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Apodexis Historia
An Aggregate Primary Source Account of Greek History
Edited by E. Edward Garvin, 2013
The purpose of a sourcebook is to allow the subjects to speak their own history and to allow
the student, the reader, to gain an understanding of Greek literary works through a selective
sampling. The key word is ‘selective.’ Contained herein are passages excerpted from their
contexts. Without exception, this very process produces a falsehood because both the narrative and
meta-narrative are destroyed when the continuity of the composition is interrupted. Nevertheless,
this seems the most expedient way to expose students to a wide range of primary source
information.
I have tried to keep my voice out of it as much as possible and will intervene as editor (in
Times New Roman font) only to give background or exegesis to the text. All of the texts contained
in frames and in Goudy Old Style font are excerpts from Greek or Latin texts (primary sources)
that have been translated into English. These translations were published as print books but have
since fallen into Public Domain - which means that the copyright has expired. As editor of this
volume, I have copied, edited and partially retranslated these texts to bring the translations up to
date.
The title of this collection is adapted from the opening line of Herodotus' Histories: "The
results of the research (histories) of Herodotus of Halicarnassus are herein presented for public
display (apodexis)." The Greek apodexis means a 'display' or 'public presentation': The word
historia, when Herodotus used it, referred to a process of rational pragmatic inquiry. With the
popularity of Herodotus' publication, the word Historia came first to denote the work itself, and
later to denote any literary work composed of a rational inquiry into events of the past. Modern
languages, English included, have adopted the term and the word 'history' now refers to the past in
general, the study of the past and a literary work about the past.
The title of this work is, then, a play on words: What follows is both 'history on display' and
the results of various enquiries into the past.
EEG
1
Sources
Our primary sources rarely come to us directly; that is to say that few copies of any work date
to the time of publication or even to the ancient world. Most of these texts were originally written
on, and hand-copied to, scrolls of papyrus. These scrolls were held in personal collections or in
libraries such as the Library of Alexandria, where scholars and scribes studied them and made
further copies. Over the centuries, the task of preserving and copying the manuscripts was taken
over by Catholic monasteries and Islamic libraries.
Also during this period, scholars developed a system by which the ancient works were divided
and numbered; sometimes by 'books' (what we now call chapters), usually by sections and always
by lines. The beauty of this system, once it was standardized, is that every text, regardless of
format, publication or language, uses a consistent numbering system. For example, one of the
excerpts I offer below is cited as Herodotus i. 56-58. 1 In every publication of Herodotus’ Histories
those same lines can be found in Book I, Section 56 to 58; whether it is a Greek manuscript, an
English, German or French translation, just published or five-hundred years old.
Below is an example from Homer’s Iliad, Book One, showing the English translation on the
left and the Greek original on the right.
[1] Sing, goddess, about the wrath of [1] μῆνιν ἄειδε θεὰ Πηληϊάδεω Ἀχιλῆος
[2] οὐλομένην, ἣ μυρί' Ἀχαιοῖς ἄλγε' ἔθηκε,
Achilles, son of Peleus,
[2] which brought pain upon so many [3] πολλὰς δ' ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς Ἄϊδι προί̈αψεν
[4] ἡρώων, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεῦχε κύνεσσιν
Achaeans.
[3] Many stout souls did it send, too soon, to [5] οἰωνοῖσί τε πᾶσι, Διὸς δ' ἐτελείετο βουλή,
[6] ἐξ οὗ δὴ τὰ πρῶτα διαστήτην ἐρίσαντε
meet Hades,
[4] while the corpses of the heroes were left [7] Ἀτρεί̈δης τε ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν καὶ δῖος
Ἀχιλλεύς.
prey to dogs
[5] and vultures, by the will of Zeus,
[6] from the moment they were divided in
conflict;
[7] the son of Atreus, king of men, and great
Achilles. 2
1
Books are usually indicated by numbers (ie: Book 1, Book 2 etc.) but Roman numerals (i,ii,iii,iv etc.),
which is my preference, are also acceptable.
2
Editor's translation.
2
Greek Origins: The Bronze Age
The Bronze Age is so named because it is the period in which bronze tools and weapons were
prevalent. Bronze was the first metal to be used by humans and its discovery in the fourth
millennium BC allowed people to make tools and weapons of greater variety and quality than ever
before. Bronze is made by melting copper and mixing it with molten tin to a ratio of 9 to 1. When
this alloy cools it produces a metal, bronze, which is much more durable than either copper or tin.
The dates of the Bronze Age vary by region. Copper and then bronze were in use in the Near
East much earlier but bronze did not arrive in Europe, especially Greece, until about 3000 BC.
The Bronze Age ends with the arrival of Iron technology, ca 1100 BC. The challenge for
metallurgists of the ancient world was to produce enough heat to melt iron ore so that it could be
fashioned into new shapes. Copper melts at 1084 degrees Celsius; Iron melts at 1535 degrees
Celsius.
The First Greeks
Aside from bronze technology, the most important feature of the Bronze Age must certainly
be the mass migrations that took place. It is generally agreed that a culture of Indo-European
warriors arrived in the Greek peninsula around 1600 BC.
Thucydides was an Athenian aristocrat and general who wrote The History of the
Peloponnesian War around 400 BC. His introductory chapters give us his view of Greek ancient
history:
Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Book I
[2] …it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled
population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes
readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. Without
commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of
their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their
land (for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when
he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustenance
could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their
habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of
greatness. The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the
district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the
most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement
of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It
also invited invasion. Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very
remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. And here is no
inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion that the migrations were the cause of there
being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction
from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early
period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a
height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies
to Ionia.
[3] There is also another circumstance that contributes not a little to my conviction of the
weakness of ancient times. Before the Trojan war there is no indication of any common
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action in Hellas, nor indeed of the universal prevalence of the name; on the contrary, before
the time of Hellen, son of Deucalion, no such appellation existed, but the country went by
the names of the different tribes, in particular of the Pelasgian. It was not till Hellen and
his sons grew strong in Phthiotis, and were invited as allies into the other cities, that one by
one they gradually acquired from the connection the name of Hellenes; though a long time
elapsed before that name could fasten itself upon all. The best proof of this is furnished by
Homer. Born long after the Trojan War, he nowhere calls all of them by that name, nor
indeed any of them except the followers of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original
Hellenes: in his poems they are called Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. He does not even
use the term barbarian, probably because the Hellenes had not yet been marked off from
the rest of the world by one distinctive appellation. It appears therefore that the several
Hellenic communities, comprising not only those who first acquired the name, city by city,
as they came to understand each other, but also those who assumed it afterwards as the
name of the whole people, were before the Trojan war prevented by their want of strength
and the absence of communication from displaying any collective action.
The Histories, by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, probably published in 429/8 BC, is the oldest
extant historical narrative. The subject of the Histories is the Persian Wars, but Herodotus offers a
vast amount of background information. This is his version of early Greek history:
Herodotus i .56 - 58.
…the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and
the others of the Ionian tribe. For these were the most eminent tribes in ancient time, the
second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic tribe: and the one never migrated from its
place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the
reign of Deucalion this tribe dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Dorus the son of Hellen
in the land lying below Ossa and Olympus, which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was
driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmus, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian;
and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to
Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.
57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able with certainty to say.
But if one must pronounce judging by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in
the city of Creston above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the tribe now
called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and also by those
that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia and Skylake in the region of the
Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the Athenians, and of the natives of the
various other towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,--if one must
pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. If therefore
all the Pelasgian tribe was such as these, then the Attic tribe, being Pelasgian, at the same
time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of
Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet
do the people of Phakia, but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is
proved that they still keep unchanged the form of language which they brought with them
when they migrated to these places.
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58. As for the Hellenic genus, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive, since
it first took its rise; but since the time when it parted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian
genus, setting forth from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of tribes
which we see, and chiefly because many Barbarian tribes have been added to it besides.
Moreover it is true, as I think, of the Pelasgian genus also, that so far as it remained
Barbarian it never made any great increase.
There were three primary tribes of Greeks (Hellenes): The Aeolians, Ionians and Dorians,
each with a distinctive dialect. The theory that prevailed in Classical Greece was that a people
called the Minyans were the original inhabitants: They were supplanted by the Pelasgians as well
as smaller groups of immigrants from Phoenicia and Egypt who were then assimilated and/or
expelled by a group who claim descent from a mythical figure named Deucalion. Hellen, the son
of Deucalion, is the eponymous founder of the Dorian tribe and gives his name to all of the tribes
in general: Hellenes.
Apollodorus i.7.1 - 3:
[1] Prometheus moulded men out of water and earth and gave them also fire, which,
unknown to Zeus, he had hidden in a stalk of fennel. But when Zeus learned of it, he
ordered Hephaestus to nail his body to Mount Caucasus, which is a Scythian mountain. On
it Prometheus was nailed and kept bound for many years. Every day an eagle swooped on
him and devoured the lobes of his liver, which grew by night. That was the penalty that
Prometheus paid for the theft of fire until Hercules afterwards released him, as we shall
show in dealing with Hercules.
[2] And Prometheus had a son Deucalion. He reigning in the regions about Phthia, married
Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora, the first woman fashioned by the gods.
And when Zeus would destroy the men of the Bronze Age, Deucalion by the advice of
Prometheus constructed a chest, and having stored it with provisions he embarked in it with
Pyrrha. But Zeus by pouring heavy rain from heaven flooded the greater part of Greece, so
that all men were destroyed, except a few who fled to the high mountains in the
neighborhood. It was then that the mountains in Thessaly parted, and that all the world
outside the Isthmus and Peloponnese was overwhelmed. But Deucalion, floating in the chest
over the sea for nine days and as many nights, drifted to Parnassus, and there, when the rain
ceased, he landed and sacrificed to Zeus, the god of Escape. And Zeus sent Hermes to him
and allowed him to choose what he would, and he chose to get men. And at the bidding of
Zeus he took up stones and threw them over his head, and the stones which Deucalion threw
became men, and the stones which Pyrrha threw became women. Hence people were called
metaphorically people (laos) from laas, “a stone.” And Deucalion had children by Pyrrha,
first Hellen, whose father some say was Zeus, and second Amphictyon, who reigned over
Attica after Cranaus; and third a daughter Protogenia, who became the mother of Aethlius
by Zeus.
[3] Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Aeolus by a nymph Orseis. Those who were called Greeks
he named Hellenes after himself, and divided the country among his sons. Xuthus received
Peloponnese and begat Achaeus and Ion by Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus, and from
Achaeus and Ion the Achaeans and Ionians derive their names. Dorus received the country
5
over against Peloponnese and called the settlers Dorians after himself. Aeolus reigned over
the regions about Thessaly and named the inhabitants Aeolians.
The Deucalion myth suggests that the Hellenes (Greeks) came to Greece directlyfrom divine
parentage, but most of the other Greek myths suggest immigration. The Theban royal family, for
example, came from Egypt via Phoenicia (Palestine)…
Apollodorus iii.1.1; 4.1-2
[iii.1.1] … we have next to speak of the house of Agenor. For as I have said, Libya had by
Poseidon two sons, Belus and Agenor. Now Belus reigned over the Egyptians and begat the
aforesaid sons; but Agenor went to Phoenicia, married Telephassa, and begat a daughter
Europa and three sons, Cadmus, Phoenix, and Cilix. But some say that Europa was a
daughter not of Agenor but of Phoenix. Zeus loved her, and turning himself into a tame
bull, he mounted her on his back and conveyed her through the sea to Crete. There Zeus
bedded with her, and she bore Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadamanthys; but according to
Homer, Sarpedon was a son of Zeus by Laodamia, daughter of Bellerophon. On the
disappearance of Europa her father Agenor sent out his sons in search of her, telling them
not to return until they had found Europa. With them her mother, Telephassa, and Thasus,
son of Poseidon, or according to Pherecydes, of Cilix, went forth in search of her. But when,
after diligent search, they could not find Europa, they gave up the thought of returning
home, and took up their abode in divers places; Phoenix settled in Phoenicia; Cilix settled
near Phoenicia, and all the country subject to himself near the river Pyramus he called
Cilicia; and Cadmus and Telephassa took up their abode in Thrace and in like manner
Thasus founded a city Thasus in an island off Thrace and dwelt there.
[iii.4.1] When Telephassa died, Cadmus buried her, and after being hospitably received by
the Thracians he came to Delphi to inquire about Europa. The god told him not to trouble
about Europa, but to be guided by a cow, and to found a city wherever she should fall down
for weariness. After receiving such an oracle he journeyed through Phocis; then falling in
with a cow among the herds of Pelagon, he followed it behind. And after traversing Boeotia,
it sank down where is now the city of Thebes. Wishing to sacrifice the cow to Athena, he
sent some of his companions to draw water from the spring of Ares. But a dragon, which
some said was the offspring of Ares, guarded the spring and destroyed most of those that
were sent. In his indignation Cadmus killed the dragon, and by the advice of Athena sowed
its teeth. When they were sown there rose from the ground armed men whom they called
Sparti. These slew each other, some in a chance brawl, and some in ignorance. But
Pherecydes says that when Cadmus saw armed men growing up out of the ground, he flung
stones at them, and they, supposing that they were being pelted by each other, came to
blows. However, five of them survived, Echion, Udaeus, Chthonius, Hyperenor, and
Pelorus.
[2] …But Cadmus, to atone for the slaughter, served Ares for an eternal year; and the year
was then equivalent to eight years of our reckoning. After his servitude Athena procured for
him the kingdom, and Zeus gave him to wife Harmonia, daughter of Aphrodite and Ares.
And all the gods quitted the sky, and feasting in the Cadmea celebrated the marriage with
hymns. Cadmus gave her a robe and the necklace wrought by Hephaestus, which some say
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was given to Cadmus by Hephaestus, but Pherecydes says that it was given by Europa, who
had received it from Zeus. And to Cadmus were born daughters, Autonoe, Ino, Semele,
Agave, and a son Polydorus. Ino was married to Athamas, Autonoe to Aristaeus, and Agave
to Echion.
…and Pelops, the eponymous founder of the Peloponnesian royal lines, came from Phrygia
(modern Turkey). 1
Thucydides i.9
…Indeed, the account given by those Peloponnesians who have been the recipients of the
most credible tradition is this. First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from
Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was
called after him; and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his
descendants.
Both of these accounts seem to reflect and support the theory that the Mycenaean culture
migrated to Greece and used their military prowess to dominate the local population. But Strabo
offers a much more complex picture:
Stabo, Geography vii.1
Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus, that, before the time of the Greeks, it was
inhabited by barbarians. Perhaps even the whole of Greece was, anciently, a settlement of
barbarians, if we judge from former accounts. For Pelops brought colonists from Phrygia
into the Peloponnesus, which took his name; Danaus brought colonists from Egypt;
Dryopes, Caucones, Pelasgi, Leleges, and other barbarous nations, partitioned among
themselves the country on this side of the isthmus. The case was the same on the other side
of the isthmus; for Thracians, under their leader Eumolpus, took possession of Attica;
Tereus of Daulis in Phocaea; the Phoenicians, with their leader Cadmus, occupied the
Cadmeian district; Aones, and Temmices, and Hyantes, Boeotia. Pindar says, ‘there was a
time when the Boeotian people were called ‘Syes.’ Some names show their barbarous origin,
as Cecrops, Codrus, Oeclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. Thracians, Illyrians, and
Epirotae are settled even at present on the sides of Greece. Formerly the territory they
possessed was more extensive, although even now the barbarians possess a large part of the
country, which, without dispute, is Greece. Macedonia is occupied by Thracians, as well as
some parts of Thessaly; the country above Acarnania and Aetolia, by Thesproti, Cassopaei,
Amphilochi, Molotti, and Athamanes, Epirotic tribes.
It seems reasonable to conclude, then, that the Greek language and culture represent a
confluence of various ethnic groups which underwent a gradual homogenization process. The
people of Great Britain and the English language underwent a similar process beginning with
Celtic languages, influenced by Latin and Greek, Germanic, Danish and French.
1
Herodotus (vii. 8c; 11) agrees that he was Phrygian, although there are other traditions claiming that he
was Greek.
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Mycenaean Greece
Although it is not possible to establish a chronology or even a unified and coherent sequential
narrative of the Greek myth cycles, there is an inferred correspondence with a culture that
flourished in Greece between ca. 1600 and ca.1100 BC, now called Mycenaean culture. The name
is somewhat misleading: Mycenae was one of many cities wherein these people dwelled but was
not a capital in any real sense of the word.
Mycenaean civilization functioned as a hierarchy of kingdoms. Monarchy is founded on and
perpetuated by the sword, but it is always justified and ratified by the divine. Hesiod says that
Calliope, the Muse, the daughter of Zeus...
Hesiod, Theogony 80
… accompanies the venerable kings. A certain one of the kings cherished by great Zeus
having been born, the daughters see him and honor him and on his tongue they pour sweet
dew, then from his mouth flow kind things and all the people look to him as he decides laws
by straight judgments; and steadfastly speaking in the assembly and quickly understanding
he puts an end to a great dispute; for that reason the kings are prudent, on account of
which for those people in the gathering who have been damaged restitution is easily
accomplished, exhorting with soft words.
The Greek myth cycle is, in many ways, a series of legitimacy stories: Regardless of the trials
and tribulations of the mythical hero (almost always a member of a royal family), divine descent
seems to be the main point.
There was no absolute monarch of Mycenaean civilization, but rather a number of kings each
ruling a single city or, occasionally, a collection of cities. So, in an effort to appease Achilles,
Agamemnon could make the following offer:
Iliad ix 149 - 156
...and I will give him seven well established cities, Cardamyle, Enope, and Hire, where there
is grass; holy Pherae and the rich meadows of Anthea; Aepea also, and the vine-clad slopes
of Pedasus, all near the sea, and on the borders of sandy Pylos. The men that dwell there are
rich in cattle and sheep; they will honour him with gifts as though he were a god, and be
obedient to his comfortable ordinances.
Agamemnon in the case of the Trojan War, was a primus inter pares more than an absolute
ruler. Achilles complains that:
Iliad xvi. 53 - 4
I am cut to the very heart that one of my own rank should dare to rob me because he is more
powerful than I am.
Despite peer status, real power decided who ruled. When Nestor was trying to reconcile
Agamemnon and Achilles, he reminded the latter;
Iliad i. 277 - 81
Achilles, strive not further with the king, for no man who by the grace of Zeus wields a
sceptre has like honour with Agamemnon. You are strong, and have a goddess for your
mother; but Agamemnon is stronger than you, for he has more people under him.
Agamemnon was the descendant of Pelops and, through marriage with the family of Perseus
came to rule Mycenae while his brother, Menelaus, ruled Sparta.
8
Thucydides i.9
First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired
such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him; 1 and this power
fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants. Eurystheus had been
killed in Attica by the Heraclidae. Atreus was his mother's brother; and to the hands of his
relation, who had left his father on account of the death of Chrysippus, Eurystheus, when
he set out on his expedition, had committed Mycenae and the government. As time went
on and Eurystheus did not return, Atreus complied with the wishes of the Mycenaeans, who
were influenced by fear of the Heraclids- besides, his power seemed considerable, and he
had not neglected to court the favour of the populace- and assumed the sceptre of Mycenae
and the rest of the dominions of Eurystheus. And so the power of the descendants of Pelops
came to be greater than that of the descendants of Perseus.
To all this Agamemnon succeeded. He had also a navy far stronger than his contemporaries,
so that, in my opinion, fear was quite as strong an element as love in the formation of the
confederate expedition. The strength of his navy is shown by the fact that his own was the
largest contingent, and that of the Arcadians was furnished by him; this at least is what
Homer says, if his testimony is deemed sufficient. Besides, in his account of the transmission
of the sceptre, he calls him "Of many an isle, and of all Argos king." Now Agamemnon's was
a continental power; and he could not have been master of any except the adjacent islands
(and these would not be many), but through the possession of a fleet. And from this
expedition we may infer the character of earlier enterprises.
The Mycenaean culture collapsed around 1100 BC and Greece descended into a ‘Dark Age.’
The only real clue as to the cause is the coincidental arrival of iron technology. There is no certainty
that an iron wielding warrior culture overthrew the Mycenaean, but whatever the cause it left a
power and cultural vacuum.
Thucydides i.12
Even after the Trojan War, Hellas was still engaged in removing and settling, and thus could
not attain to the quiet which must precede growth. The late return of the Hellenes from
Ilium 2 caused many revolutions, and factions ensued almost everywhere; and it was the
citizens thus driven into exile who founded the cities. Sixty years after the capture of Ilium,
the modern Boeotians were driven out of Arne by the Thessalians, and settled in the present
Boeotia, the former Cadmeis; though there was a division of them there before, some of
whom joined the expedition to Ilium. Twenty years later, the Dorians and the Heraclids
became masters of Peloponnese; so that much had to be done and many years had to elapse
before Hellas could attain to a durable tranquillity undisturbed by removals, and could begin
to send out colonies, as Athens did to Ionia and most of the islands, and the Peloponnesians
to most of Italy and Sicily and some places in the rest of Hellas. All these places were founded
subsequently to the war with Troy.
1
2
The Peloponnese.
Properly speaking, Troy is the name of the country, or region, which was ruled by the Trojans, the
descendants of Tros. Ilium was the name of the capital city of that region. Today we refer to the city as
Troy, but the ancients used the proper name, Ilium. Hence, Homer's Iliad is a story set before the walls of
the city.
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Myth and Religion
Perhaps the most enduring legacy of the Bronze Age, and Mycenaean culture specifically, is
that the stories of the gods and heroes that were passed down through the Dark Age became the
foundation of Greek, and later Roman, religion.
In the eighth-century BC Hesiod, a Greek from Boeotia, composed several texts on the nature
of the gods and the origins of man and the world around us. These texts, combined with the works
of Homer, comprise the main canon of the Greek mythical past and the foundations of the Greek
identity.
Hesiod, Theogony: 1
[36 - 52] Come, let us begin with the Muses who gladden the great spirit of their father Zeus
in Olympus with their songs, telling of things that are and that will be and that were in times
past with consenting voice. Unwearyingly flows the sweet sound from their lips, and the
house of their father Zeus the loud-thunderer is glad at the lily-like voice of the goddesses as
it spread abroad, and the peaks of snowy Olympus resound, and the homes of the immortals.
And they uttering their immortal voices, celebrate in song first of all the reverend race 2 of
the gods from the beginning, those whom Earth (Gaia) and wide Heaven (Ouranos) begot,
and the gods sprung of these, givers of good things. Then, next, the goddesses sing of Zeus,
the father of gods and men, as they begin and end their strain, how much he is the most
excellent among the gods and supreme in power. And again, they chant the race of men and
strong giants, and gladden the heart of Zeus within Olympus, -- the Olympian Muses,
daughters of Zeus the aegis-holder. 3
[104 - 115] Hail, children of Zeus! Grant lovely song and celebrate the holy race of the
deathless gods who are for ever, those that were born of Earth and starry Heaven and gloomy
Night and them that briny Sea did rear. Tell how at the first gods and earth came to be, and
rivers, and the boundless sea with its raging swell, and the gleaming stars, and the wide
heaven above, and the gods who were born of them, givers of good things, and how they
divided their wealth, and how they shared their honours amongst them, and also how at the
first they took many-folded Olympus. These things declare to me from the beginning, Muses
who dwell in the house of Olympus, and tell me which of them first came to be.
[116 - 138] Verily at the first Chaos came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure
foundations of all the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus, and dim
Tartarus in the depth of the wide-pathed Earth, and Eros 4, fairest among the deathless gods,
who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men
within them. From Chaos came forth Erebus and black Night; but of Night were born Aether
and Day, whom she conceived and bore from union in love with Erebus. And Earth first
bore starry Heaven, equal to herself, to cover her on every side, and to be an ever-sure
1
This is not the complete text.
The Greek word genos is here, as often, translated as ‘race.’ It is, of course, the same word we see in other
Indo-European languages such as the Latin genus and the French ‘genre’ and English ‘gender.’ It refers to
origin and means a ‘type’, ‘kind’, or ‘sort.’
3
An aegis is a small round shield held by a single handle in the centre.
4
Eros is often translated as ‘love’ but this is unsatisfactory. Eros is the god of passion and desire, especially
sexual passion, whence English derives the word ‘erotic.’ It should not be confused with ‘love’ in the
sense of ‘devotion’.
2
10
abiding-place for the blessed gods. And she brought forth long Hills, graceful haunts of the
goddess-Nymphs who dwell amongst the glens of the hills. She bore also the fruitless deep
with his raging swell, Pontus, without sweet union of love. But afterwards she lay with
Heaven and bore deep-swirling Oceanus, Coeus and Crius and Hyperion 1 and Iapetus,
Theia 2 and Rhea, Themis 3 and Mnemosyne 4 and gold-crowned Phoebe 5 and lovely Tethys. 6
[138] After them was born Cronos the wily, youngest and most terrible of her children, and
he hated his lusty father.
[139 – 146] And again, she bare the Cyclopes, overbearing in spirit, Brontes, and Steropes
and stubborn-hearted Arges (6), who gave Zeus the thunder and made the thunderbolt: in
all else they were like the gods, but one eye only was set in the midst of their fore-heads.
And they were surnamed Cyclopes (Orb-eyed) because one orbed eye was set in their
foreheads. Strength and might and craft were in their works.
[147 – 163] And again, three other sons were born of Earth and Heaven, great and doughty
beyond telling, Cottus and Briareos and Gyes, presumptuous children. From their shoulders
sprang an hundred arms, not to be approached, and each had fifty heads upon his shoulders
on their strong limbs, and irresistible was the stubborn strength that was in their great forms.
For of all the children that were born of Earth and Heaven, these were the most terrible,
and they were hated by their own father from the first. And he used to hide them all away
in a secret place of Earth so soon as each was born, and would not suffer them to come up
into the light: and Heaven rejoiced in his evil doing. But vast Earth groaned within because
she was so burdened, and she made the element of grey flint and shaped a great sickle, and
told her plan to her dear sons. And she spoke, cheering them, while she was vexed in her
dear heart:
[164 – 75] `My children, gotten of a sinful father, if you will obey me, we should punish the
vile outrage of your father; for he first thought of doing shameful things.' So she said; but
fear seized them all, and none of them uttered a word. But great Cronos the wily took
courage and answered his dear mother: `Mother, I will undertake to do this deed, for I
reverence not our father of evil name, for he first thought of doing shameful things.' So he
said: and vast Earth rejoiced greatly in spirit, and set and hid him in an ambush, and put in
his hands a jagged sickle, and revealed to him the whole plot.
