neolithic times, whether in terms of technology or the
world of ideas. While this complex revolution is undercutting traditional Buddhism in the east,
it is also stimulating oriental Buddhism. In the West, it is creating problems and perceptions
to which Buddhism seems particularly relevant. Throughout its history, Buddhism has been
successfully reinterpreted in accordance with different cultures, whilst at the same time
preserving its inner truths. Buddhism has thus spread and survived. The historic task of
Buddhists in both East and West (in the twenty-first century) is to interpret perennial Buddhism
in terms of the needs of industrial man and woman in the social conditions of their time, while
demonstrating its acute and urgent relevance to the ills of that society. To this great and difficult
enterprise, Buddhists will bring their traditional boldness and humility. Clinging to dogma and
defensiveness is certainly against the spirit of the present age.
In the modern Western society, humanistic social action, with its variety of forms, is
seen both as the characteristic way of relieving suffering and enhancing human well-being and,
at the same time, as a noble ideal of service and of self-sacrifice, by humanists of all faiths.
Buddhism, however, is humanism as it rejoices the possibility of true freedom as
something inherent in human nature. For Buddhism, the ultimate freedom is to achieve
absolute liberation from the root causes of all suffering: greed, hatred and delusion, which are
also the root causes of all social evils. Their grossest forms are those that are harmful to others.
To weaken, and finally eliminate them in oneself, and, as far as possible, in society, is the
fundamental objective of Buddhist ethics. It’s on this ethical bedrock that Buddhist social
action takes place.
The experience of suffering is the starting point of Buddhist teaching and that of any
attempt to define a distinctively Buddhist social action. Notwithstanding, misunderstanding
can arise at the start, because the Pāli word dukkha, which is commonly translated simply as
“suffering,” has a much wider and more subtle connotations. There is, of course, much gross,
objective suffering in the world (dukkha-dukkha), and much of this arises from poverty, war,
oppression and other social conditions. We cling to our good fortune and struggle at all costs
to escape from our bad fortune.
This struggle may not be so desperate in certain countries that enjoy a high material
standard of living spread relatively evenly throughout the population. Nevertheless, the
material achievements of such societies appear somehow to have been “bought” by social
conditions that breed a profound sense of insecurity and anxiety, of restlessness and inner
confusion, in contrast to the relatively stable and ordered society in which the Buddha taught.
To live thus, in developing countries, “in the context of equipment,” has become the
great goal for increasing numbers of people. They are watched sadly by Westerners who have
accumulated more experience of the disillusion and frustration of perpetual non-arrival.
Obviously, from the experience of social conditions there arises both physical and
psychological suffering. But more fundamental is still that profound sense of unease, of anxiety
or angst, which arises from the very transience (anicca) of life (viparinama-dukkha). This
angst, however conscious of it we may or may not be, drives the restless search to establish a
meaningful self-identity in the face of a disturbing awareness of our insubstantiality (anatta).
Ultimately, life is commonly a struggle to give meaning to life — and to death. This is so much
the essence of the ordinary human condition and we are so very much inside it, that for much
of the time we are scarcely aware of it. This existential suffering is the distillation of the various
conditions that we have referred to above - it’s the human condition itself.
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To the individual human being Buddhism offers a religious practice, a way, leading to
the transcendence of suffering. Buddhist social action arises from this practice and contributes
to it. From suffering arises desire to end suffering. The secular humanistic activist sets himself
for the endless task of satisfying that desire, and perhaps hopes to end social suffering by
constructing utopias. The Buddhist, on the other hand, is concerned ultimately with the
transformation of desire. Hence, he contemplates and experiences social action in a
fundamentally different way from the secular activist. This way will not be readily
comprehensible to the latter, and has helped give rise to the erroneous belief that Buddhism is
indifferent to human suffering. One reason why the subject of this paper is so important to
Buddhists is that they will have to start here if they are to begin to communicate effectively
with non-Buddhist social activists. We should add, however, that although such
communication may not be easy on the intellectual plane, at the level of feelings shared in
compassionate and collective experience of social action, there may be little difficulty.
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Interpretation of Concept of Nibbāna in Engaged Buddhism:
A Case Study on Engaged Buddhist Leaders
Phan Anh Duoc (Ven. Thich Dong Dac)
Research Scholar,
Gautam Buddha University, India
Introduction
Buddhism is a psycho-ethical tradition, proceeding with a system of thought as well
as a definite path for realization of the flavor of life in state of existence. The thought and
the practice go together like two wheels of a chariot for harmonious way-faring in life. For
this, it has taken up only one problem and presents a practical solution. The problem is the
suffering of the man and its total eradication is the solution. The former is called Dukkha
and the latter Nibbāna. In between two, there is a path that gradually takes one from the
state of the former to the state of the latter. It is the basic characteristics of Dhamma, the
righteous path, which is described by the Buddha as an ever-going raft. In short, both the
Dukkha and Nibbāna are the basic facts of life. The true Dhamma is to take the sentient
beings from the state of suffering to the state of eternal bliss.
The teachings of the Buddha are mainly directed for realization of this bliss state.
As great rivers flowing in different directions, ultimately merge into the great ocean,
similarly, all his teachings lead towards Nibbāna. It is the only flavor of the Dhamma and
Vinaya like the only salty flavor of the great ocean. It has found expression throughout
Suttas in the active life of forty-five years and it is through them, it has been made clear as
a realizable fact in this very life.
It can be said that the concept of Nibbāna has been spent various stages in its process
and development in the nature of recognition. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the
process of development of concept Nibbāna in main periods of Buddhism. It can be listed
in four main periods of Buddhism: Early Buddhism, Buddhist Sect Period, Mahāyāna
Buddhism and Vajrayana Buddhism. Especially, with the development of Engaged
Buddhist Movement, the concept of Nibbāna has been changed under the form of applied
aspects. The prominent personalities of this movement can be counted as Dr. Ambedkar,
A.T. Aryaratne, Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh, etc.
In this paper, I shall find out various ways of understanding the concept of Nibbāna
by modern engaged Buddhists such as Dr. Ambedkar, A.T. Aryaratne, Venerable Thich
Nhat Hanh, etc. The modern engaged Buddhists shall be chosen under the aspects of
Buddhist schools. They are good exemplars in their respective traditions such as A.T.
Aryaratne and Buddhadāsa in Theravāda tradition, Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh in
Mahāyāna Buddhism, H.H. Dalai Lama in Vajrayāna and Dr. Ambedkar in Neo Buddhism.
Valuable Researches on Nibbāna
The first research on Nibbāna was done by Prof. La Vallee Poussin in 1917 with
the works “The Way to Nirvāna”. In this thesis, the author has resolved various problems
pertaining to personality after death. A comprehensive analysis of Nibbāna by the author
is worthy of studying and researching. However, he only based on the source of Pāli
Tipitaka. Other sources have not been taken under consideration.
The second works on Nibbāna is carried out by Satkari Mookerjee in 1935 through
“The Buddhist Philosophy of Universal Flux”. He analyzed fully the concept of Nibbāna.
However, the author just focuses on the concept of Nibbāna on the basis of two early
Buddhist schools: Sautrantika and Vaibhasa. Therefore, other two Mahāyāna schools, i.e.
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Yogacara and Madhyamaka should be studied for full understanding of the subject if these
four schools are classified on the basis of philosophical aspect.
After this works, Prof. Stcherbatsky has done perfectly the concept of Nirvāṇa
based on Madhyamika Karika by Nagarjuna. His research has the name of “The
Conception of Buddhist Nirvāna” done in 1968. It can be said that the author has analyzed
this concept in regard to the philosophy of Sunyavada, one of two Mahāyāna schools in
India.
Dr. Welbon has written the famous works with the title “The Buddhist Nirvāna and
Its Western Interpreters” in 1968. It is an incredibly scholarly and well-researched book.
The author guides his readers in a tour de force through Buddhist Studies from the 1700s
to the early 1900s. The views set forth by different scholars vary considerably. It is
considered as the good secondary collection. However, perspective of Buddhist sects and
Engaged Buddhism has been not mentioned. It should be more on research in a more full
and comprehensive field.
Another good research on the concept of Nibbāna was done by Professor Johansson.
In his works “The Psychology of Nirvāna” in 1969, while he agrees with de la Vallée
Poussin that too much has been written about Nirvāṇa, he maintains that this “too much”
is also too superficial and based on inadequate investigation. He justifies that the Pāli
Nakeya’s are rich in psychological terminology and analyses and since all serious study
should be helpful, psychology should contribute its share. He states at the outset that his
methods are “psychological and semantic, rather than historical and philosophical”.
However, this psychology is mainly based on Theravāda Abhidhamma but in other sources,
especially in Vijnanavada School of Mahāyāna Buddhism. In my thesis, it will be supplied
in a more comprehensive way.
In 1985, Dr. H.S. Sobti has finished his Ph.D. thesis on “Nibbāna in Early
Buddhism”. He has done perfectly this thesis based on Pāli Tipitaka, especially on
Visuddhimagga and drew the way to Nibbāna in the same way, which has been mentioned
by Buddhaghosa. Although the author has inherited various works above, he just pays
attention to Pāli sources.
Therefore, there is lacking of a large number of sources in relation to Buddhist sects,
Mahāyāna and especially Engaged Buddhist movement. As a result, a comprehensive
study of the concept Nibbāna or Nirvāṇa should be studied and analyzed from early time
through to the modern age. If so, all aspects of the concept shall be understood fully and
comprehensively.
General Ideas about Nibbāna - Terminology
Nirvāṇa (Sanskrit) or Nibbāna (Pāli) is the earliest and most common term used to
describe the goal of the Buddhist path.1 The literal meaning is “blowing out” or
“quenching.”2 It is the ultimate spiritual goal in Buddhism and marks the stereological
release from rebirths in saṃsāra.
Within the Buddhist tradition, this term has commonly been interpreted as the
extinction of the “three fires”3, or “three poisons”4, passion (raga), aversion (dvesha) and
ignorance (moha or avidyā). When these fires are extinguished, release from the cycle of
rebirth (saṃsāra) is attained.
1
Buswell, Robert E.; Lopez, Donald S., the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, Princeton University, 2013, pp. 589 590.
2 Steven Collins, Nirvana and Other Buddhist Felicities, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 191.
3 Gombrich, Richard F., How Buddhism Began, Second edition, Routledge, 2006, p.65.
4 According to Gombrich, the use of the term “three fires” alludes to the three fires, which a Brahmin householder had
to keep alight, and tend daily. In later Buddhism, the origin of this metaphor was forgotten, and the term was replaced
with “the three poisons”.
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Nirvāṇa has also been deemed in Buddhism to be identical with anatta (non-self)
and sunyata (emptiness) states.5 In time, with the development of Buddhist doctrine, other
interpretations were given, such as the absence of the weaving (vana) of activity of the
mind, the elimination of desire, and escape from the woods, the five skandhas or
aggregates.
In Indian religions, Nirvāṇa is synonymous with moksha, vimoksha, vimukti and
6
mukti. All Indian religions assert it to be a state of perfect quietude, freedom, highest
happiness along with it being the liberation from samsara, the repeating cycle of birth, life
and death.7
However, Buddhist and non-Buddhist traditions describe these terms for liberation
differently. In the Buddhist context, Nirvāṇa refers to realization of non-self and
emptiness, marking the end of rebirth by stilling the fires that keep the process of rebirth
going. In Hindu philosophy, it is the union of or the realization of the identity of Atman
with Brahman, depending on the Hindu tradition. In Jainism, it is also the stereological
goal, but unlike Buddhism, it represents the release of a soul from karmic bondage and
samsara.
Position of Concept of Nibbāna in Buddhist Doctrinal System - Four Noble Truths
Nirvāṇa is part of the Third Truth on “cessation of dukkha” in the Four Noble
Truths8, and the summum bonum destination of the Noble Eightfold Path.
The Four Noble Truths are “the truths of the Noble Ones”9, the truths or realities
that are understood by the “worthy ones” who have attained Nirvāṇa.10 The truths are
dukkha, the arising of dukkha, the cessation of dukkha, and the path leading to the cessation
of dukkha.
The four truths express the basic orientation of Buddhism: we crave and cling to
impermanent states and things, which is dukkha, “incapable of satisfying” and painful. This
keeps us caught in samsara, the endless cycle of repeated rebirth, dukkha and dying again.
But there is a way to reach real happiness and to end this cycle, namely following the
eightfold path.
Two Truths in Abhidhamma
Conventional Truth (Sammuti Sacca) and Ultimate Truth (Paramattha Sacca) are
two kinds of truths recognised in the Abhidhamma according to which only four categories
of things namely, mind (consciousness), mental concomitants, materiality and Nibbāna are
classed as the Ultimate Truth; all the rest are regarded as apparent truth.
The four categories of dharmas in Abhidhamma are: citta (mind, consciousness,
awareness), cetasika (mental factors, mental events, associated mentality), rūpa (physical
occurrences, material form), and nibbāna (extinction, cessation). This dharma is
unconditioned; neither arises nor ceases due to causal interaction. It can be said that the
ultimate goal of the Abhidhamma is Nibbāna.
5
Steven Collins, Selfless Persons: Imagery and Thought in Theravada Buddhism, Cambridge University Press, 1990,
pp. 82-84.; Genjun Sasaki, Linguistic Approach to Buddhist Thought, Motilal Banarsidass, 1986, pp. 124-125; Sue
Hamilton, Early Buddhism: A New Approach : the I of the Beholder, Routledge. 2000, pp. 18-21.
6 Also called vimoksha, vimukti and mukti. The Soka Gakkai Dictionary of Buddhism: “Vimoksha” means
emancipation, release, or liberation. The Sanskrit words vimukti, mukti, and moksha also have the same meaning.
Vimoksha means release from the bonds of earthly desires, delusion, suffering and transmigration. While Buddhism
sets forth various kinds and stages of emancipation, or enlightenment, the supreme emancipation is nirvana.
7 Gavin Flood, Nirvana, Oxford Dictionary of World Religions, p. 214.
8 Sanskrit: catvāri āryasatyāni; Pāli: cattāri ariyasaccāni.
9 Williams, Paul, Buddhist Thought, 2002, p. 41.
10 Warder, A.K., Indian Buddhism, Delhi, 1999, p.67.
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In this aspect, Nirvāṇa is regarded as an uncompounded or unconditioned state of
being which is “transmundane”11, and which is beyond our normal dualistic conceptions.
The Buddha sometimes unequivocally uses the word Truth in place of Nibbāna: “I
will teach you the Truth and the Path leading to the Truth.”12 Here, Truth definitely means
Nibbāna. What is Absolute Truth? According to Buddhism, the Absolute Truth is that
there is nothing absolute in the world, that everything is relative, conditioned and
impermanent, and that there is no unchanging, everlasting, absolute substance like Self,
Soul, or Ātman within or without. This is the Absolute Truth.
Classification of Nibbāna
Saupādisesa Nibbāna (Sanskrit: Sopadhiśeṣa Nirvāṇa), “Nirvāṇa with remainder”,
“Nirvāṇa with residue.”13 Nirvāṇa is attained during one’s life, when the fires are
extinguished. There is still the residue of the five skandhas, and a residue of fuel, which
however is not burning. Nirvāṇa-in-this-life is believed to result in a transformed mind
with qualities such as happiness, freedom of negative mental states, peacefulness and nonreactiveness. Anupādisesa Nibbāna (Sanskrit: Nirupadhiśeṣa Nirvāṇa), “Nirvāṇa without
remainder,” “Nirvāṇa without residue”.14 This is the final Nirvāṇa, or pariNirvāṇa or
“blowing out” at the moment of death, when there is no fuel left.
A Glimpse Understanding for Nibbāna from Theravāda to Mahāyāna
In Theravāda Texts, Nibbāna is described as identical to anatta (anatman, non-self,
lack of any self). Anatta means there is no abiding self or soul in any being or a permanent
essence in any thing.15 This interpretation asserts that all reality is of dependent origination
and a worldly construction of each human mind, therefore ultimately a delusion or
ignorance.
Nirvāṇa in Madhyamaka, one of two main Mahāyāna Buddhist Sects in India, is
described as the realization of sunyata (emptiness or nothingness).16 Madhyamika Buddhist
texts call this as the middle point of all dualities or Middle Way, where all subject-object
discrimination and polarities disappear, there is no conventional reality, and the only
ultimate reality of emptiness is all that remains.
In Yogacara tradition, luminous consciousness is Nirvāṇa. For liberated ones the
luminous, unsupported consciousness associated with Nirvāṇa is directly known without
mediation of the mental consciousness factor in dependent coarising, and is the
transcending of all objects of mental consciousness.17
It can be said that in early Buddhism, Nirvāṇa is used as a synonym for vimutti,
release from samsara, as the ultimate goal of the Buddhist path. This goal is still prevalent
in contemporary Theravāda Buddhism. In Mahāyāna Buddhism, the attainment of Nirvāṇa
is seen as a lesser goal; the highest goal is the attainment of Buddhahood.18 According to
Mahāyāna Buddhism, a Buddha does not dwell in Nirvāṇa, but engages actively in
enlightened activity to liberate beings for as long as samsara remains.19
It is possible to take a viewpoint of Christopher S. Queen as a short conclusion in
relation to the brief development of the concept of Nirvāṇa as follows: “In traditional
11
Walpola Rahula, What the Buddha Taught, Grove Press, 2007, p. 197.
SN. 5. 369.
13 Gombrich, Richard F., How Buddhism Began, Second edition, Routledge, p. 68.
14 Ibid.
15 Sue Hamilton Blyth, Early Buddhism: A New Approach: The I of the Beholder, Routledge. 2013, pp. 19-28.
16 Mun-Keat Choong, The Notion of Emptiness in Early Buddhism, Motilal Banarsidass, 1999, pp. 85-88.
17 Peter Harvey, Consciousness Mysticism in the Discourses of the Buddha, Curzon Press, 1989, p. 93.
18 Clarke, Encyclopedia of New Religious Movements, Routledge, 2004, p. 88.
19 Duckworth, Jamgon Mipam: His Life and Teachings, Shambhala, 2011, p. 122.
12
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Buddhism, Nibbāna as liberation has also meant many things, from the Theravāda freedom
from desires, passions and delusion to the Mahāyāna freedom from conventional views of
reality to the Vajrayāna freedom from moral and ethical dualism.”20 All of these meanings
have been tied to the ultimate promise of a personal, spiritual liberation that transcends the
material, psychological and social confines of this world.