[176 – 206] And Heaven came, bringing on night and longing for love, and he lay about
Earth spreading himself full upon her. Then the son from his ambush stretched forth his
left hand and in his right took the great long sickle with jagged teeth, and swiftly lopped off
his own father's genitals and cast them away to fall behind him. And not vainly did they fall
from his hand; for all the bloody drops that gushed forth Earth received, and as the seasons
moved round she bare the strong Erinyes 7 and the great Giants with gleaming armour,
holding long spears in their hands and the Nymphs whom they call Meliae all over the
boundless earth. And so soon as he had cut off the genitals with flint and cast them from
1
Hyperion is the Sun god.
Divinity? Religion?
3
Law, order.
4
Memory.
5
Light, brightness.
6
Mother, the sea as source of life.
7
The three avenging goddesses.
2
11
the land into the surging sea, they were swept away over the main a long time: and a white
foam spread around them from the immortal flesh, and in it there grew a maiden. First she
drew near holy Cythera, and from there, afterwards, she came to sea-girt Cyprus, and came
forth an awful and lovely goddess, and grass grew up about her beneath her shapely feet.
Her gods and men call Aphrodite, and the foam-born goddess and rich-crowned Cytherea,
because she grew amid the foam, and Cytherea because she reached Cythera, and
Cyprogenes because she was born in billowy Cyprus, and Philommedes because sprang from
the genitals. And with her went Eros, and comely Desire followed her at her birth at the
first and as she went into the assembly of the gods. This honour she has from the beginning,
and this is the portion allotted to her amongst men and undying gods, the whisperings of
maidens and smiles and deceits with sweet delight and love and graciousness.
[207 – 210] But these sons whom he begot himself great Heaven used to call Titans 1 in
reproach, for he said that they exerted themselves and did presumptuously a fearful deed,
and that vengeance for it would come afterwards.
[211 – 32] And Night bore hateful Doom and black Fate and Death, and she bore Sleep and
the tribe of Dreams. And again the goddess murky Night, though she lay with none, bore
Blame and painful Woe, and the Hesperides who guard the rich, golden apples and the trees
bearing fruit beyond glorious Ocean. Also she bore the Destinies and ruthless avenging
Fates, Clotho and Lachesis and Atropos, who give men at their birth both evil and good to
have, and they pursue the transgressions of men and of gods: and these goddesses never
cease from their dread anger until they punish the sinner with a sore penalty. Also deadly
Night bare Nemesis to afflict mortal men, and after her, Deceit and Friendship and hateful
Age and hard-hearted Strife. But abhorred Strife bare painful Toil and Forgetfulness and
Famine and tearful Sorrows, Fightings also, Battles, Murders, Manslaughters, Quarrels,
Lying Words, Disputes, Lawlessness and Ruin, all of one nature, and Oath who most
troubles men upon earth when anyone wilfully swears a false oath. 2
[404 – 452] Again, Phoebe came to the desired embrace of Coeus. Then the goddess through
the love of the god conceived and brought forth dark-gowned Leto, always mild, kind to
men and to the deathless gods, mild from the beginning, gentlest in all Olympus. Also she
bare Asteria of happy name, whom Perses once led to his great house to be called his dear
wife. And she conceived and bare Hecate whom Zeus the son of Cronos honoured above
all. 3 He gave her splendid gifts, to have a share of the earth and the unfruitful sea. She
received honour also in starry heaven, and is honoured exceedingly by the deathless gods.
For to this day, whenever any one of men on earth offers rich sacrifices and prays for favour
according to custom, he calls upon Hecate. Great honour comes full easily to him whose
prayers the goddess receives favourably, and she bestows wealth upon him; for the power
surely is with her. For as many as were born of Earth and Ocean amongst all these she has
her due portion. The son of Cronos did her no wrong nor took anything away of all that
was her portion among the former Titan gods: but she holds, as the division was at the first
from the beginning, privilege both in earth, and in heaven, and in sea. Also, because she is
1
Difficult to translate. Perhaps it means ‘those who strive’ or ‘those who strain to accomplish a thing.’
The problem with this whole section, of course, is that the gods have not yet created man.
3
Not one of the twelve Olympian gods, but a very important and powerful goddess. Her identity seems to be
something of a compilation of all of the goddesses.
2
12
an only child, the goddess receives not less honour, but much more still, for Zeus honours
her. Whom she will she greatly aids and advances: she sits by worshipful kings in judgement,
and in the assembly whom she will is distinguished among the people. And when men arm
themselves for the battle that destroys men, then the goddess is at hand to give victory and
grant glory readily to whom she will. Good is she also when men contend at the games, for
there as well the goddess is with them and profits them: and he who by might and strength
gets the victory wins the rich prize easily with joy, and brings glory to his parents. And she
is good to stand by horsemen, whom she will: and to those whose business is in the grey
uncomfortable sea, and who pray to Hecate and the loud-crashing Earth-Shaker, easily the
glorious goddess gives great catch, and easily she takes it away as soon as seen, if so she will.
She is good in the byre with Hermes to increase the stock. The droves of kine 1 and wide
herds of goats and flocks of fleecy sheep, if she will, she increases from a few, or makes many
to be less. So, then. Albeit her mother's only child, she is honoured amongst all the deathless
gods. And the son of Cronos made her a nurse of the young who after that day saw with
their eyes the light of all-seeing Dawn. So from the beginning she is a nurse of the young,
and these are her honours.
[453 – 506] But Rhea was subject in love to Cronos and bare splendid children, Hestia,
Demeter, and gold-shod Hera and strong Hades, pitiless in heart, who dwells under the
earth, and the loud-crashing Earth-Shaker 2, and wise Zeus, father of gods and men, by whose
thunder the wide earth is shaken. These great Cronos swallowed as each came forth from
the womb to his mother's knees with this intent, that no other of the proud sons of Heaven
should hold the kingly office amongst the deathless gods. For he learned from Earth and
starry Heaven that he was destined to be overcome by his own son, strong though he was,
through the contriving of great Zeus. Therefore he kept no blind outlook, but watched and
swallowed down his children: and unceasing grief seized Rhea. But when she was about to
bear Zeus, the father of gods and men, then she besought her own dear parents, Earth and
starry Heaven, to devise some plan with her that the birth of her dear child might be
concealed, and that retribution might overtake great, crafty Cronos for his own father and
also for the children whom he had swallowed down. And they readily heard and obeyed
their dear daughter, and told her all that was destined to happen touching Cronos the king
and his stout-hearted son. So they sent her to Lyetus, to the rich land of Crete, when she
was ready to bear great Zeus, the youngest of her children. Him did vast Earth receive from
Rhea in wide Crete to nourish and to bring up. Thither came Earth carrying him swiftly
through the black night to Lyctus first, and took him in her arms and hid him in a remote
cave beneath the secret places of the holy earth on thick-wooded Mount Aegeum; but to the
mightily ruling son of Heaven, the earlier king of the gods, she gave a great stone wrapped
in swaddling clothes. Then he took it in his hands and thrust it down into his belly: wretch!
He knew not in his heart that in place of the stone his son was left behind, unconquered
and untroubled, and that he was soon to overcome him by force and might and drive him
from his honours, himself to reign over the deathless gods.
[492 – 506] After that, the strength and glorious limbs of the prince increased quickly, and
as the years rolled on, great Cronus the wily was beguiled by the deep suggestions of Earth,
1
2
Old English, the plural of ‘cow.’
Poseidon, god of the sea.
13
and brought up again his offspring, vanquished by the arts and might of his own son, and
he vomited up first the stone which he had swallowed last. And Zeus set it fast in the widepathed earth at goodly Pytho under the glens of Parnassus, to be a sign thenceforth and a
marvel to mortal men. And he set free from their deadly bonds the brothers of his father,
sons of Heaven whom his father in his foolishness had bound. And they remembered to be
grateful to him for his kindness, and gave him thunder and the glowing thunderbolt and
lightening: for before that, huge Earth had hidden these. In them he trusts and rules over
mortals and immortals.
[507 – 544] Now Iapetus took to wife the neat-ankled maid Clymene, daughter of Ocean,
and went up with her into one bed. And she bore him a stout-hearted son, Atlas: also she
bore very glorious Menoetius and clever Prometheus 1, full of various wiles, and scatterbrained Epimetheus 2 who from the first was a mischief to men who eat bread; for it was he
who first took of Zeus the woman, the maiden whom he had formed. But Menoetius was
hubristic, and far-seeing Zeus struck him with a lurid thunderbolt and sent him down to
Erebus because of his mad presumption and exceeding pride. 3 And Atlas through hard
constraint upholds the wide heaven with unwearying head and arms, standing at the borders
of the earth before the clear-voiced Hesperides; for this lot wise Zeus assigned to him. And
ready- witted Prometheus he bound with inextricable bonds, cruel chains, and drove a shaft
through his middle, and set on him a long- winged eagle, which used to eat his immortal
liver; but by night the liver grew as much again everyway as the long-winged bird devoured
in the whole day. That bird Heracles, the valiant son of shapely-ankled Alcmene, slew; and
delivered the son of Iapetus from the cruel plague, and released him from his affliction -not without the will of Olympian Zeus who reigns on high, that the glory of Heracles the
Theban-born might be yet greater than it was before over the plenteous earth. This, then,
he regarded, and honoured his famous son; though he was angry, he ceased from the wrath
which he had before because Prometheus matched himself in wit with the almighty son of
Cronus. For when the gods and mortal men had a dispute at Mecone, even then Prometheus
was forward to cut up a great ox and set portions before them, trying to befool the mind of
Zeus. Before the rest he set flesh and inner parts thick with fat upon the hide, covering them
with an ox paunch; but for Zeus he put the white bones dressed up with cunning art and
covered with shining fat. Then the father of men and of gods said to him: `Son of Iapetus,
most glorious of all lords, good sir, how unfairly you have divided the portions!'
[545 - 60] So said Zeus whose wisdom is everlasting, rebuking him. But wily Prometheus
answered him, smiling softly and not forgetting his cunning trick: `Zeus, most glorious and
greatest of the eternal gods, take whichever of these portions your heart within you bids.' So
he said, thinking trickery. But Zeus, whose wisdom is everlasting, saw and failed not to
perceive the trick, and in his heart he thought mischief against mortal men which also was
to be fulfilled. With both hands he took up the white fat and was angry at heart, and wrath
came to his spirit when he saw the white ox-bones craftily tricked out: and because of this
1
The name means ‘forethought.’
This name means ‘afterthought.’
3
This is one of the earliest mentions of a very common, even pervasive, theme in Greek thought: Hubris,
excessive pride and a sense of entitlement, is amongst the greatest of sins and will always be punished by
Zeus.
2
14
the tribes of men upon earth burn white bones to the deathless gods upon fragrant altars.
But Zeus who drives the clouds was greatly vexed and said to him: `Son of Iapetus, clever
above all! So, sir, you have not yet forgotten your cunning arts!'
[561-589] So spoke Zeus in anger, whose wisdom is everlasting; and from that time he was
always mindful of the trick, and would not give the power of unwearying fire to the Ashen 1
race of mortal men who live on the earth. But the noble son of Iapetus outwitted him and
stole the far-seen gleam of unwearying fire in a hollow fennel stalk. And Zeus who thunders
on high was stung in spirit, and his dear heart was angered when he saw amongst men the
far-seen ray of fire. Forthwith he made an evil thing for men as the price of fire; for the very
famous Limping God 2 formed of earth the likeness of a shy maiden as the son of Cronus
willed. And the goddess bright-eyed Athena girded and clothed her with silvery raiment, and
down from her head she spread with her hands a broidered veil, a wonder to see; and she,
Pallas Athena, put about her head lovely garlands, flowers of new-grown herbs. Also she put
upon her head a crown of gold which the very famous Limping God made himself and
worked with his own hands as a favour to Zeus his father. On it was much curious work,
wonderful to see; for of the many creatures which the land and sea rear up, he put most
upon it, wonderful things, like living beings with voices: and great beauty shone out from
it. But when he had made the beautiful evil to be the price for the blessing, he brought her
out, delighting in the finery which the bright-eyed daughter of a mighty father had given
her, to the place where the other gods and men were. And wonder took hold of the deathless
gods and mortal men when they saw that which was sheer guile, not to be withstood by men.
[590 – 612] For from her is the gender of women and female kind: of her is the deadly
gender and tribe of women who live amongst mortal men to their great trouble, no
helpmeets in hateful poverty, but only in wealth. And as in thatched hives bees feed the
drones whose nature is to do mischief -- by day and throughout the day until the sun goes
down the bees are busy and lay the white combs, while the drones stay at home in the covered
skeps and reap the toil of others into their own bellies -- even so Zeus who thunders on high
made women to be an evil to mortal men, with a nature to do evil. And he gave them a
second evil to be the price for the good they had: whoever avoids marriage and the sorrows
that women cause, and will not wed, reaches deadly old age without anyone to tend his years,
and though he at least has no lack of livelihood while he lives, yet, when he is dead, his
kinsfolk divide his possessions amongst them. And as for the man who chooses the lot of
marriage and takes a good wife suited to his mind, evil continually contends with good; for
whoever happens to have mischievous children, lives always with unceasing grief in his spirit
and heart within him; and this evil cannot be healed. 3
[886 – 900] Now Zeus, king of the gods, made Metis his wife first, and she was wisest among
gods and mortal men. But when she was about to bring forth the goddess bright-eyed Athena,
Zeus craftily deceived her with cunning words and put her in his own belly, as Earth and
starry Heaven advised. For they advised him so, to the end that no other should hold royal
Inexplicably, Evelyn-White translates Μελίῃσι as ‘Melian’ as if to suggest that mankind came from Melos.
The Greek refers to the Ash tree. See Works and Days 145.
2
Hephaestus
3
This is, I think, just another of Hesiod’s rants and should not be taken as a statement of gender bias in
Greek culture. Hesiod, it seems, had a rather unhappy family life.
1
15
sway over the eternal gods in place of Zeus; for very wise children were destined to be born
of her, first the maiden bright-eyed Tritogeneia, 1 equal to her father in strength and in wise
understanding; but afterwards she was to bear a son of overbearing spirit, king of gods and
men. But Zeus put her into his own belly first, that the goddess might devise for him both
good and evil.
[901 – 906] Next he married bright Themis who bare the Horae (Hours), and Eunomia
(Order), Dike (Justice), and blooming Eirene (Peace), who mind the works of mortal men,
and the Moerae (Fates) to whom wise Zeus gave the greatest honour, Clotho, and Lachesis,
and Atropos who give mortal men evil and good to have. 2
[907 – 11] And Eurynome, the daughter of Ocean, beautiful in form, bare him three faircheeked Charites (Graces), Aglaea, and Euphrosyne, and lovely Thaleia, from whose eyes as
they glanced flowed love that unnerves the limbs: and beautiful is their glance beneath their
brows.
[912 – 14] Also he came to the bed of all-nourishing Demeter, and she bore white-armed
Persephone whom Aidoneus carried off from her mother; but wise Zeus gave her to him.
[915 – 17] And again, he loved Mnemosyne with the beautiful hair: and of her the nine
gold-crowned Muses were born who delight in feasts and the pleasures of song.
[918 – 920] And Leto was joined in love with Zeus who holds the aegis, and bare Apollo
and Artemis delighting in arrows, children lovely above all the sons of Heaven.
[921 – 23] Lastly, he made Hera his blooming wife: and she was joined in love with the king
of gods and men, and brought forth Hebe and Ares and Eileithyia.
[924 – 29] But Zeus himself gave birth from his own head to bright-eyed Tritogeneia, the
awful, the strife-stirring, the host-leader, the unwearying, the queen, who delights in tumults
and wars and battles. But Hera without union with Zeus -- for she was very angry and
quarrelled with her mate -- bare famous Hephaestus, who is skilled in crafts more than all
the sons of Heaven.
[938 – 39] And Maia, the daughter of Atlas, bore to Zeus glorious Hermes, the herald of the
deathless gods, for she went up into his holy bed.
The Trojan War
By ca. 1200 BC all of these families were intermarried and these bonds, as well as political,
military and economic alliances, seem to have culminated in the marriage of Helen, daughter of
Tyndarius king of Sparta, and Menelaus, grandson of Atreus, king of Mycenae. In the following
excerpt from the play Iphigenia at Aulus by Euripides, Agamemnon give his own lineage:
Euripides, Iphigenia at Aulus [49 – 84]
AGAMEMNON:
Leda, the daughter of Thestius, had three children, maidens, Phoebe, Clytemnestra my wife,
and Helen; this last it was who had for wooers the foremost of the favoured sons of Hellas;
but terrible threats of spilling his rival's blood were uttered by each of them, should he fail
to win the maid. Now the matter filled Tyndareus, her father, with perplexity; at length this
1
2
One of Athena’s many names.
See 211 – 232 where the Fates are said to have been born to Night. Hesiod might be blending two or more
traditions.
16
thought occurred to him; the suitors should swear unto each other and join right hands
thereon and pour libations with burnt sacrifice, binding themselves by this curse, "Whoever
wins the child of Tyndareus for wife, him will we assist, in case a rival takes her from his
house and goes his way, robbing her husband of his rights; and we will march against that
man in armed array and raze his city to the ground, Hellene no less than barbarian."
[68] Now when they had once pledged their word and old Tyndareus with no small
cleverness had beguiled them by his shrewd device, he allowed his daughter to choose from
among her suitors the one towards whom the breath of love might fondly waft her. Her
choice fell on Menelaus; would she had never taken him!
Anon there came to Lacedaemon from Phrygia's folk the man who, legend says, adjudged
the goddesses' dispute; in robes of gorgeous hue, ablaze with gold, in true barbaric pomp;
and he, finding Menelaus gone from home, carried Helen off with him to his steading on
Ida, a willing paramour. Goaded to frenzy Menelaus flew through Hellas, invoking the
ancient oath exacted by Tyndareus and declaring the duty of helping the injured husband.
Whereat the chivalry of Hellas, brandishing their spears and donning their harness, came
hither to the narrow straits of Aulis with armaments of ships and troops, with many a steed
and many a car, and they chose me to captain them all for the sake of Menelaus, since I was
his brother.
Paris, prince of Troy, had won the hand of Helen when he was forced to judge a beauty contest
between the goddesses Hera, Athena and Aphrodite.
Apollodorus, Epitome 2.16 - 3.3
[2.16] And Agamemnon reigned over the Mycenaeans and married Clytemnestra, daughter
of Tyndarius, after slaying her former husband Tantalus, son of Thyestes, with his child.
And there were born to Agamemnon a son Orestes, and daughters, Chrysothemis, Electra,
and Iphigenia. And Menelaus married Helen and reigned over Sparta, Tyndareus having
ceded the kingdom to him.
[3.1] But afterwards Alexander carried off Helen, as some say, because such was the will of
Zeus, in order that his daughter might be famous for having embroiled Europe and Asia; or,
as others have said, that the race of the demigods might be exalted.
[3.2] For one of these reasons Strife threw an apple as a prize of beauty to be contended for
by Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite; and Zeus commanded Hermes to lead them to Alexander
on Ida in order to be judged by him. And they promised to give Alexander gifts. Hera said
that if she were preferred to all women, she would give him the kingdom over all men; and
Athena promised victory in war, and Aphrodite the hand of Helen. And he decided in favour
of Aphrodite; and sailed away to Sparta with ships built by Phereclus.
[3.3] For nine days he was entertained by Menelaus; but on the tenth day, Menelaus having
gone on a journey to Crete to perform the obsequies of his mother's father Catreus,
Alexander persuaded Helen to go off with him. And she abandoned Hermione, 1 then nine
years old, and putting most of the property on board, she set sail with him by night.
Herodotus attempted to rationalize the myths;
1
The daughter of Menelaus and Helen.
17
Herodotus i.1 – 5.
1. The Persian storytellers say that the Phoenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say,
came from the sea which is called the Erythraian 1 to this sea of ours; and having settled in the
land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long voyages by
sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also
at Argos; [2] now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the states within that land
which is now called Hellas;--the Phoenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to
dispose of their ship's cargo: [3] and on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their
goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and
among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was Io the
daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship were buying of the wares
such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phoenicians, passing the word from one to
another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io
and certain others were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, and forthwith
departed, sailing away to Egypt. 2
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not agreeing therein with the
Hellenes, and this they say was the first beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain
Hellenes (but the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in
Phoenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa; 3--these would doubtless be Cretans;--and
so they were quits for the former injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the
authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with
a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the other business for which they came,
they carried off the king's daughter Medea: 4 and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land
of Hellas and demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but they
answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive,
so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.
3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander 5 the son of Priam, having heard of
these things, desired to get a wife for himself by violence from Hellas, being fully assured that
he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the Hellenes
gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the Hellenes resolved to send messengers
first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this
demand, the others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now
desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they had given none themselves nor
had surrendered the person when demand was made.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying away of women on
both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very greatly to blame; for they set the first example
of war, making an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. 6 Now
they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to carry away women by force, it
is a folly to set one's heart on taking vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no
1
The Indian Ocean
Compare this version to the myth of Io in Apollodorus Library ii.1.1 - 3.
3
According to the mythic tradition, Europa was taken by Zeus, see above.
4
This is the story of Jason and the Argonauts
5
Another name for Paris
6
The Trojan War.
2
18
regard when they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be carried
away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians say that they, namely the
people of Asia, when their women were carried away by force, had made it a matter of no
account, but the Hellenes on account of a woman of Lacedaemon gathered together a great
armament, and then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from this
time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be their enemy: for Asia and the
Barbarian races which dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and
the Hellenic race they consider to be parted off from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they conclude that the
beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on account of the taking of Ilion: but as
regards Io the Phoenicians do not agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny
that they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other hand that when
they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of their ship, and perceiving that she was
with child, she was ashamed to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the
Phoenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the stories told by the
Persians and the Phoenicians:
19
Archaic (pre-Classical) Period
Aristocratic Ethos
One element of the Age of Heroes that did survive is the Aristocratic ethos, along with the
aristocratic families who claimed descent from the Heroes of the Homeric sagas. This ethos, or
way of being, included an obligation to offer support to others and was often expressed in the
Guest-Host code:
Iliad vi.12 – 19.
[12] Then Diomedes killed Axylus son of Teuthranus, a rich man who lived in the strong
city of Arisbe, and was beloved by all men; for he had a house by the roadside, and
entertained everyone who passed; How is it then, that not one of his guests stood before
him to save his life? Diomedes killed both him and his squire Calesius, who was then his
charioteer- so the pair passed beneath the earth.
Homer’s suggestion here is that those who had received hospitality from Axylus owed him a
debt and should have come to his rescue in the battle. The aristocratic ethos was a reciprocal system
in which the wealthier offer support to the poorer and the poorer repay the debt by offering
themselves in service to their benefactor.
More important are the extra-political bonds of loyalty between aristocrats. For example, an
Athenian aristocrat and a Theban aristocrat might have stronger bonds of loyalty to each other than
they do for their respective city states.
Iliad vi. 119 - 236
[119] Then Glaucus son of Hippolochus, and the son of Tydeus went into the open space
between the hosts to fight in single combat. When they were close up to one another
Diomedes of the loud war-cry was the first to speak. "Who, my good sir," said he, "who are
you among men? I have never seen you in battle until now, but you are daring beyond all
others if you abide my onset. Woe to those fathers whose sons face my might. If, however,
you are one of the immortals and have come down from heaven, I will not fight you; for
even valiant Lycurgus, son of Dryas, did not live long when he took to fighting with the
gods. He it was that drove the nursing women who were in charge of frenzied Bacchus
through the land of Nysa, and they flung their thyrsi on the ground as murderous Lycurgus
beat them with his oxgoad. Bacchus himself plunged terror-stricken into the sea, and Thetis
took him to her bosom to comfort him, for he was scared by the fury with which the man
reviled him. Thereon the gods who live at ease were angry with Lycurgus and the son of
Cronus struck him blind, nor did he live much longer after he had become hateful to the
immortals. Therefore I will not fight with the blessed gods; but if you are of them that eat
the fruit of the ground, draw near and meet your doom."
[144] And the son of Hippolochus answered, son of Tydeus, why ask me of my lineage? Men
come and go as leaves year by year upon the trees. Those of autumn the wind sheds upon
the ground, but when spring returns the forest buds forth with fresh vines. Even so is it with
the generations of mankind, the new spring up as the old are passing away. If, then, you
would learn my descent, it is one that is well known to many. There is a city in the heart of
Argos, pasture land of horses, called Ephyra, where Sisyphus lived, who was the craftiest of
all mankind. He was the son of Aeolus, and had a son named Glaucus, who was father to
Bellerophon, whom heaven endowed with the most surpassing comeliness and beauty. But
20
Proetus devised his ruin, and being stronger than he, drove him from the land of the Argives,
over which Jove had made him ruler. For Antea, wife of Proetus, lusted after him, and would
have had him lie with her in secret; but Bellerophon was an honourable man and would
not, so she told lies about him to Proteus. 'Proetus,' said she, 'kill Bellerophon or die, for he
would have had converse with me against my will.' The king was angered, but shrank from
killing Bellerophon, so he sent him to Lycia with lying letters of introduction, written on a
folded tablet, and containing much ill against the bearer. He bade Bellerophon show these
letters to his father-in-law, to the end that he might thus perish; Bellerophon therefore went
to Lycia, and the gods convoyed him safely.
[172] "When he reached the river Xanthus, which is in Lycia, the king received him with all
goodwill, feasted him nine days, and killed nine heifers in his honour, but when rosyfingered dawn appeared upon the tenth day, he questioned him and desired to see the letter
from his son-in-law Proetus. When he had received the wicked letter he first commanded
Bellerophon to kill that savage monster, the Chimaera, who was not a human being, but a
goddess, for she had the head of a lion and the tail of a serpent, while her body was that of
a goat, and she breathed forth flames of fire; but Bellerophon slew her, for he was guided
by signs from heaven. He next fought the far-famed Solymi, and this, he said, was the hardest
of all his battles. Thirdly, he killed the Amazons, women who were the peers of men, and as
he was returning thence the king devised yet another plan for his destruction; he picked the
bravest warriors in all Lycia, and placed them in ambuscade, but not a man ever came back,
for Bellerophon killed every one of them. Then the king knew that he must be the valiant
offspring of a god, so he kept him in Lycia, gave him his daughter in marriage, and made
him of equal honour in the kingdom with himself; and the Lycians gave him a piece of land,
the best in all the country, fair with vineyards and tilled fields, to have and to hold.