New Interpretation of Concept of Nibbāna by Engaged Buddhist Leaders
The liberation that Engaged Buddhist leaders envision and articulate in their
addresses and writings is consistently based on their own distinctive readings of traditional
Buddhist doctrines, selflessness, interdependence, five precepts, nondualism, emptiness
and especially the Four Noble Truths. Virtually all of these leaders have written creatively
and copiously on the contemporary application of traditional Buddhist teachings.
Dr. Ambedkar - Founder of Navayana in India
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar popularly known as Babasaheb was an Indian jurist,
economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the Dalit Buddhist movement and
campaigned against social discrimination against Untouchables, while also supporting the
rights of women and labor.21 He was Independent India’s first law minister and the
principal architect of the Constitution of India.
Dr. Ambedkar was also the founder of Navayana in India. Navayana (new vehicle)
refers to the idea that a Buddhist movement may represent a new yāna, i.e. major branch of
Buddhism, in addition to the traditionally recognized branches of Theravāda, Mahāyāna
and Vajrayāna. This status has been claimed both for the Dalit Buddhist movement. For
this idea, Dr. Ambedkar says:
“I will accept and follow the teachings of Buddha. I will keep my people away from
the different opinions of [Theravada] and Mahāyāna, two religious orders. Our
Buddha Dhamma is a new Buddha Dhamma, Navayana”22
Dr. Ambedkar’s “the Buddha and his Dhamma” was conceived and written as a
kind of Buddhist bible for the Untouchable converts to Buddhism. In his “The Buddha and
His Dhamma”, Dr. Ambedkar rejects the traditional Buddhist emphasis on suffering as
internally caused. He replaces this with an emphasis on eliminating the external causes of
the Untouchables’ suffering: social, political and economic. Suffering is not chiefly the
product of mental attachments but the result of social exploitation and poverty. In addition,
Dr. Ambedkar also rejects the traditional understanding of enlightenment and reinterprets
it. It is as the amelioration of material conditions and social relationships in this life.
We reach the furthest end of the spectrum with reinterpretation of the goal going
beyond reform to the radical level of change. Dr. Ambedkar goes further than the rest in
negating tradition, as we have seen, rejects the traditional version of the Four Noble Truths
as blaming the victim.
According to Dr. Ambedkar, the Eightfold Noble Path is not a means to Nirvāṇa
but as the way “to remove justice and inhumanity that man does to man.”23 Of the Four
Noble Truths, the first and fourth truths appear in recognizable formulations as elements in
the First Sermon, but the second and third are mistakably reinterpreted as social teachings.
20
Christopher S. Queen and Sallie B. King, Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation Movements in Asia, State
University of New York Press, 1996, p. 9.
21 Bryant, Edwin, the Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture, Oxford University Press, 2001. pp. 50-51.
22 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Press interview on 13 October 1956 at Sham Hotel, Nagpur.
23 B.R. Ambedkar, the Buddha and His Dhamma, p. 83.
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Dr. Ambedkar defines the cause of suffering as violence of class struggle “blows and
wounds, strife, contradiction and retorts; quarrelling, slander and lies.”24
As for Nirvāṇa, Dr. Ambedkar writes of a “kingdom of righteousness on earth” and
describes the Buddha’s enlightenment not as the ripening of an individual’s cosmic
potential but as a simple realization of the plight of others”:
“On the night of the last day of the fourth week, light dawned upon him. He realized
that there were two problems. The first problem was that there was suffering in the
world and the second was how to remove this suffering and make mankind happy.”25
We noted that Dr. Ambedkar presents both the traditional truths of samudaya
(arising of suffering) and nirodha (cessation of suffering) as well as accounts of Nirvāṇa
and Parinirvāṇa elsewhere in “the Buddha and His Dhamma”:
“What makes man unhappy (he has the Buddha say) is his falling prey to his
passions. These passions are called fetters, which prevent a man from reaching the
state of Nibbāna. The moment he is free from the sway of his passions, i.e., he
learns to achieve Nibbāna, man’s way to happiness is open to him.”
And again:
“As the Udana says, PariNibbāna occurs when the body becomes disintegrated, all
perceptions become stopped, and all sensations die away, the activities cease and
consciousness go away. Thus, PariNibbāna means complete extinction. Nibbāna
can never have this meaning. Nibbāna means enough control over passion so as to
enable one to walk on the path of righteousness”26.
Therefore, it is recognizable that the emphasis is redirected to ethical life in society;
cessation of passions is seen as a precondition for righteousness, as if the third truth of the
traditional formula leads casually and temporally to the practice of the fourth truth, a clear
reversal of the traditional order.
Dalai Lama - Spiritual Leader of Vajrayāna in Tibet
His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gatos, describes himself as a simple
Buddhist monk. He is the spiritual leader of Tibet. He was born on 6 July 1935, to a
farming family, in a small hamlet located in Taktser, Amdo, Northeastern Tibet. At the
very young age of two, the child who was named Lhamo Dhondup at that time, was
recognized as the reincarnation of the previous 13th Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso. The
Dalai Lama is believed to be manifestation of Avalokiteshvara or Chenrezig, the
Bodhisattva of Compassion and the patron saint of Tibet. A bodhisattva is believed to be
an enlightened being who postpones their own Nirvāṇa and chosen to take rebirth in order
to serve humanity.
His Holiness has three main commitments in life. Firstly, on the level of a human
being, His Holiness’ first commitment is the promotion of human values such as
compassion, forgiveness, tolerance, contentment and self-discipline. All human beings are
the same. His Holiness refers to these human values as secular ethics. Secondly, on the
level of a religious practitioner, His Holiness’ second commitment is the promotion of
24
Ibid., p. 168.
B.R. Ambedkar, the Buddha and His Dhamma, p. 55.
26 Ibid., pp. 166-167.
25
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religious harmony and understanding among the world’s major religious traditions.
Despite philosophical differences, all major world religions have the same potential to
create good human beings. It is therefore important for all religious traditions to respect
one another and recognize the value of each other’s respective traditions. Thirdly, His
Holiness is a Tibetan and carries the name of the ‘Dalai Lama’. Therefore, his third
commitment is to work to preserve Tibet’s Buddhist culture, a culture of peace and nonviolence.
About the concept of Nirvāṇa, the Dalai Lama has given a systematic meanings on
two main levels. True cessations are the cessations of various levels of afflictions
actualized by progressing through the paths to Arahantship and full awakening. Afflictions
are of two types: innate (sahaja) afflictions continue uninterruptedly from one lifetime to
another, and conceptually acquired (parikalpita) afflictions are learned from incorrect
philosophies. The final true cessation of an arahant, nirvāṇa - eradication of both acquired
and innate afflictions - is the example of true cessations.
Nirvāṇa is the cessation of duḥkha because, being a state in which the origins of
duḥkha have been abandoned, it ensures that duḥkha will no longer be produced.
Understanding that attaining true cessation is possible by eliminating the continuity of
afflictions and karma dispels the misconception that afflictions are an inherent part of the
mind and liberation is impossible. The knowledge that liberation exists inspires us with
optimism and energy to attain it.
Nirvāṇa is peace because it is a separation in which afflictions have been eliminated.
This attribute counteracts the belief that refined yet still polluted states, such as the
meditative absorptions of the material and immaterial realms are cessation. While more
tranquil than human life, these states have only temporarily suppressed manifest afflictions
and have not abandoned innate afflictions from the root. Not understanding that the
cessation of all craving is ultimate peace, some people remain satisfied with such superior
states within saṃsāra. People convinced of the harm of craving and karma knows that
their cessation is lasting peace and joy.
Nirvāṇa is magnificent because it is the supreme source of benefit and happiness.
As total freedom from all three types of duḥkha, true cessation is completely nondeceptive.
No other state of liberation supersedes it; it is supreme and magnificent. Knowing this
prevents thinking that there is some state superior to the cessation of duḥkha and its origins.
It also prevents mistaking certain states of temporary or partial cessation as final Nirvāṇa.
Nirvāṇa is definite emergence because it is total, irreversible release from saṃsāra.
Liberation is definite emergence because it is an irrevocable release from the misery of
saṃsāra. This counters the misconception that liberation is reversible and the ultimate
state of peace can degenerate. Because true cessation is the elimination of all afflictions
and karma, there no longer exists any cause for rebirth or saṃsāric duḥkha.27
Besides that, looking at the matter from a comparatively traditional perspective,
the Dalai Lama sees worldly goals (e.g. regaining the home land) and supramundane,
traditional Buddhist goals (Nirvāṇa) as mutually reinforcing for virtuous action on behalf
of the oppressed creates merit and aids in the task of mental purification, while the more
traditional spiritual exercises, especially the practice of compassion and wisdom, are seen
as providing the basis that insures the moral goodness of an action and its efficacy.
Significantly, this conception of the relationship between worldly and supra
mundane goals is in marked contrast to the theory that assumes the kammatic and nibbanic
distinction in which social action belongs in the kammatic (secular realm) and is therefore
related primarily to the goal of higher rebirth, as opposed to the nibbanic aspect of the
religion whose goal is emancipation from all birth.
27
The Dalai Lama on Four Aspects of Nirvana, http://www.wisdompubs.org, Accessed 14 June 2016.
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Zen Master Thich Nhat Hanh - Father of Engaged Buddhism
History shows a paucity of ethically based social action in most of East Asian
Buddhist history. However, in Vietnam, the massive suffering caused by the recent wars
convinced many Vietnamese Buddhist monastics and laypersons that it was imperative for
them to actively engage in the political and social struggles of their country. To determine
the form this engagement should take required the forging of a new Buddhism. Arguably,
the most important theoretician of this Vietnamese movement was the monk Thich Nhat
Hanh.28
Thich Nhat Hanh is a contemporary Vietnamese Zen master and poet. He was the
chair of the Vietnamese Buddhist peace delegation during the war and was nominated by
Dr. Martin later King for the Nobel Peace Prize. He is the author of over eighty books
ranging from scholarship to poetry, from mindfulness training to Engaged Buddhism. He
is a leader of the international “engaged Buddhism” movement which seeks to create and
nurture vehicles for social action among Buddhists.
As we have known, Vietnamese Buddhism has long embraced both Theravāda and
Mahāyāna (especially Pure Land and Zen) with Theravāda more popular in the south and
Mahāyāna in the north. Thus, Most Venerable has inherited valuable doctrines from both
traditions with emphasis on mindfulness, gatha (short verses) and koan.29 His own
teachings emphasize mindfulness and gatha practices, while his philosophy is a blend of
Theravāda and Mahāyāna.
It can be said that Zen master Thich Nhat Hanh’s work break a new ground for
Buddhist thought and action. He has modernized Buddhism, making it appropriate to
contemporary culture and conditions while adhering to the basic tenets of Buddhism. He
has significantly contributed to the forging of a way to bring Buddhism out of monastic
seclusion to engage with and serve all aspects of ordinary life.
In relation to the concept of Nirvāṇa, Most Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh has given
various lectures and Dhamma talks on this special topic.30 Buddhism speaks of Nirvāṇa,
which is the cessation of all suffering. Nirvāṇa means the cessation, the extinction, of all
suffering. But our suffering comes from our wrong perceptions, avidya, misunderstanding.
That is why the practice of meditation, the practice of looking deeply, has the purpose of
removing wrong perceptions from us. If we are able to remove our wrong perceptions, we
will be able to be free from afflictions and sufferings that always arrive from wrong
perceptions.
You have wrong perception on yourself and on the other. The other has wrong
perception on themselves and on you, and that is the cause of fear, of violence, of hatred.
That is why trying to remove wrong perceptions is the only way to peace, and that is why
Nirvāṇa is, first of all, the removal or wrong perceptions. When you remove wrong
perceptions, you remove the suffering.
To meditate deeply, you find out that even ideas like being and non-being, or birth
and death, or coming and going, are wrong ideas. If you can touch reality in depth, you
realize that suchness, which means ultimate reality, is free from birth, from dying, from
coming, from going, from being, from non-being. That is why Nirvāṇa is first of all the
removal of notions, of ideas, that serve the basis of misunderstanding and suffering.
If you are afraid of death, of nothingness, of non-being, it is because you have
wrong perceptions on death and on non-being. The French scientist Lavoisier said that
28
Sallie B. king, Thich Nhat Hanh and the unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam: Nondualism in Action, p. 1.
Koan is a story, dialogue, question, or statement that is used in Zen practice to provoke the “great doubt” and test a
student’s progress in Zen practice.
30 Thich Nhat Hanh, What is Nirvana and How Does It End Suffering?, http://www.plumvillage.org, Accessed on 16
June 2016.
29
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there’s ‘no birth, there’s no death.’ He just observed reality around him and came to the
conclusion that ‘rien ne se crée, rien ne se perd.’
When you look at a cloud, you think that the cloud has being. And later on when
the cloud becomes the rain, you don’t see the cloud anymore and you say the cloud is not
there. You describe the cloud as non-being. But if you look deeply, you can see the cloud
in the rain. That is why it is impossible for the cloud to die. The cloud can become rain,
snow, or ice. But the cloud cannot become nothing. That is why the notion of death cannot
be applied to the reality. There is a transformation. There is a continuation. However, you
cannot say that there is death, because in your mind, to die means from something you
suddenly become nothing. From someone you suddenly become no one. And so the notion
of death can not apply to reality, whether to a cloud or to a human being.
When the Buddha died, the tradition continued through his Samgha, by his dharma,
and you can touch the Buddha in the here and the now. That is why ideas like being born,
dying, coming and going, being and non-being, should be removed by the practice of
looking deeply. And when you can remove these notions, you are free and you have nonfear. And non-fear is the true foundation of great happiness. As so far fear is there in your
heart, happiness cannot be perfect.
And that is why Nirvāṇa is not something that you get in the future. Nirvāṇa is the
capacity of removing the wrong notions, wrong perceptions, which is the practice of
freedom. Nirvāṇa can be translated as freedom: freedom from views. And in Buddhism,
all views are wrong views. When you get in touch with reality, you no longer have views.
You have wisdom. You have a direct encounter with reality, and that is no longer called
views. Nirvāṇa is available in the here and now.31
Buddhadāsa - Prominent Figure of Theravāda Tradition
Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu is a Thai Buddhist monk whose dedication in service to the
Lord Buddha has produced the largest and most innovative body of work of any Bhikkhu
in recent Thai history. He has been pioneer in the application of Buddha Dhamma to the
realities of the modern world and has forthrightly criticized the immorality and selfishness
of many modern social structures. Further, he has been Thailand’s most vocal proponent
of open mindedness toward other religions.
Buddhadāsa has interpreted the Pāli Tipitaka of Theravāda Buddhism in light of its
primary principles: noble truths, no-self, voidness and dependent origination so that all the
core teachings fit together and are more deeply understood through each other. In doing
so, he moved away from some cherished, albeit secondary, dogmas of orthodox Theravāda
itself.
As for Nibbāna, Buddhadāsa emphasized social goods and acting for benefit of
society are prerequisites of traveling beyond Nibbāna.32 According to him, the Buddhist
goal of quenching or ending dukkha is not to be falsely spiritualized into another world end
because the genuinely spiritual does not denigrate or reject the body. Nibbāna can only be
found right here in the middle of samsara, the whirlpool of birth and death. Therefore,
when we talk about ending dukkha, we mean both personal and social problems.33
Therefore, social and spiritual peace are deeply interconnected for Buddhadāsa
insofar as neither can be found without getting to the roof of the problem at the level of
human desires. Buddhadāsa always gave primacy to absolute peace of Nibbāna but came
to believe and articulated with increasing clarity and strength over the years that social
31
Ibid.
Buddhadāsa, Buddhism and Society, Suhkapapjai, Bangkok, 1989, p. 167.
33 Buddhadāsa, Teaching for Those Gone Forth, Sublime Life Mission, Bangkok, p.6.
32
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peace is to be reached by the same path. Therefore, he says “world peace is the Buddha’s
purpose.”34
In short, the traditional goal is reconceived only slightly, leaving behind
transmundane language but retaining language of enlightenment and freedom from desire.
With the transmundane gone, it becomes possible to articulate a concept of Nibbāna that
incorporates world peace while retaining much of the traditional meaning of personal peace
and awakening.
Ariyaratne - A Typical Layperson in Modern Age
Sri Lankabhimanya Ahangamage Tudor Ariyaratne is the founder and president of
the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement in Sri Lanka. Ariyaratne, a strong believer in
Gandhian principles of non-violence, rural development and self-sacrifice, has shaped the
Sarvodaya Movement in ways that forged a significant link between secular principles of
development and Buddhist ideals of selflessness and compassion. As a devout Buddhist,
he has led tens of thousands of “family gatherings” and meditations with millions of people
throughout Sri Lanka and other parts of the world.
Sarvodaya founded by him represents one of the oldest and most celebrated
Buddhist social liberation movements. The goal of the path for Sarvodaya is signified by
its name, which it translates to mean “the awakening of all” or “the lift of all”. It represents
a dual liberation because it is the awakening of both the individual and the society.
Ariyaratne explains this dual process saying “I can not awaken myself unless I help awaken
others. Others can not awaken unless I do.”35
George Bond describes Sarvodaya as an interpretation of Buddhism with a thisworldly focus and a form of social and economic development with a spiritual base. In the
Sarvodaya view, development needs to be reinterpreted by Buddhism, but Buddhism also
needs to be reinterpreted in the context of Sri Lanka’s contemporary development needs.
The path that Sarvodaya volunteer embraces also is articulated in the “betwixt and
between” language, insofar as it is described as one of selfless service, worldly asceticism
and mundane awakening.
Aryaratne says “to change society we must purify ourselves, and the purification
process we need is brought about by working in society. In this view, the social and
spiritual goals are interdependent. Ariyaratne teaches that before people can awaken to the
supreme, supramundane dimension of truth, they must awaken to the mundane dimensions
of truth that surround them in society. Before people can see the supramundane meaning
of the traditional Four Noble Truths, for example, they must see the mundane meaning of
these truths.
Thus, Ariyaratne has given these truths social interpretations. The first truth,
dukkha, suffering or unsatisfactoriness, is translated as “there is a decadent village”. This
concrete form of suffering becomes the focus of mundane awakening. Villagers should
recognize the problems in their environment, such as poverty, disease, oppression and
disunity. The second truth, samudaya, the origin of suffering, now signifies that the
decadent condition of the village has one or more causes. He teaches that the causes lie in
factors such as egoism, competition, greed and hatred. The third truth, nirodha, understood
in traditional Buddhism as an indicator of Nibbāna, becomes hope that the villagers’
suffering can cease. The means to solving the problem lies in the fourth, the eight noble
path.36
34
Buddhadāsa, Interview with Endo Otohiko in Tokyo, July 9, 1992.
A People’s Agenda for Global Awakening, Ninth Niwano Peace Prize Ceremony, 1992, p.3.
36 Ariyaratne, Collected Works, Vol. 1, Sarvodaya Research Institute, Srilanka, 1991, p. 133.
35
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While Ariyaratne acknowledges that this is not the equivalent of the Buddha’s
teaching, he defends this approach as one that can be meaningful to villagers in their present
condition and one that has the potential to improve their spiritual condition sufficiently that
they may go on to follow the path in the direction of the more traditional goal. In this way,
though most of their activities seem to be of a social nature, spiritual goals remain the most
important for Sarvodaya and the traditional goal continues to be respected, but certainly,
the rhetoric and action of Sarvodaya focuses upon the very new concept of mundane
awakening.
Conclusion
In this paper, various ways of understanding the concept of Nibbāna by modern
engaged Buddhists such as Dr. Ambedkar, A.T. Aryaratne, Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh,
etc., have been given in a possible way for a comprehensive recognition. The modern
engaged Buddhists are chosen under the aspects of Buddhist schools. They are good
exemplars in their respective traditions such as A.T. Aryaratne in Theravada tradition,
Venerable Thich Nhat Hanh in Mahayana Buddhism, H.H. Dalai Lama in Vajrayana and
Dr. Ambedkar in Neo Buddhism.
As for Nirvāṇa, the Buddhist goal of liberation, Dr. Ambedkar writes of a “kingdom
of righteousness on earth” and describes the Buddha’s enlightenment not as the ripening of
an individual’s cosmic potential but as a simple realization of the plight of others. A.T.
Aryaratne, the founder of Sarvodaya Movement, has also defined four noble truths in a new
way. The third truth or Nirvāṇa becomes hope that the villagers suffering can cease.
Nirvāṇa of Zen Master Thich Nhat Hanh’s perspective is here and now.
The study of this topic will help the practitioners understand deeply the true nature
of final goal in this life. It also opens a new approach to attain the ultimate truth in
Buddhism. Besides that, the concept of Nibbāna reflects the reachable target of all sentient
beings who possess the potential of becoming Buddha.
Through this paper, one can make a close connection of the concept of Nibbāna
among Buddhist schools from the Buddha time until nowadays. In addition, the skillful
means of application of this concept has been changed as long as being suitable to various
contexts and particular levels of people. Most of engaged Buddhist leaders play a great
role in the help of beings free from suffering and passion.
It may be noted that the concept of Nibbāna has been changed from the personal
enlightenment and salvation to social and universal realization in modern age. If possible,
a research on comparison of concept “Nibbāna” with other concept of liberation in other
religions should be carried out such as Moksha in Hinduism and Jainism.
JIABU, Volume IX, 2016
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Reference
Ariyaratne, Collected Works, Vol. 1, Sarvodaya Research Institute, Sri Lanka, 1991.
B.R. Ambedkar, the Buddha and His Dhamma.
Bryant, Edwin, the Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture, Oxford University Press, 2001.
Buswell, Robert E.; Lopez, Donald S., the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, Princeton
University, 2013.
Christopher S. Queen and Sallie B. King, Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation
Movements in Asia, State University of New York Press, 1996.
Clarke, Encyclopedia of New Religious Movements, Routledge, 2004.
Collins Steven, Selfless Persons: Imaginary and Thought in Theravāda Buddhism, London:
Cambridge University Press, 1982.
Duckworth, Jamgon Mipam: His Life and Teachings, Shambhala, 2011.
Gavin Flood, Nirvana, Oxford Dictionary of World Religions.
Genjun Sasaki, Linguistic Approach to Buddhist Thought, Motilal Banarsidass, 1986.
Gombrich, Richard F., How Buddhism Began, Second edition, Routledge, 2006.
Gombrich, Richard F., How Buddhism Began, Second edition, Routledge.
Harcharan Singh Sobti, Nibbāna in Early Buddhism, Delhi: Indological Publisher, 2011.
Harvey Peter, The Selfless Mind: Personality, Consciousness and Nirvāṇa in Early
Buddhism, London: Curzon Press, 1995.
Johansson, The Dynamic Psychology of Early Buddhism, London: Curzon Press, 1985.
Johansson, The Psychology of Nirvāṇa, London: George Allen & Unwin,1969.
Mun-Keat Choong, The Notion of Emptiness in Early Buddhism, Motilal Banarsidass,
1999.
Peter Harvey, Consciousness Mysticism in the Discourses of the Buddha, Curzon Press,
1989.
Poussin. L. de La Vallée, The Way to Nirvāṇa, Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1917.
Rahula. Walpola, What the Buddha Taught, London: The Gordon Fraser Gallery, 1978.
Sallie B. king, Thich Nhat Hanh and the unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam: Nondualism
in Action.
Steven Collins, Nirvana and Other Buddhist Felicities, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Steven Collins, Selfless Persons: Imagery and Thought in Theravada Buddhism,
Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Sue Hamilton Blyth, Early Buddhism: A New Approach: The I of the Beholder, Routledge.
2000 & 2013.
The Aṇguttara Nikāya, Tr. F.L. Woodward, The Book of the Gradual Saying, 5 vols, Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2006.
The Dīgha Nikāya, Ed. Rhys Davids & J.E. Carpenter, 3 vols, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,
2007.
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The Khuddaka Nikāya, Tr. Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli, The Minor Reading, 15 vols, London: PTS,
1991.
The Majjhima Nikāya, Ed. V. Trenckner & R. Chalmers, 3 vols, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, 2004.
The Saṃyutta Nikāya, Ed. Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli & Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Connected
Discourses of the Buddha, 2 Vols. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2000.
Tilakaratne Asanga, Nirvāṇa and Ineffability, A Study of the Buddhist Theory of Reality
and Language, Sri Lanka: The Postgraduate Institute of Pāli and Buddhist Studies,
University of Kelaniya, 1993.
Welbon. G. R., The Buddhist Nirvāṇa and Its Western Interpreters, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1968
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Contribution towards the Peace and Security of Southeast Asia
through Venerable Chin Kung’s Idea of “Multicultural Education”
Saiping An
College of Religious Studies
Mahidol University
Introduction
In the current world, religion appears to exert a significant impact on economy,
politics, and the establishment of a new international ethical order. Frequent local conflicts
caused by ethnic, religious, territorial and other issues result in an unpeacful world. While
many hot issues are more or less associated with religion, some conflicts are directly raised
by religious issues, some conflicts will be aggravated due to religious factors. There is the
well know saying of Hans Küng: “There will be no peace in the world until there is peace
among the religions, and there will be no peace among the religions until there is dialogue
among the religions.”1 There are a lot of multi-ethic group countries in Southeast Asia,
especially in: Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines. Religious conflict, in essence, is
part of the ideological or cultural struggle. However, this kind of struggle is conducted by
religious people, in order to safeguard own interests of a person or group, they fight against
other religions, thus causing conflicts among ethnic groups and even among countries,
which directly affects the security of Southeast Asian region.
Looking at today’s world, dialogue has become an important way to deal with
mutual relations between different nationalities, different cultures, and different religions.
In all forms of dialogue in this world, interfaith dialogue is undoubtedly in a very important
position. In Southeast Asia, many people have recognized the seriousness of religious
conflict, in order to defuse the conflict between religions, various reconciliation efforts
have been done. From the multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-cultural, and multi-religious
social reality, governments and religious groups of Southeast Asia have been seeking
stability and harmonious development of society, have set up categorizations for religiousdialogue, typical examples include Silsilah Movement of Philippines, Society for InterReligious Dialogue Indonesia, etc. These organizations called for dialogue to strengthen
mutual communication (communication) in order to resolve contradictions and conflicts.
Chin Kung, as a Chinese Buddhist monk, promotes his concept of “Multicultural
Education” throughout the world, he is committed to the elimination of inter-religious
conflicts and promotion of harmony in the world. His effort for promotion of interfaith
harmony is also influential in Southeast Asia. For instance, in 1998, Chin Kung promoted
communication and cooperation among the local nine religious groups in Singapore.
Today in Singapore, the nine religious groups constantly gather to exchange ideas and
cooperate on various activities like fund-raising, charity dinners, social visits, etc.2 During
his visit to Indonesia, he also offered advice regarding promotion of interfaith unity and
social stability to religious leaders and national leaders, which received a tremendous
welcome and was requested to come back to Indonesia for lectures. In view of this, this
paper analyzes the pattern of his interreligious dialogue: “Multicultural Education,” to
1
Fitzgerald, Michael L. “The Promise of Interreligious Dialogue for a World in Conflict.” Studies in Christian-Jewish
Relations 1.1 (2011)
2 The Amitabha Buddhist Association of Queensland Inc. Venerable Master Chin Kung’s Devotion to the Education of
Peace. The Amitabha Buddhist Association of Queensland Inc. 2008. 13.
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explore its implications for the elimination of religious conflict and promotion of stability
of the Southeast Asian region.
Inclusiveness of Buddhism: Root of Chin Kung’s Religious Tolerance
As a Buddhist Master, Chin Kung’s idea of “Multicultural Education” is based on
Buddhist teachings. Buddhism is an inclusive religion, such inclusiveness is rooted in the
theory of Dependent Origination and the Buddhist nature of perfect-fusing. Dependent
Origination (Pratītyasamutpāda) refers to the existence of everything relying on
combinations of various conditions; all the things in the world are interdependent, hence
the emphasis in Buddhist scriptures: “When this is, that is; This arising, that arises; When
this is not, that is not; This ceasing, that ceases.”3 Of course, the theory of Dependent
Origination is not just an interpretation of dependency of the phenomenon of the universe,
it is to reveal the fundamental relations of society, life and destiny, and thus indicating a
path to liberation. Anyway, since Buddhism affirms the interdependence of all things in
the world, it laid the foundation of Buddhist tolerance of other religions and even provided
a strong theoretical basis for promoting religious pluralism.
Also, Buddhist theory has a distinct nature of perfect fusion; especially the
Madhyamika philosophy is full of dialectical thinking, as opposed to all kinds of unilateral,
arbitrary or absolute theories and methods. Buddhism advocates “there is no fixed
Dharma”, as Foshuo Dafangdeng Dingwangjing pointed out, “Buddha is like a doctor,
sutras and Dharma like medicine; There is disease, there is medicine; no disease, no
medicine. All these are empty, formless and nameless, there is no false name.”4 It suggests
that the founder of Buddhism, Sakyamuni, offered random teaching according to the
problems of living beings, much as doctors prescribing medicine according to the disease,
and there is no mandatory requirement from Buddha that merely what he personally said
can be regarded as authenticated “Dharma,” for Buddha had never claimed to be an
omniscient God whose words should be accepted as a matter of faith. Dharma is merely a
convenient way to solve the troubles of living beings and to transcend reincarnation.
Thus, in parallel with criticism towards ideologies, Buddhism also pays attention to
absorbing reasonable factors therein by analyzing and comparing them, which shows a
spirit of tolerance. After spreading from India, Buddhism flourished in many Asian
countries, which now embodies Buddhist perfect fusion of various cultures. In these
countries, despite the occurrence of various contradictions and conflicts with the original
culture and native religions, Buddhism never attempted to destroy and replace the original
national culture and religion, but continue to adapt to the cultural context of these countries
and conduct cultural and religious dialogue with original ethical groups. The perfect fusion
with Chinese Confucian Ethics after the introduction of Buddhism to China can be seen as
a typical example. With the promotion of such concept of harmony, during the exchange
with other religions and cultures, Buddhism will naturally present a tolerant attitude and
harmonious approach.
Chin Kung’s Idea of “Multicultural Education”
Chin Kung’s idea of “Multicultural Education,” requires understanding two aspects,
namely “Multicultural” and “Education.” First, what kind of education is Chin Kung
advocating? What is the content of his education? Chin Kung, whose lay name is Yehong,
Xu, was born in 1927 in Lujiang County, Anhui Province of China. For thirteen years
thereafter, Venerable Master Chin Kung spent his spare time studying sutras, history and
3
Thich, Nhat Hanh, The Heart of the Buddha’s Teaching, Three River Press. 1999. 221-222
佛猶良醫，經法如藥；由疾病故，而有醫藥；無病，則無藥。一切本空，無形無名，亦無假號（佛說大方等
頂王經 T14 0594c20-21）
4
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philosophy under the guidance of eminent scholars and Buddhist Dharma Masters in
Taiwan. He is well versed in numerous sutras and discussions of various Buddhist schools,
as well as the teachings of Confucianism, Taoism, Catholicism, Islam and other religions.
After he became a monk at Linji Temple of Taipei in 1967, he began lecturing and
propagating Buddha’s teachings throughout the world. Chin Kung regards Buddhism as
education, rather than a religion. It has become the summary of his life career of Buddhist
propagation. Facing the significant decline of Chinese modern Buddhism, Chin Kung
opposed to regard Buddhism as a fanatical spiritual worship or pure devotion to
supernatural beings, highlighting Buddhist role of moral and ethical education.
According to Chin Kung, Buddhist Education is able to promote individual to
abandon evil and cultivate goodness, break through delusion and achieve enlightenment.5
In the face of the current world of moral decay and frequent occurrence of disasters, Chin
Kung also believes “Buddhist Education” can be spiritual resources and cultural forces for
the peace and harmony of future world. Chin Kung established Lujiang Cultural Education
Center in his hometown in 2004, with the aim of promoting Buddhist moral and ethical
education. Within three months, the whole Tangshi town of Lijiang had witnessed a
significant improvement of moral quality and remarked reduction of illegal activities. It
attracted the attention of Malaysia, Singapore and various countries, this mode was even
recommended to UNESCO.6 With the success of the Tangchi experiment as an example,
Chin Kung believes that the teachings of Buddha can save society, change the general
mood, reconcile conflicts, and promote the stability of society and world peace.
Based on Pratītyasamutpāda and the nature of perfect fusion, Chin Kung extended
the concept of “Buddhist Education” to “Multicultural Education.” As a Buddhist Master
who is moving on a global scale, it was inevitable that dealt with contacts and exchanges
with other world religions and cultures. Chin Kung has also widely participated in
activities of religious unity and achieved various honors. He regards this world as a
community, which is constituted by diverse cultures. Much as flowers blooming garden,
every culture has its admirable value. Some people may wonder why a Buddhist elder
constantly and actively engages in communication and cooperation with other religious
traditions. These do seem to have nothing to do with the propagation of Buddhism. Chin
Kung holds an incisive interpretation:
The Buddha’s education, the education of all the sages throughout history and
around the world, and religious teaching are invariably multicultural education.
Especially, the Avatamsaka Sutra, which is regarded as a summary of Buddhism,
truly contains deep wisdom from the perfect fusion of different religions and
cultures. For example, all the organs of a body, such as the eyes, the nose, the ears,
tongue, hands, and feet, must do their duties and cooperate with other organs. This
way, the body will be healthy. All of the ethnic groups, cultures, religions, schools
of thought were originally a single life community. Therefore, they should seek
common ground and put aside differences, exist and flourish side by side, respect
and help one another, get along harmoniously, and treat one another equally. The
universe was originally harmonious. The world was originally one family.7
Therefore, in order to advocate all major world religions and cultures to be in
mutual communication and understanding, mutual respect, mutual cooperation and
5
Chin, Kung. To Understand Buddhism. Dallas Buddhist Association, 1998. 8.
Pure Land Learning College Association Inc. 2012 Thailand Multi-Faith Forum Review. Pure Land Learning College
Association Inc. 2012. 18
7 Multicultural Harmony as Described In the Avatamsaka Sutra. Pure Land learning College. Retrieved 1 August 2016,
from http://www.purelandcollege.org.au/page103.html
6
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harmony, he extended the subject of “education of Buddha”: “Buddha” to all religious
sages and saints, all religions are regarded as “education of sages.” In order to eliminate
prejudices between religious belief object, he further unified all religious sages and saints,
regarding all the religions as “Multicultural Education” initiated by “one God.” The socalled diverse culture is “accommodating and benefiting all living beings,” that is one of
the vows of the Bodhisattva: “I vow to rescue the boundless living beings from suffering.”
In his view, all the advanced world religions can be regarded as different forms of
educational methods established by a single “true God,” various transformations of God
are for the convenience of enlightenment, to adapt to different regions and cultures:
“There is only one true God in the universe. Different religions use different names
but they are talking about the same God. Buddhism uses the term ‘Dharma nature’
instead of God. The Avatamsaka Sutra says ‘Manifested by the mind and altered
by the consciousness.’ The mind and the consciousness mentioned here are True
Nature and are equivalent to God and Allah in other religions.”8
It suggests that all different religions can be regarded as different forms of
educational methods established by a single “true God”, various transformations of God
are for the convenience of enlightenment, to adapt to different regions and cultures. In
terms of Buddhism, Buddhas and Bodhisattvas have no fixed image, their teachings are
“accommodating and benefiting all living beings”9, as the Sutra on the Lotus Flower of the
Wondrous Dharma says “roams throughout the world and appears in various forms to
rescue living beings.”10 Similarly, the God in other religions is omnipotent, which can
transform into different appearances.
However, it does not seem an easy task for all religions to accept a one true God,
especially for monotheistic religions like Christianity, which insists on superiority of their
own beliefs as well as the uniqueness of the savior. Chin Kung has not conducted too much
discussion on “one God” (ultimate reality of universe) which requires all religions to
accept, instead he states that all religions of the world share a common philosophy, namely
peace and loving-kindness:
“The Quran says ‘Allah is indeed loving and merciful to all people in this world.’
It also says ‘You shall be dutiful to your parents, live in harmony with your kinfolk,
and speak kind words to others.’ It is repeatedly stated in the Old and New
Testaments that God loves all people. Buddhists say, ‘Compassion is the essence,
and expediency is the means.’ Thus, all religions use ‘compassion, loving-kindness,
harmony, and equality’ as their guiding principle of teaching.” 11
Thus, there is a common phenomenon and philosophy for all religions, which is of
the same truth, direction and goal. Religions are constantly intended to teach people to do
good, and the original intention of the foundation of the religion is a response to the reality
of human suffering. However, some religious believers twisted religious doctrines and
linked religion with secular interests, and achieve their own purposes with extreme ways.
Perhaps it is the means any religious extremist organizations will take. In Chin Kung’s
opinion, God is not a symbol of power, but rather on behalf of love, benevolence and
8
The Amitabha Buddhist Association Of Queensland Inc. Message of Peace. The Amitabha Buddhist Association Of
Queensland Inc. 2005. 18.