[196] "The king's daughter bore Bellerophon three children, Isander, Hippolochus, and
Laodameia. Zeus, the lord of counsel, lay with Laodameia, and she bore him noble
Sarpedon; but when Bellerophon came to be hated by all the gods, he wandered all desolate
and dismayed upon the Alean plain, gnawing at his own heart, and shunning the path of
man. Ares, insatiate of battle, killed his son Isander while he was fighting the Solymi; his
daughter was killed by Diana of the golden reins, for she was angered with her; but
Hippolochus was father to me, and when he sent me to Troy he urged me again and again
to fight ever among the foremost and outvie my peers, so as not to shame the blood of my
fathers who were the noblest in Ephyra and in all Lycia. This, then, is the descent I claim."
[212] Thus did he speak, and the heart of Diomedes was glad. He planted his spear in the
ground, and spoke to him with friendly words. "Then," he said, you are an old friend of my
father's house. Great Oeneus once entertained Bellerophon for twenty days, and the two
exchanged presents. Oeneus gave a belt rich with purple, and Bellerophon a double cup,
which I left at home when I set out for Troy. I do not remember Tydeus, for he was taken
from us while I was yet a child, when the army of the Achaeans was cut to pieces before
Thebes. Henceforth, however, I must be your host in middle Argos, and you mine in Lycia,
if I should ever go there; let us avoid one another's spears even during a general engagement;
there are many noble Trojans and allies whom I can kill, if I overtake them and heaven
delivers them into my hand; so again with yourself, there are many Achaeans whose lives
21
you may take if you can; we two, then, will exchange armour, that all present may know of
the old ties that subsist between us."
[232] With these words they sprang from their chariots, grasped one another's hands, and
plighted friendship. But the son of Cronus made Glaucus take leave of his wits, for he
exchanged golden armour for bronze, the worth of a hundred head of cattle for the worth
of nine.
The City State
In contrast to the Mycenaean town, the Greek polis that emerges at the end of the Dark Ages
(ca.1100 - ca. 750 BC) has no central palace and, apparently, no warrior elite. At this same time
however, we see the emergence of citizen armies, of farmer/soldiers who fight en-mass to defend
their own homes rather than relying on warlords to fight for them. The development of the Greek
city state and the Greek hoplite warrior are coterminous but which came first, or which is
dependent upon the other, seems to be a chicken-or-egg question.
The city state is the corporate expression of communal effort and mutual support. Citizenship
was dependent upon participation:
Aristotle, Politics.
Aristotle Politics 1259b:
In most constitutional states the citizens rule and are ruled by turns, for they are by
definition equal and do not differ at all.
Politics 1275a 22:
What effectively distinguishes the citizen proper [in a democracy] from all others is his
participation in giving judgement and in holding office.
Politics 1275b 21:
“As soon as a man becomes entitled to participate in office, deliberative or judicial, we deem
him to be a citizen of that state; and a number of such persons large enough to secure a selfsufficient way of life we may, by and large, call a state.”
Politics 1276a 24
Observation tells us that every state is an association and that every association is formed
with a view to a good purpose.
It is also a system based on social credit. An individual’s ability to function and thrive as a
member of an ancient collective was nothing if not an expression of his reputation.
Gorgias Palamedes 21.
Life is not liveable for a man who has lost the confidence of others. The man who loses his
money or who falls from power or who is exiled from his country might get on his feet again,
but he who throws away good faith would not any more acquire it.
22
Colonization
The Greek peninsula in the seventh and sixth centuries benefitted greatly from two factors:
One, Lydia, Media, Babylon and Egypt all enjoyed strong economies and, two; not one of the Near
Eastern powers was paying any attention to Greece. The Greeks were able to take advantage of the
vibrant economies and secure trade routes and prospered themselves. The result was a sharp
increase in population and the need to expand into new territories. Many of the Greek city states
established colonies and the Greek oecumene eventually reached to all the shores of the Black Sea,
North Africa, southern Italy, eastern Sicily and southern France.
Thucydides i.12
... after the Trojan war Hellas was still subject to migrations and in process of settlement,
and hence did not get rest and become stronger. For not only did the return of the Hellenes
from Ilium, occurring as it did after a long time, cause many changes; but factions also began
to spring up very generally in the cities, and, in consequence of these, men were driven into
exile and founded new cities. The present Boeotians, for example, were driven from Arne
by the Thessalians in the sixtieth year after the capture of Ilium and settled in the district
now called Boeotia, but formerly Cadmeis; only a portion of these had been in that land
before, and it was some of these who took part in the expedition against Ilium. The Dorians,
too, in the eightieth year after the war, together with the Heracleidae occupied the
Peloponnesus. And so when painfully and after a long course of time Hellas became
permanently tranquil and its population was no longer subject to expulsion from their
homes, it began to send out colonies. The Athenians colonized Ionia and most of the islands;
the Peloponnesians, the greater part of Italy and Sicily and some portions of the rest of
Hellas. And all these colonies were planted after the Trojan War.
Strabo was a Greek Geographer living in Roman Pontus (Turkey) in the first century AD
Strabo, Geography x. 1.8
Next to Geraestus is Eretria, which, after Chalcis, is the largest city in Eubœa. Next follows
Chalcis, the capital as it were of the island, situated immediately on the Euripus. Both these
cities are said to have been founded by Athenians before the Trojan war; [but it is also said
that] after the Trojan war, Aeolus and Cothus took their departure from Athens; the former
to found Eretria, and Cothus, Chalcis. A body of Aeolians who belonged to the expedition
of Penthilus remained in the island. Anciently, even Arabians1 settled there, who came over
with Cadmus.
These cities, Eretria and Chalcis, when their population was greatly augmented, sent out
considerable colonies to Macedonia, for Eretria founded cities about Pallene and Mount
Athos; Chalcis founded some near Olynthus, which Philip destroyed. There are also many
settlements in Italy and Sicily, founded by Chalcidians. These colonies were sent out,
according to Aristotle,2 when the government of the Hippobatæ, (or Knights,) as it is called,
was established; it was an aristocratical government, the heads of which held their office by
virtue of the amount of their property.
One of the best attested examples is the foundation of the colony at Cyrene, on the north coast
of Africa. Herodotus includes a detailed account:
23
Herodotus iv.150-154
When Grinnus king of Thera inquired of the oracle concerning other matters, the priestess'
answer was that he should found a city in Libya. "Nay, Lord," answered Grinnus, "I am grown
old and heavy to stir; do thou lay this command on some one of these younger men,"
pointing as he spoke to Battus. No more was then said. But when they had departed, they
neglected to obey the oracle, seeing that they knew not where Libya was, and feared to send
a colony out to an uncertain goal.
151. Then for seven years after this there was no rain in Thera; all their trees in the island
save one were withered. The Theraeans inquired again at Delphi, and the priestess made
mention of the colony they should send to Libya. So since there was no remedy for their ills,
they sent messengers to Crete to seek out any Cretan or sojourner there who had travelled
to Libya. These, in their journeys about the island, came to the town of Itanus, where they
met a fisher of murex called Corobius, who told them that he had once been driven out of
his course by winds to Libya, to an island there called Platea. This man they hired to come
with them to Thera; thence but a few men were first sent on shipboard to spy out the land,
who, being guided by Corobius to the aforesaid island Platea, left him there with provision
for some months, and themselves sailed back with all speed to Thera to bring news of the
island.
152. But when they had been away for longer than the agreed time, and Corobius had no
provision left, a Samian ship sailing for Egypt, whereof the captain was Colaeus, was driven
out of her course to Platea, where the Samians heard the whole story from Corobius and
left him provision for a year; they then put out to sea from the island and would have
voyaged to Egypt, but an easterly wind drove them from their course, and ceased not till
they had passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came (by heaven's providence) to
Tartessus. Now this was at that time a virgin port; wherefore the Samians brought back from
it so great a profit on their wares as no Greeks ever did of whom we have any exact
knowledge, save only Sostratus of Aegina, son of Laodamas; with him none could vie. The
Samians took six talents, the tenth part of their profit, and made therewith a bronze vessel,
like an Argolic cauldron, with griffins' heads projecting from the rim all round; this they set
up in their temple of Here, supporting it with three colossal kneeling figures of bronze, each
seven cubits high. This that the Samians had done was the beginning of a close friendship
between them and the men of Cyrene and Thera.
153. As for the Theraeans, when they came to Thera after leaving Corobius on the island,
they brought word that they had founded a settlement on an island off Libya. The Theraeans
resolved to send out men from their seven regions, taking by lot one of every pair of brothers,
and making Battus leader and king of all. Then they manned two fifty-oared ships and sent
them to Platea.
154. This is what the Theraeans say.
We also have corroborating data in the form of an inscription on a marble stele found at
Cyrene. This inscription actually dates from the fourth century, but embodies in lines 23-40 what
is allegedly the original decree passed by the Therans, though its authenticity is in question.
Cyrene Foundation Decree, Meiggs & Lewis
God. Good Fortune. [Damis son of Bathykles made the motion. As to what is said by the
Therans, Kleudamas son of Euthykles,1 in order that the city may prosper and the People of
24
Cyrene enjoy good fortune, the Therans shall be given the citizenship according to that
ancestral custom which our forefathers established, both those who founded Cyrene from
Thera and those at Thera who remained -just as Apollo granted Battos and the Therans who
founded Cyrene good fortune if they abided by the sworn agreement2 which our ancestors
concluded with them when they sent out the colony according to the command of Apollo
Archagetes. 3 With good fortune. It has been resolved by the People that the Therans shall
continue to enjoy equal citizenship in Cyrene in the same way (as of old). There shall be
sworn by all Therans who are domiciled in Cyrene the same oath which the others once
swore, and they shall be assigned to a tribe and a phratry and nine Hetaireiai.4 This decree
shall be written on a stele of marble and placed in the ancestral shrine of Apollo Pythios;
and that sworn agreement5 also shall be written down on the stele which was made by the
colonists when they sailed to Libya with Battos from Thera to Cyrene. As to the expenditure
necessary for the stone or for the engraving, let the Superintendents of the Accounts provide
it from Apollos' revenues. The sworn agreement of the settlers. Resolved by the Assembly.
Since Apollo spontaneously told B[at]tos and the Therans to colonize Cyrene, it has been
decided by the Therans to send Battos off to Libya, as Archagetes and as King, with the
Therans to sail as his Companions. On equal and fair terms shall they sail according to family
(?), with one son to be conscripted adults and from the [ot||her] Therans those who are
free-born shall sail. If they (the colonists) establish the settlement, kinsmen who sail later to
Libya shall be entitled to citizenship and offices and shall be allotted portions of the land which
has no owner. But if they do not successfully establish the settlement and the Therans are
incapable of giving it assistance, and they are pressed by hardship for five years, from that
land shall they depart, without fear, to Thera, to their own property, and they shall be
citizens. Any man who, if the city sends him, refuses to sail, will be liable to the death-penalty
and his property shall be confiscated. The man harboring him or concealing him, whether
he be a father (aiding his) son or a brother his brother, is to suffer the same penalty as the
man who refuses to sail. On these conditions a sworn agreement was made by those who
stayed there and by those who sailed to found the colony, and they invoked curses against
those transgressors who would not abide by it - whether they were those settling in Libya or
those who remained. They made waxen images and burnt them, calling down ('the following)
curse, everyone having assembled together, men, women, boys, girls: 'The person who does
not abide by this sworn agreement but transgresses it shall melt away and dissolve like the
images - him- self, his descendants and his property; but those who abide by the sworn
agreement - those sailing to Libya and [those] staying in Thera - shall have an abundance of
good things, both themselves [and] their descendants.'
The Greeks also colonized Sicily:
Thucydides vi.3
Of the Hellenes, the first to arrive were Chalcidians from Euboea with Thucles, their
founder. They founded Naxos and built the altar to Apollo Archegetes, which now stands
outside the town, and upon which the deputies for the games sacrifice before sailing from
Sicily. Syracuse was founded the year afterwards by Archias, one of the Heraclids from
Corinth, who began by driving out the Sicels from the island upon which the inner city now
stands, though it is no longer surrounded by water: in process of time the outer town also
25
was taken within the walls and became populous. Meanwhile Thucles and the Chalcidians
set out from Naxos in the fifth year after the foundation of Syracuse, and drove out the
Sicels by arms and founded Leontini and afterwards Catana; the Catanians themselves
choosing Evarchus as their founder.
Hoplite Warfare
Most Homeric battles are one-on-one fights between heroes. The age of the Trojan War was
an age of warrior elites, of single combat between social peers. With the rise of the citizen soldier,
the hoplite, battle becomes an issue of massed infantry. Some Homeric passages betray the late
composition and give us a glimpse into the nature of hoplite battle. The following, for example, is
a scene that belong to the seventh or sixth century BC, rather than the Trojan War era:
Iliad viii.70 & xiii
When the two armies met shield clashed with shield, and spear with spear, in the conflict
of mail-clad men. Mighty was the din as the bossed shields pressed hard on one anotherdeath- cry and shout of triumph of slain and slayers, and the earth ran red with blood.
Iliad viii.70
And;
Shield was pressed close against shield,
Each man standing shoulder to shoulder,
Over their glittering helmets the horse-hair plumes touched as they nodded
So tightly packed were their ranks...
Iliad xiii.
The scene in which Patroclus prepares for battle is also a late addition:
Iliad xvi. 130 - 40
Patroclus put on his armour. First he greaved his legs with greaves of good make, and fitted
with ancle-clasps of silver; after this he donned the cuirass of the son of Aeacus, richly inlaid
and studded. He hung his silver-studded sword of bronze about his shoulders, and then his
mighty shield. On his comely head he set his helmet, well wrought, with a crest of horsehair that nodded menacingly above it. He grasped two redoubtable spears that suited his
hands...
Tyrtaius was a Spartan poet writing in the seventh century BC:
Tyrtaius 11.21ff
No, no, let him take a wide stance and stand up strongly against them, digging both heels
in the ground, biting his lip with his teeth, covering his thighs and legs beneath, his chest
and his shoulders under the hollowed-out protection of his broad shield, while in his right
hand
he
brandishes
the
powerful
war-spear
and shakes terribly the crest high above his helm.
Xenophon was an Athenian aristocrat, soldier and mercenary who lived in the late fifth and early
26
fourth century BC. He wrote prolifically and has left us some of our best descriptions of ancient
warfare.
Xenophon Oeconomicus viii.4-7
... an army well organized in battle order is a splendid sight for friendly eyes to gaze at, but
a terrible sight to the enemy. For who, being of their party, but will feel a thrill of satisfaction
as he watches the serried masses of heavy infantry moving onwards in unbroken order? As
they tramp onwards thus in order, though they number many myriads, yet even so they move
on and on in quiet progress, stepping like one man, and the place just vacated in front is
filled up on the instant from the rear.
Hoplite armies were designed for defence, not conquest, and no Polis in the Archaic period
made any real attempt to conquer any other. Sparta is the exception, but her conquests were
limited and by the late-archaic her official policy was to make alliances rather than conquests.
Thucydides i.15.2
But by land no wars arose from which any considerable accession of power resulted; on the
contrary, all that did occur were border wars with their several neighbours, and foreign
expeditions far from their own country for the subjugation of others were not undertaken
by the Hellenes. For they had not yet been brought into union as subjects of the most
powerful states, nor, on the other hand, did they of their own accord make expeditions in
common as equal allies; it was rather against one another that the neighbouring peoples
severally made war.
Literacy
As Greek culture emerges from the mists of the Dark Ages we see three important aspects in
place and fundamentally mature: The Polis, the Greek city state; the Hoplite, citizen soldier; and a
rapidly spreading literacy with a new system of writing.
The Alphabet
Herodotus v.58
Now these Phoenicians who came with Cadmus brought in among the Hellenes many arts
when they settled in this land of Boeotia, and especially letters, which did not exist, as it
appears to me, among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in those which
are used by the Phoenician people generally, but afterwards, as time went on, they changed,
with their speech, the form of the letters also. During this time the Ionians were the Hellenic
people who dwelt near the Phoenicians in most of the places where they were; and these,
having received letters by instruction of the Phoenicians, changed their form slightly and so
made use of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called "Phoenician," as was just,
seeing that the Phoenicians had introduced them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient
time call paper "skins," because formerly, paper being scarce, they used skins of goat and
sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on such skins.
The word ‘paper’ comes to English from the Greek ‘papyrus.’ Papyrus is a reed that grows
only in Egypt and the outer husk, the biblos, is used to manufacture a durable sheet product that is
suitable for writing. The Greeks used biblos to describe a book, and biblion a letter or smaller
27
document. From that English and the Romance Languages derive many words like Bible and
bibliography in English and biblioteque (library) in French. There was a Phoenician trading port
called Byblos and the mistaken assumption is often made that these words derive from that port
because papyrus was traded through Phoenicia to Greece. But, of course, the Greeks were already
calling paper biblos and the port was named for the trade that already existed, not the other way
around.
We take much for granted with our technologically sophisticated papers and inks, but the
ancient problem was to find a product that would take ink without absorbing too little and
smudging, or absorbing much and diffusing, the ink. Papyrus was, for centuries, the most cost
effective product. It was not cheap, however, and not the best product.
The development of the alphabet has now been traced from Phoenician characters with some
certainty:
Phoenician
Ox
House
Throw/
Camel
Door
Window/
Wall
Weapon
Fence
Wheel
Arm
Hand
Goad
Water
Fish
Samekh
Eye
Mouth
Head
Tooth
Mark
Aleph
Beth
Gimel
Greek
A, a
B, b
G, g
alfa
bhta
gamma
Alpha
Beta
Gamma
Modern
A, a
B, b
G, g
Daleth
He
D, d
E, e
delta
e yilon
Delta
Epsilon
D, d
Ĕ, ĕ
Zayin
Heth
Teth
Yodh
Kaph
Lamedh
Mem
Nun
Pillar/
fish
Ayin
Pe
Resh
Shin
Taw
Z, z
H, h
Q, q
I, i
K, k
L, l
M, m
N, n
X, x
zhta
hta
qhta
iwta
kappa
lambda
mu
nu
xi
Zeta
Eta
Theta
Iota
Kappa
Lambda
Mu
Nu
Xi
Z, z
Ē, ē
th
I, i
K, k
L, l
M, m
N, n
X, x
O, o
P, p
R, r
S, s, j
T, t
U, u
F, f
C, c
Y, y
W, w
o mikron
pi
rw
sigma
tau
u yilon
fi
ci
yi
w mega
Omicron
Pi
Rho
Sigma
Tau
Upsilon
Phi
Chi
Psi
Omega
Ŏ, ŏ
P, p
R, r
S, s
T, t
U, u
ph
Kh
ps
Ō, ō
28
The Greek Ethos
Greek philosophical, moral and political thought was dominated by one single idea,
commonly referred to as the Tragic Trilogy. It involves three psychological conditions, three
mental states: First is Hubris, a sense of entitlement, an inflated ego, too much ambition. Second
is Atê, carelessness, recklessness, foolishness. And third is Nemesis, divine punishment and the
utter downfall of the afflicted. These conditions, of course, follow each other in sequence, one
leading to the next.
It is difficult to say whether the Tragic Trilogy predates the era of the city state or is a product
of that political development but I suspect the latter is the case. The aristocratic ethos of the Bronze
Age would not have welcomed ideas of humility and self-awareness, but the very idea of a
collective political unit almost demands it. It is not surprising, then, that Herodotus’ lesson on the
Tragic Trilogy is spoken by Solon, the semi-mythical founder of the Athenian concepts of equality.
Herodotus i.29 - 34
[29] there came to Sardis, 1 then at the height of its wealth, all the wise men of the Hellas
who chanced to be alive at that time, brought there severally by various occasions; 2 and of
them one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians at their
bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying that he desired to visit
various lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he
had proposed. 3 For of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having
bound themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which Solon should
propose for them.
[30] So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for the sake of seeing various
lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was
entertained as a guest by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth
day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his treasuries; and they
showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and after he had looked upon
them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian
guest, much report of you has come to us, both in regard to your wisdom and your
wanderings, how that in your search for wisdom you have traversed many lands to see them;
now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask you whether you have seen any whom you
deem to be of all men the most happy." This he asked supposing that he himself was the
happiest of men; but Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O King, Tellos
the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: "In what
respect do you judge Tellos to be the most happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place,
living while his native state was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them
children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what with us is accounted
1
During the reign of Croesus (560 – 547 BC.)
The Seven Sages of Ancient Greece.
3
The visit is likely a fiction. Solon left Athens in 592 and would have returned in 582; Croesus was born
around 598 and would have been only 16 when Solon’s travels ended. Solon died in 558 so his visit to
Lydia would have occurred in the last years of his life and the early years of Croesus’ reign. Not
impossible, but unlikely. Diodorus (9.25) suggests that Bias and Solon visited Sardis at the same time.
That would put Solon there in 560/59. Again, not impossible.
2
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wealth, and after his life a most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians
at Eleusis against the neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and
there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell, and
honoured him greatly."
[31] So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of Tellos, recounting
how many points of happiness he had, the king asked again whom he had seen proper to be
placed next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the
second place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race,
possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of body such as I shall
tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, and moreover the following tale is told of
them: There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that
their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their oxen were not brought
up in time from the field, the young men, barred from all else by lack of time, submitted
themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and
so they brought it on for forty-five stadia, 1 and came to the temple. Then after they had done
this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most excellent
ending; and in this the deity declared that it was better for man to die than to continue to
live. 2 For the Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength of the young men,
while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such
sons; and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report
made of it, took her stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would
give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her greatly, that gift which is best
for man to receive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and feasted, the young
men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound
in this last end. And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and dedicated them
as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves most excellent."
[32] Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these: and Croesus was
moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, have you then so cast aside our prosperous state
as worth nothing, that you prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus,
you are inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that the Deity is altogether
envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the course of long time a man may see many things
which he would not desire to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to
suffer. The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years give
twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not reckoning for any intercalated month. 3
Then if every other one of these years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons
may be caused to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will be in
number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the days will be one
thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and
fifty, which go to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what
another brings with it. Thus then, Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As for
1
About 8 kilometers.
The point here is that a glorious death is better than an ignoble life.
3
The 360 day year was a lunar, rather than solar, year. But of course it put the Athenian calendar off of the
solstices by 51/4 days every year.
2
30
you, I perceive that you are both great in wealth and king of many men, but that of which
you did ask me I cannot call you yet, until I learn that you have brought your life to a fair
ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more happy than he who has but
his subsistence from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending his life well
in possession of all things fair. For many very worthy men are not happy, while many who
have but a moderate living are fortunate; and in truth the very rich man who is not happy
has two advantages only as compared with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter
has many as compared with the rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to
fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other
has advantage over him in these things which follow: He is not indeed able equally with the
rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away
from him, while he is sound of limb, free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father
of fair children and himself in good health; and if in addition to this he should end his life
well, he is worthy to be called that which you seek, namely a happy man; but before he comes
to his end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. 1 Now to
possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man, just as no single
land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks, and the
land that has the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single
person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he lacks; but whosoever of
men continues to the end in possession of the greatest number of these things and then has
a gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O King, to receive this name.
But we must of everything examine the end and how it will turn out at the last, for to many
god shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks them up by the roots and overturns
them."
[33] Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence holding
him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless in that he passed over present good
things and bade men look to the end of every matter. 2
[34] After Solon had departed, a great divine retribution from came upon Croesus, probably
because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men.
Herodotus may have fashioned this story out of Solon’s own poetry:
Solon, Fragment 13.1-32, 65-76 (West).
Glorious children of Memory and Olympian Zeus,
Pierian Muses, hear me as I pray:
grant me olbos 3 from the blessed gods, and from all
men a noble reputation always.
With these may I be sweet to my friends, bitter to my enemies,
an object of reverence to the former, to the latter a dreadful vision to see.
Indeed, I long to have wealth, but I do not wish to acquire it
1
See Aeschylus Agamemnon 929: “Only when man's life comes to its end in prosperity dare we pronounce
him happy”
2
There is an old saying: Don't try to teach a pig how to sing. It is very hard work, and it annoys the pig.
3
Olbos can be translated as ‘happiness’ or ‘wealth’ but wealth in a holistic way: good health, family, lack of
want, reasonable comfort and, most importantly, a good reputation.
31
unjustly: for dike 1 is certain to come afterward.
Ploutos 2 which the gods grant stays beside a man
enduring and sound from its uttermost foundation to its pinnacle.
But that ploutos which men revere through hubris does not come
in decorous fashion but, persuaded by their unjust deeds,
it attends them against its will and quickly comes to be mingled with atê.
This latter grows from a small beginning, like a fire,
trivial at first, but a grievous evil in the end.
For the deeds of hubris do not prosper long for mortals:
rather, Zeus oversees the end of all things. Suddenly,
as the wind quickly scatters the clouds
in spring when it whips up the depths of the weariless
sea with its teaming waves and over the grain-bearing earth
it destroys the noble works of men, arriving at last at the lofty seat of the gods,
the heavens, and leaving behind a sparkling clear sky for all to see —
the might of the sun shines brightly over the good rich earth
and no trace of clouds is any longer to be seen:
in such fashion comes the punishment of Zeus. Nor does he indulge his wrath
at each transgression, as would a mortal man,
and yet never does it escape his eye forever just who possesses
a criminal spirit: such a one stands revealed altogether in the end.
But while some pay the penalty immediately, others do so later. And others still
themselves escape, nor does the allotted wrath of the gods come upon them,
yet it comes with dread certainty in later times: the innocent pay for their deeds,
either their children or the family line thereafter.
Indeed, there is danger involved in every undertaking, nor does one know,
at the time some project is being undertaken, how things will turn out for him.
Instead, one who attempts to act nobly and well with no warning
falls into great atê, grievous to bear,
yet to another who acts out of wickedness god gives good fortune
in all things, a lucky escape from his thoughtless folly.
Of ploutos no bound lies clearly marked for men:
those of us who now possess the richest livings
seek to double their goods. Who might satisfy them all?
The immortals have granted mortals means of profit,
but atê arises therefrom. The latter, when Zeus sends it as an agent
of punishment, besets now one man, now another.
Hesiod expresses the same idea:
1
2
Justice
Wealth as in riches, money, material wealth.
32
Hesiod, Works and Days 1 – 10.
Muses of Pieria who give glory through song, come hither, tell of Zeus your father and chant
his praise. Through him mortal men are famed or un-famed, sung or unsung alike, as great
Zeus wills. For easily he makes strong, and easily he brings the strong man low; easily he
humbles the proud and raises the obscure, and easily he straightens the crooked and blasts
the proud, -- Zeus who thunders aloft and has his dwelling most high.