9 恒順眾生 (大方廣佛華嚴經 T293 0844b28)
10 以種種形，遊諸國土，度脫眾生。(妙法蓮華經 T262 0057b20-21)
11 The Amitabha Buddhist Association Of Queensland Inc. Message of Peace. The Amitabha Buddhist Association Of
Queensland Inc. 2005. 17.
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humanity. For all religions to accept a common “God” seems a little bit far-fetched, but in
response to aspects of human suffering, all religions have in common.
Chin Kung lives in an era in which is filled with national, religious and ethnic
conflicts, the occurrence of 9-11 events in the United States, the outbreak of US-Arab war,
the war in Iraq......the outbreak of all sorts of conflict one after another all over the world.
He has also witnessed abnormal global climate change, ecological imbalance and frequent
occurrence of natural disasters like earthquakes, tsunamis, etc.; suicide rates, divorce rates,
juvenile crime rates have been continued to rise. Chin Kung’s statement that that all
religions share a common philosophy of peace and loving-kindness, is a call to the world’s
major religions to put aside prejudices and work and unite together to teach their followers
loving-kindness, compassion, mutual tolerance, mutual respect and mutual trust, in order
to save the current world conflicts and disasters, in order to seek a new era of world peace
and prosperity.
Implications for the Elimination of Religious Conflict and Promotion of Peace in
Southeast Asia
Chin Kung’s concept of “Multicultural Education” is similar to the interfaith
dialogue mode of religious pluralism that is frequently advocated by Western academia.
Promotion of this idea, will contribute immensely to the elimination of misunderstanding
as well as harmonious coexistence of the diverse cultures, different races, different religions
in Southeast Asia. In order to explain the issue of difference among religions and open up
a vast space for a global interreligious dialogue, the famous British philosopher and
theologian John H. Hick, proposed religious pluralism which states all religions share a
common ultimate reality. Both religious pluralism and “Multicultural Education” advocate
a variety of religions are revelation from one “God” to diverse cultures in this world. God
in Christianity, the Prophet in Islam, and Buddha in Buddhism can be understood as
manifestation of the same God with different forms or identities in various cultures. Since
all are from a same source, interreligious dialogue become possible, which will enhance
understanding, reduce conflict and enhance mutual exchanges between different religious
groups in Southeast Asia. However, this erroneous religious dialogue mode was difficult
to be accepted by monotheistic religions, which insists on the accuracy and superiority of
their own beliefs.
As a response to it, the Universal Catholic theologian, Paul F. Knitter, noted that
without integration with global responsibility, religious pluralism will not make any
sense.12 Only global responsibility can be accepted by all world religions, this world has
witnessed a variety of issues which requires all religions to unite together to solve.
Likewise, at the 1990s, Parliament of the world’s Religion proposed a theory of “global
ethics”, which attempted to serve as a stable though somewhat minimal moral consensus
among world’s religious and cultural traditions,13 in order to arouse the consciousness of
responsibility to promote world peace of all religions.
Chin Kung’s mode of religious dialogue, is not merely a kind of pluralistic mode
which forces all religions to accept a sole “ultimate reality”, while it is closer to Bennett
Paul F. Knitter’s “problem-centered” religious dialogue model, and coincides with the
essence of “global ethics”, brings possibility for interreligious cooperation and helps a
variety of religions go beyond their own limitations and contribute to the lofty ideal of
peace and progress of Southeast Asian community. Chin Kung’s statement that that all
religions share some common ethics and virtues, itself reflects the sense of responsibility
12
Zhuo, Xinping. Zongjiao Bijiao Yu Duihua (Comparison and Dialogue of Religion). Religious Culture Press. 2003.
157.
13 Sumner, Twiss B. and Bruce, Crelle. Explorations in Global Ethics. Westview Press. 2000.2.
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for the global suffering. This sense of responsibility, is acceptable for every religion. In
Southeast Asia, there are also widespread suffering and problems require all religions unite
together to solve. The first is the suffering caused by poverty. For instance, due to the
large impoverished population, human trafficking have long been a problem and still is
prevalent today in Southeast Asia.14 The second kind of suffering is caused by violence,
such as the frequent occurrence of political killings, deaths caused by common crime like
those involved in the drug trade and common robbery. The third kind of suffering is the
suffering, which threatens the entire Southeast Asian region, whether rich or poor. For
example, agriculture has played a very important role in the economic development of
Southeast Asian, however, over-exploitation of Southeast Asian agricultural countries has
brought a reduction in forest area, serious soil erosion, land degradation and loss of
biodiversity and other environmental issues. Southeast Asia is one of the world’s most
vulnerable areas to natural disasters. All kind of natural disasters have been threatening
the survival of all peoples. All religions are concerned about the problem of human
suffering, the emphasis of Chin King religious dialogue model is not on teachings of every
religion, rather on appeal to the various religions to unite together to solve the problem of
human suffering and enhance mutual understanding and mutual trust. This idea is able to
promote peace and social harmony of Southeast Asia.
Conclusion
Religious conflict has become one of the main threats to stability in Southeast Asia.
Chin Kung’s concept of “Buddhist Education” advocated the promotion of ethical and
moral education in order to resolve conflicts and promote world peace. Based on the theory
of Pratītyasamutpāda and the nature of perfect fusion, Chin Kung expanded “Buddhist
Education” to “Multicultural Education,” and believes that all religions are a “multicultural
education” of loving-kindness and peace initiated by one God to respond to different
regions and cultures. Promotion of the concept of “One God” contributes to dialogue in
Southeast Asian multicultural, inter-ethnic and religious groups, to resolve conflicts,
enhance mutual understanding. Even if some religious believers are unable to make a
compromise in “one God,” namely the object of their faith, all religions are concerned about
human suffering. Southeast Asian region is filled with all kinds of suffering. The concept
of “Multicultural Education” provides a possibility for all religions in Southeast Asia to put
aside prejudices and work together to deliver misery, as well as to promote peace and social
security of Southeast Asia.
14
Rafferty, Yvonne. “Children for sale: Child trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Child Abuse Review 16.6 (2007): 401-422.
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References
Chin, Kung. To Understand Buddhism. Dallas Buddhist Association, 1998. 8.
Fitzgerald, Michael L. “The Promise of Interreligious Dialogue for a World in Conflict.”
Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 1.1 (2011)
Houben, Vincent JH. “Southeast Asia and Islam.” The ANNALS of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science 588.1 (2003): 149-170.
Message of Peace. The Amitabha Buddhist Association of Queensland Inc. 2005.
Multicultural Harmony as Described In the Avatamsaka Sutra. Pure Land learning College.
Retrieved 1 August 2016, from http://www.purelandcollege.org.au/page103.html
Pure Land Learning College Association Inc. 2012 Thailand Multi-Faith Forum Review.
Rafferty, Yvonne. “Children for sale: Child trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Child Abuse
Review 16.6 (2007): 401-422.
Sumner, Twiss B. and Bruce, Crelle. Explorations in Global Ethics. Westview Press.
2000.2.
Thich, Nhat Hanh, The Heart of the Buddha’s Teaching, Three River Press. 1999.
Venerable Master Chin Kung’s Devotion to the Education of Peace. The Amitabha
Buddhist Association of Queensland Inc. 2008.
Zhuo, Xinping. Zongjiao Bijiao Yu Duihua (Comparison and Dialogue of Religion).
Religious Culture Press. 2003. 157.
B. Taisho Tripitaka
大方廣佛華嚴經 T293
妙法蓮華經 T262
佛說大方等頂王經 T14
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The “Holy Men’s” Uprisings in the Thai Political Dynamics: Merits Counted
Venerable Yuande Shih
PhD Student of Religious Studies,
Mahidol University, Thailand
Introduction: Who is “Holy Man”?
Since the end of World War II, the Western scholars had again turned their attention
to Thailand. Among them, such as Dauplay, Keyes, Murdoch, and even Wyatt, had shed
their respective lights on Northern Thailand where the cultural, religious variants were
obviously accommodated, with different approaches. Their studies on the “Holy Man”
Movement occurred across Northern and Northeast Thailand, which was strongly identified
in French-Laos also, had deeply interested me these days when I was going through the
Thai history.
Who is the “Holy Man” (Phu Mi Bun and Thao Thammikarat in Thai, literally Lord
of Law or Ruler of Justice1 )? Or, what kind of person can be a “Holy Man” in the Thai
people’s mind? I asked myself this many times.
According to Cohen, Northern Thailand has a long tradition of “Holy Men”
practice, which was shared by other Tai-speaking regions, such as Tai-speaking areas of
Laos and even the communist controlled Sipsongpanna.2 In his careful study on the 19011902 “Holy Man” Rebellion appeared across Northeast Thailand and Southern Laos,
Murdoch quoted from the current reports from both Thai and French Authorities, and stated
that two “Holy Men” from Kha tribes of Laos, known as Bac May and Ong Keo were
attracting an increasing following with their alleged magic powers, as well as various
healing rituals probably.3 Dauplay reported, in serval Buddhist Wat of Saravane region
Laos, there appeared white cotton panel depicting Ong Keo as a Thevada (god) enjoying
the blessings of a Buddhist Paradise.4 By this time, probably around May of 1901, the
practice of “Holy Man” was reportedly growing in Northeast Thailand, with some oral and
written prophecies about the coming of some threatening catastrophe. Wyatt offered the
following version of this kind of prophecy, in details as:
Gravel will become gold and silver and gold and silver will become gravel. Gourds
and pumpkins will become elephants and horses, albino buffalo and pigs will
become man-eating yaksa [giants]. Thao Thammikarat (a Lord of the Holy Law)
will come to rule the world.5
Another version of this written propaganda message cited by Keyes says that those
who follow the “Holy Man” will not only be delivered from harm, but prosper:
Whoever wishes to remain free from these evil happenings should copy or retell
this story and make it generally known. If one is pure and has not performed any
evil or bad karmic deeds (or if one wishes to become rich), one should collect
pebbles so that Thao Thammikarat can trans- form them into gold or silver.6
1
Murdoch, 1976, p. 57.
Cohen, 2001, p. 230.
3 Murdoch, 1976, p. 57.
4 Murdoch, 1976, p. 56.
5 Wyatt, 1984, p. 214.
6 Keyes, 1977, p. 296.
2
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Summing up all these fragments cited above, a “Holy Man” is thus the one
allegedly with some magic power, professional ritualist, blessed by the Buddha, able to
prophesy the future and free the people from sufferings (catastrophes). Meanwhile, they
are unnecessarily monks though, yet always accompanied by the monks. In 1901, a
thoughtful monk named Phra Yanarakkhit from Northeast Thailand, observed nearly all
the monks around him talking about “Holy Man”.7 Monks were also attracted to perform
the appropriate rituals.8 Cohen has his own “Holy Man”, Ton Bun in Northern Thai tongue,
literally meaning “Source of Merits”.9 Agreeing with the Millennialist opinion that those
“Holy Men”, to some extent, acted as the “savior saints”, Cohen suggests several Thai
monks active in Northern Thailand at the dawn of 20th century, such as Khruba Khao Pi,
Phra Phor Pan and so on, could be the much recent models of “Holy Man”, in honor their
consistent protest against the centralization of governing administration and
institutionalization of Thai Buddhism both promoted by Rama V court.10 Taking this in
account, a “Holy Man” can also come from monks who are widely believed to be the source
of merits in Theravada Buddhism, themselves.
Based on the previously mentioned scholars’ descriptions, simply put, a “Holy
Man” may be either a layperson or monk, appearing at the opportune time when some
political or economic chaos occurs, or some ideological confusion – a king of savior saints
to free the people from various sufferings. He, usually wins charisma by self-claiming his
embodiment of magic power, conducting the healing rituals, prophesying future
devastations, and standing up on behalf of commoners to challenge authorities. He always
associates with Buddhist Wats, or is at least never far from Buddhist sacred elements.
Seemingly, his stronghold almost never, went beyond the Northern and Northeast Thailand,
the region relatively undeveloped, full of superstitious practices, and lacking of rational
thinking in most of modern Thai people’s eyes. Nevertheless, we usually can find some
historical variants.
In the following passages, I am going to bring out several self-claimed “Holy Men”
emerged during the long-history of Thai Political dynamics. Among them, someone came
up from the center of different parties of contesting powers for the throne, the symbol of
the highest power of human realm; someone rose up as the military leader to defend the
external invasions; some others, even led the people to claim the state-independence from
the central court. Apart from their ambitions, they were mainly active in central Thailand,
the region closer to the central power, Ayutthaya in history, though portably their origins
could be traced back to the Northern or Northeast Thailand. It should also be noted, I am
intending to avoid any political standpoints in the paper. Rather, I just locate my ambition
to bring out several variances of “Holy Men”, occurring in Thai political dynamics, based
on the categories laid out by the western scholarships above. It is also worthy to point out
that I am going to outline “Holy Men”, by following the dynastic axis of Thai polity
respectfully.
Varieties of “Holy Men” in Thai History
Almost indisputably, until the middle of 14th century Ayutthaya court, a statekingdom founded and started to distinguish from the long-time power wrestling with its
northern counterparts in Lan Na, centered in Chiang Mai. A powerhouse based in Phayao,
the center of Thai politics, culture and even religion was located in its northern Part where
the Sukhothai court is best known by its third King, Ramkhamhang (1279-1298?). They
finally gained the independence from the Angkor Empire, already on its decline course
7
Keyes, 1977, p. 297.
Murdoch, 1976, p.57.
9 Cohen, 2001, p. 227.
10 Cohen, 2001, pp. 228-233.
8
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around the end of the 13th century.11 It is worth our attention: no individualized kingdom
untimely ruled over another. Rather, they just, to some extent, had dominated one another
through militarily displays at some certain time. Whilst, even the aim of their wars against
one another were rather to capture the needy wealth and manpower from their rivals, than
to destroy one another.12 Scholars believe this is attributed to the heavily applied Mandala
ruling structure in Southeast Asian Buddhist kingdoms, whereas the rulers were ruling
according to their different levels of merits inherited from previous lives, as well as
accumulated within the present life by ruling according to the kingly virtues.13 In short,
the more meritorious one could ascend to the higher ladder of the Mandala. Therefore,
even a lesser meritorious one still deserves existence in this structure where the meritorious
pay tribute in versions of wealth and slaves. The Chinese practiced differently. They seek
the unity and stability or harmony in Chinese terms. For this goal, they were readily to
eliminate any one in the way.14
Another consideration, which should not be ruled out, is that the teaching of
impermanence emphasized in Theravada Buddhism is enthusiastically followed by people
in these Buddhist Kingdoms, since the 11th century. Under this very teaching, the merits
contributed to one’s privilege in this life would be consumed. Rulers were unexceptional.
By that time, the rising of new meritorious ones challenge and dominate the one whose
merits decline, seemed quite normal for the Thais and their Buddhist counterparts. Under
this premise, the “Holy Men” highlighted in the following paragraphs rose up and faded
down on the scale of merits, which set by historical witnesses, yet usually lack of necessary
justice due to the traceless nature of merits.
According to traditions embodied in the chronicles of northern Thailand, the state
of Haripuñjaya was founded at Lamphun, the lower Northern part of Thailand at that time,
by a number of holy men, former Buddhist monks with connections in Lopburi located in
the central Thai plain, to the south, on 19 February A.D. 661.15 They turned to the Buddhist
King of Lopburi to provide them a ruler. The later sent them his daughter, Camadevi, who
arrived in Haripuñjaya with large retinue of Mon and established a dynasty that lasted until
the eleventh century. Both during the rule of this Mon Dynasty and afterward, Lopburi
continued to serve Haripuñjaya and the north as cultural and religious center where
Buddhist monks went for training and study.16 Later archeological discoveries in the
modern age stand as strong evidence to reveal the prosperity of this Buddhist state initiated
by this group of “Holy Men”.
Though the usual magic power characteristically practiced by a “Holy Man” was
not noted by modern historians, their charisma as “Holy Men” must be undeniable due to
their successful establishment of a state. What impressed best is that they held no interest
to keep power, rather requesting for a right ruler from Lopburi, probably, the ever Buddhist
center, and more possibly, the commercial center for the overland trading at that time (?).
I always believe the Buddhist prosperity is necessity built on the strong social prosperity.
Supporting the big number of holy yet unproductive monks and their regular activities, just
as building the splendid monuments really cost something. The maritime trades flourishing
from 14th century and onwards across the Southeast Asian coasts had stolen most of the
spotlight from the overland trading activities across the Inland Southeast Asia. However,
the inland traders, accompanied by the Buddhist monks landed at the southern coastal line
11
Wyatt, 2003, pp. 30-39.
Stuart-Fox, 2003, pp. 32-34.
13 Baker, 2014, p. 20: Ten laws of royal conduct, meaning munificence, moral living, generosity, justice, compassion,
absence of bad ambition, suppression of anger, non-oppressiveness, humility, and upholding thamma.
14 Stuart-Fox, 2003, pp. 20-21.
15 Wyatt, 2003, p. 21: this date is clearly spurious, and scholars are inclined to date the event in the early ninth century.
16 Ibid.
12
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of Thailand, such as Nakhon Si Thammarat; and had penetrated through and settled down
in the vast central plain and then reached the Angkor Empire.17 Perhaps, that group of
“Holy Men” had some connection with that Lopburi court, or purely admired its prosperity.
Anyway, a new Buddhist center probably with a certain degree of commercial prosperity,
was found under the cause of their non-craving of power.
Not all the “Holy Men” did not attach with power. On the fall of Ayutthaya in
1569, the Burmese installed Maha Thammaracha (r. 1569-90) on the throne, thoroughly
looted the city, and led thousands of prisoners, both commoners and nobles, away to
captivity in ancient-Myanmar. To control their new vassal state, they relied both on
Thammaracha’s obligation to them and on a small military garrison and the promise of
swift retaliation should Siam prove belligerent. In 1581, the Ayutthaya court was unnerved
by an enigmatic popular rebellion led by a self-proclaimed holy man in the countryside
between Ayutthaya and Lopburi, in which the minister of civil affairs (the Mahatthai) was
slain. The rebellion was quelled almost by chance when a ‘foreigner” - perhaps an Indian
or Portuguese shot this “Holy Man” to death and then his followers dispersed.18 Again, in
the official chronicles, usually there is no room left to tell this “Holy Man’s” background
and how took the advantage of the weakness of the current court and converted his
followers to rebel. Undeniably, charisma of the virtuous kings was usually pervasive over
the “Holy Men’s”. Notwithstanding, the brutal violence he applied in his rebellion had
seemingly refrained us from connecting him with being a Holy Buddhists, as he should
have applied non-killing as the first and primary precept. In a Buddhist perspective, his
demerit causally ripened into a violent death upon himself, and ended his movement,
consequently.