Aesop, living in the early 6th century BC, was likely a Thracian slave serving Samian masters
until he was freed. He then served as a clerk in the court of Croesus, king of Lydia until his death
at Delphi. He is credited with writing a collection of gnomoi, wisdom tales, now called Aesop’s
Fables.
Aesop, Fables 1
Two game Cocks were fiercely fighting for the mastery of the farmyard. One at last put the
other to flight. The vanquished Cock skulked away and hid himself in a quiet corner, while
the conqueror, flying up to a high wall, flapped his wings and crowed exultingly with all his
might. An Eagle sailing through the air pounced upon him and carried him off in his talons.
The vanquished Cock immediately came out of his corner, and ruled henceforth with
undisputed mastery.
Pride goes before destruction.
11
The fables are not numbered in the Townsend translation and I have not undertaken the task of numbering
them. This one is simply called ‘The Fighting Cocks and the Eagle.’
33
Natural Philosophy
The polytheistic, myth based, religious system dominated Greek life, but in the sixth century
a rational, sceptical and inquisitive movement began to take hold.
Critias of Athens (ca. 480 – 403 BC) was a student of Socrates but little else is known about
his early life. In 404 he was appointed leader of The Thirty, a council established to govern Athens
after the Peloponnesian War. His summary of rationalism is most concise:
Critias of Athens, Fragment 25, from Sisiphus, a satyric drama.
There was a time when the life of men was unordered, bestial and the slave of force, when
there was no reward for the virtuous and no punishment for the wicked. Then, I think, men
devised retributory laws, in order that Justice might be dictator and have arrogance as its
slave, and if anyone sinned, he was punished. Then, when the laws forbade them to commit
open crimes of violence, and they began to do them in secret, a wise and clever man invented
fear (of the gods) for mortals, that there might be some means of frightening the wicked, even
if they do anything or say or think it in secret. Hence he introduced the Divine (religion),
saying that there is a God flourishing with immortal life, hearing and seeing with his mind,
and thinking of everything and caring about these things, and having divine nature, who
will hear everything said among mortals, and will be able to see all that is done. And even if
you plan anything evil in secret, you will not escape the gods in this; for they have surpassing
intelligence. In saying these words, he introduced the pleasantest of teachings, covering up
the truth with a false theory; and he said that the gods dwelt there where he could most
frighten men by saying it, whence he knew that fears exist for mortals and rewards for the
hard life: in the upper periphery, where they saw lightning and heard the dread rumblings
of thunder, and the starry-faced body of heaven, the beautiful embroidery of Time the skilled
craftsman, whence come forth the bright mass of the sun, and the wet shower upon the
earth. With such fears did he surround mankind, through which he well established the
deity with his argument, and in a fitting place, and quenched lawlessness among men . . .
Thus, I think, for the first time did someone persuade mortals to believe in a race of deities.
Critias is expressing what we might call secular rationalism. Although this is one of the most
articulate expressions we have in our extant sources, the process seems to have begun over a
century before Critias lived, and it seems to have originated with astronomy.
Arithmetic and geometry were first developed in Egypt and Babylon probably because both
of these cultures were based on large-scale agriculture, entirely dependent on irrigation from the
inundation of the Nile in the case of the former, and the Tigris and Euphrates in the case of the
latter. The exact date of that event had to be predicted with some certainty and in both places
astronomy was used to accomplish that goal.
Plato, Phaedrus 274c - e
SOCRATES :
I heard, then, that at Naucratis, in Egypt, was one of the ancient gods of that country, the
one whose sacred bird is called the ibis, and the name of the god himself was Theuth. He it
was who [274d] invented numbers and arithmetic and geometry and astronomy, also
draughts and dice, and, most important of all, letters. Now the king of all Egypt at that time
was the god Thamus, who lived in the great city of the upper region, which the Greeks call
34
the Egyptian Thebes, and they call the god himself Ammon. To him came Theuth to show
his inventions, saying that they ought to be imparted to the other Egyptians. But Thamus
asked what use there was in each, and as Theuth enumerated their uses, expressed praise or
blame, according as he approved [274e] or disapproved. The story goes that Thamus said
many things to Theuth in praise or blame of the various arts, which it would take too long
to repeat; but when they came to the letters, “This invention, O king,” said Theuth, “will
make the Egyptians wiser and will improve their memories; for it is an elixir of memory and
wisdom that I have discovered.” But Thamus replied, “Most ingenious Theuth, one man has
the ability to beget arts, but the ability to judge of their usefulness or harmfulness to their
users belongs to another…
Herodotus argues that the Egyptians invented geometry for taxation purposes, but that
astronomy was invented by the Babylonians:
Herodotus ii.109
109. …Egypt was cut up; and they said that this king distributed the land to all the Egyptians,
giving an equal square portion to each man, and from this he made his revenue, having
appointed them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away anything
from any man's portion, he would come to the king and declare that which had happened,
and the king used to send men to examine and to find out by measurement how much less
the piece of land had become, in order that for the future the man might pay less, in
proportion to the rent appointed: and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out
and afterwards came into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial and the gnomon and the
twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt by the Hellenes from the Babylonians.
Thales (624 - 547)
Thales of Miletus is credited with being the first of the Greek Natural Philosophers but his
legacy was quickly mythologized and little is known about his life or work. One of the few
references to Thales comes to us from Herodotus and offers a verifiable date for his life and career:
Herodotus, Histories i.74
… there had arisen war between the Lydians and the Medes lasting five years; in which years
the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and
among others they fought also a battle by night): and as they still carried on the war with
equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took place in which it happened, when
the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales
the Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very year in which the
change took place. 1 The Lydians however and the Medes, when they saw that it had become
night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much more eager both of them
that peace should be made between them.
1
The eclipse occurred on May 28 th, 585 BC. This gives us an absolute date with which to check Herodotus’
chronology.
35
Thales' apparent prediction of the eclipse is a famous event, but he is best known for his
theories on Arché, the 'first principle.' The search for the fundamental building block, the origin,
of all things, is discussed by Aristotle:
Aristotle, Metaphysics 983b.
We have studied these causes sufficiently in our work on nature, but yet let us call to our
aid those who have attacked the investigation of being and philosophized about reality before
us. For obviously they too speak of certain principles and causes; to go over their views,
then, will be of profit to the present inquiry, for we shall either find another kind of cause,
or be more convinced of the correctness of those which we now maintain. Of the first
philosophers, then, most thought the principles which were of the nature of matter were the
only principles of all things. That of which all things that are consist, the first from which
they come to be, the last into which they are resolved (the substance remaining, but changing
in its modifications), this they say is the element and this the principle of things, and
therefore they think nothing is either generated or destroyed, since this sort of entity is
always conserved, as we say Socrates neither comes to be absolutely when he comes to be
beautiful or musical, nor ceases to be when loses these characteristics, because the
substratum, Socrates himself remains. Just so they say nothing else comes to be or ceases to
be; for there must be some entity - either one or more than one - from which all other things
come to be, it being conserved. Yet they do not all agree as to the number and the nature of
these principles. Thales, the founder of this type of philosophy, says the principle is water
(for which reason he declared that the earth rests on water), getting the notion perhaps from
seeing that the nutriment of all things is moist, and that heat itself is generated from the
moist and kept alive by it (and that from which they come to be is a principle of all things).
He got his notion from this fact, and from the fact that the seeds of all things have a moist
nature, and that water is the origin of the nature of moist things.
Anaximander of Miletus (610 - 546)
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii.1 - 2
[1] Anaximander, the son of Praxiades, was a native of Miletus. He laid down as his principle
and element that which is unlimited without defining it as air or water or anything else. He
held that the parts undergo change, but the whole is unchangeable; that the earth, which is
of spherical shape, lies in the midst, occupying the place of a centre; that the moon, shining
with borrowed light, derives its illumination from the sun; further, that the sun is as large
as the earth and consists of the purest fire. 1
He was the first inventor of the gnomon and set it up on the sundial in Lacedaemon, as is
stated by Favorinus 2 in his Miscellaneous History, in order to mark the solstices and the
equinoxes; 3 he also constructed water-clocks to tell the time. [2] He was the first to draw on
a map the outline of land and sea, and he constructed a globe as well.
1
The astronomical observations belong to Anaxagoras.
A Philosopher and sophist from Arles, in Gaul. He lived in the early second century AD .
3
The gnomon was the pointer on the sundial (Plut. Per. 6.4). Herodotus (ii.109) says that the use of the
gnomon was developed by the Babylonians.
2
36
His exposition of his doctrines took the form of a summary which no doubt came into the
hands, among others, of Apollodorus of Athens. 1 He says in his Chronology that in the second
year of the 58th Olympiad, 2 Anaximander was sixty-four, and that he died not long
afterwards. Thus he flourished almost at the same time as Polycrates the tyrant of Samos.
There is a story that the boys laughed at his singing, and that, when he heard of it, he
rejoined, "Then to please the boys I must improve my singing."
Anaximenes of Miletus (585 - 525)
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii. 3 - 5
[3] Anaximenes, the son of Eurystratus, a native of Miletus, was a pupil of Anaximander.
According to some, he was also a pupil of Parmenides. 3 He took for his first principle air or
that which is unlimited. He held that the stars move round the earth but do not go under
it. He writes simply and unaffectedly in the Ionic dialect.
According to Apollodorus he was contemporary with the taking of Sardis and died in the
63rd Olympiad. 4
There have been two other men named Anaximenes, both of Lampsacus, the one a
rhetorician who wrote on the achievements of Alexander, the other, the nephew of the
rhetorician, who was a historian.
Anaximenes the philosopher wrote the following letters:
Anaximenes to Pythagoras
[4] "Thales, the son of Examyas, has met an unkind fate in his old age. He went out from
the court of his house at night, as was his custom, with his maidservant to view the stars,
and, forgetting where he was, as he gazed, he got to the edge of a steep slope and fell over.
In such wise have the Milesians lost their astronomer. Let us who were his pupils cherish
his memory, and let it be cherished by our children and pupils; and let us not cease to
entertain one another with his words. Let all our discourse begin with a reference to Thales."
And again:
Anaximenes to Pythagoras
[5] "You were better advised than the rest of us when you left Samos for Croton, where you
live in peace. For the sons of Aeaces 5 work incessant mischief, and Miletus is never without
tyrants. The king of the Medes is another terror to us, not indeed so long as we are willing
to pay tribute; but the Ionians are on the point of going to war with the Medes to secure
their common freedom, and once we are at war we have no more hope of safety. 6 How then
can Anaximenes any longer think of studying the heavens when threatened with destruction
or slavery? Meanwhile you find favour with the people of Croton and with the other Greeks
in Italy; and pupils come to you even from Sicily."
1
A grammarian and philosopher who lived in the second century BC. His Chronology, non-extant, covered
was a history from 1184 to 143 BC. His Bibliotheca is one of our best sources on the Greek myth cycles.
2
547/6 BC.
3
Parmenides of Elea, see Diog. Laert. ix.3.
4
528 - 525 BC.
5
Polycractes, tyrant of Samos, and his brothers. The reference must be to the late 530's BC. Before 526
Polycrates had done away with his brothers but he was murdered in 525 (Hdt.iii.39 -56: Plut. Per. 26:
Thuc.i:13).
6
The time-frame is problematic: The Ionian Revolt began in 499 BC.
37
Anaxagoras (500 - 428)
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii.6 -
[6] Anaxagoras, the son of Hegesibulus or Eubulus, was a native of Clazomenae. He was a
pupil of Anaximenes, and was the first who set mind above matter, for at the beginning of
his treatise, which is composed in attractive and dignified language, he says, "All things were
together; then came Mind and set them in order."
He was eminent for wealth and noble birth, and furthermore for magnanimity, in that he
gave up his patrimony to his relations. [7] For, when they accused him of neglecting it, he
replied, "Why then do you not look after it?" And at last he went into retirement and engaged
in physical investigation without troubling himself about public affairs. When someone
inquired, "Have you no concern in your native land?" Gently he replied, "I am greatly
concerned with my fatherland," and pointed to the sky.
He is said to have been twenty years old at the invasion of Xerxes 1 and to have lived seventytwo years. Apollodorus in his Chronology says that he was born in the 70th Olympiad, and
died in the first year of the 88th Olympiad. 2 He began to study philosophy at Athens in the
archonship of Callias when he was twenty; Demetrius of Phalerum states this in his list of
archons; and at Athens they say he remained for thirty years.
[8] He declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal and to be larger than the Peloponnesus,
though others ascribe this view to Tantalus; he declared that there were dwellings on the
moon, and moreover hills and ravines. He took as his principles the homoeomeries or
homogeneous molecules; for just as gold consists of fine particles which are called gold-dust,
so he held the whole universe to be compounded of minute bodies having parts
homogeneous to themselves. His moving principle was Mind; of bodies, he said, some, like
earth, were heavy, occupying the region below, others, light like fire, held the region above,
while water and air were intermediate in position. For in this way over the earth, which is
flat, the sea sinks down after the moisture has been evaporated by the sun. [9] In the
beginning the stars moved in the sky as in a revolving dome, so that the celestial pole which
is always visible was vertically overhead; but subsequently the pole took its inclined position.
He held the Milky Way to be a reflection of the light of stars which are not shone upon by
the sun; comets to be a conjunction of planets which emit flames; shooting-stars to be a sort
of sparks thrown off by the air. He held that winds arise when the air is rarefied by the sun's
heat; that thunder is a clashing together of the clouds, lightning their violent friction; an
earthquake a subsidence of air into the earth.
[10] There is a story that he predicted the fall of the meteoric stone at Aegospotami, which
he said would fall from the sun. 3 Hence Euripides, who was his pupil, in the Phathon calls
the sun itself a "golden clod." 4 Furthermore, when he went to Olympia, he sat down wrapped
in a sheep-skin cloak as if it were going to rain; and the rain came. When someone asked
him if the hills at Lampsacus would ever become sea, he replied, "Yes, it only needs time."
Being asked to what end he had been born, he replied, "To study sun and moon and
1
480 BC.
The first year of the 70th Olympiad was 500/499 BC , twenty years before the invasion of Xerxes. The first
year of the 88th Olympiad was 428/7.
3
According to Pliny the Elder (Natural History ii.149) the meteor landed near Abydus in 467/6 BC.
4
Fragment of an unknown play.
2
38
heavens." To one who inquired, "You miss the society of the Athenians?" his reply was, "Not
I, but they miss mine." When he saw the tomb of Mausolus, he said, "A costly tomb is an
image of an estate turned into stone." 1 [11] To one who complained that he was dying in a
foreign land, his answer was, "The descent to Hades is much the same from whatever place
we start."
Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History says Anaxagoras was the first to maintain that Homer
in his poems treats of Virtue and Justice, and that this thesis was defended at greater length
by his friend Metrodorus of Lampsacus, who was the first to busy himself with Homer's
physical doctrine. 2 Anaxagoras was also the first to publish a book with diagrams. Silenus in
the first book of his History gives the archonship of Demylus as the date when the meteoric
stone fell, 3 [12] and says that Anaxagoras declared the whole firmament to be made of stones;
that the rapidity of rotation caused it to cohere; and that if this were relaxed it would fall.
Of the trial of Anaxagoras different accounts are given. Sotion in his Succession of the
Philosophers says that he was indicted by Cleon on a charge of impiety, because he declared
the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal; that his pupil Pericles defended him, and he was fined
five talents and banished. Satyrus in his Lives says that the prosecutor was Thucydides, the
opponent of Pericles, and the charge one of treasonable correspondence with Persia as well
as of impiety; and that sentence of death was passed on Anaxagoras by default. [13] When
news was brought him that he was condemned and his sons were dead, his comment on the
sentence was, "Long ago nature condemned both my judges and myself to death"; and on
his sons, "I knew that my children were born to die." Some, however, tell this story of Solon,
and others of Xenophon. That he buried his sons with his own hands is asserted by
Demetrius of Phalerum in his work On Old Age.
Anaxagoras had a greater impact than he is often given credit for perhaps because later
generations felt that impact indirectly. Anaxagoras taught Pericles and Pericles had a profound
influence on the development of political theory as expressed by Herodotus and Thucydides;
Anaxagoras taught Socrates who was the teacher of Plato and he of Aristotle; Anaxagoras was the
teacher of Euripides who influenced the development of the theatrical arts. Even four centuries
after his time, Diodorus employs Anaxagoras' theories on the generation of animals in his
Universal History:
Diodorus i.7
[1] For whereas all things at the first were jumbled together, heaven and earth were in one
mass, and had one and the same form. But afterwards (they say), when corporeal beings
appeared one after another, the world at length presented itself in the order we now see;
and that the air was in continual agitation, whose fiery part ascended together to the highest
place, its nature (by reason of its levity) tending always upwards; for which reason both the
sun and that vast number of the stars, are contained within that orb. That the gross and
earthy matter (clotted together by moisture) by reason of its weight, sunk down below into
one place and continually whirling about, [2] the sea was made of the humid parts and the
muddy earth of the more solid, as yet very moorish and soft, which by degrees at first was
1
An impossibility; the Mausoleum, or tomb of Mausolus, was built sometime after 350 BC.
A scholiast on Homer. He died ca. 464 BC, but otherwise little is known.
3
No such archon is known.
2
39
made crusty by the heat of the sun [3] and then, after the face of the earth was parched, and,
as it were, fermented, the moisture afterwards, in many places, bubbled up, and appeared as
so many pustules wrapped up in thin and slender coats and skins, which may be even seen
in standing ponds and marish places. When, after the earth has been pierced with cold, the
air grows hot on a sudden, without a gradual alteration. [4] And whereas moisture generates
creatures from heat, as from a seminal principle, things so generated, by being wrapped in
the dewy mists of the night, grew and increased, and in the day solidified, and were made
hard by the heat of the sun; and when the births included in those ventricles had received
their due proportion, then those slender skins, being burst asunder by the heat, the forms
of all sorts of living creatures were brought forth into the light, [5] of which those that had
most of heat mounted aloft, and were fowl, and birds of the air; but those that were drossy,
and had more of earth, were numbered in the order of creeping things, and other creatures
altogether used to the earth. Then those beasts that were naturally watery and moist, (called
fishes), presently hastened to the place connatural to them; and when the earth afterwards
became more dry and solid by the heat of the sun, and the drying winds, it had not power
at length to produce any more of the greater living creatures; but each that had an animal
life began to increase their kind by mutual copulation.
And Euripides, the student of Anaxagoras, seems to be of the same opinion concerning the
first generation of all things; for in his Menalippe he has these verses:
Heaven and Earth were once one form
But since divided asunder.
They beget and bring all creatures into the light
Trees, birds, animals, the creatures of the sea,
And the race of mortals. 1
1
The work is not extant. Translation of the verses by the editor.
40
Tyrants:
The citizen army prevented a warrior elite from taking control of the polis and from
dominating the people, but it did not fill the governance void that was created with the overthrow
of the Mycenaean style monarchies.
Tyrannos is a Greek word that originally applied to a popular leader, usually someone selected
to take charge of the city state in a crisis. It was generally felt that one man with absolute authority
was better suited to dealing with emergencies than was a city council. Many of these tyrants,
however, made their tenure permanent and many cities were taken over by a tyrant even without a
crisis that required a solution.
The difference between a tyrant and a king is that the latter is usually constrained by a
constitution, the former has no constraints at all:
Aristotle, Rhetoric 1365b
There are two forms of monarchy: kingship, which is limited by prescribed conditions, and
tyranny, which is not limited by anything.
What made tyranny possible was the very thing that prevented monarchy... the hoplite army.
Tyrants were charismatic leaders who were able to gain the support and loyalty of the hoplite class
and with that both political and military power.
Many of the Greek tyrants wanted to hold onto power, and even increase it, after their initial
purpose was filled. They were really the first politicians because they realized that they had to
devise tricks and tactics that would allow them to maintain their precarious hold on power.
For example, Herodotus’ story of a conversation between Cyrus, king of Persia and Croesus,
former king of Lydia is really a conversation about tyranny. Croesus advises Cyrus…
Herodotus i.155.4
...to prevent the Lydians from revolting give them the following orders: forbid them to own
weapons and to allow their sons to train in the use of weapons. Instead, order them to train
their children in music and the arts: Ask them to wear fine clothes and comfortable shoes
and to learn the art of business and sales. Soon you will see that the Lydian men have become
soft and effeminate and you will have no fear of revolt.
Some of them even compared notes. Periander, tyrant of Corinth…
Herodotus v.92f – g
[92f] ... sent a messenger to Thrasybulus and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest
for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulus led forth the
messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing
corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions
repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting
off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their
heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part
of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel,
he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was
anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulus had given
him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to
41
such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods, relating at the
same time that which he had seen Thrasybulus do.
[92g] So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that
Thrasybulus counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects,
began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever
Cypselus had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed.
Tyrants were not necessarily poor administrators and they tended to promote peace and
prosperity:
Thucydides i.17
Again, wherever there were tyrants, their habit of providing simply for themselves, of looking
solely to their personal comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of
their policy, and prevented anything great proceeding from them; though they would each
have their affairs with their immediate neighbours. All this is only true of the mother
country, for in Sicily they attained to very great power. Thus for a long time everywhere in
Hellas do we find causes which make the states alike incapable of combination for great and
national ends, or of any vigorous action of their own.
Polycrates of Samos was one of the most famous tyrants and may have been the first to
philosophise a theory of tyranny.
Herodotus iii.39
[39] Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt, 1 the Lacedaemonians also had made
an expedition against Samos and against Polycrates the son of Aiaces, who had risen against
the government and obtained rule over Samos. At first he had divided the state into three
parts and had given a share to his brothers Pantagnotus and Syloson; but afterwards he put
to death one of these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he drove out, and so obtained
possession of the whole of Samos. Then, being in possession, he made a guest-friendship
with Amasis the king of Egypt, sending him gifts and receiving gifts in return from him.
After this straightway within a short period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly,
and there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but also over the rest of Hellas: for to
whatever part he directed his forces, everything went fortunately for him: and he had got
for himself a hundred fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered from all,
making no distinction of any; for it was his wont to say that he would win more gratitude
from his friend by giving back to him that which he had taken, than by not taking at all. So
he had conquered many of the islands and also many cities of the continent, and besides
other things he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, as they were coming to
help the Milesians with their forces, and conquered them: these men dug the whole trench
round the wall of the city of Samos working in chains.
[44] Now Polycrates had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyrus without the knowledge
of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to go against Egypt, and had asked him to send
to him in Samos and to ask for an armed force. So Cambyses hearing this very readily sent
to Samos to ask Polycrates to send a naval force with him against Egypt: and Polycrates
1
525 BC.
42
selected of the citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to rise against him and
sent them away in forty triremes, charging Cambyses not to send them back.
The Greek tyrant we know most about is Pisistratus of Athens. He took advantage of a societal
crisis in which the traditional and conservative landed aristocracy were attempting to defend their
ancestral rights to power against the demands for equal shares in power by the newly wealthy
merchant class.
Herodotus i.59
[59] …the people of Attica were held subject and torn with faction by Peisistratus the son of
Hippocrates, who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a private
citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had occurred. After he had offered
the sacrifice, the caldrons which were standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and
of water, boiled without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedaemonian,
who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first
not to bring into his house a wife to bear him children, and secondly, if he happened to
have one already, to dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. 1 When
Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and
so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratus; who, when the Athenians of the shore
were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaeon being leader of the first
faction, and Lycurgus the son of Aristolaides of that of the plain, aimed at the despotism
for himself and gathered a third party. 2 So then, after having collected supporters and called
himself leader of the men of the Hills, he contrived a device as follows:--he inflicted wounds
upon himself and upon his mules, and then drove his car into the market-place, as if he had
just escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he was
driving into the country: and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection
from them, for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the Megarians,
during which he took Nisaea and performed other signal servi ce. And the commons of the
Athenians being deceived gave him those men chosen from the dwellers in the city who
became not indeed the spear-men of Peisistratus but his club-men; for they followed behind
him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratus and obtained
possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratus was ruler of the Athenians, not having
disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient laws; but he administered the
State under that constitution of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and
well.
1
While humans can ask the gods for advice by offering sacrifices, the gods occasionally volunteer signs that
warn of great or horrible things to come. The proof, then, of greatness, is in the strange things that
happened just before a great person was born. This is how myth works and it is also how History works:
Whatever our explanation of our current predicament, we look to the past for proof.
2
The Plains Faction were the traditional aristocrats and the Shore Faction were the merchants. Pisistratus
formed the Hill Faction out of those who didn’t support either of the other two. This turned out to be
enough of a majority that he could use their support to take power.
43
The Birth of Democracy
Democracy is not a concept that sprung fully mature from the seeds of inspiration. The
development of democracy in Athens was the result of a long process of social and economic
realignment brought about partly by the development of the citizen soldier, partly by increased
prosperity and a rising middle-class and partly because of the Greek concept of justice.
Real change began with Solon, who was asked to reform the Athenian constitution in 592 BC
in an effort to stem the social unrest that had developed as a result of the absolute control that the
aristocracy enjoyed over the economy and the government, to such an extent that most of our
ancient sources say, without exaggeration, that the poor had become the slaves of the rich. The
ascendance of Pisistratus was partly a result of this strife, but shortly after the death of Pisistratus
his son and successor, Hippias, was expelled from Athens.
Herodotus v.66 & 69-73
[66] Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from
despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes
a descendant of Alcmaion, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess,
and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original
descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus.
These men came to party strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the
struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be
in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were
called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented
for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added
as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.
[69] …for when at the time of which we speak he added to his own party the whole body of
the common people of the Athenians, which in former time he had despised, he changed
the names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in
fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes in the
tribes; and having added the common people to his faction he was much superior to his
opponents.
[70] Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to
him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a
guest-friend to himself since the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was
accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald to
Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many others of the Athenians,
calling them the men who were under the curse: this message he sent by instruction of
Isagoras, for the Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which reference
was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it.
[72] Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under
the curse, Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless Cleomenes
appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having arrived he proceeded to expel as
accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the
names. Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the offices
of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. The Senate
however making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and
44
his partisans seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by
common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day so many of them as
were Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce. Thus was accomplished for
Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the
Acropolis with the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the
goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had
passed through the door, and said, "Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the
temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am not a
Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention to the ominous speech, he made his
attempt and then was expelled again with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the
Athenians laid in bonds to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian,
with regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which he
performed.