The next “Holy Man” to discuss, draws us back to Chiang Mai, the political center of
the Northern Thai Kingdom, Lan Na, which frequently fell in and out of the control of both
Ayutthaya and ancient-Myanmar, until King Taksin (1767-1782) of Thonburi drove the
Burmese armies out in 1775.19 In 1727, under the King Thai Sa (literally, “end of the lake),
whose ruthless father was King Süa (King Tiger) of Ayutthaya20 - a rural Lao living outside
Chiang Mai, Thep Sing, gained a large following in the countryside as a phu-mi-bun, a holy
man, one with access to supernatural power. He first defied the Burmese governor of the
city, later entered it, and assassinated him. Thep Sing ruled the city for only a month or so
before the remaining Burmese in the region gained the assistance of Khmon Noi, a Lü prince
of Chiang Huang who already had a long political career in the Lao world and had briefly
been king of Luang Prabang - the Burmese with Khamon Noi, deposed Thep Sing.21 Apart
from “Holy Man” Thep Sing’s violence, he demonstrated his political ambition to become
the ruler of Chiang Mai; and successfully escaped death under the hands of the Burmese
and the Lao contender Khmon Noi (discussed later).
Another ambitious “Holy Man”, named Bun Khwang (or Tam Tien22) rose from a
rebellion in the Nakhon Nayok territory, another central province in Thailand, at the time
of King Phetracha (1688-1703). In 1690, just two years after Phetracha’s accession to the
throne as usurper after killing King Narai’s (1656-1688) two half-brothers - the legal
successors.23 Not only labeling himself as a “Holy Man”, he ambitiously self-claimed
himself as the brother of King Narai to justify his rebellion against Phetracha’s legitimacy
of being the King.24 The later was said to have risen up during King Narai’s reign – despite
17
Wyatt, 2003, p. 29.
Wyatt, 2003, p. 87.
19 Sng, 2015, p. 89.
20 Wyatt, 2003, p. 109.
21 Wyatt, 2003, p. 106
22 Mishara, 2004, p. 64.
23 Wyatt, 2003, p. 108.
24 Mishara, 2004, p. 64.
18
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being just the son of his mother, who was the ever wet nurse of Prince Narai with whom
he was raised together as brothers.25
Though King Taksin (1767-1782), a Lukchin (Child of the Chinese) by a Teochiu
Chinese man and a Siamese woman, founded the short-lived Thonburi Dynasty, had never
claimed himself “Holy Man”; yet, his incomparable charisma and quick rise to power, in
some way, attributed to his incredible merit. Wyatt insists that Taksin, an entirely selfmade man without influential and generous parents26 - his most important asset in those
troublesome times was his personal charisma, an ability to convince others that he was
indeed a “man of merit”. He was someone whose karma from previous existence and his
meritorious actions were so strong, that it allowed him to lead other men and vanquish all
opponents. People needed his leadership, courage and vision.27 However, when the
Burmese threat was neutralized, the surviving Ayutthaya nobles who found their previous
privileges blocked due to their non-support towards Taksin in the beginning, started to
doubt King Taksin’s legitimacy to occupy the throne as a half-Chinese.28
They organized a palace coup to overthrow King Taksin and justified their
conspiracy with Taksin’s demerit: offended monks who were the primary and major source
of merits.29 Terwiel concludes King Taksin’s fate and qualities that were virtues for a
general who won battles, became liabilities to a sedentary monarch. As an army
commander, Taksin could shift officers who lacked courage, or to men he disliked, for
being sycophants, but not as a peaceful king.30 In short, the fall of King Taksin was caused
by his own restless, irascible and intolerant personality. Further discussion will inevitably
go beyond the purpose of this paper.
If Cohen was right to have regarded monks as “Holy Men”31, I would also like to
draw attention to another monk. The well-known Thai historian Prince Damrong, in his
“Thai rop Phama” [Our Wars with the Burmese], which still remains as a famous
published history book, besides treating the two sackings of Ayutthaya in 1569 and 1767
as the great national disasters that brought about national disunity, especially within the
nobility, also introduces ordinary people into the national story in the tale of Bang Rajan,
a village that fought bravely and hopelessly against the Burmese in 1767, with no help from
the capital yet inspired by a natural loyalty and marshaled by a solitary Buddhist monk.32
My colleagues, disagree that Phra Thammachot was leading the armed villagers, rather he
was just acted as the consultant to give some strategist or tactic suggestions to the village
fighters – history books are not so clear. We can recollect the leading monastic figure in
the popular movie-series of “King Naresuan”, who had not fought on the battlefront to
combat the Burmese, yet, was always the central think-tank for leadership.33 Apparently,
neither the monk himself or faithful followers, like to see monks violate precepts in which
monks were expected to refrain from battle affairs.34 Then, skillfulness was always applied
25
Wyatt, 2003, p. 105.
Sng, 2015, pp. 58-59.
27 Wyatt, 2003, p. 123.
28 Baker, 2014, p. 25; Wyatt, 2003, pp. 113-114.
29 Wyatt, 2003, p. 113.
30 Terwiel, 2005, p. 61.
31 Most of my senior Thai monk and lay colleagues believe “Holy Men”, traditionally, should be laypersons. At the
same, they never deny the possibility that some monk might also be holy. I raised this question to my colleagues in
Prof. Matthew’s [the chair of PhD program of College of Religious Studies, Mahidol University] lecture regarding to
“Buddhism, Polity and Power” on the morning of 24 August, 2016. However, in Cohen’s paper (Cohen, 2001), there
were several monks active in the northern Thailand.
32 Damrongrāchānuphāp, 2001; Baker, 2014, p. 73.
33 “King Naresuan” produced by Saha Monkol Media in 2010. Retrieved from Web:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TGQZ4SJOgMk on 22 August, 2016.
34 Bhikkhu Pāṭimokkha, 2007: monks are obscured to stay in the army camp for more than three overnights. Retrieved
on Web: http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/vin/sv/bhikkhu-pati.html on 21 August, 2016.
26
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to escape any transgressions. In Bodhisattva practice, for the welfare of the masses, even
some transgressions are acceptable, even some may become meritorious deeds.
In a number of Jātaka stories, some rivals of the bodhisattvas got the bad end of
violent deaths, which were directly or indirectly caused by the bodhisattva who was
accumulating merit to prepare for his ultimate enlightenment as the Buddha. Therefore,
even monks joined in battles as “Holy Men” – during their own respective occasions,
probably remained immune from blame, as long as he was doing for the benefits of the
victorious masses, at least from a bodhisattva-perspective. On the other hand, this
proposition might work to justify uprisings (fights, rebellions) of the “Holy Men” outlined
above. At least, from their standpoint, they were fighting for the interests of the masses.
Concluding Remarks
In summarizing the stories of the “Holy Men” highlighted above, it would be not
unsafe to say their legendary movements were unexceptionally short, and short of value to
gain total and officially historical light. Yet, their stories remain as merit-themed folktales
for the masses in the grassroots households. I was in awe of “Holy Man” stories told by
one local monk from Ayutthaya, who had gotten his doctor degree on Buddhist Philosophy
from the motherland of Buddhism, in India. According to him, only the one who had
enough merit, can become the ‘Holy Man”. The more merits he gained [probably from the
intractable previous lives, and the salutation to the Buddha, and Dharma], he could attain
more magic power and get more followers. In other words, his charisma would be stronger
and more pervasive while the campaign might last longer, he added. Taking this premise
in account, probably, King Taksin’s merit was relatively more and superior than the other
“Holy Men” above; though his reign was widely regarded as short-lived, as a foundingking. Further, I boldly asked whose merits were more and superior compared to “Holy
Man” against the virtuous kings in history. He was silenced for a while, and then thought
of an answer: the merit of virtuous kings is incomparable to “Holy Men”. Probably, this is
why their stories never get enough historical attention though some campaigns had enough
impact upon the society of that time, widely and deeply.
For instance, the “Holy Man” claiming to be the brother of King Narai the Great,
almost toppled the throne; Taksin’s successful military campaign saved Thailand from the
Burmese - however, history never belonged to them, due to insufficient or expired merit.
Buddhism does nothing wrong to promote merit through the practice of giving and morality
(simply put, right-deeds).35 Definitions of morality are always various and favor the ones
in power. Resulting from this, merits could be used as an instrument to justify ambitious
political players’ accession to power36, while the losers are unjustly treated, or easily
forgotten, because their merits were not enough. Victors write the pages of history.
Furthermore, because of this widely-accepted merit-principle, political players can also
construct or reconstruct the Buddhist sentiment, friendly to them, by demonstrating
symbolic merit-making ceremonies.37 Don’t forget: dictators with the tragedy of their
society’s blood upon their hands, are often shown making merit in Buddhist temples. Merit,
if interpreted rightly, it could bring peace, happiness and harmony for the individuals and
the whole society because merit mainly comes from morality. Nevertheless, more and more
people just focus on ceremonial merit-makings, mainly manifested in material-support to
the temples, while the core teaching of Buddhist merit (morality) is usually ignored.
Investigation on the causality of those “holy men’s” uprisings is always politically
complex, and inevitably results in more debates. Yet, only counting merit to exam them is
35
Spiro, 182, pp. 98-103.
Fox, 2013, p. 45.
37 Fox, 2013, pp. 46-47.
36
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also wrong, even though under Buddhist principles. Rather, I intend to suggest to everyone,
especially the ones with political power: mediate on morality, rather than playing meritgames. If this is done, I think there would be no “holy man” rising-up to challenge your
authority, because you would have built merits accumulated from morality; and, I don’t see
any “Holy Man” rising up, any time soon.
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Reference
Baker, Chris., & Pasuk Phongpaichit. (2014). A History of Thailand. (Third edition).
Sydney: Cambridge University Press.
Bhikkhu Thanissaro. (2007). (Trans.). Bhikkhu Pātimokkha: The Bhikkhu’s Code of
Discipline. Access to Insight. Retrieved on Web:
http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/vin/sv/bhikkhu-pati.html on 23 August, 2016.
Cushman, Richard D. (2006). The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya: A Synoptic
Translation. (David K. Wyatt, Ed.). Bangkok: The Siam Society.
Damrongrāchānuphāp, P. (2001). The Chronicle of Our Wars with the Burmese:
Hostilities between Siamese and Burmese when Ayutthaya was the Capital of Siam.
Bangkok: White Lotus.
Fox, Jonathan. (2013). An Introduction to Religion and Politics: Theory and Practice.
London & New York: Routledge.
Keyes CF, 1977 ‘Millennialism, Theravada Buddhism, and Thai Society’ in Journal of
Asian Studies, 36 (2), pp. 283–302.
Keyes CF, 1991 ‘Buddhist Economics and Buddhist Fundamentalism in Burma and
Thailand’, 367–407. In M Marty and RS Appleby (eds.), Fundamentalisms Observed
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Ladwig, P. (2014). Millennialism, Charisma and Utopia: Revolutionary Potentialities in
Pre-modern Lao and Thai Theravāda Buddhism. Politics, Religion & Ideology, 15(2),
308-329.
Mackenzie, Rory. (2007). New Buddhist Movements in Thailand: Towards an
Understanding of Wat Phra Dhammakāya and Santi Asoke. London and New York:
Routledge.
McDaniel, Justin T. (2011). The Lovelorn Ghost and the magic Monk: Practicing
Buddhism in Modern Thailand. New York: Columbia University Press.
Murdoch, J. B. (1967). The 1901-1902” Holy Man’s” Rebellion. Sciences, 5, 78-86.
Sng, Jeffery. & Phimpraphai Phisānbut. (2015). A history of the Thai-Chinese.
Singapore, Bangkok: Editions Didier Millet.
Wyatt, David K. (2003). Thailand: A Short History. (Second Edition). Chiang Mai:
Silkworm Books.
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Sinxay as a Jataka Nauk Nibat – A Jataka Outside the Circle
Peter Whittlesey
Independent Researcher, USA
Recently the Lao literature masterpiece known as Sang Sinxay was translated into
English and published under the title of Sinxay: Renaissance of a Lao-Thai Epic Hero.1
Figure 1.1) Mural detail from Wat Chaisi in Khon Kaen, Isan/Thailand. The mural detail shows Sinxay fighting the big
snake with the help of his two brothers, Sangthong (with a conch shell body) and Siho (with the body of a lion and head
of an elephant). His six half-brothers cower behind Siho.
Sang Sinxay has been praised as one of the greatest masterpieces of Lao literature.
Martin Stuart Fox, in the Historical Dictionary of Laos2, states that epic poems appeared in
Lao literature in the late 16th century or in the beginning of the 17th century, and that
Sinxay is the best-known epic poem composed in this period. In the article “Thao Hung or
Cheuang: A Tai Epic Poem”, written by Lao scholar James Chamberlain3, he states the
following:
“The most respected and authoritative scholar of Lao history and culture, Mahasila
Viravong, wrote in 1953 that there are three masterpieces of Lao literature. The
first was Vetsantrasadok, the story of the Buddha’s life immediately preceding his
life as the Buddha, a work he was no doubt obliged to include because of its
importance to the national religion; second the . . . poem of Sang Sin Xay (Sinxay)
written by the poet Pang Kham in the 16th century; and third, Thao Hung or
Cheuang.”
In The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: Rise and Decline4 Martin Stuart-Fox adds:
“Music, dance, theatre and the recitation of epic poetry all flourished in the
cosmopolitan Lao capital (in the late 17th century). Literature also experienced a
1
Whittlesey, Peter and Baythong. 2015. Sinxay: Renaissance of a Lao Thai Epic Hero. Sinxay Press
Stuart-Fox, Martin. 2008. Historical Dictionary of Laos, third edition. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2008.
3 Chamberlain, James. 1989–1990. “Thao Hung or Cheuang: A Tai Epic Poem.” Mon-Khmer Studies Journal. 18–19,
14.
4 Stuart-Fox, Martin. 1998. The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang Rise and Decline. Bangkok: White Lotus Co. Ltd.
2
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second golden age. We can be sure that, although dates of composition of most
works cannot be determined with any accuracy, new novels in classical form were
composed and edited. We do not know the names of any of the authors of these
great epic poems, except for the Xang Sin Xay (Sang Sinxay) by Pang Kham, about
whom nothing else is known but his name.”
Not only is Sinxay valued in Laos as a masterpiece of Lao literature, it is equally
revered in Isan and is indeed a shared cultural heritage. (See Figure 1.2)
(Figure 1.2) Wat Sanuan Wari in Khon Kaen, Isan/Thailand. (Figure 3.6) Wat Sanuan Wari: The dramatic
juxtaposition of the new Bangkok style wat in the background against the older, culturally rich temple in
the foreground can be clearly seen. A corrugated metal roof, starkly out of character with the sim, has
recently replaced the original roof, which was covered with wooden shingles.
In the late 1600’s, when Sinxay was allegedly written, the northeastern part of
Thailand was an integral part of the Kingdom of Lan Xang. When France and Siam
negotiated the present borders of Laos in the late 1800s, the northeastern region located
west of the Mekong, was allocated to Siam. This region, known as Isan, now lies within
Thailand, and accounts for nearly a third of the country’s total area. (See Map 1)
(Map 1) Lan Xang Empire
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For those who believe Sinxay is a Jātaka tale, as most Lao and Thai-Lao Buddhists
do, the consensus is that the poem is a non-canonical or apocryphal Jātaka, which the Thai
and Lao call Jātaka nauk nibat.5 At the beginning of the retelling of Sang Sinxay,6 the
author, believed to be Pangkham, notes the importance of Jātaka tales when he writes in
the introduction:
“As I write this poem, I will explain the dhamma, a model that people can understand and follow. It is marvelous, a miracle for this world, as are the fifty Jātakas.
These are all the Buddha’s previous lives, I tell you the truth.”
While not explicitly stating at the beginning of the story that it is about one of the
past births of Buddha, Pangkham indicates this symbolically within the fabric of the epic
story itself. However, this in itself is not enough evidence to declare Sinxay a Jātaka tale,
even one that is nauk nibat, outside the circle. It is the muan sadok at the end of Sang
Sinxay, as transliterated by Maha Sila Viravong, which identifies Sinxay as the Buddha,
validating the importance of this story as Buddhist literature. The muan sadok is a summary
often added to Jātaka tales where characters are identified with characters in the life of the
Buddha. In the muan sadok for Sinxay, Pangkham writes:
“This (story) is how Sinxay attained uncountable parami. Sinxay was not ordinary;
he was the Buddha, teaching us through his actions in this story. He leads beings
so they can escape samsara. He wants to share his bunya (wisdom) with both the
human and the phrom [Brahma] world. Even Siho and Sangthong, they were like
the shadows of the Buddha. Both of them could not be seen separate from the
Buddha. They were the same as Mahāmoggallāna, with supernatural powers to
teach the dhamma. Many of the main characters in Sinxay, such as Soumountha,
were in actuality relatives of the Buddha. What I write here is for scholars to
increase their understanding.”
A short essay, “The History of Sinxay Literature,” included by Maha Sila Viravong
in his 1969 golden-covered edition, supports the muan sadok in Sinxay. In this essay, Maha
Sila writes:
“In the original Sang Sinxay the writing begins with the use of some Pāli words,
Evam me sutam akang sa ma yang pha ka va raja ka he vi ha ra ti ve lu va ne, which
can be translated as, ‘Thus have I heard the Buddha speak at Veluvan temple in
Rajakhue [Rajagaha] kingdom.’ At that time, many people were having discussions
about the Buddha, including many who thought he had magical powers. The
Buddha over-hearing their discussions told the monks that he didn’t have any
magical abilities, but in his previous life when he was a simple man, he had
extraordinary powers. It was then he told the story about his life as Sinxay.”7
James Brandon confirms the importance of magical powers in Jātaka tales when he
writes in his book, Theatre in Southeast Asia8: “A common attribute of Jātaka stories, in
addition to the fact that the hero is Buddha in a former life, is the great magic power which
the hero comes to possess through knowledge of Buddhism.” In fact, Sinxay is one of
5
A Jātaka (stories concerning the past lives of the Buddha) outside the circle/section
Pangkham. 1969. Sang Sinxay. Viravong, Maha Sila (ed.) Vientiane: Ministry of Religious Affairs.
7 Pangkham. 1969. Sang Sinxay. Viravong, Mahasila, (ed.) Vientiane: Ministry of Religious Affairs.
8 Brandon, James. 1967. Theatre in Southeast Asia. Harvard University Press, 133–134
6
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many birth stories of the Buddha that have been adapted to fit local culture in countries
such as Laos and Thailand.