[73] These then having been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after
this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which had been
driven out by Cleomenes.
This reported conversation took place in Persia after the death of the sons of Cyrus. With no
direct heir to the throne, the seven leading Persian nobles met to discuss the future of the Persian
Empire and to decide how it should be governed. In the end they decided on monarchy and Darius
I became king of Persia. The conversation is, despite Herodotus' assertions, purely fiction.
Herodotus iii.80-81
[80] When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, those who had risen
against the Magians began to take counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches
which some of the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless.
On the one hand Otanes urged that they should resign the government into the hands of the whole
body of the Persians, and his words were as follows: "To me it seems best that no single one of us
should henceforth be ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolent temper
of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence of the Magian:
and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what
he desires without rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he were placed in
this disposition, would be caused by it to change from his wonted disposition: for insolence is
engendered in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the
beginning; and having these two things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds of reckless wrong,
partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, and partly by envy. And yet a despot at least
ought to have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is however
naturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they
should survive and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other
man to receive calumnies. Then of all things he is the most inconsistent; for if you express
admiration of him moderately, he is offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas if you
pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important
matter of all is that which I am about to say:--he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers,
he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to death without trial. On the other hand the rule of
many has first a name attaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say 'Equality'; next,
the multitude does none of those things which the monarch does: offices of state are exercised by
lot, and the magistrates are compelled to render account of their action: and finally all matters of
45
deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy
go and increase the power of the multitude; for in the many is contained everything."
[81] This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzos urged that they should entrust
matters to the rule of a few, saying these words: "That which Otanes said in opposition to a
tyranny, let it be counted as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should
make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: for nothing is more
senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and for men flying from the insolence of a
despot to fall into that of unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be endured: for
he, if he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know;
for how can that know which has neither been taught anything noble by others nor perceived
anything of itself, but pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding,
like a torrent stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians;
but let us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the
number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the
best men will be the best."
Some key words to look at: Wherever this translator uses "insolence" the Greek word
Herodotus used was 'hubris.' It is impossible to translate this word effectively into English but it
refers to a lack of self-control, insolence, disrespect for others, pride, ambition, arrogance,
haughtiness, impiety (lack of respect for the gods), rudeness and basic bad behaviour. Hubris is
contrasted with Sophrosuné: a state of being typified by self-control, respect, a clear understanding
of one’s self and one’s place in the world, responsibility, humility, piety, duty and basic good
behaviour.
Near the end of chapter 80 we see the word "Equality." The Greek word here is 'isonomia'
which means equality under the law.
Herodotus v.66
[66] Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from
despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes
a descendant of Alcmaeon, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess,
and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original
descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus.
These men came to party strife for power; 1 and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the
struggle, he made common cause with the people. 2 After this he caused the Athenians to be
in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were
called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented
for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added
as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.
1
The phrase "party strife" is not a good translation. The Greek actually reads "they were in stasis..." The
Greek word stasis is a basic Indo-European root word which simply means ‘no movement.’ From that
root, and in keeping with the original meaning, we derive English words like static, stay, stationary and
stand (the ‘sta-’ root is consistent)
2
Our translator has chosen "made common cause..." and this too is misleading. The Greek, however, is no
less clear. Herodotus says that Cleisthenes 'brought the people into his brotherhood (club? association?).
A satisfactory translation is difficult to arrive at.
46
Ostracism
Plutarch, Aristides 7.2 - 5
[7.2] …Now the sentence of ostracism was not a chastisement of base practices, no, it was
speciously called a humbling and docking of oppressive prestige and power; but it was really
a merciful exorcism of the spirit of jealous hate, which thus vented its malignant desire to
injure, not in some irreparable evil, but in a mere change of residence for ten years.
[3] And when ignoble men of the baser sort came to be subjected to this penalty, it ceased
to he inflicted at all, and Hyperbolus was the last to be thus ostracized. It is said that
Hyperbolus was ostracized for the following reason. Alcibiades and Nicias had the greatest
power in the state, and were at odds. Accordingly, when the people were about to exercise
the ostracism, and were clearly going to vote against one or the other of these two men, they
came to terms with one another, united their opposing factions, and effected the ostracism
of Hyperbolus. [4] The people were incensed at this for they felt that the institution had
been insulted and abused, and so they abandoned it utterly and put an end to it.
The method of procedure, to give a general outline, was as follows: Each voter took an
ostrakon, or potsherd, and wrote on it the name of that citizen whom he wished to remove
from the city, and brought it to a place in the agora which was all fenced about with railings.
[5] The Archons first counted the total number of ostraka cast. For if the votes were less than
six thousand, the ostracism was void. Then they separated the names, and the man who had
received the most votes they proclaimed banished for ten years with the right to enjoy the
income from his property.
The Spartans had supported the aristocratic faction in Athens and when Cleisthenes and the
popular faction won the contest it was feared that Sparta would see the new government as an
enemy. Looking for an ally to protect them from Sparta, Athens sent an embassy to Persia:
Herodotus v.73
... the Athenians... sent envoys to Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for
they were well assured that the Lacedaemonians and Cleomenes had been utterly made their
foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying that which they had been
commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what
men these were who requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they
dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them thus, saying
that if the Athenians were willing to give earth and water to Darius, he was willing to make
alliance with them, but if not, he bade them be gone: and the envoys taking the matter upon
themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired to make the alliance.
The ambassadors were severely censured for giving 'earth and water' to the king because these
were symbols of submission rather than alliance. But to the Great King, King of kings, King of
Persia, there was no distinction; no state, especially one so small, could enter a relationship with
him on equal footing!
Nevertheless, Athens triumphed without Persian assistance. The exact date of the embassy to
Persia is not known, but in 506 Sparta, Thebes and Chalcis all declared war on Athens.
47
Herodotus v.78
The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not by one instance only
but in every way, that Equality 1 is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were
ruled by despots were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas
after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when they were
kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working for a master, whereas when
they had been set free each one was eager to achieve something for himself.
No sooner was democracy invented than people began to philosophise about its nature and
effectiveness. The success of the Athenian democracy was offered, as above, as proof of its
superiority but not all were convinced.
Aristotle, Politics 1301a – 1302a
[1301a] In the first place we must assume as our starting-point that in the many forms of
government which have sprung up there has always been an acknowledgment of justice and
proportionate equality, although mankind fail attaining them, as I have already explained.
Democracy, for example, arises out of the notion that those who are equal in any respect are
equal in all respects; because men are equally free, they claim to be absolutely equal.
Oligarchy is based on the notion that those who are unequal in one respect are in all respects
unequal; being unequal, that is, in property, they suppose themselves to be unequal
absolutely. The democrats think that as they are equal they ought to be equal in all things;
while the oligarchs, under the idea that they are unequal, claim too much, which is one form
of inequality. All these forms of government have a kind of justice, but, tried by an absolute
standard, they are faulty; and, therefore, both parties, whenever their share in the
government does not accord with their preconceived ideas, stir up revolution. Those who
excel in virtue have the best right of all to rebel (for they alone can with reason be deemed
absolutely unequal), but then they are of all men the least inclined to do so.
[1301b] There is also a superiority which is claimed by men of rank; for they are thought
noble because they spring from wealthy and virtuous ancestors. Here then, so to speak, are
opened the very springs and fountains of factional strife 2; and hence arise two sorts of
changes in governments; the one affecting the constitution, when men seek to change from
an existing form into some other, for example, from democracy into oligarchy, and from
oligarchy into democracy, or from either of them into constitutional government or
aristocracy, and conversely; the other not affecting the constitution, when, without
disturbing the form of government, whether oligarchy, or monarchy, or any other, they try
to get the administration into their own hands. Further, there is a question of degree; an
oligarchy, for example, may become more or less oligarchical, and a democracy more or less
democratic; and in like manner the characteristics of the other forms of government may be
more or less strictly maintained. Or the revolution may be directed against a portion of the
constitution only, e.g., the establishment or overthrow of a particular office: as at Sparta it
is said that Lysander attempted to overthrow the monarchy, and King Pausanias, the
1
The Greek word here is isegoria which means ‘equality in the assembly of the people.’ It refers to equality
and freedom of speech.
2
My emendation: The translator chose ‘revolution’ but the Greek staseon is refers more specifically to
factions at odds with each other than revolution.
48
Ephoralty. At Epidamnus, too, the change was partial. For instead of phylarchs or heads of
tribes, a council was appointed; but to this day the magistrates are the only members of the
ruling class who are compelled to go to the Heliaea when an election takes place, and the
office of the single archon was another oligarchical feature. Everywhere inequality is a cause
of strife, but an inequality in which there is no proportion -- for instance, a perpetual
monarchy among equals; and always it is the desire of equality which rises in rebellion.
Now equality is of two kinds, numerical and proportional; by the first I mean sameness or
equality in number or size; by the second, equality of ratios. For example, the excess of three
over two is numerically equal to the excess of two over one; whereas four exceeds two in the
same ratio in which two exceeds one, for two is the same part of four that one is of two,
namely, the half. As I was saying before, men agree that justice in the abstract is proportion,
but they differ in that some think that if they are equal in any respect they are equal
absolutely, others that if they are unequal in any respect they should be unequal in all.
Hence there are two principal forms of government, democracy and oligarchy; for good birth
and virtue are rare, but wealth and numbers are more common.
[1302a] In what city shall we find a hundred persons of good birth and of virtue? whereas
the rich everywhere abound. That a state should be ordered, simply and wholly, according
to either kind of equality, is not a good thing; the proof is the fact that such forms of
government never last. They are originally based on a mistake, and, as they begin badly,
cannot fall to end badly. The inference is that both kinds of equality should be employed;
numerical in some cases, and proportionate in others.
Still democracy appears to be safer and less liable to strife than oligarchy. For in oligarchies
there is the double danger of the oligarchs falling out among themselves and also with the
people; but in democracies there is only the danger of a quarrel with the oligarchs. No
dissension worth mentioning arises among the people themselves. And we may further
remark that a government which is composed of the middle class more nearly approximates
to democracy than to oligarchy, and is the safest of the imperfect forms of government.
The following was long thought to have been written by Xenophon but that has, for some time
now, been doubted. Because the actual author is unknown but the tone is soundly oligarchic, the
document is now referred to as The Old Oligarch. It was probably written in the mid to late fourth
century BC and clearly reflects the attitudes of those opposed to democracy.
The Old Oligarch
Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians, and the type or manner of constitution
which they have chosen, I praise it not, in so far as the very choice involves the welfare of
the baser folk as opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise so far;
but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose to show that they set about
its preservation in the right way; and that those other transactions in connection with it,
which are looked upon as blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are the reverse.
In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer class and the People of Athens
should be better off than the men of birth and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man
the fleet, and put round the city her girdle of power. The steersman,[5] the boatswain, the
lieutenant, the look-out-man at the prow, the shipwright--these are the people who engird
the city with power far rather than her heavy infantry and men of birth of quality. This being
49
the case, it seems only just that offices of state should be thrown open to everyone both in
the ballot and the show of hands, and that the right of speech should belong to any one who
likes, without restriction. For, observe, there are many of these offices which, according as
they are in good or in bad hands, are a source of safety or of danger to the People, and in
these the People prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance, it does not think it
incumbent on itself to share in the functions of the general or of the commander of cavalry.
The sovereign People recognises the fact that in forgoing the personal exercise of these
offices, and leaving them to the control of the more powerful citizens, it secures the balance
of advantage to itself. It is only those departments of government which bring emolument
and assist the private estate that the People cares to keep in its own hands.
In the next place, in regard to what some people are puzzled to explain--the fact that
everywhere greater consideration is shown to the base, to poor people and to common folk,
than to persons of good quality--so far from being a matter of surprise, this, as can be shown,
is the keystone of the preservation of the democracy. It is these poor people, this common
folk, this riff-raff, whose prosperity, combined with the growth of their numbers, enhances
the democracy. Whereas, a shifting of fortune to the advantage of the wealthy and the better
classes implies the establishment on the part of the commonalty of a strong power in
opposition to itself. In fact, all the world over, the cream of society is in opposition to the
democracy. Naturally, since the smallest amount of intemperance and injustice, together
with the highest scrupulousness in the pursuit of excellence, is to be found in the ranks of
the better class, while within the ranks of the People will be found the greatest amount of
ignorance, disorderliness, rascality--poverty acting as a stronger incentive to base conduct,
not to speak of lack of education and ignorance, traceable to the lack of means which afflicts
the average of mankind.
[14] The objection may be raised that it was a mistake to allow the universal right of speech
and a seat in council. These should have been reserved for the cleverest, the flower of the
community. But here, again, it will be found that they are acting with wise deliberation in
granting to even the baser sort the right of speech, for supposing only the better people
might speak, or sit in council, blessings would fall to the lot of those like themselves, but to
the commonalty the reverse of blessings. Whereas now, anyone who likes, any base fellow,
may get up and discover something to the advantage of himself and his equals. It may be
retorted: "And what sort of advantage either for himself or for the People can such a fellow
be expected to hit upon?" The answer to which is, that in their judgment the ignorance and
baseness of this fellow, together with his goodwill, are worth a great deal more to them than
your superior person's virtue and wisdom, coupled with animosity. What it comes to,
therefore, is that a state founded upon such institutions will not be the best state; but, given
a democracy, these are the right means to procure its preservation. The People, it must be
borne in mind, does not demand that the city should be well governed and itself a slave. It
desires to be free and to be master. As to bad legislation it does not concern itself about
that.[19] In fact, what you believe to be bad legislation is the very source of the People's
strength and freedom. But if you seek for good legislation, in the first place you will see the
cleverest members of the community laying down the laws for the rest. And in the next
place, the better class will curb and chastise the lower orders; the better class will deliberate
on behalf of the state, and not suffer crack-brained fellows to sit in council, or to speak or
50
vote in Parliament. No doubt; but under the weight of such blessings the People will in a
very short time be reduced to slavery.
51
The Persian Wars
Croesus, 'The first to subdue the Greeks'
The story of the many conflicts between the Greeks and Persians begins, according to
Herodotus, with Croesus, the king of Lydia:
Herodotus i.6
[6] Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations which dwell on
this side of the river Halys; which river, flowing from the South between the Syrians and the
Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine. 1
This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued certain of
the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others he gained over and made them
his friends. Those whom he subdued were the Ionians, the Aeolians, and the Dorians who
dwell in Asia; and those whom he made his friends were the Lacedaemonians. But before
the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free.
While Croesus was expanding his dominions in Anatolia, the Median Kingdom (in modern
Iraq and Iran) was overthrown, in 550 BC, by Cyrus, the king of Persia (the province of Fars, in
Iran). Despite the recent death of his son, seeing an opportunity, Croesus prepared to attack.
Croesus was famous for two things; his great wealth and his love of Greek culture:
Herodotus i. 50
[50] …with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of the god at Delphi: for of all the
animals that are fit for sacrifice he offered three thousands of each kind, and he heaped up
couches overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of purple, and
tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping by these means the more to
win over the god to the side of the Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one
of them should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had finished the
sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths making them
six palms in length and three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one
hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold weighing two talents and a half each,
and others of gold alloyed with silver weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an
image of a lion of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi was
being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these it was set, and is placed now in
the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were
melted away from it.
Croesus also sent gifts to the oracle of Amphiaraus at Oropus.
Herodotus i.53 - 55
To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge that they should
ask the Oracles this question also: Whether Croesus should march against the Persians, and if
so, whether he should join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians
had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated the votive offerings,
they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other nations,
considering that these are the only true Oracles among men, presents to you gifts such as your
1
The Black Sea.
52
revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march against the Persians, and if
so, whether he shall join with himself any army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the
answers of both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against
the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to find out the most
powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself as friends.
[54] So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was delighted with
the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again
to Pythia, and presented to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters
of gold for each man: and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the Lydians
precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments, and the right to front seats
at the games, with this privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be
allowed to become a citizen of Delphi.
55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Crœsus consulted the Oracle the third time;
for from the time when he learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. And
consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the
Pythian prophetess answered him thus:
"But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch
Then by the pebbly Hermus, O Lydian delicate-footed,
Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be called a coward."
The 'friends' Croesus found were the Spartans, who agreed to come to his assistance in the
war: The Spartans never showed up. Of course the 'great empire' that was prophesied to fall was
Croesus' and the 'mule' who ruled the Medes was Cyrus - half Mede on his mother's side and half
Persian on his father's. After a battle near the Halys River, Cyrus besieged the capital, Sardis, and
with the fall of Sardis the war ended.
Herodotus i.86
[86] The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself
prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years 1 and had been besieged fourteen days, having
fulfilled the oracle in that he had brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians
having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and
caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice seven sons of
Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering as first-fruits of his victory to
some god, or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a godfearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished to know if any one
of the divine powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did
this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case,
a memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration that no one of the
living might be called happy. 2 And when this thought came into his mind, they say that he
sighed deeply and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he uttered
the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was this
person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is said,
kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more
1
2
The date (although disputed) is 547 BC.
See above The Greek Ethos; Herodotus i. 29 - 34.
53
than much wealth I should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his
words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as they were
urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had come,
and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such and such words; and how
all had turned out for him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with a
view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race and especially those who
seem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus related these things, already the
pyre was lighted and the edges of it round-about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus,
hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose and considered
that he himself also was but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who had been
not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and
reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was secure; therefore,
they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and
to bring down Croesus and those who were with him from the pyre; and they using
endeavours were not able now to get the mastery of the flames.
Croesus was saved from the flames and the Lydian kingdom became part of the Persian
Empire, as did the Greeks of the coast who had been subject to Croesus.
Herodotus i.141
[141] The Ionians and Aeolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued by the Persians,
sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the same terms as they had
been subjects of Croesus. And when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to
them a fable, saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and played on his
pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but being deceived in his expectation, he
took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from
the water: and when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I pray
you now, seeing that you would not come out and dance before when I piped." Cyrus spoke
this fable to the Ionians and Aeolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused to
comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus,
while now when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he
said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to their
cities, put walls round about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion, all
except the men of Miletus, for with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same
terms as the Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent to
send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.
The Spartans were no more help to the Ionians than they were to Croesus and the first Ionian
rebellion was easily subdued by Cyrus' army. The Aegean coast of Asia Minor was now the
western most boundary of the Persian Empire and before Cyrus died in 530 BC he had extended
the eastern boundary to the Indus River forming the largest empire the world had yet seen.
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, conquered Egypt in 526 but he died in 522 BC.
Darius I became king of Persia and in 513 he extended Persian dominion into Europe. He led
a great army across the Bosphorus (the straights now straddled by Istanbul) and marched north
into modern Bulgaria, Romania and the Ukraine - an area the Greeks called Scythia. Darius
commanded his Ionian Greek subjects to follow the army with their ships and when they reached
54
the Ister River (modern Danube) he employed the Ionians to construct and protect a rope bridge
that was used to convey his army across the river.
The Scythians thought they had found an opportunity, and sent messengers to the Ionians to
destroy the bridge:
Herodotus iv.137
137. Upon this the Ionians took counsel together; and Miltiades the Athenian on the one
hand, who was commander and tyrant of the men of the Chersonese in the Hellespont, was
of the opinion that they should follow the advice of the Scythians and set Ionia free: but
Histiaeus the tyrant of Miletus was of the opposite opinion to this; for he said that at the
present time it was by means of Darius that each one of them was ruling as despot over a
city; and if the power of Darius should be destroyed, neither he himself would be able to
bear rule over the Milesians, nor would any other of them be able to bear rule over any other
city; for each of the cities would choose to have popular rather than despotic rule. When
Histiaeus declared his opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at the first
they were adopting that of Miltiades.
The Ionian tyrants protected the bridge, and when Darius failed to conquer Scythia and, with
a deteriorating army, the Persians made use of that bridge make a retreat:
Herodotus iv. 142
Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians in their search missed the Persians the second
time also: and their judgment of the Ionians is that on the one hand, if they be regarded as
free men, they are the most worthless and cowardly of all men, but on the other hand, if
regarded as slaves, they are the most attached to their master and the least disposed to run
away of all slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against the Ionians by the Scythians.
The Ionian Revolt
In 499 BC, Histiaeus, the tyrant of Miletus, along with his cousin and father-in-law
Aristagoras, tyrant of Cyzicus, convinced the Ionians to rebel from Persian rule. Aristagoras
travelled to Hellas to win the support of either Sparta or Athens:
Herodotus v.49 - 50
[49] However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletus arrived at Sparta while Cleomenes was
reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech, having, as the Lacedaemonians say,
a tablet of bronze, on which was engraved a map of the whole Earth, with all the seas and
all the rivers. And when he came to converse with Cleomenes he said to him as follows:
"Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming here, for the case is this: That the sons
of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all indeed to
ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as you are the leaders of Hellas. Now
therefore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your
own kinsmen: and you may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight,
whereas you have attained to the highest point of valour in that which relates to war: and
their fighting is of this fashion, namely with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go
into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they are easily conquered.
Then again they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all the
55
other nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and
embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which you might have for
yourselves, if you so desired. And the nations moreover dwell in such order one after the
other as I shall declare: The Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell
in a fertile land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver." And as he said this he
pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved upon the tablet; "and
here next to the Lydians," continued Aristagoras, "are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both
the greatest number of sheep and cattle of any people that I know, and also the most
abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadocians, whom we call Syrians; and
bordering upon them are the Cilicians, coming down to this sea, in which lies the island of
Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to the king for their yearly tribute. Next to
these Cilicians are the Armenians, whom you may see here, and these also have great
numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this
country here; and next to them is the land of Cissia here, in which land by the banks of this
river Choaspes is situated that city of Susa where the great king has his residence, and where
the money is laid up in treasuries. After you have taken this city you may then with good
courage enter into a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. But can it be that you feel
yourselves bound to take upon yourselves the risk of battles against Messenians and
Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is
not much in extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these
peoples have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which desire incites one to fight
and to die; can this be, I say, and will you choose some other way now, when it is possible
for you easily to have the rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes
answered him saying: "Guest-friend from Miletus, I defer my answer to you until the day
after to-morrow."
[50] 50. Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for
the answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how
many days' journey it was from the sea of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now
Aristagoras, who in other respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point
made a mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired
to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from the sea of
three months: And the other cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had
begun to give of the way, said: "Guest-friend from Miletus, get you away from Sparta before
the sun has set; for you speak a word which sounds not well in the ears of the
Lacedaemonians, desiring to take them a journey of three months from the sea."
Failing to gain the support of Sparta, Aristagoras went to Athens:
Herodotus v. 97
[97] While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very
time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes, arrived at Athens;
for this was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras
came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as he had said at
Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making
war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said,
56
and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and
that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great
power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request,
until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one,
seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian by
himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being
persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed
to command them Melanthius one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed.
These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.
The Ionian Revolt began with a surprise attack on Sardis, in which the temple of Cybele was
burned, but the Persians quickly responded. It took Darius' officers seven years to put the revolt
down and after the territories were recovered Darius ordered his generals to keep moving west and
punish the Athenians. Darius' efforts against Athens seem out of proportion to her involvement,
but it is important to remember that Athens had, in 508 or 7, promised submission to Persia. In
Darius' mind, he had been attacked by his own subject. Darius ordered an invasion of Greece in
492 but it failed to make it even to mainland Greece. In 490 another invasion force landed at
Marathon, only 26 miles from Athens.
The Athenians petitioned the other Greek states for assistance but none save the Plataeans
would offer any support:
Herodotus vi. 106
[106] …"Lacedaemonians, the Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not
to allow a city most anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the
means of Barbarians; for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become the
weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, reported to them that with which he had been
charged, and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was impossible for
them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day
of the month, and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle
of the moon should be full. 1
[107] These men were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile Hippias the son of
Peisistratus was guiding the Barbarians in to Marathon, after having seen on the night that
was just past a vision in his sleep of this kind; it to Hippias that he lay with his own mother.
He conjectured then from the dream that he should return to Athens and recover his rule,
and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the dream, I say, he
conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he disembarked the slaves from
Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia; and then, as the ships came
in to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from
their ships to land, he was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was ordering
these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more violently than was his wont. Then
since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth were shaken thereby, and one of these
teeth he cast forth by the violence of the cough: and the tooth having fallen from him upon
the sand, he was very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be found when
1
This was the Careneia, A festival of Apollo celebrated by the Spartans in mid-summer. In 490, the likely
candidates are the full moons of 10 August and 9 September.
57
he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: "This land is not ours,
nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much part in it as belonged to me the
tooth possesses."
The Battle of Marathon
Herodotus vi. 109 – 111
[109] Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and the one party
urged that they should not fight a battle, seeing that they were too few to fight with the army
of the Medes, while the others, and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so:
and when they were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who
had been chosen by lot to be Polemarch of the Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten
(for in old times the Athenians gave the Polemarch an equal vote with the generals) and at
that time the Polemarch was Callimachus of the deme of Aphidnae, to him came Miltiades
and said as follows: "With you now it rests, Callimachus, either to bring Athens under
slavery, or by making her free to leave behind you for all the time that men shall live a
memorial such as not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton have left. For now the Athenians
have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever come since they were a people;
and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they shall suffer,
being delivered over to Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory,
it may become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it comes to
you of all men to have the decision of these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the
generals, who are ten in number, the opinions are divided, the one party urging that we
fight a battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great
spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall
go over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in any part of
the Athenian people, then we are able to gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal
conditions. These things then all belong to you and depend on you; for if you attach yourself
to my opinions, you have both a fatherland which is free and a native city which shall be the
first among the cities of Hellas; but if you choose the opinion of those who are earnest
against fighting, you shall have the opposite of those good things of which I told you."
[110] Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachus to his side; and the opinion of the
Polemarch being added, it was thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those generals
whose opinion was in favour of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to command for
the day came round, gave over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not
however yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to command had come.
[111] And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the
order which here follows: On the right wing the Polemarch Callimachus was leader (for the
custom of the Athenians then was this, that the Polemarch should have the right wing); and
he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another,
and last were drawn up the Plataeans occupying the left wing: for ever since this battle, when
the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which are made at the four-yearly
festivals, the herald of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings may come to the Athenians
58
and to the Plataeans both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn
up at Marathon something of this kind was done: Their army being made equal in length of
front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks,
and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers.