At the beginning of this article, we state that Sinxay is considered a Jātaka nauk
nibat. Nibat is the Lao-Thai word corresponding to the Pāli term nipata, meaning
“section,” which can also refer to the section of the Pāli Buddhist canon that includes the
547 canonical Jātaka tales translated by the Pāli Text Society. In a strict interpretation, any
Jātaka tale outside the 547 canonical Jātaka tales can be referred to as Jātaka nauk nibat,
even those verified to be in the Southeast Asian collections of 50 Jātakas, known as
Hasipsat or Pannyasa Chadok (Lao).
While doing research in Laos and Isan, I was told numerous times, including in a
2012 interview with His Holiness Phra Achan Maha Phong Samaleuk, Supreme Patriarch
of the Lao Buddhist Fellowship Organization9, that Sinxay resided somewhere in a Lao
collection of 50 Jātakas, but I was never able to corroborate this. Nor was Maha Sila able
to verify this claim as he stated in his essay on “The History of Sinxay Literature” in his
transliteration of Sang Sinxay.10 “Many people have told me that Sang Sinxay was in the
collection of the fifty Jātakas, but even in searching the Bangkok National Library, I was
never able to locate a Jātaka collection that had Sang Sinxay.”
Accepting the hypotheses that Sinxay is a Jātaka tale, albeit a Jātaka nauk nibat, I
want to briefly explore in this article the essential Buddhist connections with Sinxay,
especially what it means for the story to be a Jātaka tale, an often overlooked and
underappreciated form of dhamma. I will also look at the antagonist, Nyak Koumphan,
from a Tibetan Buddhist (Tantrayāna) point of view using the Wheel of Life11 to show how
the three poisons of greed, anger, and delusion at its center influenced Nyak Koumphan’s
misguided actions.
While Sinxay is a Theravāda Jātaka, all three of the main Buddhist traditions,
Theravāda, Mahāyāna, and Tantrayāna, can be used to explain the Buddhist connections
with Sinxay. Of the 350 million Buddhists in the world, approximately 38 percent are
Theravāda Buddhists, 56 percent are Mahayana, and 6 percent are Tantrayāna (Tibetan).
In the Closing Address to the Global Buddhist Congregation 2011 in New Delhi,12 the Dalai
Lama addressed the perception of differences between the different yānas (vehicles) of
Buddhism; Theravāda, Mahāyāna, and Tantrayāna. He seemed to imply that there was no
reason for any Buddhist to feel as if his/her yāna was superior to another.
“In the past, because of the names so-called ‘[Theravada],’ ‘Mahayana’ and
‘Tantrayana,’ people got the impression these three yanas (vehicles) are something
really different and separate. That is totally mistaken. As I mentioned briefly this
morning, the Theravāda tradition, or Pāli tradition, is the foundation of
Buddhadhamma (the dhamma/teachings of the Buddha… In other words, first
comes the ground floor; that’s the Pāli tradition - bhikshu (monk) practice, selfdiscipline, sila. Then comes the first floor, the Prajnaparamita Sutras . . . a kind of
abhidharma - the teachings about wisdom, the six paramitas (far-reaching
attitudes, perfections) or ten paramitas. Then on top of that, the Buddhist
Tantrayana - visualization of deities based on practice of vipassana, samatha, and
bodhicitta (a mind aimed at attaining enlightenment for the benefit of all). So these
are the ground floor, first floor, and second floor, like that. Without a ground floor
9
Interviewed at the Ho Thammasapha, Wat Ong Teu, Vientiane.
Pangkham. 1969. Sang Sinxay. Viravong, Maha Sila (ed.) Vientiane: Ministry of Religious Affairs.
11 The Wheel of Life (“Sipa Khorlo” in Tibetan), depicted in the entryway to most monasteries, is a graphical aid to the
delu-sion of the mind, a complex pictorial representation of how desire chains us to samsara, the endless cycle of birth,
death, and rebirth.
12 “Closing Address by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Global Buddhist Congregation 2011.” dalailama.com.
10
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(Theravāda tradition), you cannot build the others. So I think the Buddhist brothers
and sisters here should know that.”
In the same address, the Dalai Lama often refers to Theravāda Buddhism as the Pāli
tradition, since Pāli is the liturgical language of Theravāda Buddhism, while Mahāyāna
Buddhism uses Sanskrit as its liturgical language. The differences in spelling are often
minor, for example, dharma (Sanskrit) instead of dhamma (Pāli), and bodhisattva
(Sanskrit) instead of bodhisatta (Pāli).
The Jātaka, a Pāli word, which translates literally as “birth story,” originated in the
India region as a result of efforts within the Buddhist religious community to encourage a
greater participation in Buddhist thinking and practices by the laity. In Jātaka Stories in
Theravāda Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path13, Naomi Appleton defines Jātaka
tales as “A story told by the Buddha that in some way illustrated the actions he undertook
whilst on the long path to Buddhahood. Jātakas were thus associated with biography and
the gradual acquisition of the perfections by the Bodhisatta.”
In The Jātakas: Birth Stories of the Bodhisatta14, Sarah Shaw, like Appleton,
defines the Jātaka tale from a Theravāda perspective. “A Jātaka is a story about a birth of
the Bodhisatta, the being destined to become the present Buddha in his final life. The 547
stories (the Jātakas included in the Khuddaka Nikaya of the Sutta Pitaka in the Pāli Canon)
all evolve from one vow: the determination made by the Bodhisatta, at the feet of the last
Buddha, Dipankara, to postpone his own enlightenment and freedom from the endless
round of existences until he is ready to become a Buddha himself and teach others.”
This takes countless lifetimes, and it’s in these lives, where, as Shaw adds, “the
Bodhisatta tries to build the strengths, resources and experience ready for his final birth.
It’s these endeavors that form the basis of the Jātaka stories and confer the unusual abilities
that make him in his last life not just an arahat, an awakened one, but a Buddha, capable
of leaving a teaching behind for others.”
This hard work leads to the gradual acquisition of perfections. Appleton adds in
her book: “The perfections provide a bridge between the person of the Buddha (who is a
buddha because he has acquired all the perfections) and Buddhists who strive to follow
both his example and teachings.” The importance of building bridges, most often in the
form of alliances, is one of the major themes in Sinxay. The word used by Pangkham for
the building of these highly valued alliances throughout Sinxay is saphanthong, literally
meaning golden bridge.
My research has taken me from the southern part of Laos to the middle and northern
parts of the country. Surprisingly, a majority of the murals of Sinxay I located are in the
remote northeastern Huaphan Province, and I wondered what the reason could be.
Historically, Huaphan Province has had a much smaller percentage of Buddhists compared
to the lowland areas of Vientiane. The southern part of Laos, where Sinxay has always
been much more popular, was considered part of the heartland of the Kingdom of Lan Xang
in the late 1600s, when the poem was written. I conjectured that since Huaphan Province
was the base for the Pathet Lao during the Secret/Vietnam War and the enemy they were
fighting was the United States, the juxtaposition of “little” Sinxay against his enemy, the
much bigger Nyak Koumphan could be intended as a metaphor, proof that David can win
over Goliath.
All the murals at wats in Huaphan Province illustrate a similar scene: Sinxay to the
left of the entrance to the sim, shooting his arrow at Nyak Koumphan to the right of the
door, partnered with an image of the Buddha. (See Figure 1.3 and 1.4)
13
14
Appleton, Naomi. 2010. Jātaka Stories in Theravāda Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path. Ashgate. 65, 146
Shaw, Sarah. 2006. The Jātakas: Birth Stories of the Bodhisatta. Penguin Books.
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(Figure 1.3) Entrance to sim at Wat Phone Xai, Sam Neua, Huaphan Province, Laos.
(Figure 1.4) Wat in rural Vieng Xai, Huaphan Province, Laos
In Jātaka Stories in Theravāda Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path, Appleton
writes about the importance of this association. “Jātakas are part of the sacred and cosmic
biography of the Buddha, and they symbolically provide cosmological completeness… and
are the dhamma-kāya of the Buddha, shown… in temples as a partner to the image of the
Buddha.”15
This image of the smaller, “underdog” Sinxay matched against the larger Nyak
Koumphan is reinforced in a 1976 poem by Sau Desa, included in the essay “Books of
Search: The Invention of Traditional Lao Literature as a Subject of Study,” by Peter
Koret.16 The poem refers to the Lao National Day, which commemorates the establishment
of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in 1975.
The Second of December, the day of precious moonlight, the victory of wide renown
15
Appleton, Naomi. 2010. Jātaka Stories in Theravāda Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path. Ashgate. 137.
Koret, Peter. 1999. “Books of Search: The Invention of Traditional Lao Literature as a Subject of Study” in Laos:
Culture and Society. Grant Evans (ed.). Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books
16
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December translates as “crossbow, great, brave, and long”
(The bow) is stretched, the arrow drawn, aimed, and fired
The “nyak” giants have died in great numbers
The precious day has been transformed into our national day
Curious about this possible metaphoric meaning, we talked to a number of monks
residing at these temples. We asked them specifically about the juxtaposition of Sinxay
and Nyak Koumphan on either side of doorways entering sims, and none of the monks said
anything about them having to do with reminding the laity of the might and superiority of
the Pathet Lao over the imperialistic Americans.
What they did tell us was that the images should remind the laity that the dhamma,
represented by Sinxay, will always conquer the three poisons of lobha (greed), dosa (hate),
and moha (delusion) represented by Nyak Koumphan. The monks added that the bow and
arrow of Sinxay represented the concentrated focus (will power) needed by the laity to
achieve the goal of liberation and the extinguishing of the three poisons.
Even though Sinxay was diminutive in stature, the three poisons represented by
Nyak Koumphan were no match against the hero’s arrows and sword, which he used to
easily cut through all the delusions and obstacles he met while on his quest to rescue
Soumountha.
In the Mahāyāna Buddhist there is a rich tradition of symbolism seen in Nepal and
Tibet, that includes the Tibetan Wheel of Life (See Figure 1.5), a symbolic representation
of samsara found on the outside walls of Tibetan Buddhist temples and monasteries in the
Indo-Tibetan region (Tibet, India, Nepal, Bhutan.)
(Figure 1.5) Tibetan Wheel of Life Painting. Painting in author’s collection.
Many believe it was the Buddha who came up with the concept of this painting,
in order to help ordinary people better understand the essential teachings of Buddhism,
similar to the role of Jātaka tales. The three poisons of greed, hate, and delusion
(represented in Sinxay by Nyak Koumphan) are graphically displayed in the center of
the Tibetan Wheel of Life as a rooster, representing greed; a snake, representing anger
and hate; and a pig, representing delusion and ignorance; all endlessly chasing one
another’s tails. (See Figure 1.6)
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(Figure 1.6) Center detail of the Wheel of Life painting shows the three poisons; they are at the center of the
wheel because they keep the wheel turning and bind humans to the cycle of samsara. The ring around the center
represents karma, with the figures on the left ascending to higher realms of existence because of virtuous
actions, and the figures on the right descending to lower realms of existence because of evil or ignorant actions.
Nyak Koumphan is a complex character. He is often identified as symbolizing
Mara, the “Evil Demon” in superhuman form and is the antithesis of Sinxay, the bodhisatta
hero. Not only did he abduct Soumountha, he sacrificed millions of his nyak soldiers while
trying to defeat and kill Sinxay. (See Figure 1.7)
(Figure 1.7) Sinxay stands calmly, facing Nyak Koumphan and his countless warriors. Illustration by Nick Bowen.
While these actions were reprehensible, his undying love and respect for
Soumountha can be seen as admirable. Peaceful Action, Open Heart: Lessons from the
Lotus Sutra,17 Thich Nhat Hanh says that one of the great insights of Mahāyāna Buddhism
is that anyone can become a Buddha. “We all have the capacity to become a fully
enlightened Buddha. And while on the path to becoming a fully enlightened Buddha, we
are all bodhisattvas.” From a Mahāyāna perspective, even Nyak Koumphan has this
potential, though in Sinxay we clearly see how the three poisons have enslaved his mind.
However, there is always hope. In Thich Nhat Hanh’s words again,
17
Thich Nhat Hanh. 2008. Peaceful Action, Open Heart: Lessons from the Lotus Sutra. Parallax Press. 12, 36
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“The Dharma is like a powerful lamp, helping people to see deeply into their
situation and re-leasing them from suffering . . . The various skillful means used by
the Buddhas to teach beings are all aimed at one goal: to bring everyone,
regardless of their spiritual capacity or attainment, whether they are… monastic or
layperson, man, woman, or child, into the bodhisattva path.”
This would include Nyak Koumphan. (See Figure 1.8)
(Figure 1.8) Soumountha consoles her dying husband, Nyak Koumphan. Illustration by Nick Bowen.
Although in this article I have used resources from all three Buddhist traditions,
Theravāda, Mahāyāna, and Tantrayāna, to affirm the importance of Sinxay as Buddhist
literature, I want to reemphasize that Sinxay originates from the Theravāda heartland of
Laos and Isan. Although the prevailing thought is that Pangkham wrote Sinxay in the late
1600s, Peter Koret would have us remember
“The idea of adapting pre-existing literature to serve the changing needs of the time
and location of its performance is as old as the Lao tradition of literature itself.
Lao Buddhist literature is largely taken from oral folk tales, transformed into life
tales of the bodhisatta with the aim of serving the temple in its teaching of Buddhist
values and beliefs.”18
Indeed, the literary roots of Sinxay run deep, and, as previously mentioned, myth
and legend of both Lao and Indian origin are interwoven with the central bodhisatta story
in Sinxay. In the case of this epic story, truly the whole is greater than the sum of its parts,
and, as I tried to show in this article, the synergistic fusion of all these different literary
elements have created an enlightening and empowering Jātaka, just as relevant for
Buddhists today as it was more than 300 years ago. Naomi Appleton confirms the
18
Koret, Peter. 1999. “Books of Search: The Invention of Traditional Lao Literature as a Subject of Study” in Laos:
Culture and Society. Grant Evans (ed.). Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.
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importance of this symbiotic relationship among Jātakas, laity, and Buddhism when she
writes, in Jātaka Stories in Theravāda Buddhism19:
“Jātakas in fact contain teachings aimed at many audiences that work on many
different levels, and that defining Jātakas as simple moral stories for the edification
of the laity is misrepresentative. Stories do, of course, provide us with material
quite different to explicitly philosophical and doctrinal texts, but the evidence they
provide is not less important for a full understanding of Buddhism.”
19
Appleton, Naomi. 2010. Jātaka Stories in Theravāda Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path. Ashgate. 12.
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Cham Architecture in Viet Nam
Asst. Prof. Dr. Arvind Kumar Singh
Gautam Buddha University, India
Vietnam, situated in the eastern part of Southeast Asia, a tropical region of
monsoons, is a point of convergence for various ethnic groups and a crossroads of different
cultures and civilizations. With fifty-four ethnic groups that have been identified here, it
is really a microcosm of South Asia. Among the ethnic groups, Champa is one of oldest
existing ethnic-groups that have contributed to the development of the state. Champa has
gifted Vietnam with a treasure of extremely valuable and really unique cultural heritage,
including ancient and respectful towers, solid citadels, vast areas of temples and palaces,
concentrated hand-made bricks, ceramics, stoves, multi-superposed residential vestiges,
deeply-dug wells – many with influences from ancient-India. In addition, there are wide
varieties of statues, with different types, being copper-cast or stone made, suggesting a
Hindu or Buddhist inspiration. Additionally, there are elaborately stone-carved emblems,
hundreds of ancient Sanskrit-Cham inscribed steles, valuable treasures from Cham Kings’
discordances, together with a number of jewels, objects, weapons, books made of gold or
bronze or iron. These vestiges and ancient objects of Champa are more than three centuries
old, and have attracted a lot of domestic or foreign attention from scientists wishing to pay
particular attention towards these objects as well as understanding the Cham-culture and
protecting what remains.
There have been varieties of artistic, cultural and scientific works dealing with
Champa’s history and culture in general or in special forms. The credit of rediscovering
them and making them known once again must be given to the missionary zeal and
pioneering work of French explorers, archaeologists, and historians; namely: E. Aymonier,
H. Parmentier, E.M. Durand, L. Finot, A. Cabaton, G. Maspero, P. Mus, G. Coedes, etc.
Besides famous American or even Indian researchers, there are especially-important
Vietnamese works now, from: Nguyen Van Luan, Nguyen Khac Ngu, Nghiem Tham, Tran
Ky Phuong, Pham Huy Thong, Ha Van Tan, Pham Duc Duong, and so on.
Lately, the National Institute for Social Science of Vietnam has introduced to the
scholars in Vietnam and abroad: many various culturally significant objects and locations
of Champa.1 Many new ideas about the territory of Champa and its ethnic composition
have been revived because of the research being done by recent scholars. According to
linguists and historians, the Cham People probably belonged to the Malayo-Polynesian
ethnicity, otherwise belonging to the Austronesian family.2 However, all of this is widely
contested between researchers.3 Moreover, the Cham may just be localized ethnicity full
of diversity and other complications, formed by combinations of many different racial
groups, and coming together to become the people of the region that have settled there for
centuries – many today could be descendants from these people. Cham have also settled
in other various regions due to historical circumstances, which are the backdrop or basis to
having a creative, rich, and diverse Cham culture. It should be noticed that the original
territory of Champa, as recorded in ancient documents and inscriptions, and as observed in
textual-documents that remain in special archives, coinciding with the distribution of Sa
Huynh archaeological-culture from the Middle of Central Vietnam to the eastern part of
South Vietnam, as well as that which existed in the ancient-Philippines.4 Archaeological
1
Phan Van Dop, “Nhung ket qua nghieng cuu buoc dau ve nguoi Cham,” Journal of DTH, Issues of No-3, 1985: 41- 46
Dang Van Nghiem, Chu Thai Son and Luu Hung, “Ethnic Minorities in Vietnam,” The Gioi Publishers, 1993: 185
3 Cao Xuan Pho, “Cham Sculpture Album,” Social Sciences Publishers, Hanoi, 1988: 14
4 R.B. Smith& W. Watson, “Early South East Asia,” Oxford University Press, 1979: 218- 20
2
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data proved that Sa Huynh culture developed continuously from about 4000-3000 years
ago5 until the first century A.D.6 About 2000 years ago, the nation called itself Champa
(or Campa) in the area now known as central Vietnam.