Plutarch reports a slightly different version:
Plutarch, Aristides 5
[5.5] Now when Datis, on being sent by Darius ostensibly to punish the Athenians for
burning Sardis, but really to subdue all the Hellenes, put in at Marathon with all his
armament and went to ravaging the country, then, of the ten generals appointed by the
Athenians for the conduct of the war, it was Miltiades who enjoyed the greatest
consideration, but in reputation and influence Aristides was second. [2] By adopting at that
time the opinion of Miltiades about the battle to be fought, he did much to tum the scale
in its favour. And since each general held the chief authority for a single day in tum, when
the command came round to him, he handed it over to Miltiades, thereby teaching his
fellow-officers that to obey and follow men of wisdom is not disgraceful, but dignified and
salutary. By thus appeasing the jealousy of his colleagues and inducing them to be cheerfully
contented in the adoption of a single opinion (and that the best), he confirmed Miltiades
in the strength which comes from an unrestricted power. For each of the other generals at
once relinquished his own right to command for a day in turn, and put himself under the
orders of Miltiades.
Herodotus vi. 112 - 16
[112] And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable,
then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now
the space between the armies was not less than eight stadia: 1 and the Persians seeing them
advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they
charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet
were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. Such was the thought of
the Barbarians; but the Athenians, when all in a body they had joined in combat with the
Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about
whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who
endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time
the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear.
[113] Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the
army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were
winning: Here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were
pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataeans severally were
winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had
been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought
with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed
1
About 1.4 kilometers.
59
after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they
called for fire and began to take hold of the ships.
[114] In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachus after having proved
himself a good man, and also one of the generals, Stesilaus the son of Thrasylaus, was killed;
and besides this Cynegeirus the son of Euphorion while taking hold there of the ornament
at the stern of a ship had his hand cut off with an axe and fell; and many others also of the
Athenians who were men of note were killed.
[115] Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner, but with the rest
the Barbarians pushed off from land, and after taking the captives from Eretria off the island
where they had left them, they sailed round Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before
the Athenians. And an accusation became current among the Athenians to the effect that
they formed this design by contrivance of the Alcmaeonidae; for these, it was said, having
concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when they had now
embarked in their ships.
[116] These then, I say, were sailing round Sunium; and meanwhile the Athenians came to the
rescue back to the city as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before the Barbarians
came; and having arrived from the temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another
temple of Heracles, namely that which is in Cynosarges. The Barbarians however came and lay
with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was then the seaport of the Athenians),
they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia.
Xerxes’ Invasion
The great invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and the miraculous victory by the Greeks against
overwhelming odds is one of the most inspiring and enduring stories in the western episteme.
Diodorus xi. 1.2 - 2.2
[1.2] Calliades being Archon of Athens, Spurius Cassius and Proclus Virginias Tricostus,
consuls at Rome, in the seventy-fifth Olympiad, 1 celebrated at Elis, (in which Asylius, the
Syracusan was victor), Xerxes raised an army against the Greeks for the following reason: [3]
Mardonius, the Persian, was cousin to Xerxes and related by marriage, and of great esteem
among the Persians for his valour and prudence. This man, prompted forward by the
greatness of his spirit, and the heat of his youth, burned with ambition to be general of so
great an army as that expedition required; and therefore persuaded Xerxes that he would
bend all his power to subdue the Greeks, those implacable enemies of the Persians. [4] Being
brought over to close with this advice, Xerxes determined utterly to destroy and root them
up: and to that end sent ambassadors to Carthage, to treat with them concerning the joining
of their forces together; whereupon it was thus agreed between them that Xerxes should land
his forces in Greece and that the Carthaginians at the same time should, with a great army,
invade the Greeks in Italy and Sicily. [5]According to which compact the Carthaginians
raised a great sum of money, and hired many soldiers out of the provinces of Liguria in Italy,
1
480/79 BC
60
Gallia, and Iberia; and raised men of their own throughout all Libya, and out of Carthage
itself. In which preparations were spent three years, and an army of three hundred thousand
men were mustered, and two hundred ships fitted out.
[2.1] On the other part Xerxes, stirred up by the industry of the Carthaginians, by way of
emulation, as far exceeded them in warlike preparations, as he did in dominion and empire.
He commanded ships to be built everywhere upon the sea-coasts within his dominions, as
Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus, and likewise through Cilicia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, Lycia, Caria,
Mysia, Troas, the cities of the Hellespont, Pontus, and Bithynia, and in three years, as the
Carthaginians had done, set forth above twelve hundred warships. [2] And this was the
better accomplished by means of the preparations of those great forces raised by Darius, his
father in his life time. For Datis, Darius' general, being not long before overcome by the
Athenians in the battle of Marathon, Darius ever afterwards bore an implacable hatred
against them: but just as he was ready to pass over into Greece, he was prevented by death.
Xerxes, therefore, encouraged both by his father's assistance and the advice of Mardonius
(as is before related) resolved to invade Greece.
Darius had intended another invasion attempt, but Egypt rose in revolt against Persian rule in
487 and in October of 486 Darius died. He was succeeded by his son, Xerxes whose first priority
was the re-conquest of Egypt. By 481 Xerxes was ready for the invasion of Greece:
Herodotus vii. 20
20. During four full years from the conquest of Egypt Xerxes was preparing the army and
the things that were of service for the army, and in the course of the fifth year he began his
campaign with a host of great multitude. For of all the armies of which we have knowledge
this proved to be by far the greatest; so that neither that led by Darius against the Scythians 1
appears anything as compared with it, nor the Scythian host, when the Scythians pursuing
the Cimmerians made invasion of the Median land and subdued and occupied nearly all the
upper parts of Asia, 2 for which invasion afterwards Darius attempted to take vengeance, nor
that led by the sons of Atreus to Ilium, 3 to judge by that which is reported of their
expedition, nor that of the Mysians and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over
into Europe by the Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but came down also
as far as the Ionian Sea and marched southwards to the river Peneios. 4
The army was assembled as it marched through Anatolia with Sardis as the first mustering
point:
Herodotus vii. 32
[32] Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to ask for earth and
water, and also to give notice beforehand to prepare meals for the king; except that he sent
neither to Athens nor Sparta to ask for earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why
he sent the second time to ask for earth and water was this: as many as had not given at the
1
513 BC.
ca 645 – 617 BC.
3
The Trojan War, ca 1182 BC, a semi-mythical event.
4
A mythical event.
2
61
former time to Darius when he sent, these he thought would certainly give now by reason
of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have certain knowledge, and he
sent accordingly.
They crossed the Hellespont and mustered at Doriscus where Xerxes counted his forces:
Herodotus vii. 59 – 60
[59] Now Doriscus is a sea-beach and plain of great extent in Thrace, and through it flows
the great river Hebrus: here a royal fortress had been built, the same which is now called
Doriscus, and a garrison of Persians had been established in it by Darius, ever since the time
when he went on his march against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place
was convenient to order his army and to number it throughout, and so he proceeded to do.
The commanders of the ships at the bidding of Xerxes had brought all their ships, when
they arrived at Doriscus, up to the sea-beach which adjoins Doriscus, on which there is
situated both Sale, a city of the Samothracians, and also Zone, and of which the extreme
point is the promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in
ancient time to the Ciconians. To this beach then they had brought in their ships, and
having drawn them up on land they were letting them get dry: and during this time he
proceeded to number the army at Doriscus.
[60] Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able to give certain
information, for this is not reported by any persons; but of the whole land-army taken
together the number proved to be one million, seven hundred thousand: and they numbered
them throughout in the following manner: They gathered together in one place a body of
ten thousand men, and packing them together as closely as they could, they drew a circle
round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and having let the ten thousand men
go from it, they built a wall of rough stones round the circumference of the circle, rising to
the height of a man's navel. Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which
had been built round, until they had in this manner numbered them all throughout: and
after they had numbered them, they ordered them separately by nations.
The passage above is the cause of much criticism of Herodotus as an historian, and of the
validity of his Histories. Few scholars accept the 1.7 million number as valid, or even possible.
Later (vii.185), Herodotus adds the number of men in the fleet and those added as they marched
and arrives at a grand total of 2,641,610. One approach, and widely accepted, is to take Herodotus'
numbers at a value of 1/10 and presume a Persian army in the range of 265,000.
Herodotus vii. 100 – 104
[100] Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged in divisions, he
had a mind to drive through it himself and inspect it: and afterwards he proceeded so to do;
and driving through in a chariot by each nation, he inquired about them and his scribes
wrote down the names, until he had gone from end to end both of the horse and of the
foot. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes changing
from his chariot to a ship of Sidon sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the
prows of the ships, asking of all just as he had done with the land-army, and having the
answers written down. And the captains had taken their ships out to a distance of about
four hundred feet from the beach and were staying them there, all having turned the prows
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of the ships towards the shore in an even line and having armed all the fighting-men as for
war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the ships and the beach.
[101] Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from his ship, he sent
for Demaratus the son of Ariston, 1 who was marching with him against Hellas; and having
called him he asked as follows: "Demaratus, now it is my pleasure to ask you somewhat which
I desire to know. You are not only a Hellene, but also, as I am informed both by you and by
the other Hellenes who I have spoken to, of a city which is neither the least nor the feeblest
of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely whether the Hellenes will endure to
raise hands against me: for, as I suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining nations
who dwell towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in
fight to endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies. I desire however to be informed
also of your opinion, what do you say about these matters." He inquired thus, and the other
made answer and said: "O king, shall I utter the truth in speaking to you, or that which will
give pleasure?" and he bade him utter the truth, saying that he should suffer nothing
unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before.
[102] When Demaratus heard this, he spoke as follows: "O king, since you ask me by all
means to utter the truth, and so speak as one who shall not be afterwards convicted by you
of having spoken falsely, I say this: With Hellas poverty is ever inbred, while valour is
learned, being acquired by intelligence and the force of law; and of it Hellas makes use ever
to avert from herself not only poverty but also servitude to a master. Now I commend all the
Hellenes who are settled in those Dorian lands, but this which I am about to say has regard
not to all, but to the Lacedaemonians alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible that
they will ever accept your terms, which carry with them servitude for Hellas; and next I say
that they will stand against you in fight, even if all the other Hellenes shall be of your party.
And as for numbers, ask now how many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether
it chances that a thousand of them have come out into the field, these will fight with you,
or if there be less than this, or again if there be more."
[103] Xerxes hearing this laughed, and said: "Demaratus, what a speech is this which you
have made, saying that a thousand men will fight with this vast army! Come tell me this:
your say that you were yourself king of these men; will you therefore agree now to fight with
ten men? and yet if your State is such throughout as you describe it, you their king ought by
your laws to stand in array against double as many as another man; that is to say, if each of
them is a match for ten men of my army, I expect of you that you should be a match for
twenty. Thus would be confirmed the report which is made by you: but if you, who boast
thus greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come commonly to
speech with me, yourself included, then beware lest this which has been spoken prove but
an empty vaunt. For come, let me examine it by all that is probable: how could a thousand
or ten thousand or even fifty thousand, at least if they were all equally free and were not
ruled by one man, stand against so great an army? Since, as you know, we will be more than
11
Briefly king of Sparta, Demaratus was impeached when the legitimacy of his birth was questioned. He
defected to Persia.
63
a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be in number five thousand.
If indeed they were ruled by one man after our fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him
become braver than it was their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight
with greater numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at liberty, they would
do neither of these things: and I for my part suppose that, even if equally matched in
numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with the Persians taken alone. With us
however this of which you speak is found in single men, not indeed often, but rarely; for
there are Persians of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the Hellenes
at once: but you have had no experience of these things and therefore you speak very much
at random."
[104] To this Demaratus replied: "O king, from the first I was sure that if I uttered the truth
I should not speak that which was pleasing to you; since however you did compel me to
speak the very truth, I told you of the matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I
am at this present time attached to them by affection you know better than any; seeing that
first they took away from me the rank and privileges which came to me from my fathers, and
then also they have caused me to be without native land and an exile; but your father took
me up and gave me livelihood and a house to dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed likely
that the prudent man will thrust aside friendliness which is offered to him, but rather that
he will accept it with full contentment. And I do not profess that I am able to fight either
with ten men or with two, nay, if I had my will, I would not even fight with one; but if there
were necessity or if the cause which urged me to the combat were a great one, I would fight
most willingly with one of these men who says that he is a match for three of the Hellenes.
So also the Lacedaemonians are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one, and they
are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet they are not free in all
things, for over them is set Law as a master, whom they fear much more even than your
people fear you. It is certain at least that they do whatsoever that master commands; and he
commands ever the same thing, that is to say, he bids them not flee out of battle from any
multitude of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose their life. But if when I
say these things I seem to you to be speaking at random, of other things for the future I
prefer to be silent; and at this time I spoke only because I was compelled. May it come to
pass however according to your mind, O king."
There is no reason to accept speeches like the one reproduced above as historically accurate.
How could Herodotus have known the intimate details of conversations that took place between
Xerxes and his advisors? The inclusion of this and other speeches like it is a literary device
whereby the author, Herodotus in this case, can use a convenient character within the narrative to
impart information or opinion to the reader. We might also see Demaratus as a Wise Advisor, or
Truth Teller, a character often employed in fictional literature and drama.
As the Persian army advanced across Thrace many Greeks believed that resistance was
impossible and decided to send 'earth and water' to the king.
Herodotus vii. 131 - 33
[131] He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road over the mountains
of Macedonia was being cut meanwhile by a third part of his army, that all the host might
64
pass over by this way into the land of the Perrhaebians: and now the heralds returned who
had been sent to Hellas to demand the gift of earth, some empty-handed and others bearing
earth and water. 1
[132] And among those who gave that which was demanded were the following, namely the
Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, Locrians, Megnesians, Melians, Achaeans of
Phthiotis, and Thebans, with the rest of the Boeotians also excepting the Thespians and
Plataeans. Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an oath;
and the oath was this; that whosoever being Hellenes had given themselves over to the
Persian, not being compelled, these, if their own affairs should come to a good conclusion,
they would dedicate as an offering to the god at Delphi. 2
[133] Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes: Xerxes however had not sent to
Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and for this reason, namely because
at the former time when Darius had sent for this very purpose, the one people threw the
men who made the demand into the pit and the others into a well, and bade them take from
thence earth and water and bear them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not send men
to make this demand. And what evil thing came upon the Athenians for having done this
to the heralds, I am not able to say, except indeed that their land and city were laid waste;
but I do not think that this happened for that cause.
Artemisium
The Greek coalition had not been idle, they assembled a fleet at Artemisium
Plutarch, Themistocles 3.4 -
[3.4]… Now the rest of his countrymen thought that the defeat of the Barbarians at Marathon
was the end of the war; but Themistocles thought it to be only the beginning of greater
contests, and for these he anointed himself, as it were, to be the champion of all Hellas, and
put his city into training, because, while it was yet afar off, he expected the evil that was to
come.
[4.1] And so, in the first place, whereas the Athenians were wont to divide up among
themselves the revenue coming from the silver mines at Laurium, he, and he alone, dared
to come before the people with a motion that this division be given up, and that with these
moneys triremes be constructed for the war against Aegina. This was the fiercest war then
troubling Hellas, and the islanders controlled the sea, owing to the number of their ships.
Wherefore all the more easily did Themistocles carry his point, not by trying to terrify the
citizens with dreadful pictures of Darius or the Persians.
1
2
Refers to vii.32. Xerxes had sent these heralds while still at Sardis
‘should be tithed’ and the implication here is that one tenth of their property be given to Delphi. This is the
view of Macan but How and Wells agree with the Godley translation – that these cities be destroyed, the
populations sold and all procedes to go to Delphi.
65
Thermopylae
The Spartans were the leaders of the Greek coalition and they determined that central Greece
could not be defended, but that the Peloponnese could be defended at the Isthmus of Corinth. It
was decided then to construct a wall across the Isthmus.
However, some of the Greeks responded to a plea from the Thessalians to make a defense at
the Tempe Pass, between Mt. Olympus and Mt. Ossa. A force of 10,000 soldiers were dispatched
to the pass but they were advised by Alexander, King of the Macedonians, that their position was
untenable and they decided to withdraw.
Herodotus vii. 175
[175] When the Greeks had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated, having regard to that
which had been said by Alexander, where and in what regions they should set the war on
foot: and the opinion which prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylae; for it was seen
to be narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was single, and nearer
also to their own land; and as for the path by means of which were taken those of the
Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylae, they did not even know of its
existence until they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to
Thermopylae. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by
into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemesium in the territory of
Histiaea: for these points are near to one another, so that each division of their forces could
have information of what was happening to the other.
Herodotus vii. 201 - 204
[201] King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in the land of the
Malians, and the Greeks within the pass. This place is called by the Greeks in general
Thermopylae, but by the natives of the place and those who dwell in the country round it is
called Pylae. 1 Both sides then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all
that lies beyond Trachis in the direction of the North Wind, and the others of that which
tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on this side of the continent.
[202] These were the Greeks who awaited the attack of the Persian in this place: Of the
Spartans three hundred hoplites; of the men of Tegea and Mantineia a thousand, half from
each place, from Orchomenus in Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of
Arcadia a thousand. These were the Arcadians: From Corinth four hundred, from Phlius
two hundred, and of the men of Mycenae eighty. These were they who came from the
Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the Thespians, and of the Thebans
four hundred.
[203] In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come in their full
force, and of the Phocians a thousand: for the Hellenes had of themselves sent a summons
to them, saying by messengers that they had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest
of the allies were to be expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched
by the Athenians and the Aeginetans and by those who had been appointed to serve in the
fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said, who was coming to
1
Pylae’ means ‘the Gates’ and ‘Thermo – Pylae’ means ‘the Hot Gates.’
66
attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes
evil had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men;
therefore he also who was marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail
of his expectation. They accordingly, hearing this, came to the assistance of the others at
Trachis.
[204] Of these troops, although there were other commanders also according to the State to
which each belonged, yet he who was most held in regard and who was leader of the whole
army was the Lacedaemonian Leonidas son of Anaxandrides…
[205]… He then at this time went to Thermopylae, having chosen the three hundred who
were appointed by law and men who had sons; 1 and he took with him besides, before he
arrived, those Thebans whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the
troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and for this reason
Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Greeks, namely because
accusations had been strongly brought against them that they were taking the side of the
Medes; therefore he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send
troops with them or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Greeks; and
they sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the while.
[206] These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that seeing them the
other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear that they also might take the side of the
Medes, if they heard that the Spartans were putting off their action. Afterwards, however,
when they had kept the festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their way), they
intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force with speed: and
just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the
Olympic festival fell at the same time as these events. 2 Accordingly, since they did not
suppose that the fighting in Thermopylae would so soon be decided, they sent only the
forerunners of their force.
A slightly different account is given by Diodorus:
Diodorus xi. 4. 1 - 7
[1] The general council of Greece being informed that the forces of the Persians approached,
it was ordered that the Greek fleet should forthwith sail to Artemisium in Euboea, judging
that to be the most convenient place to oppose the enemy: and a guard of men at arms were
sent to Thermopylae, sufficient, as was conceived, to secure the straits and passages, and
repel the barbarians: for it was determined, with all haste and speed, to defend on every side
all those that took part with the Greeks, and with their forces every way to preserve their
confederates. [2] Eurybiades, a Lacedaemonian, was admiral of the whole fleet; Leonidas,
general of Sparta, commanded the forces sent to Thermopylae, a brave man and an excellent
soldier, Leonidas, taking upon him the command, chose only a thousand men out of the
1
This passage is vague and scholars have long debated the appropriate interpretation. It seems that the point
here is that Leonidas had dismissed his normal bodyguard and selected a group of 300 men who all had
sons so that the deaths of these men would not bring an end to their family line.
2
The 75 th Olympiad would have been celebrated from 16 - 19 August of 480 BC.
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army to follow him in this expedition. [3] But the Ephors, or common council, advising him
to take a greater number against so powerful an enemy, yea, commanding him so to do he,
in an enigmatic reply, said that in truth, the number was too few to keep the pass against
the barbarians, but too many to accomplish their task. [4] Receiving this dark answer, they
asked him whether he led out the army upon any slight and inconsiderable attempt. He
returned in answer that in words and talk he was to lead them to defend the passages, but
in truth, and in the event, to die for the common liberty. Therefore, if these thousand which
he had chosen might go along with him, the fame of Sparta would be advanced even by their
destruction: but if all the Lacedaemonians should go thither, the very Lacedaemonian name
would be utterly extinct, they being men never used to fly to save themselves. [5] Upon this
there were allotted to him a thousand Lacedaemonians; three hundred Spartiates, and three
thousand other Greeks.
[6] Leonidas marched with a total of four thousand soldiers to Thermopylae. But the
Locrians who inhabited near the passages, had given earth and water to the Persians, and
had promised to seize the passes. But when they perceived Leonidas to advance to
Thermopylae, they revolted and joined the Greeks. [7] There were, then, at Thermopylae, a
thousand Locrians, as many Milesians and near a thousand Phocians, four hundred
Thebans, of a different faction sided now with Greece: for the Thebans that were in a
confederacy with the Persians were divided amongst themselves. This then is the number of
the army which under Leonidas came to Thermopylae, and there prepared themselves to
bear the brunt of the whole strength of the Persians.
The various contingents and their numbers needn't concern us as much as the message:
Herodotus, writing to an Athenian audience in the opening years of the Peloponnesian War, in
which Thebes and Sparta were the most aggressive antagonists against Athens, suggests that the
Spartans had no intention of defending Greece north of the Isthmus and that the Thebans were
brought to Thermopylae as hostages. Diodorus, writing nearly 400 years later, when all of Greece
was within the Roman Empire and Thebes had long ago been destroyed by Alexander the Great,
suggests that the Spartans were determined to defend all of Greece and that many of the Thebans
had refused the Persian alliance.
Herodotus vii. 207
[207] These, I say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes at Thermopylae, when
the Persian had come near to the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat from
their position. To the rest of the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the
Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phocians and Locrians were
indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there, and for sending at the same time
messengers to the several States bidding them to come up to help them, since they were but few
to repel the army of the Medes.
According to Herodotus, Xerxes waited five days before attempting to force the pass,
expecting that the Greeks would retreat in the face of such overwhelming odds. But the Greek
forces were relying of the narrowness of the pass in which only small numbers of soldiers could
engage at any time. Xerxes had no choice but to engage in battle:
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Herodotus vii. 210 - 11
[210]… Xerxes let four days go by, expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the
fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in
impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and the Cissians,
charging them to take the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the Medes
moved forward and attacked the Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming
up continually, and they were not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made
it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that human beings are many
but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day:
[211] and when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired from the battle,
and the Persians, those namely whom the king called "Immortals," of whom Hydarnes was
commander, took their place and came to the attack, supposing that they at least would
easily overcome the enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes,
they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that they
were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and
not being able to take advantage of their superior numbers. The Spartans meanwhile were
fighting in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made display, being
men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were unskilled, they would turn their
backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them
thus taking a flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the
Spartans, when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus
turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also
at these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain
any success by making trial of the entrance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they
retired back.
The Greek forces were able to resist the Persian attacks for several days. Ephialtes, a local
who knew the area well, betrayed the existence of a higher mountain pass to Xerxes, one that led
from the Persian position, over the mountain and rejoining the main road to the south of the Greek
position. That pass was guarded by 1000 Phocians, but a Persian force was able to scale the pass
in the night and overwhelm the Phocians. With this new route secure, the Persians surrounded the
Greek forces.
Herodotus vii. 219
[219] To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylae first the soothsayer Megistias, after looking
into the victims which were sacrificed, declared the death which was to come to them at
dawn of day; and afterwards deserters brought the report of the Persians having gone round.
These signified it to them while it was yet night, and thirdly came the day-watchers, who had
run down from the heights when day was already dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated,
and their opinions were divided; for some urged that they should not desert their post, while
others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their assembly, and some went
away and dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to remain
there together with Leonidas.
69
Leonidas, understanding that it was now impossible to hold the Gates, dismissed the allies and
prepared for the final assault:
Herodotus vii. 222 - 26
[222] The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying the word of
Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans remained behind with the Spartans. Of
these the Thebans stayed against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept
them, counting them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said that they
would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they stayed behind and died
with them. The commander of these was Demophilos the son of Diadromes.
[223] … The Barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the
Hellenes with Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much
further than at first into the broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the wall was
being guarded, they on the former days fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow
part of the pass; but now they engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of the
Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with scourges in their hands
were striking each man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven
into the sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet alive by one
another, and there was no reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the death
which was about to come upon them by reason of those who were going round the mountain,
they displayed upon the Barbarians all the strength which they had, to its greatest extent,
disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness.
[224] …Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were broken, so it
chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the Persians with their swords; and in this
fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself a very good man, and others also of the
Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of men who had proved
themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover
of the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two sons of Darius,
Abrocomes and Hyperanthes…
[225] … and meanwhile over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the
Persians and the Spartans, until the Hellenes by valour dragged this away from the enemy
and turned their opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those who
had gone with Ephialtes came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from
that moment the nature of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow
part of the way, and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves upon the
hillock, all in a body together except only the Thebans: now this hillock is in the entrance,
where now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending themselves
with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they
were overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly
after them and destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood
about them on all sides.
70
[226] Such were the proofs of valour given by the Spartans and Thespians; yet the Spartan
Dieneces is said to have proved himself the best man of all, the same who, as they report,
uttered this saying before they engaged battle with the Medes: Being informed by one of the
men of Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they obscured the light of
the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the number of their host, he was not
dismayed by this, but making small account of the number of the Medes, he said that their
guest from Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the
sun, the battle against them would be in the shade and not in the sun.
[228] The men were buried were they fell; and for these, as well as for those who were slain
before being sent away by Leonidas, there is an inscription which runs thus:
"Facing three million in battle
Here did four thousand of the Peloponnese fight."
This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans separately there is this:
"Stranger, go tell the Spartans,
That here we lie, obedient to their laws"
About the same time the Persian and Greek fleets engaged at Artemisium and the Greeks were
victorious, but the battle was far from decisive. Xerxes moved his army south, easily overcoming
all those towns and cities which had not submitted and sparing those who had.
Salamis
When Xerxes arrived at Athens he found the city abandoned. Interestingly, Herodotus has
explained this event in a much earlier section:
Herodotus vii. 138 -
[138] … Now the march of the king's army was in name against Athens, but in fact it was
going against all Greece: and the Greeks, being informed of this long before were not all
equally affected by it; for some of them having given earth and water to the Persian had
confidence, supposing that they would suffer no hurt from the Barbarian; while others not
having given were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships existing in Hellas which
were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and seeing that the greater
part of the States were not willing to take up the war, but adopted readily the side of the
Medes.