7
They formed a state organization influenced by Indian culture. Their language was
linked to the Javanese and Malay language, but written in a variation of Sanskrit, and also
featured Arabic vocabulary.8 Their matriarchal, sea-going slave-trade and piracy culture
gradually flourished, leaving us today with a valuable heritage, including wonderful
architecture and marvelous sculptures.9 During this period, Chams developed many centers
of art-styles: the Amravati, Vijaya, Kuthara and Panduranga. Every center developed subcenters, which are separately discussed below. After devastating conquests from
Vietnamese armies, many Cham royal families and their people fled into Cambodia, Laos
and Thailand; some communities now exist within the United States of America.
The Amaravati Style around My Son:
My Son, a border-area nation surrounded by four limiting mountains in the four
compass-directions, is one of most holy and important areas for Cham art, around Duy Tan
5
Phan Xuan Bien, Phan An and Phan Van Dop, “Van Hoa Champa,” Social Sciences Publishers, HCMC,1991: 20
Ibid
7 http://archive.worldhistoria.com/kingdom-of-champa_topic9462_page1.html - accessed on 4 September 2016
8 http://archive.worldhistoria.com/kingdom-of-champa_topic9462_page1.html - accessed on 5 September 2016
9 http://archive.worldhistoria.com/kingdom-of-champa_topic9462_page2.html - accessed on 5 September 2016
6
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village in Duy Xuyen district to west-southwest of Da Nang City. Once upon a time, the
city has been seized as a city of gods, existed more than five hundred years ago10 and was
called “Simhapura” by the Chinese Empire.11 According to historical sources as well as
stele Sanskrit-inscriptions12 recorded during the end of the 4th century A.D., the Cham King
was Sri-Bhadravarman13 who ruled from 380 to 413 A.D. He made contributions to the
god Siva; as Bhadresvarasvami at My Son, he offered all things including his life to the
god.14 Many Hindu and Buddhist temples were raised by the king and his next of kin from
different royal lines. Simhapura already became holy, a place of loving-kindness for Cham
people. He, thus, was likened as a King, to Siva the god.
15
This is the most important temple complex in Champa and has been rightly
described as the heart and soul of the kingdom. The entire complex, at one time, consisted
of more than seventy temples and related structures - of which now only twenty survive.
A large number of stele inscriptions have also been found in the My Son area, and they are
the most useful as sources for the study of Champa history. King Bhadravarman
established the first royal shiva-linga in South East Asia in My Son in the fourth century
A.D.16
17
10
H.Parmentier, Les monuments du Cirque de My Son and L. Finot. Notes d’Epigraphie, Les Inscriptions de My Son,
“Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient (BEFEO)”IV,1902: 805-977
11 Ngo Van Doanh, “Champa, Ancient Towers,” The gioi Publishing House, Ha Noi, 2006: 31
12 R.C. Majumdar,Book III, Ins.Nos.2,3,4&5.Op.Cit.: 3-8
13 Ibid
14 A. Barth and A. Bergaigne, “Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge et Champa (ISCC),”Vol.XXI, Paris, 1885 and
1893: 199
15 http://dailymaybay.vn/dai-ly-ve-may-bay-tai-huyen-duy-xuyen.html - accessed on 1 September 2016
16 H.Parmentier and Finot, “Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient (BEFEO)” Paris, 1904: 918-922
17 http://realhistoryww.com/world_history/ancient/Images_Vietnam/Viet_king.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
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As a deity, he is called: Bhadresvarasvami. The sanctuary was apparently made of
perishable material and from the stele-inscriptions: it was destroyed in the sixth century
A.D. King Shambhuvarman rebuilt the temple with durable materials in the early seventh
century and he called the deity Shambhu Bhadresvara (Sambhuvarman).
18
From then onwards it became the religious center of Champa and every king upon
his coronation, came to pay his respects to the deity. It also became a custom that every
king either built or restored temples at My Son, made endowments of land and provided
men (slaves) and material for the upkeep and maintenance of the temples. The stone
columns in Group B, belonging to the seventh century, are the oldest surviving edifices of
My Son. A number of temples were built in the eighth and the ninth century belonging to
My Son style and the Hoa Lai style. At the end of the ninth century A.D., Mahayana
Buddhism acquired a prominent position in Champa and most of the religious buildings
during this period were constructed at Dong Duong. Researchers note that there was very
little construction of temples or other building-activity in My Son during this period. Major
construction activity resumed after Hinduism regained its prominent position in the early
tenth century A.D. A number of kalans [large buildings where deities are housed] and
supplementary structures belonging to My Son were constructed or restored during this
period.19 It was only towards the end of eleventh century that King Harivarman restored
the grandeur of the My Son complex. From twelfth century A.D onwards, there was a
gradual decline in the prestige and power of Champa, due to a larger degree of conquests
by the Vietnamese. Power center moved to the Southern areas of the kingdom. Some
temples were, however, built or restored during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, most
prominent being the Kalan and the supplementary structure of Group B.
The My Son group of temples were rediscovered by the French scholars who have
combined their research into works for the “Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient” since 1898.
Up to 1929, this brilliant research school was under the direction of M. Louis Finot, and
then M. Georges Coedes – the second director, who succeeded for ten years, developing
the research department, library and museums in diverse ways. The sculptures and other
archaeological objects have been treasured in the Museums of Hanoi, of Saigon, of Phnom
Penh, of Hue and of Tourane.20 Henry Parmentier prepared a complete inventory of the
temples at My Son in the famous work “Les Monuments du Cirque de Mi Son”. He divided
18
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%E1%BB%B9_S%C6%A1n#/media/File:My_Son_A1_schematic_diagram.jpg –
accessed on 1 September 2016
19 H. Parmentier, “Catologue du muse Cam de Tourane,” “Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient
(BEFEO)” XIX-3, Paris, 1919. pp. 11-12
20 K. Nag, “Discovery of Asia,” Calcutta, India,1957,pp.384-385
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the architecture of My Son into many groups which divides the all of the architecture into
small segments – inaccurately, causing a lot of confusion. However, since the work by
Parmentier is the only well-known classification, researchers still follow this inaccurate
grouping to describe the temples in the complex.
The fifteen temples and other supplementary structures in the other group were
constructed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A.D. - the Kalan had a linga dedicated to
Shri Ishana Bhadresvara. This was the only temple with a foundation that uses large blocks
of stone. The stone steps are still intact. A small temple dedicated to Skanda [representing
man’s highest evolutionary attainments], the son of Shiva found in My Son, is displayed in
Museum of Cham Sculpture in Da Nang and it is one of the finest examples of sculptural
art of Champa.21 There is another group of temples at My Son and in this group is
architecturally quite similar to the most of the temples of Champa, the Kalan had the deity
in the form of a statue of Shiva instead of a linga.
The gradual southward retreat of Champa had its impact on the temples of My Son.
It appears that these temples were more or less abandoned when the kingdom of Champa
was virtually confined to the Panduranga region, further south along the coastline. They
once again became known only after some French rediscovered them in 1889. French
archaeologists later made some efforts towards restoration. The temples, however, suffered
damage during later wars. Some restoration work was carried out by the team of Polish
archeologist led by Mr. Kazimierz Kwiatkowski.22 There are very few temples in the
complex, which are still in a good state of preservation.
The Amaravati Style around Dong Duong
In about 860 A.D., a new state emerged, with its capital at Indrapura in the modern
province of Quang Nam. According to the stele inscriptions found in Dong Duong of
Indravarman II, dated 875 A.D.23, praising the virtues of the Sambhu-Bhadresvara linga
and a Buddhist temple of Lakshmindra Lokeshvara24, this is the only area featuring
Buddhist monuments in Champa. The Buddhist College at Dong Duong will be restored
and preserved as national heritage site, as well as aspirations towards becoming a
significant spiritual and cultural attraction.25
26
21
Tran Ky Phuong, “Tai lieu ve nghe thuat Cham o bao tang Da Nang,”(Materials on Cham Arts in Da-Nang
Museum), NCNT, Issues Nos, 5-6. 1986:11-25
22 Kazimierz Kwiatkowski, “Recherches Surles Monuments du Champa,” Rapport de la Mission polono vietnamienne,
Vol. 1&2,1983-1986:14-15
23 Majumdar, R.C., Champa; History and Culture of an Indian Colonial kingdom in the Far East, Calcutta, 1963,
Delhi, reprint, 1985: 209
24 See, “Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient (BEFEO),” Paris, 1904: 973-975
25 http://vietnamnews.vn/Life-Style/214521/Buddhist-college-to-be-rejuvenated-.html#tJjXcUKhaqOLQqTH.97 –
accessed on 1 September 2016
26
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/vi/e/ed/%C4%90%C3%A0i_th%E1%BB%9D_Ph%E1%BA%ADt,_ph%C3%
A1t_hi%E1%BB%87n_t%E1%BA%A1i_%C4%90%E1%BB%93ng_D%C6%B0%C6%A1ng.jpg accessed on 1
September 2016
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The Amaravati Style around Tra Kieu
Tra Kieu (Simhapura) was the capital of Champa from IV century A.D, but there
exist no remains of architectural importance in this region. There has been discovered an
inscription erected by a king with the Sanskrit name of Bhadravarman which provides
evidence that Indian civilization had been transplanted to the modern province of Quang
Nam Da Nang. The site was excavated by J.Y. Claeys in 1926-27, and the remains of the
capital have been almost entirely revealed27: a large number of statues at Tra Kieu are
however, on display in Museum of Cham Sculpture in Da Nang, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh
City.
28
The Amaravati Style around Bang An
Bang An tower-temple is located on the northern bank of the river Vinh Dien in
Dien Hong village approximately 30 kms south of Da Nang city, and 12 km to the west of
Hoi An. According to Parmentier, the Bang An group had three structures: a kalan on an
octagonal plan and two supplementary structures on square plans. The only structure that
remains is the kalan. The octagonal plan is very rare in the temples of Champa, and the
only other example of this kind which researcher clear that is the temple at Chanh Lo.
However, its distinguishing features are the curvilinear pyramidal roof. It also exist a statue
of Gaja-Simha in front of the kalan (Pl. 46). The temple does not have any pillars or
pilasters. A majority of the scholars feel that the temple was constructed in the tenth
century onwards, although others say it was constructed around the 12th century.29
30
31
27
Ibid. 82
https://antontruongthang.com/que-huong/4428-2/ - accessed on 1 September 2016
29 https://www.talkvietnam.com/2012/08/bang-an-tower/ - accessed on 1 September 2016
30 http://i1.trekearth.com/photos/19881/tower_dban2.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
31 http://static.panoramio.com/photos/large/35145330.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
28
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The Amaravati Style around Chien Dang
This group of temples is located about 60 kms south of Da Nang city. The temple
had designed complex of square three plans that have been constructed by Kalan
architecture. The complex is facing east and the buildings were arranged along a northsouth axis. The southern tower is heavily damaged. There are some statues of art together
with carved panels, and a beautiful image of the goddess with six arms holding weapons,
as well as a delicately sculptured sandstone pillar was found in the excavation carried out
in 1989. The pillar has beautiful decorative carvings, which most probably belong to the
eleventh century A.D. The middle tower is the highest of the three towers. The northern
tower, which was built last, is also not in a good state of preservation. Moreover, this group
features statues of Cham art, such as: apsaras, kinnaras, garuda, hamsa, snake and makara.
The western side of the temple has sculpted-images of dancers and musicians playing their
instruments, and there is a panel showing elephants with lotus. Archaeologists maintain
that these temples belong to the eleventh century A.D.
32
The Amaravati Style around Khuong Mi
This group of temple is located in the Tam Ky village very close to highway No.1
about 70 kms south of Da Nang city. The group has three Kalans facing east, and very rich
decorations This Khuong Mi ensemble of towers is considered one of the finest specimens
of the architecture, as well as sculptural art of Champa. The southern tower is the biggest
in size and is in a good state of preservation. The pilasters have very rich decorative
patterns and they clearly show the sculptural beauty, as well as sculptured arches and
cornices. The sandstone pillars of the southern tower are now on display in Museum of
Cham Sculpture at Da Nang. The Middle tower is smaller and its decorative patterns are
similar to the other two towers. However, they are delicate and appear to be softer. Based
on the decorative patterns, some scholars remark that this tower was built in the first haft
of the tenth century A.D. The northern tower: This is smallest tower in this ensemble. It
is similar to the other two towers both in structure and in decorative patterns. A number of
statues and other sculptural works were found in the Khuong Mi are and they are now in
display at Museum of Cham sculpture at Da Nang.
32
http://www.artcrom.co.jp/Web/gallery/03_CHEN_DANG/CHIEN_DANG/content/bin/images/large/CHIEN_DANG_0
12__001.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
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33
The Vijaya Style around the Silver Tower:
This group of towers is located in Nhon Hoa of Binh Dinh province to the north of
Qui Nhon Town; it is one of the finest examples of a Cham kalan. The ensemble consists
of four buildings, all built along the north-south access. The kalan is the highest structure
and close to it, there is a koshagraha close to the kalan. There is another supplementary
structure with four doors, which has been referred to as a stele tower. According to H.
Parmentier, there were several other structures in this group. The basic plan of the Silver
Tower is similar to other towers of Champa. The arches are constructed in many tiers, one
over the other, and they have beautiful carvings including the motif of Kala in the center.34
The walls of the kalan have five plain pilasters and it has three-storied roof like most of the
towers of Champa. The most notable feature of the koshagraha is the boat-shaped
curvilinear and has been simulated by structure of roof like in My Son and in Po Kalong
Gerai. There are beautiful images of Garuda on both ends of the roof. The other
supplementary structure is a stele tower, which has four doors together with arches on all
the four doors. Because of its height, the stele tower gives a very imposing appearance.
The gate tower has two openings and has two false doors on the sides. The Silver Tower
(Banh It) is still in a good state of preservation and it is undoubtedly one of the major works
of Chams architecture. The Silver Tower started the tradition of building towers on
hilltops. It is almost certain that silver towers were built sometimes in the eleventh century
after the capital had already been transferred to Vijaya.
35
36
33
http://c8.alamy.com/comp/AWATKT/three-ancient-cham-temples-inside-the-chien-dang-ruins-tam-ky-vietnamAWATKT.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
34 This is the emblem of time mostly depicted through a Makara or Crocodile. The Kala throws up everything and
swallows it again. It is generally depicted with a ferocious face with a gaping mouth. The image of Kala vomiting a
goat and the foliage extending to both sides of the marks is one of the most common motifs found on the towers of
Champa.
35 http://thefinestmagazine.com/quy-nhon-hidden-gemstone-vietnam/ - accessed on 1 September 2016
36 http://english.cinet.vn/topics/articledetail.aspx?topicid=11&articleid=26457 – accessed on 1 September 2016
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The Vijaya Style around Binh Lam:
The Binh was constructed on a low-lying field within the compound of Thi Nai
citadel, which is located close to the ancient seaport city of (Vijaya37) Sri Boney. There is
hardly anything existing of the citadel anymore. The original shoreline is now several
kilometers inland. The tower is also severely damaged except the linga of the tower that is
installed in Thien Truc Pagoda located close to the tower. The kalan was quite tall and has
five double pilasters without any decorative carvings. The kalan motif was one of the early
constructions in Vijaya represents the transitional phase of the architecture of Champa from
the tenth to eleventh century A.D. There are double arches under the pilasters. There are
six tower-shaped decorations beneath false doors. The three-tier arches of the false doors
have a unique design. There are two upper tiers and third tier underneath is smaller. The
upper tiers are in pyramidal form. The first tier is decorated with the images of Gajasimha
and at the top is the image of the God seated on the Lotus throne. The second tier is divided
in eight stories each of which is decorated with a tower, animal and human images. In the
middle, there is a small double arch and on both sides, there are images of Apsaras with
clasped hands. The third arch is similar to My Son style. At both ends of the arch, heads
of makaras appear. The tympanum of the arch has a goddess with a lotus in her hand sitting
on a throne.
38
The Vijaya Style around Canh Tien
The Canh Tien tower is located in the Cha Ban citadel, on a hilltop facing east, and
is also known by the name: Con Gai Tower. The tower has four pilasters of sandstone and
is decorated with foliage-figures in an S-shape. The four sandstone corners of cornice have
flame shaped angular pieces and the head of Makara. Archaeologists in 1934-35, in the
Thap Mam area, found a large number of statues, which are now displayed in the Museum
of Cham Sculpture in Da Nang city.
39
40
37
http://blackeagleflights.blogspot.com/2013_10_01_archive.html - accessed on 1 September 2016
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/66Pf6oJC45E/UmzTNhytK6I/AAAAAAAAAaw/6rScD3KDqhI/s1600/Th%C3%A1p+B%C3%ACnh+L%C3%A2m.jp
g – accessed on 1 September 2016
39 https://www.vietnambreakingnews.com/2015/09/seven-most-visited-cham-towers-in-binh-dinh-part-2/ - accessed on
1 September 2016
40 https://www.vietnambreakingnews.com/2015/09/seven-most-visited-cham-towers-in-binh-dinh-part-2/ - accessed on
38
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The Vijaya Style around Thoc Loc
Thoc Loc is also known as the Golden Temple or Phu Loc tower by local people,
and it is located in An Nhon Thanh village in An Nhon district. Like most buildings in the
Binh Dinh style, Thoc Loc is situated on a top of hill and is facing east. H. Parmentier and
C.H. Lemire seen a sandstone lotus pedestal and a Ganesha statue at the kalan in the area.
They belong to the same architectural style as Canh Tien and date from the beginning of
the thirteenth century A.D. Thoc Loc tower is also made of sandstone and bricks. The roof
has three stories out of which only two stories survive. The first story has three small
pilasters and a cornice.
41
The Vijaya Style around Thu Thien:
Situated in north East of Qui Nhon town, the Bronze Tower42 has similar form of
design as the towers Thoc Loc and Canh Tien, which has been constructed in the thirteenth
century, and the Kalan opens to the east. The walls of the towers that are flat and plain
have five built-in pilasters. Like Canh Tien, the four corners of this tower are badly
damaged. In the main inner space of the tower, there was an oval-shaped vault. This had
two Makara Heads and the Apsaras in dancing and praying posture. These structures,
which were made of emery, are the only example of their kind in Cham architecture.
Unfortunately, these statues were stolen during wars. The temples are in a bad state of
preservation.
43
1 September 2016
41 http://english.cinet.vn/userfiles/image/2015/thap0.jpg - accessed on 1 September 2016
42 www.trekearth.com/gallery/Asia/Vietnam/South_Central_Coast/Binh_Dinh/Tay_son/photo245395.htm - accessed on
1 September 2016
43 http://www.tin247.com/ghe_tham_giot_thap_champa_binh_dinh-8-22827648.html - accessed on 1 September 2016
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The Vijaya Style around Duong Long:
This tower ensemble is also called the Nga Tower (Ivory Tower). The group
comprises of three large size kalans that are built on a big mound. The kalan opens to the
east. H. Parmentier is of the opinion that the ensemble earlier had other supplementary
structures besides the three kalans. These towers were made in the last half of the twelfth
century A.D. This group of towers was constructed when there were close contracts
between the Champa and the Khmer Kingdoms. The group, therefore, has clear influence
of the Khmer art of Angkor period. The increased use of sandstone is probably because of
the Khmer influence. The structure of the roof is also different from the usual Cham towers
built in the native style. The placing of the pilasters is also different from the common
pattern followed in the towers of Champa. In this tower, carvings of uroja (women’s
breasts) and carvings of Gaja Simha, are found - a common motif in the Binh Dinh style.
The roof of the Kalan has four stories and sandstone Amalaka, which is structured like a
carved lotus stone.
44
The Vijaya Style around Hung Thanh
This is group of two kalans and they are located within Qui Nhon city. The group
is also known as Doi Tower, and dated in the second half of the twelfth century. Unlike
most temples of the Binh Dinh style, these two kalans are located in a low-lying plain area.
H. Parmentier pointed out that there was also a third kalan, which has now disappeared.
The architectural arrangement as well as the design is similar to the Duong Long group of
towers. According to him, besides the three kalans there were also supplementary
structures like the madapa and the two small square lakes within the boundary of the
ensemble. Because of the Khmer influence, the roof is different from the normal style of
towers in Champa. It is pyramidal shaped and has four sides. Each side has six stories and
each story is decorated with five false niches. The corners of each are decorated with a
five-headed image of Naga made of sandstone. This is yet another illustration of the Khmer
influence. The carvings also have some Annam influence.
44
http://2.bp.blogspot.com/lssr9XOOQkI/TZ90vQMj43I/AAAAAAAAAIY/yAP5pZkgI68/s1600/Duong+Long+Tower.jpg – accessed on 1
September 2016
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45
The Kauthara Style around Nhan (Wild Sea Bird) Tower:
This tower is located on a hilltop called Nhan mount in an isolated area close to Da
Rang River in Tuy Hoa of the Phu Yen province. According to Parmentier, originally there
was a kalan and a supplementary structure. However, now only the kalan survives and
there is no trace of the supplementary structure. The kalan, which takes an oblong and high
shape, opens to the east. The three false doors are badly damaged and there is no trace of
the decorative details. The wall of the kalan has five plain pilasters, with the inter-pilasters
creating three tiered cornice lines. The roof of the kalan has three stories and each story
has four corner towers. However, now only one has survived. This corner tower has a
pyramidal shape, with five stories created by cornices line. The false niches decorated with
an arch that is richly sculptured with a Kala mask; foliage is coming out of the mouth of
the mask. The kalan of the Nhan tower is somewhat different from the other towers of this
period.
46
45
https://www.vietnambreakingnews.com/2015/09/seven-most-visited-cham-towers-in-binh-dinh-part-2/ - accessed on
1 September 2016
46 http://www.trekearth.com/gallery/Asia/Vietnam/South_Central_Coast/Phu_Yen/Tuy_Hoa/photo1174134.htm accessed on 1 September 2016
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The Kauthara Style around Po Nagar
This is one of the most important monuments of Champa, which was originally built
sometime in the eighth century A.D.47 The earlier structure must have been of perishable
material, most probably wood, and it was burnt during the Javanese invasion in the year
774 A.D. For the first time, the shrine with durable material like brick and stone was built
in the year 784 A.D. After that, the tower has been rebuilt and renovated several times
between the eighth to the thirteenth century A.D. The tower is located in Nha Trang town
on a hilltop overlooking the sea and where dedicated to the goddess Yang Ino Po Nagar,
which was constructed by the Kramuka Vamsh (betel nut clan) ruling over the southern
part of Champa. Because the Po Nagar towers retain some influence of A-1 style as well
as characteristics of the Binh Dinh style, some scholars classified these separately into the
Po Nagar style.48 All of the buildings are located on a 500 square meters area on top of the
hill. According to Parmentier, at one time, there were at least ten structures located close
to each other in this area. However, the ensemble now consists of only five structures.
They are the kalan dedicated to Bhagavati (consort of Shiva) or Po Nagar. There are four
other small towers in close vicinity of the main shrine. There are two rows of fourteen
columns at the foot of the hill, facing the main kalan.
49
There is no trace of the original tower built by Satya Varman in the year 784 A.D.
From the stele inscriptions50, scholars remark that the columns located at the foot of the hill
are the oldest structures of the ensemble. Originally, there were twenty-four columns and
they were meant to support a wooden frame of the curvilinear boat-shaped roof of the
Mandapa (Pl. 91). Researchers also find a similar boat-shaped curvilinear roof at My Son
Silver Tower (Banh It) and at Po Klaung Gerai. Unlike the Mandapa of other towers, this
Mandapa has no walls on the sides. According to the inscriptions, it was built by
Harivarman I in the year 817 A.D and the other edifices are late. There was a staircase of
bricks from the mandapa to the kalan. However, it is no longer possible to approach the
kalan from this side. A new approach route from the side was created to provide easy
access to the towers.
Po Nagar ensemble is one of the finest specimens of Cham architecture. The kalan
at Po Nagar is one of the tallest structures with a height of 22.8 meters. The plan of this
47
See, H. Parmentier, “Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient (BEFEO)”1902: 17-54
H. Parmentier, Op. Cit.: 49
49 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/03/Champa_Po_Nagar_Nha_Trang.jpg - accessed on 1
September 2016
50 See, “Bulletin De L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient (BEFEO)” XXIV, Corpus II,pp.245-256
48
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temple follows the basic features of standard architectural plans of Champa temples. There
is a square shaped kalan and three-storied roof in diminishing proportions. Originally, the
top of the temple was of stone; however, it has now disappeared. The kalan has oblong
double pilasters without decorative patterns. The design of the arches of the false doors is
different from other temples. The lower part of pilasters is decorated with a two-tier arch,
which has a lotus petal image. The vestibule of the temple is in good condition and the two
pillars at the entrance have epitaphs that give very useful information about donations and
offerings made by the kings to the shrine of the goddess Bhagavati. This is probably the
only shrine where the wooden doors made of very high quality durable wood have survived.
In the sanctum sanctorum, there is a huge sculpture depicting Yoni, and the goddess
Bhagvati sitting on a lotus flower on top of this yoni. This statue of Bhagvati is one of the
finest examples of Cham sculpture. This goddess has ten arms, each arm holding different
objects associated with Bhagavati. This temple was pillaged on several occasions and
every time a new golden statue was replaced. The present statue was most probably
installed during the reign of King Jaya Pameshvaravarman in the year 1050A.D.51 In the
sanctum sanctorum researchers also find two statues of elephants made of ironwood. These
are amongst the very rare examples of the wooden sculpture of Champ, which are still
preserved. The northwestern tower is also on a square plan and it has a boat-shaped roof.
This structure has no false doors. On the southern wall, there is a carving of Garuda and
on the northern wall a huge lion in the fighting posture. The image on the western wall is
unique: there is a human-figure seated on the head of the elephant and he is holding an
ankush (spearhead). This is most probably the symbol of God Indra whose vahan (vehicle)
is the elephant named Airavat.
The southern tower is built in the style of the late twelfth century A.D. The roof of
the tower has been considerably damaged and now only the sandstone summit remains.
The design of the roof is similar to the Bang An and Hung Thanh tower.
The Panduranga Style around Hoa Lai
The Hoa Lai is named after this group of towers, which are located just adjacent to
Highway No.1 in Tan Hai village about 14 kms north of Phan Rang town. Decorative
carvings on these towers have a unique style of their own. Originally, there were three
towers; however, the central tower has completely disappeared. From the description, it
appears that the central tower followed a similar architectural plan to the northern tower.
The northern tower has the most beautiful decorative carvings. There are four pilasters,
which still have very refined decorative patterns. There is no sculptural work on the interpilasters. There are sculptural base pieces under the pilasters. Beautiful images of Garuda
are present with stretched wings on the heads of the pilasters of the cornices, and there are
human figures in the standing position. The cornices are also sculptured with friezes. The
false doors are decorated with double arches, which are seen for the first time on these
temples. The decoration on the southern tower are simpler compared to those on the
northern tower. There are four pilasters with decorative basement. The researcher fined
the friezes of the garlands on the cornices. There are large arches on the false doors and
these arches do not have detailed carvings as in the northern tower. The tower has a threestoried roof with each story having a false niche decorated with arches. Because of the
cubic shaped low roof, H. Parmentier maintained: Hoa Lai towers belong to the category
of cubic art. The entire of Hoa Lai group was built in the early part of the ninth century
A.D.
51
Charles- Eliot, “Hinduism and Buddhism,” Vol.III, London, 1971: 144
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52
The Panduranga Style around Po Klaung Gerai
This group of temples is in excellent state of preservation because of recent
restoration work. The temples are located on a hill top approximately 6 kms, towards the
west on the road going from Phan Rang to Da Lat. These temples were built in the 13th
century during the reign of Jaya Simhavarman III. The group has a kalan, a mandapa, a
koshagraha and a gate tower surrounded by a low outer wall. There was also a stele tower
that no longer survives; however, the stele can still be found in the area. The basic building
plan of the temple follows the standard architectural plan of the temples of Champa. The
temple has a square base and opens to the east. There are four approaching arches on the
entrance gate. The tympanum above the first arches has the image of dancing Shiva with
six arms. The two arms are over the head and the other four are holding objects commonly
associated with Shiva. This image of Shiva with native anthropological features is an
important example of Cham sculpture particularly late Binh Dinh or Po Klaung Gerai style.
There are inscriptions in Cham language on the two sandstone pillars of the gate. These
inscriptions give details of the donations made to the tower by the king Jaya Simhavarman
III. The temple has three false doors with each door having double arches decorated with
flame-shaped angular pieces. Similar decorations are also to be seen at the main entrance
gate. There is an image of a good or a saint sitting cross-legged with folded hands before
the chest on the tympanums, which are above the false doors. The face pilasters and interpilasters in the temple wall and the head of the pilasters are sculptured with lotus petals.
The three-storied roofs follow the classical pattern. Each story/level is decorated with false
niches with an image of a seated hermit or God with his hands joined in the prayer position.
Each of the four corners has a corner tower and the top of this tower is decorated with lotus
buds made on sandstone. There is a flame-shaped angular piece of sandstone at the corner
of each stone. At the four corners of amalaka, there is a bust of Nandin. Inside the sanctum
sanctorum, there is a mukhalinga, which has the face of the king. The face has native
features; the linga is on a yoni-platform. There is a wooden frame above the image of the
deity. This frame is also used for putting a parasol above the deity. The vestibule, which
is in an excellent state of preservation, has a statue of Nandin Bull. On ceremonial
occasions, the offerings are also made to the Nandin by the local Chams. The mandapa is
located opposite the kalan. To the east of the mandapa, there is a gate tower. The tower
has a two-storied roof and a summit with similar decorations as the kalan. The koshagraha
or the storehouse is located south of the mandapa. It has a boat-shaped curvilinear roof.
The researcher has earlier seen similar roofs at My Son and Silver Tower.
52
http://vovworld.vn/Uploaded/truonggiang/2014_11_28/thap%20hoa%20lai.jpg – accessed on 2 September 2016
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The Panduranga Style around Po Rome
This is last significant monument built in Champa. It was in all probability
constructed in the sixteenth or the seventeenth century A.D when the area of Champa has
been reduced to Panduranga region. The authority of the Kings of Champa had diminished
and so had their resources. This loss of prestige and authority is reflected in the temples
built in this period. The Po Klaung Gerai of Po Rome group, which is later modeled the
ensemble does not have the same grace, beauty and aesthetic appeal. The ensemble has a
kalan in honor of Po Rome and a supplementary structure dedicated to the wife of Po Rome.
It also has funeral epitaph for the King. As mentioned above, the kalan of Po Rome is an
imitation of the kalan of Po Klaung Gerai. The kalan opens to the east and the arch above
the main door has simple decoration with flame-shaped angular pieces of terracotta. As in
the case of the kalan of Po Klaung Gerai, there are four corner towers and four false niches
with figures of seated gods or saints. At each of the four corners of the square-form
Amalaka, there is a statue of Nandin. In the sanctum sanctorum, there is a unique image
of king Po Rome on a linga. The image has eight hands and the idol has the face of king
Po Rome. The anthropological features of the statue are very native. There are two Nandin
statues at both corners – obviously, to show the king of Po Rome as the incarnation of Lord
Shiva. The statue is placed on a Snana Droni. It also shows a tendency to go back to the
roots of native culture and religious practices like observance of earth-sky ritual. The kuts
are coarsely carved and the human figures are stylized as images of cloud and water. This
clearly shows the influence of the Vietnamese Art.
54
53
https://media-cdn.tripadvisor.com/media/photo-s/07/6c/35/ec/po-klong-garai-cham-temple.jpg - accessed on 2
September 2016
54 http://photos.wikimapia.org/p/00/02/16/25/77_big.jpg - accessed on 2 September 2016
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The Panduranga Style around Po Dam
This group of towers is located at a height of approximately 10 meters on the slope
of a rocky mountain near Phong Phu village in Tuy Phong District, Binh Thuan Province.
The group originally consisted of six towers, which were illustrated by Parmentier as:
Central tower, Northwest tower, Northeast tower, South tower, Southwest tower and
Southeast tower. The peculiar thing of the plan of these towers is that they face south
instead of east. The south tower in this group, however, opens to the east. The Po Dam
group is one of the earliest examples of the architecture of Champa. They were most
probably constructed in the late 8th and 9th centuries. The central tower in this group has
decorative patterns similar to the one at Hoa Lai towers. The wall of this tower was
decorated with big pilasters with delicately sculptured arches on the base. My Son has
followed an architectural design similar to the central tower of Po Dam. This group of
towers has suffered heavy damage and only three structures still exist.
55
The Panduranga Style around Phu Hai
This group of towers is situated on a hill overlooking the sea about 7 kms from the
Phan Thiet town. This is the southernmost group of towers in the kingdom of Champa.
The words “Phu Hai” are probably the Vietnamese version of the Cham word “Pagai”. The
group consists of two kalans and supplementary structures. The southern tower, which is
facing east is the main kalan. Scholars considered it a unique structure because of certain
archaeological peculiarities like the absence of angular pieces and a corner tower. Probably
this is the only kalan that has pillars with a round shape. The tower has three stories/levels
remains. There are four niches in each story. A small supplementary structure is located
close to the main kalan. The second tower has similar design to the main tower to the south.
However, its dimensions are smaller. This group of towers is amongst the earliest
architectural works of Champa. Geographically, it is located very close to Fu Nan. Its
design, therefore, must have been influenced by the Fu Nan and Khmer art. This ensemble
was most probably constructed in the eighth century A.D.
55
http://tuyphong.binhthuan.gov.vn/wps/wcm/connect/909f7b00463c125e9d7bfff25f843528/1/H2+(FILEminimizer).jpg?
MOD=AJPERES&CACHEID=909f7b00463c125e9d7bfff25f843528/1 - accessed on 2 September 2016
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The Panduranga Style around Yang Prong
This tower is located in Ea Sup district in the north west of Dak Lak province
in central highlands of Vietnam. The tower is in a forest area, found by a French officer,
Lt. Orame in the year 1900; however, Henry Maitre who visited the tower in July 1906
A.D. recorded the first proper account. Maitre once again visited the tower in the year
1910 and gave a more detailed account of the monument.57 This brick tower is ninemeters high and faces towards the east. There are false doors on the three sides. There
is a local legend about the tower of Yang Prong, and some scholars are of the opinion
that the tower was built in the fifteenth century A.D. However, based on inscriptions
studied by Coedes and Finot, it is concluded that the tower was built by King Jaya
Simhavarman III at the end of the thirteenth century A.D. The location of these towers
in the highlands confirms the view that Champa was a polyethnic kingdom. It also
demonstrates close relationship between the Chams and the other tribes living in the
forest covered mountains.
58
56
57
58
http://littlemuineresort.com/Resources/HinhAnh/DiemThamQuan/ThapPoshanu.jpg - accessed on 2 September 2016
Luong Thanh Son, “Yang Prong- Cham Tower in Daklak,” Dan Toc Publishers, 1991: 10-12.
https://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Th%C3%A1p_Yang_Prong#/media/File:Th%C3%A1p_Yang_Prong,_Ea_S%C3%BAp,_
%C4%90%E1%BA%AFk_L%E1%BA%AFk.JPG – accessed on 2 September 2016
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Conclusion:
To conclude, one can say: of all of the ancient Hindu kingdoms established by
Indian settlers in Southeast Asia, the kingdom of Champa played an important role in
introducing various elements of the ancient Indian culture to Vietnam. Works of Cham
architecture with their beauty and artistic excellence, attracts the admiration of everyone,
and contributes to the embellishment of Vietnamese scenery. Cham temple structures
constitute groupings of a few sanctuaries, square in plan and enclosed by a wall. Some
sanctuaries are preceded by a long hall. In practice, the only type of building used by
Chams architecture is the tower sanctuary known as the kalan, square in plan and always
constructed of bricks. The Dong Duong and My Son Temple show the most advanced
stage of Cham architecture. The temple complex is rectangular divided lengthwise in three
long narrow blocks of slightly unequal dimensions running east to west. The temple facing
east to west has the characteristic-features of Indian temples. Various Hindu-Buddhist
sculptures have been found amongst temples ruins. Images of the Buddha and his disciples,
Bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara, Padmapani, Prajnyaparamita and Vairocana have been
found. These images represent Indian art-styles. The Chams made their sculptures
featuring anthropological-characteristics. Most of the images have thick lips, and at times
a thick moustache covering the upper lip, giving the impression that it is thicker and longer
than the lower one. The flat nose with large nostrils and joined projecting eyebrows are
also found. The images wear heavy ornaments. There are also various images of
Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara of two armed, four-armed, and eight-armed forms. Among the
ruins: a bronze image of the Buddha was found at Dong Duong, dating from the 3rd century
A.D.; various other sculptures have been found, including: various dvarapalas and animal
figures, and heavily-jeweled images also exist. The Cham artists excelled in floral
decorations, and although they treated foliage in a conventional manner, they added
elements of grace and beauty, which made Cham art highly charming.
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