[139] And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which in the eyes of most
men would seem to be invidious, but nevertheless I will not abstain from saying that which
I see evidently to be the truth: 1 If the Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger
which threatened them and had left their land, or again, without leaving their land, had
stayed and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any attempt by sea to
oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would have happened on the
1
This one of the few occasions where Herodotus breaks from his omniscient third-person narrative to
address his audience in an authorial, first person voice.
71
land somewhat thus: Even if many tunics of walls had been thrown across the Isthmus by
the Peloponnesians, the Lacedaemonians would have been deserted by their allies, not
voluntarily but of necessity, since these would have been conquered city after city by the
naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would have been left alone: and having been left
alone and having displayed great deeds of valour, they would have met their death nobly.
Either they would have suffered this fate, or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also taking
the side of the Medes, they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either
case Hellas would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the good to be
got from the walls thrown across the Isthmus, I am unable to discover what it would have
been, when the king had command of the sea. As it is however, if a man should say that the
Athenians proved to be the saviours of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; for to
whichever side these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were they
who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up all of Hellas
which remained, so much, that is, as had not gone over to the Medes, and (after the gods at
least) these were they who repelled the king. Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi
and cast them into dread, induce them to leave Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured
to receive the invader of their land.
[140] For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were preparing to consult
the Oracle; and after these had performed the usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they
had entered the sanctuary and were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose name
was Aristonice, uttered to them this oracle:
"Why do you sit, O you wretched?
Flee you to the uttermost limits,
Leaving your home and the heights of the wheel-round city behind you!
Lo, there remains now neither the head nor the body in safety,
Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left you,
All are destroyed together; for fire and the passionate War-god,
Urging the Syrian car to speed, doth hurl them to ruin.
Not yours alone, he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish,
Yes, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall deliver,
Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror down-streaming,
Quaking with dread; and lo! from the topmost roof to the pavement
Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil.
Forth with you, forth from the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow!
[141] Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult the Oracle were
very greatly distressed; and as they were despairing by reason of the evil which had been
prophesied to them, Timon the son of Androbulus, a man of the Delphians in reputation
equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant's bough and to approach the second
time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised and said: "Lord,
we pray you utter to us some better oracle about our native land, having respect to these
suppliant boughs which we have come to you bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart
away from the sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our
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lives to an end." When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a second oracle as
follows:
"Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympus,
Though she with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him.
But I will tell you this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine:
Then when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary of Cecrops
Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Cithairon,
A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess
Sole to remain unwasted, which you and your children shall profit.
Stay you not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen unnumbered;
Stay you not still for the host from the mainland to come, but retire you,
Turning your back to the foe, for yet you shall face him hereafter.
Salamis, you the divine, you shall cause sons of women to perish,
When the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together." 1
The above excerpt is the famous 'wooden walls' Oracle which was interpreted by Themistocles
to refer to the fleet - the wooden hulls of the ships. So, trusting the wooden walls, the Athenians
abandoned the city for the island of Salamis and put their faith in their ships.
Herodotus viii. 40
[40] Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemisium put in to land at Salamis
at the request of the Athenians in order that they might remove out of Attica to a place of
safety their children and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in
their present case they meant to formulate a new plan because they had been deceived in
their expectation. For they had thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for
the Barbarians in Boeotia; they found however nothing of this, but they were informed on
the contrary that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above
all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were
disposed to let all else go. Being informed of this, the Athenians therefore made request of
them to put in to Salamis.
While the Athenians argued in the allied council for a naval defense from Salamis, the
Peloponnesians argued for a withdrawal of the fleet to the Isthmus of Corinth were the combined
naval and land forces would defend the Peloponnese. Themistocles, the Athenian commander, is
reputed to have forced the issue by sending misinformation to the Persian camp and convincing
Xerxes to order an immediate naval attack on Salamis. The Greek forces now had no choice.
The narrowness of the waterways meant that the Persian navy could not take advantage of its
great numbers - very much like the conditions at Thermopylae - and the superior discipline of the
Greek sailors resulted in a devastating loss for the Persians. The Greek victory was so decisive that
it gave command of the sea to the Greeks and Xerxes, understanding that he could no longer safely
supply his vast army by sea, decided to abandon his invasion and withdraw.
1
The last line of the oracle is enigmatic. Both How and Wells and Macan agree that the reference is to the
Festival of Demeter at Eleusis which would normally be celebrated at that time of year.
73
Mardonius, however, asked to be left in Greece with a smaller army, promising to continue
the war on land and complete the mission:
Herodotus viii. 107
[107] When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them back to Ephesus, he
called Mardonius and bade him choose of the army whom he would, and make his deeds, if
possible, correspond to his words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night
on the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw their ships from
Phalerum to the Hellespont…
[113] Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the sea-fight, and then they
all began to march forth towards Boeotia by the same way by which they had come: for
Mardonius thought both that it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that
it was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he thought, to winter in
Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to
Thessaly, then Mardonius chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called
"Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not
be left behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore cuirasses,
and the body of a thousand cavalry: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and
horsemen both. These nations he chose in the mass, but from the other allies he selected by
few at a time, choosing whose who had fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they
had done good service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single nation,
and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and after them came the Medes, who
in fact were not inferior in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result
was that there were three-hundred thousand in all, including cavalry.
Plataea
Diodorus xi. 27.2 - 30.6
[27.2] In Greece, upon the great success at Salamis, which was chiefly owing to the valour
and conduct of the Athenians, all were of opinion that the Athenians (being lifted up) would
now contend with the Lacedaemonians for the dominion of the seas; and this the
Lacedaemonians foresaw, and therefore used all their arts and endeavours to keep them
under. And for that reason, when they were to take notice of the noble actions in that fight,
and to distribute rewards accordingly, the Lacedaemonians prevailed by their interest, that
the honour of the day should be given to them of Aegina, and among the Athenians to
Amynias, the brother of Aeschylus the poet because his trireme was the first to ram the
flagship of the Persians, sinking it and killing the admiral. [3] But when the Athenians
showed their resentment that they were so undeservedly slighted, the Lacedaemonians were
afraid, lest Themistocles (being provoked with the indignity) should contrive some
considerable mischief against them and the rest of Greece, awarded him double the gifts
that were given to those who had received the prizes of valour. And when Themistocles
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accepted these gifts the Athenians in the Ecclesia voted to remove him from office and
elected Xanthippus, the son of Ariphron, commander in his place. 1
[28.1] When the animosity between the Athenians and the other Greek states became widely
known, ambassadors arrived in Athens both from the Persians and the Greek states, The
Persian ambassadors spoke to the effect that if the Athenians would side with the Persians,
they would have what part of Greece they should choose; that Mardonius, the Persian
general, would rebuild their walls and their temples; and that the city should have and enjoy
its former laws and liberties. On the other hand, the Lacedaemonian ambassadors earnestly
entreated them not to make any league with the barbarians, but preserve their ancient amity
with the Greeks, being so near to them, both in nation and language. [2] To the barbarians
the Athenians gave this return: That the Persians had no country so rich, nor gold so heavy,
which would tempt them to forsake their confederates the Greeks. And to the
Lacedaemonians they commanded answer to be given that as heretofore their care had been
to preserve Greece, so for the future, to their utmost endeavour, they would defend it. And
in the meantime, desired that they would forthwith with all their forces pass into Attica,
because Mardonius, when he came to understand the Athenians to be so resolved against
him, would invade Athens with all his force. [3] And so it came to pass, for Mardonius
encamping in Boeotia, first endeavoured to draw the cities of Peloponnesus to a defection
by sending monies here and there to the governors and chief men. And afterwards, when he
received the answer returned him by the Athenians, he raged like a madman, and forthwith
marched with all his army into Attica. [4] For besides those which Xerxes left with him, he
raised many out of Thrace and Macedonia, and other confederate cities, to the number of
two hundred thousand men, and upwards.
[5] And now Attica being invaded by so great a multitude, the Athenians sent messengers to
the Spartans, and desired their aid, who were so slow that the enemy violently broke in upon
the country, so that the Athenians were reduced to great straits, and now a second time with
their wives and children, and all other things that they could in such hurry carry away, left
their country, and fled to Salamis. [6] Mardonius, greatly enraged, destroyed and wasted all
the country, levelling the city to the ground and utterly demolishing all the temples which
were left untouched in the former desolation.
[29.1] Upon his thus returning to Athens with his forces, it was determined in the general
assembly of the Greeks, that they would join with the Athenians, and march to Plataea, and
there fight the Persians for the liberty of their country. And they made sacred vows to the
gods that if they became victorious they would unite in celebrating a Festival to Eleutheria
at Plataea. [2] At the general rendezvous in Peloponnesus, they took oath to oblige one
another to the prosecution of the war, to the end their league might be inviolably observed,
and that all difficulties might be undergone with undaunted courage. The form of the oath
was thus: I will not prefer life before liberty: I will not desert our officers, whether they live
or die; but I will bury my fellow-soldiers that shall fall in the war, however many they may
be. If I be victorious in this war, I will not destroy or spoil any city of my confederates. I will
1
This is the father of Pericles. He had been ostracized in 484 (Ath Pol. 22.6), but returned when all of the
exiles were recalled in 480. Of his father, Ariphron, little is known, but Xanthippus married Agariste, the
niece of Cleisthenes.
75
not rebuild any of the temples that are burnt or ruined, but leave them as monuments to
posterity, of the impiety of the barbarians." 1
[4] When they had thus sworn, they marched over Mt. Cithaeron, into Boeotia, and
encamped at the foot of the hill, near the city Erythrae. Aristides was the commander of the
Athenians, and Pausanias, regent for the son of Leonidas, (who was under age), was general
of the whole army.
[30.1] When Mardonius understood that the enemy had entered Boeotia he marched from
Thebes, and pitched his tents at the river Asopus and fortified himself with a deep trench,
enclosing his camp round with a wall of timber. The Greeks were an hundred thousand, but
the Persians were five hundred thousand. [2] The barbarians began the fight: All the night
long roving up and down with all their cavalry they set upon the Greeks in their camp: the
first that felt the brunt were the Athenians, who forthwith in good order valiantly opposed
them so that the fight was very hot. [3] At length the rest of the Greeks put all to flight that
made the onset on them; only the Megarians, who had to deal with the general and best of
the Persian horse, were over-pressed, yet gave no ground, but sent with all speed to the
Athenians and the Lacedaemonians for assistance. [4] When Aristides was informed of their
distress, he immediately sent the best of such Athenians as were then about him to their aid;
who joining with the others, made such a charge upon the barbarians, that they soon freed
the Megareans from their danger, killing the commander of the Persian cavalry, with many
others, and put the rest to flight.
This success at the beginning of the battle filled the Greeks with hope of absolute victory in
the conclusion. Afterwards they removed their camp out of the plain, next under the foot
of the mountain into another place more convenient for obtaining a perfect victory. [5] For
on their right hand was a high hill, and on their left the river Asopus, for their defence.
Between these two they encamped, thus guarded by a natural fortification. [6] The
straightness of the place thus chosen by the Greeks, was of great advantage, and did much
conduce to the victory: for the Persians could not enlarge their front as otherwise they might,
by reason whereof so many thousands of the barbarians became useless and unprofitable.
The generals, Pausanias and Aristides, having now so fair an opportunity, drew out their
forces, and advanced in battle formation, as the ground would permit.
Up to this point, the accounts of Herodotus and Diodorus agree at least on the major points.
But each offers a very different, although detailed, account of the battle itself. All that can be
agreed upon is that the Greek and Persian forces did meet on the plains just outside Plataea in late
August or early September of 479, and that the Persian forces were utterly destroyed.
Diodorus xi. 34.1 - 36.7
[34.1] The same day that the battle was fought at Plataea there was another great fight with
the Persians in Ionia, which I shall relate from the beginning: [2] Leotychides the
Lacedaemonian, and Xanthippus the Athenian admirals of the navy, after the battle at
Salamis, came with their fleet to Aegina where staying some few days, they sailed thence to
Delos, with two hundred and fifty triremes. While they waited there, ambassadors came to
them from Samos, entreating that they would be assistant to the inhabitants of Asia, to
1
Lycurgus, Against Leocrates (1.81) gives essentially the same formula but with the inclusion of the tithe
against those who Medized.
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regain their liberty. [3] Leotychides hereupon calling a council of war, it was there
determined to assist them and to that end, with all speed they departed from Delos. The
Persian admirals who were lingering on Samos, when they learned that the Greek fleet was
approaching, withdrew their ships to Mycale in Ionia. Believing that they could not face the
Greek ships in battle, they drew their own ships up on the shore and constructed a wooden
palisade and a defensive ditch. They also summoned land forces from Sardis and other
neighboring cities to the number of about one hundred thousand men. They also prepared
other equipment useful in war, fearing that the Ionians would defect to the enemy.
[4] Leotychides with his whole fleet well provided, sailed against the barbarians at Mycale,
but sent in advance one ship with a herald on it, one of greater, voice than any other of the
army, and gave him in charge that he should sail close to the enemy and proclaim with a
loud voice; "The Greeks, having defeated the Persians, are now here to liberate the Greek
cities in Asia." [5] Leotychides did this because he conceived that the Greeks in the army of
the Persians would revolt, and that disorder would result in the Persian camp; which is what
happened. As soon as the herald approached the Persian fleet along the shore and made the
announcements as he had been ordered, the Persians began to suspect their Greek comrades
and the Greeks began to plot revolt.
[35.1] Once Leotychides had learned the intentions of the Greeks on the shore, he landed
his forces. The next day, when all things were ready for the onset, a rumour circulated that
the Greeks had defeated the Persians at Plataea. [2] With this in mind, Leotychides and his
colleagues assembled the soldiers and presented the news to them as if presenting a theatrical
performance complete with songs and speeches, intending to use the most effective means
to stir their passion for the coming battle. The tactic was effective. But it is certain that these
two battles, the one at Plataea and the one at Mycale, were fought on the same day. [3] It
seems probable, then, that Leotychides had not indeed heard of the Battle of Plataea but
had invented the report as a stratagem, especially when one considers the distance between
the two places makes the transmission of such news impossible. 1 [4] But the Persians now
no longer trusting their Greek soldiers, took away their arms, and delivered them to those
who were friendly to the Persian cause and, gather all their forces together, encouraged them
by telling them that Xerxes himself was on the way with reinforcements.
[36.1] Both armies being now drawn up in battle order and advancing one towards the other,
when the Persians saw the inconsiderable number of the Greeks they despised them, and
forthwith charged upon them with a great shout. [2] In the meantime the Samians and
Milesians determined to assist the Greeks with all the strength they could make, and to that
end with a swift march they made towards the enemy. And the Ionians conceived that when
they came in sight of the Greeks they would be thereby more encouraged, which fell out
otherwise [3] For those with Leotychides, being seized with a panic upon the apprehension
and suspicion that Xerxes was at hand with all his forces from Sardis, were thrown into
confusion. Some were for retiring forthwith to their ships, others were for standing their
1
Unlikely, but not impossible. Herodotus tells us that Plataea was fought early in the morning. The Greeks
had long been using fire signals to relay messages between islands and with this method it is possible that
the news reached the fleet at Mycale later that afternoon. However, the account of fire signals being used
to convey the news of the victory from Troy to Argos (Aeschylus Agamemnon 281 - 316) is equally
unlikely considering the distances.
77
ground, and fighting valiantly to the last man. While they were in such terror, disorder, and
confusion, the Persian army advanced in order of battle, and in a terrible manner with great
shouts fell in upon them. [4] The Greeks were forced to receive the charge with no time for
adequate preparations.
The battle being now joined, great courage and resolution was shown on all sides, and for a
long time the fortune of the day was doubtful, and many fell on both sides. But as soon as
the Samian and Milesian armies appeared the courage of the Greeks was revived and the
Persians were put to flight. [5] The Greeks pursued with a very great slaughter; for the
soldiers of Leotychides and Xanthippus followed them close at their heels, to their very
tents. In the meantime the Aeolians, and many other of the inhabitants of Asia, came in to
the assistance of the Greeks, though then almost conquerors: [6] for a general and ardent
desire of liberty possessed all the Asian cities and therefore many neither regarded leagues
made, or hostages given, but together with the other Greeks, with the same rage hewed down
and slew the flying Persians. And thus the Persians were routed with the slaughter of forty
thousand men; of the rest, some of them escaped to their camp, and others fled to Sardis.
[7] Xerxes being informed both of the slaughter of his men at Plataea and of the rout of his
army at Mycale, leaving part of his forces to carry on the war, in a great fright fled with the
rest to Ecbatana.
Diodorus xii. 1.3-4
The war [against Xerxes] contrary to expectation, came to an amazing end, and not only were
the peoples of Greece freed of the dangers threatening them, but they also won for
themselves great glory, and every city of Hellas enjoyed such an abundant prosperity that all
men were filled with wonder at the complete reversal of their fortune. For, from this time
over the next fifty years Greece made great advances in prosperity. In these years, for
example, plenty brought increase in the arts, and the greatest artists of whom we have
record... flourished at that time; and there was likewise great advance in education and
philosophy and oratory...
78
The Delian League and the Athenian Empire
Formation of the Delian League
After the Persian invasion had been repelled, the Greek coalition fleet pursued the Persians
into the Aegean intending to free those Greek city states that were under Persian rule:
Diodorus xi.44.3-4
The Spartans, having appointed Pausanias...admiral of the fleet, instructed him to liberate
the Greek cities which were still held by barbarian garrisons... He first of all sailed to Cyprus
and liberated those cities... and after this he sailed to the Hellespont and took Byzantium.
Pausanias then contacted Xerxes through Artabazus, satrap of Phrygia and... secretly made
a pact of friendship with the king and was about to marry the daughter of Xerxes, his purpose
being to betray the Greeks.
Sparta withdrew from the coalition because of the humiliation caused by Pausanias and in
478/7 Athens took the leadership and prosecuted the war against the Persians in the Aegean and
on the coast of Asia Minor.
Diodorus xi.50.1-8
[1] In this year the Lacedaemonians, now that for no good reason they had lost the command
of the sea, were resentful; consequently they were incensed at the Greeks who had fallen
away from them and continued to threaten them with the appropriate punishment. [2] And
when a meeting of the Gerousia was convened, they considered making war upon the
Athenians for the sake of regaining the command of the sea. [3] Likewise, when the general
Assembly was convened, the younger men and the majority of the others were eager to
recover the leadership, believing that, if they could secure it, they would enjoy great wealth,
Sparta in general would be made greater and more powerful, and the estates of its private
citizens would receive a great increase of prosperity. [4] They kept calling to mind also the
ancient oracle in which the god commanded them to beware lest their leadership should be
a "lame" one, and the oracle, they insisted, meant nothing other than the present; for "lame"
indeed their rule would be if, having two leaderships, they should lose one of them.
[5] Since practically all the citizens had been eager for this course of action and the Gerousia
was in session to consider these matters, no one entertained the hope that any man would
have the temerity to suggest any other course. [6] But a member of the Gerousia,
Hetoemaridas by name, who was a direct descendant of Heracles and enjoyed favour among
the citizens by reason of his character, undertook to advise that they leave the Athenians
with their leadership, since it was not to Sparta's interest, he declared, to lay claim to the
sea. He was able to bring pertinent arguments in support of his surprising proposal, so that,
against the expectation of all, he won over both the Gerousia and the people. [7] And in the
end the Lacedaemonians decided that the opinion of Hetoemaridas was to their advantage
and abandoned their zest for the war against the Athenians. [8] As for the Athenians, at first
they expected to have a great war with the Lacedaemonians for the command of the sea, and
for this reason were building additional triremes, raising a large sum of money, and dealing
honourably with their allies; but when they learned of the decision of the Lacedaemonians,
they were relieved of their fear of war and set about increasing the power of their city.
79
Themistocles reasoned that the Ionians of Asia would assist the Athenians and that ...
Diodorus xi.41.4
…with their aid the Athenians would liberate the other Greeks of Asia, who would then turn
in goodwill to the Athenians because of this benefaction, and that all the Greeks of the
islands, being immensely impressed by the magnitude of their naval strength, would readily
align themselves with the people which had the power both to inflict the greatest injury and
to bestow the greatest advantages.
Athens then established the Delian League:
Thucydides i. 96-97
The Athenians, having thus succeeded to the supremacy by the voluntary act of the allies
through their hatred of Pausanias, fixed which cities were to contribute money against the
barbarian, which ships; their professed object being to retaliate for their sufferings by
ravaging the King's country. Now was the time that the office of "Treasurers for Hellas" was
first instituted by the Athenians. These officers received the tribute, as the money
contributed was called. The tribute was first fixed at four hundred and sixty talents. The
common treasury was at Delos, and the congresses were held in the temple.
Their supremacy commenced with independent allies who acted on the resolutions of a
common congress. It was marked by the following undertakings in war and in administration
during the interval between the Median and the present war, against the barbarian, against
their own rebel allies, and against the Peloponnesian powers which would come in contact
with them on various occasions. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on
this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who
have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median War, or the Median
War itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he
is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events
contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire.
Several of the member states of the Delian League tried to withdraw but were forced by
Athens to remain:
Thucydides i.99.1-2
While there were other causes of revolts, the principal ones were the failures in bringing in
the tribute or their quota of ships and, in some cases, refusal of military service; for the
Athenians exacted the tribute strictly and gave offence by applying coercive measures to any
who were unaccustomed or unwilling to bear the hardships of service... For all this the allies
themselves were responsible...
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The Peace of Callias
Eventually, the Persians came to terms with the fact that they could not defend the coast of
Asia Minor and conceded freedom to the Greek states in that region. The so called Peace of
Callias, 448 BC, is disputed by some scholars as a fiction, but it seem plausible enough:
Diodorus xii.4.5-6
...and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the
principal terms of which were as follows: All the Greek cities of Asia are to live under laws
of their own making; the satraps of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a
three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaesalis [Lycia] or the
Cyanean Rocks [the entrance to the Black Sea] and the Athenians are not to send troops
into the territory of the King.
Thucydides i.118.2
...and all of these operations of the Hellenes, against one another and against the Barbarian,
took place in the interval of about fifty years between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning
of this war.
The now tyrannical behaviour of Athens toward her subject states and her arrogant treatment
of other, independent, states, caused Corinth, Thebes and Sparta to fear the power of Athens and
to see the restriction of that power as their only safe course:
Thucydides i.118
During this interval the Athenians succeeded in placing their empire on a firmer basis, and
advanced their own home power to a very great height. The Lacedaemonians, though fully
aware of it, opposed it only for a little while, but remained inactive during most of the
period, being of old slow to go to war except under the pressure of necessity, and in the
present instance being hampered by wars at home; until the growth of the Athenian power
could be no longer ignored, and their own confederacy became the object of its
encroachments. They then felt that they could endure it no longer, but that the time had
come for them to throw themselves heart and soul upon the hostile power, and break it, if
they could, by commencing the present war.
81
Aeschylus
Aeschylus is the first of the three great Athenian playwrights (which include Euripides and
Sophocles). He was born at Eleusis in 525 and died in Gela, Sicily, in 456 BC. Aeschylus served
as a soldier in the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC, at Artemisium and Salamis in 480 and at Plataea
in 479.
Even before these landmark battles, Aeschylus was a successful playwright: He produced his
first play in 499 and, in 476/5, was invited to Sicily, by Hieron of Syracuse, where he produced
The Women of Aitna.
The following are the first few pages of the introduction to the 1922 Loeb edition, by the
translator, Herbert Weir Smyth. While it constitutes a very nice essay on the life and works of
Aeschylus, we must read in consideration of the time it was written: It tells us as much about
attitudes towards Classical Greece in 1922 as it does about Aeschylus, and it shows us, as is its
purpose, the almost religious devotion to, and admiration for, Athenian dramatic literature that was
typical of a classical scholar of the time. Smyth is showing off: he has written an encomium, a
genre of literature typical in the ancient world in which the author sung the praises of his subject
while flaunting his own skills.
[p. vii of the original] 1
Of the periods of the world's history signalized by national aspiration and achievement, and
at the same time fraught with a spiritual significance reflected in the mind of a master poet,
the age of Aeschylus holds a foremost place together with the age of Shakespeare.
Imagination bodied forth in poetry of the loftiest order found, alike in Hellas in the earlier
part of the fifth century and in England under Elizabeth, its inspiration and ideal in the
living present.
The life of the Greek dramatist fell upon times of external and internal unrest, times of
vivid emotions, of joy and wonder and hope, when the Athenian as an individual first
discovered himself, first surveyed the spectacle of life with intellectual interest and in selfreliance, and with high spirit and impassioned energy engaged in keen struggle for his
personal and national existence in confident expectation of an adequate reward, and with
an ever-present recognition of his obligations to the commonwealth. It was the age of
expansion and aggrandizement, the age that witnessed events that proved the resolution and
the valour of Athens when she cast aside her timidity under despotism. In the lifetime of
the poet Athens expelled the tyrant of the house of Peisistratus, reformed the constitution
under
[p.viii]
Cleisthenes so that it now enlisted the support of all her citizens, and established a polity
ensuring to the State a free course to further self-development into a true democracy. In his
lifetime too the city acquired a material strength entitling it to take a commanding part as
an international power in the triumph of Greece over the despotic barbarism that for a
generation had menaced it with annihilation of its political existence. In this triumph the
countrymen of the poet had displayed heroic self-sacrifice and indomitable courage. And
1
For the purposes of citation, I have included the page numbers from the Loeb text.
82
when the Persian peril had passed, and the possibility of the return of the arbitrary
lawlessness of tyranny was for ever removed, the later life of the poet witnessed the
rebuilding of Athens, whose temples and homes had been razed by the invader, and at its
close the beginning of those strongly conflicting currents of the older and the newer political
life as the democracy was shaping its victorious course under the captainship of Pericles. In
his youth the Athens of Aeschylus was a petty cantonal State ruled by the uncontrolled will
of a despot; at his death, her citizens were warring simultaneously in Asia, in Egypt, in
Cyprus; her fleet commanded the Aegean, and she was moving steadily toward an empire
won and maintained by sea-power.
Aeschylus is the only Athenian representative in literature of this age crowded with events
of far-reaching importance both for the city-state, and for the larger world, an age
represented in war and statesmanship by such giant figures as Miltiades, Themistocles,
Aristeides, and Cimon ; in painting, sculpture, and the ceramic art by Polygnotus, Myron,
[p. ix]
and Brygus; each of whom pad responded to the intense stimulus offered by his
environment. Aeschylus was not merely a spectator, he was a participant in the impulses and
mighty movements of the period, and helped to make his times in a far different way than
his contemporaries Simonides and Bacchylides. Even as Homer mirrors the conflicts of an
earlier age in an art characterized by exuberant fancy and spontaneous feeling, so Aeschylus
mirrors the second great period of Greek thought as he presents the more reflective spirit
of Attic national life as it was engendered by the war in defence of national independence.
Liberty, won by revolution, had awakened the Athenian people to self-consciousness and
stimulated it to inaugurate self-government under freedom safeguarded by law enacted by a
sovereign people. Ideas of justice and the divine regulation of the world now acquired a
significance hitherto unknown to a population largely agrarian. The barriers of that
narrower, provincial world had now been swept away. Men, drawn together by external
danger, experienced an impulse toward spiritual unity, heretofore unknown, and even an
active sentiment of unanimity, which was soon however to be dissolved under the centrifugal
influences of Greek political action. From the transformation in the external world of
politics and society, the defeat of barbarian insolence, the momentary unification of the
defenders of the freedom of Greece, Aeschylus may well have been led to his conception of
the evolution of mankind, and of the gods themselves, proceeding from tyranny to liberty,
from struggle to peace, from discord to harmony. To the confusions of anarchy
[p. x]
and barbarism succeeds the equity that is the basis of law and order.
But this transformation of the older Athens was scarcely more rapid or more profound than
that of the tragic art under the hand of its true founder. The art of literature, as that of
architecture and sculpture, displayed at this period a rapidity of evolution unequalled in
history.
83
Aeschylus exhibited his first play in 499, only thirty years after Peisistratus, who tempered
tyranny with patronage of the arts, had established, as a public institution, the annual
contest in tragedy at the festival of the City Dionysia. In this contest Thespis, reputed the
first tragic poet, whose plays had heretofore been produced at village celebrations, won the
prize. Aeschylus' first victory was gained in 484, four years before the battle of Salamis, and
from that date till his death in 456 he was the master tragic poet of his time.
The art as he received it, we may conjecture in the absence of all remains, consisted almost
exclusively of choral songs varied with interludes of narrative, together with some brief
dialogue between the leader of the chorus and a character impersonated by a single actor,
whose introduction was due to the genius of Thespis. Plot, in the later sense, genuine
advance in the action, and character-drawing were absent. The art, as he left it, had wellnigh attained to its fullest capacity of original expression. From Homer and Hesiod and the
Cyclic poets, from elegiac, iambic, and melic poetry, especially that of Stesichorus, from
ancient books of sententious wisdom and the earlier and contemporary writers in prose who
dealt with the traditionary myths, Aeschylus derived his
[p.xi]
mythology and the fabric of his fables, into which he breathed the breath of his own spirit
and through which he found expression for his own thought on things human and divine.
More by virtue of his imagination, his moral and religious feeling, and his brooding thought
than by virtue of his reason and his intellect, he fashioned heroic personages into dramatic
characters charged with will and passion, and whose motives, deliberately conceived,
impelled the action forward; characters, even when individual, none the less
contemporaneous with every age because typical of universal humanity. Greater, however,
than the poet's power to stamp his single persons with individuality is his ability to sweep a
wider horizon and to depict the characters of whole families and even of a whole people.
His interest is less in the individual than in the family or national group in whose fortunes
the individual is involved. The poetic gift native in him, an Athenian, his contact with life
at a period of stimulating political and social convulsion, when man had attained to a sense
of his spiritual no less than his political liberty, could find expression only in an art, which,
though but just created, voiced as no other the instinct of his age and race. That art alone
possessed the power to reflect the collective spirit of the intensified life of a free
commonwealth that had no counterpart in the society depicted by the great epic poet, whose
story of war and adventure still commanded the admiration of vast assemblies at the rival
concourses of the rhapsodes. The myths, still darkly obscure from the twilight of their births,
he refined in the light of the clarifying spirit of a faith based alike on reason and on piety.
[p. xii]
In the myths and legends of the race he discovered an ethical and religious content: he
transformed them into problems of human destiny or of the divine righteousness:
Prometheus suffers, Io suffers, before our eyes; and instantly we are made to confront the
question whether the lord of Olympus is a just god. He naturalized himself in those high
84
altitudes of thought and emotion whence he could survey the springs of good and evil, the
mysterious agencies of the fate that makes man's character its instrument, the relation of
punishment to sin, the meaning of suffering, the dealings of God with man, and the essential
unity of the divine purpose. With these lofty themes he dealt primarily as an artist not as a
preacher; and he discloses inconsistencies that forbid our ascribing to him any exclusive or
deliberate philosophic or religious system of belief. Neither mystagogue nor philosopher
moulded his spirit to mystery of dogma. Greater than his work was the man, greatest of his
coevals, though the work is the distillation of a mind of spiritual grandeur, and burdened,
in its ancient way, with the mystery of all the unintelligible world.
Philosophy in Aeschylus' day had ceased to be the province of the solitary searcher into the
causes of things. Except when, as in the case of Pythagoras, religion was associated with
physics, the Ionian thinkers included man in their speculations only in so far as he
constituted a part of nature. Aeschylus found in man the centre of gravity of the world, in
man, whose mind, experience, and action are implicated alike in his environment and in
those far-off influences that descend to him from successive
[p.xiii]
generations of his ancestors. He had some inkling of the complexity of the causes underlying
human events. He could, in the Prometheus at least, find the central germ for tragic action in
motive developed pre-eminently from within. He has not indeed harmonized the discordant
elements of life, but the keystone of his fully developed art is his recognition of the causal
connexion of character, deed, and catastrophe. If he has less variety than Euripides and even
than Sophocles, he sees life more as a unity than they. He related the eternal verities of the
ancient wisdom of the race, the maxims of conventional ethics, to the life of man as it acts
and suffers; and at the same time he displayed the universality of their application in the
personages of the heroic past. Step by step, and by repeated trials, availing himself of the
more favourable conditions in the State after the conclusion of the Persian war, he mastered
the technique of his art, whose more mechanical (but none the less spiritual) forms, music
and the dance, he developed to the highest perfection they enjoyed in connexion with
ancient dramatic art. He gave to tragedy its directing principle in substituting for the choral
the more vivid dramatic element, which alone could bring into high relief the impulse and
the judgment inspiring human action. He created, it seems, the larger unities of trilogy and
tetralogy, which, when formed of plays interconnected by the myth, each a drama comprising
a complete action, yet itself only a part of a greater whole, embody the loftiest conceptions
of Greek dramatic genius. To Aeschylus belongs in fact the distinction of shaping a nascent
art into the grand form: ἄπαν δ' εὑρόντος ἒργον . 1 He
[p.xiv]
abridged the effect of time in obliterating the work of his predecessors. His successors might
work in the light of his achievements, their understanding and their imagination largely set
1
Trans: "having created the genre as a whole." In other words, Aeschylus defined the art of dramatic
literature in its entirety.
85
in motion by his own. He owed the direction of his craftsmanship to none greater than
himself. He was, in a word, the legislator of the tragedy of the world. He did not seek to
make his art conform to the taste of the day but to ennoble that taste in the light of an ideal
world. Scanning farther horizons he dedicated his work to Time, which his contemporary
Pindar called the "lord of the immortals," and "the best protector of just men."
The Oresteia
In 458 BC Aeschylus produced the Oresteia trilogy with includes Agamemnon, The Libation
Bearers and The Eumenides. The overall theme of the trilogy is vendetta, the first two plays
demonstrating the endless bloodshed, the endless cycle of vengeance, that the vendetta system
propagates, and the third, Eumenides, proposing a solution through the submission of the
individual to the will of the community. But each play within the trilogy has its own theme(s) and
its own political agenda.
Agamemnon
In the Agamemnon, the conqueror of Troy returns home only to be murdered by his wife
Clytemnestra. The first half this is a play deals with two themes: The Hybris - Ate - Nemesis cycle;
and Guilt, both earned and inherited. 1 Agamemnon is guilty for the murder/sacrifice of his own
daughter, Iphigenia; and he is also polluted by the curse on his family: Atreus, the father of
Agamemnon, had murdered his own nephews, the sons of his brother/rival, Thyestes.
The play opens with the news reaching Argos that Troy has fallen. The Chorus - a group of
Argive elders - then summarizes the background story: Ten years previous, the Greek army was
gathered at Aulis, waiting for fair winds to take the fleet to Troy:
[184] So then the captain of the Achaean ships, the elder of the two, 2 holding no seer at
fault, bending to the adverse blasts of fortune, what time the Achaean folk, on the shore
over against Chalcis [190] in the region where Aulis' tides surge to and fro, were sore
distressed by opposing winds and failing stores; and the breezes that blew from the Strymon,
bringing them grievous leisure, hunger, and tribulation of spirit in a cruel port, driving the
men distraught, and sparing nor ship [195] nor cable, by doubling the season of their stay,
began to wither by wasting the flower of Argos; 3 and when the seer, urging Artemis as cause,
proclaimed to the chieftains another remedy, [200] more grievous even than the bitter storm,
so that the sons of Atreus smote the ground with their staves and stifled not their tears. 4
[205] Then the elder king spoke and said: " Hard is my fate to refuse obedience, and hard,
if I must slay my child, the glory of my home, and at the altar-side stain with streams of a
virgin's blood a father's hand. Which of these courses is not fraught with ill? How can I
become a deserter to my fleet and fail my allies in arms? [215] For that they should with
passionate eagerness crave a sacrifice to lull the winds - even a virgin's blood - stands within
their right. May all be for the best."
1
Griffiths, 1991: 50.
Agamemnon was older than Menelaus
3
Agamemnon was the king of Mycenae, but here, and in Homer, the entire region is referred to as Argos.
4
Artemis demanded that Agamemnon sacrifice his daughter, Iphigenia.
2
86
But when he had donned the yoke of Necessity, with veering of spirit, [220] impious, unholy,
unsanctified, from that hour his purpose shifted to resolve that deed of uttermost audacity.
For mankind is emboldened by wretched delusion, counsellor of ill, primal source of woe.
So then he hardened his heart to sacrifice his daughter [225] that he might prosper a war
waged to avenge a woman, and as an offering for the voyaging of a fleet!
The Chorus has related the story of the sacrifice of Iphigenia to emphasise both the nature of
Agamemnon and the motivation for Clytemnestra. After a speech by Clytemnestra warning of the
dangers of impiety and wishing the Greek forces a safe journey home, the Chorus responds with
an explanation for the victory: It was because of Paris' violation of divine laws that Zeus allowed
the destruction of Troy: But this section might be as much about Agamemnon as it is about Paris:
[367] "The stroke of Zeus" they may call it; 'tis his hand that can be traced therein. As he
determines, so he acts. It hath been said by someone that the gods deign not to be mindful"
of mortals who trample underfoot the grace of inviolable sanctities. But that man knew not
the fear of God! Now it stands revealed [375] how ruin is the penalty for reckless crime when
men breathe a spirit of pride above just measure for that their mansions teem with
abundance surpassing their best good. But let there be such portion of wealth as brings no
distress, [380] so that he who has a good share of sound sense may have a sufficiency
therewith. For riches are no bulwark to the man who in wantonness has spurned from his
sight the mighty altar of Righteousness. [385] No, he is driven on by perverse Temptation,
the overmastering child of designing Destruction; and remedy is utterly in vain.
And again:
[763] But old Hubris is like to bring forth in evil men, or soon or late, at the fated hour of
birth, a young Hubris and that spirit irresistible, unconquerable, unholy, even Recklessness
(Até), black Curses unto the household, and like are they to their parents.
Agamemnon enters, riding on a chariot with Cassandra by his side, and Clytemnestra has a
purple tapestry spread over the ground from the palace door to the chariot. But Agamemnon is
suspicious:
[918] … pamper me not after woman's wise, nor, like some barbarian, [920] grovel to me
with wide mouthed acclaim; and draw not down envy upon my path by strewing it with
tapestries. 'Tis the gods we must honour thus; but for a mortal to tread upon broidered
fineries is, to my judgment, not without ground for dread. [925] I bid thee revere me not as
a god, but as a man. Fame needs no carpeting and broideries to make her loud proclaim; to
think no folly is Heaven's best gift. Only when man's life comes to its end in prosperity dare
we pronounce him happy; [930] and if in all things so I might prosper, I have good courage.
Agamemnon and Clytemnestra go into the palace but Cassandra refuses to leave the chariot.
CASSANDRA:
[1080] Apollo, Apollo! God of the Ways, my destroyer! For thou hast destroyed me, and
utterly, this second time. 1
1
Apollo gave Cassandra the gift of prophesy, but he also cursed her so that she appeared to be insane.
87
CHORUS :
She is about to prophesy, methinks, touching her own miseries. The gift divine still abides
even in the soul of one enslaved.
CASSANDRA:
Apollo, Apollo God of the Ways, my destroyer! Ah, what way is this that thou hast brought
me! To what a house!
CHORUS :
To that of Atreus' sons. If thou dost not perceive this, I'll tell it thee. And thou shalt not say
'tis untrue.
C ASSANDRA:
Nay, nay, rather to a house of Heaven loathed, a house that knows many a horrible butchery
of kin, a human shambles and a floor swimming with blood.
Cassandra then explains her visions to the Chorus: She see that Clytemnestra has taken a lover
and that these two are about to kill Agamemnon. Cassandra also sees that Clytemnestra intends to
kill her.
Resolved to her fate, Cassandra then enters the palace and the screams of Agamemnon can be
heard from within. Finally, Clytemnestra emerges and the bodies of Agamemnon and Cassandra
are brought out. Cassandra boasts of the deed and when the Chorus challenges her she replies:
CLYTEMNESTRA :
[1412] Would you now condemn me to exile from the land, to the hatred of my people and
the execration of the public voice; though then you had not to urge against him that lies
here. And yet he, reckoning no more than if it had been a beast that perished - though sheep
were plenty in his fleecy folds - he sacrificed his own child, even her I bore with dearest
travail, to charm the blasts of Thrace. Is it not he whom you should have banished from this
land [1420] in requital for his polluting deed? No! When you arraign what I have done, you
are a stern judge. Well, I ''warn you; menace me thus on the understanding that I am
prepared, conditions equal, to let you lord it over me if you shall vanquish me by force. But
if a god shall bring the contrary to pass, [1425] you shall learn discretion though taught the
lesson late.
CHORUS :
Haughty of spirit you are and overbearing is your speech. Even as your mind is maddened
by your deed of blood, upon your face a stain of blood shows full plain to behold. Bereft of
all honour, forsaken of your friends, [1430] you will hereafter atone for stroke with stroke.
CLYTEMNESTRA :
Hear this too, this the righteous sanction of my oath: By Justice, exacted for my child, by
Ate and the Erinyes, 1 unto whom I sacrificed that man, hope does not tread for me the halls
1
See below, Eumenides.
88
of fear, [1435] so long as the fire upon my hearth is kindled by Aegisthus, 1 loyal in heart to
me as in days gone by. For he is no slight shield of confidence to me. Here lies the man that
did me wrong, minion of each Chryseis at Ilium; 2 [1440] and here she lies, his captive, and
auguress, and concubine, his oracular faithful bedfellow, yet equally familiar with the sailor's
benches. The pair has met no undeserved fate. For he lies thus; while she, who, like a swan,
[1445] has sung her last lament in death, lies here, his beloved; but to me she has brought
for my bed an added relish to my luxury.
The play concludes with Aegisthus, nearly coming to blows with the elders of Argos, the
Chorus, but finally asserting the tyranny of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra, who would rule Argos
together - in overt opposition to the will of the community.
C LYTEMNESTRA :
[1657] Venerable Elders, go to your homes, and yield betimes to destiny before you come to
harm. What we did had to be done. But should this trouble prove enough, we will accept it,
sore smitten as we are by the heavy hand of fate. Such is a woman's counsel, if any deign to
give it heed.
A EGISTHUS:
But to think that these men should let their wanton tongues thus blossom into speech
against me and cast about such gibes, putting their fortune to the test! To reject wise counsel
and insult their master!
CHORUS :
[1665] It would not be like men of Argos to cringe before a knave.
A EGISTHUS:
Ha! I'll visit your with vengeance yet in days to come.
CHORUS :
Not if fate shall guide Orestes to return home.
A EGISTHUS:
Of myself I know that exiles feed on hope.
CHORUS :
Keep on, grow thee fat, polluting justice, since you can.
1
Pelops and Hippodamia had, amongst others, two sons; Atreus and Thyestes. These two brothers became
embroiled in a competition for the throne of Mycenae during which Atreus killed three of Thyestes sons
and, having butchered the bodies, served the meat to Thyestes at a feast. In revenge, Aegisthus, a surviving
son of Thyestes, killed Atreus. This same Aegisthus has now partnered with the Clytemnestra, the wife of
Agamemnon, son of Atreus, in the current murders. This is a four generation story of revenge after
revenge.
2
Chryseis was the daughter of Chryses and had been captured and made the slave-girl of Agamemnon. The
Iliad opens with the offer, by Chryses, to ransom his daughter.
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A EGISTHUS:
[1670] Know that you shall pay me the penalty to requite your folly.
CHORUS :
Brag in your bravery like a cock besides his hen.
Care not for their idle yelpings. I and you will be masters of this house and order it aright.
End.
The cycle of vengeance continues: In Libation Bearers Orestes, the son of Agamemnon,
returns to Argos and, with his sister Electra, manages to kill both Clytemnestra and Aegisthus.
Eumenides
In the Eumenides we see both the culmination of the overall theme of the trilogy as well as an
overt and timely political statement. 1 The vendetta theme will find resolution at the end of
Eumenides when Athena herself establishes a system of justice to replace and to end the cycle of
vengeance - and she does so by establishing the Areopagus as court of law. This, in 458, four years
after Pericles and Ephialtes had passed legislation reducing the Areopagus council from a
constitutional and active legislative body to a court of law only.
The play opens with the priestess of Delphi, the Pythia, revealing to the audience that she has
just entered the temple of Apollo at Delphi as seen, therein, Orestes, seeking sanctuary at the altar.
Also inside the temple are the Erinyes, the avenging spirits who pursue the guilty until vengeance
has been fulfilled. But the Erinyes cannot, by divine law, seize Orestes so long as he is touching
the altar.
P YTHIA :
[39] I was on my way to the inner shrine, enriched with many a wreath, when, on the centre
stone, 2 I beheld a man defiled before Heaven occupying the seat of suppliants. His hands
were dripping gore; he held a sword just drawn and a lofty olive-branch reverently crowned
with a tuft of wool exceeding large, white was the fleece; for as to this I can speak clearly.
[46] Before this man there sat asleep on thrones a wondrous throng of women. No! Women
they were surely not, Gorgons I rather call them. Nor yet can I liken them to forms of
Gorgons either. [50] Once before this I saw some pictured creatures carrying off the feast of
Phineus 3 - but these are wingless, sable, and altogether detestable. Their snorting nostrils
blow forth fearsome blasts, and from their eyes oozes a loathly rheum. [55] Their garb, too,
was such as is unfit to bring before the statues of the gods or into the abodes of men.
1
For the political message in Eumenides see Meier, 1990: 82 ff.
The Omphalos or navel. A white stone, located in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, was believed to be the
exact centre of the earth.
3
The Harpies, who were sent by the gods to punish Phineus by stealing his food (Apollodorus, i.9.21). The
point being made here is that the Erinyes are even more frightening than the Harpies.
2
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The tribe which owns this company I have never seen; nor do I know what region boasts to
rear unscathed this brood and not repent its pains.
[60] But for the outcome, let that be now the care of the lord of this house, even Loxias 1
himself, the powerful, for he is a revealer of healing remedies, a reader of portents, and for
others he purifies their homes.
The Pythia exits and the scene shifts to the inner temple where Apollo is speaking to Orestes:
A POLLO :
[64] No! I will not abandon you. Your guardian to the end, close by your side, or even when
far removed, I will not show me gentle to your enemies. So now you see these maddened
women overcome; fallen on sleep are these loathsome maidens - beldames, aged children,
[70] with whom neither god nor man nor beast consorts ever. For evil's sake were they even
born, since they inhabit the evil gloom of Tartarus beneath the earth-creatures loathed of
men and of Olympian gods. Nevertheless, you should flee on and grow not faint of heart.
[75] For as you ever tread the travelled earth, they will chase you even over the wide
continent and beyond the sea and the cities girdled by the sea. And grow not weary before
your course be run by brooding on this your toil; but when you have come to Pallas' burgh, 2
[80] sit you down and clasp in your arms her ancient image. And there, with judges of your
cause and speech of persuasive charm, we shall discover means to release you utterly from
your distress; for it was at my behest that you did take your mother's life.
Apollo charges Hermes to guide Orestes to Athens. Clytemnestra's ghost appears and awakens
the Erinyes who now form the chorus of the play, and who confront Apollo:
CHORUS :
[198] Lord Apollo, listen in turn to our reply. You yourself are no mere abettor of this deed;
It is your sole doing, and upon you falls all the guilt.
A POLLO :
What do you mean? Explain yourselves!
CHORUS :
By your behest you did prompt the stranger to slay his mother.
A POLLO :
By my behest I prompted him to exact vengeance for his father. What then?
CHORUS :
And thereafter you engaged yourself to give sanctuary to the red-handed murderer.
A POLLO :
[205] And I bade him turn for expiation to this house .
1
2
Loxias in an epithet for Apollo.
Pallas Athena's city: Athens.
91
CHORUS :
And then you revile us who sped him on his way here?
A POLLO :
Yes, I do, for it was improper that you approach this my house.
CHORUS :
But to us this duty has been assigned.
A POLLO :
What is this duty of yours? Proclaim your glorious prerogative!
CHORUS :
[210] We chase from their homes those that slay their mothers.
A POLLO :
But how then with a woman who kills her husband?
CHORUS :
That would not be murder of the self-same blood and kin.
The scene now shifts to Athens where Orestes is seen clutching the statue of Athena even as
the Erinyes enter in pursuit. Orestes prays to Athena for assistance and makes an interesting offer
by way of compensation:
ORESTES :
[287] So now with pure lips I piously invoke Athena, this country's queen, to come to my
aid. Without effort of her spear, shall she win myself, my land and the Argive folk as staunch
and true allies for evermore.
The First Peloponnesian War began in 461 and a year before that, Argos had joined in an
alliance with Athens. Less than one year after the production of the Oresteia, Argos would send
1000 hoplites to assist the Athenians at the Battle of Tanagra. The Spartans won the battle, but
barely.
Athena appears and when she is appraised of the situation she decides the convene a court
A THENA :
[483] I will appoint judges of homicide bound by oath and establish a tribunal, a tribunal
to endure for all time. Do you call your witnesses and adduce your proofs, sworn evidence
to support your cause; and I will return when I have singled out the best of my citizens, that
they may decide this issue in accordance with the truth, having bound themselves by oath
to pronounce no judgment contrary to justice.
The court is convened and Apollo appears to stand as a witness in the trial. After the Furies
examine Orestes they ask for Apollo's testimony:
92
A POLLO :
[614] Unto you, this high tribunal created by Athena, I will speak as justice bids, seer that I
am, I cannot utter untruth. Never yet, on my oracular throne, have I spoken anything
touching man or woman or commonwealth, but what has been commanded by Zeus, the
father of the Olympians. Mark how potent is this plea of justice; [620] and I charge you to
yield obedience to the Father's will; for an oath hath not greater authority than Zeus.
CHORUS :
Zeus - according to your testimony - gave you this oracular command: to declare to Orestes
here that he avenge the slaying of his father, but of the honour due his mother take no
account at all?
Apollo and the Furies debate the greater crime; the murder of a husband and king or the murder
of a mother, before Apollo appeals to Athena:
A POLLO :
[667] But for my part, 0 Pallas, as in all things else, as I well know how, will I exalt your city
and your people, so with this man; for I have sent him as suppliant to your sanctuary that
he might prove faithful for all time to come, and that your, 0 Goddess, might win him as a
new ally, him and his descendants, and it abide everlastingly that the posterity of this people
maintain their plighted bond.
A THENA :
Am I to assume that enough has now been said, [675] and shall I charge the judges now to
cast their honest ballots in accordance with their true judgment?
CHORUS :
For our part, every bolt of ours is already shot. But I remain to hear the issue of the trial.
A THENA :
Why should you not? As for you (to Apollo and Orestes), how shall I so dispose as to escape
censure at your hands?
A POLLO :
You have heard what you have heard; and as you cast your ballots, [680] let your hearts, my
friends, hold sacred the oath you have sworn.
A THENA :
[681] Hear now my ordinance, you men of Attica, who pronounce judgment at the first trial
ever held for bloodshed. Henceforth, even as now, this court of judges shall abide unto the
people of Aegeus 1 for evermore. [685] And this Hill of Ares, whereon the Amazons had their
seat and pitched their tents, 2 what time they came, embattled, in resentment against
Theseus, and in those days built up this new citadel with lofty towers to rival his, and
1
2
A mythical king of Athens.
According to legend, the Amazons invaded Athens and were defeated by Theseus.
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sacrificed to Ares; whence the rock takes its name from him, the Hill of Ares. [690] Upon
this hill, I say, Reverence and her kinsman Fear, which both dwell in the hearts of my
citizens, shall withhold them from doing wrong by day and night alike, so be it they do not
themselves pollute the laws with evil influences; [695] stain clear water with mud and you
shall never find sweet drink.
I counsel my citizens to maintain neither anarchy nor tyranny and to hold in reverence, and
never quite banish, Fear from the city. For who among mortal men is righteous that has no
fear of anything? [700] Stand then in just awe of such majesty and you shall possess a bulwark
to safeguard your country and your government, such as none of mankind has either among
the Scythians or in Pelops' realm.
This council I do now establish, [705] inviolable by lust of gain, august, quick to avenge, a
guardian of the land, vigilant in defence of them that sleep. I have thus dwelt at length in
exhortation to my people for time yet to be but you must now rise, take each his ballot, [710]
and decide the cause under the sacred obligation of your oath. I have done.
Athena has just established the Areopagus Council. Since before the time of Solon this council
had nearly sovereign power in Athens (Ath. Pol. 3.6). In 462 BC, just four years before the
production of the Oresteia, Ephialtes and Pericles spearheaded constitutional reforms which
stripped the Areopagus council of all powers except that they should remain a court of law (Ath.
Pol. 25.1 - 26.1). The question, then, is whether or not Aeschylus intended to ratify these reforms
in public opinion with the presentation of the Eumenides.
The jury was hung, with equal votes for both sides and Athena, as the final and presiding
magistrate, cast her vote in favour of Orestes, acquitting him of murder. Apollo exits, as does
Orestes, but not before yet another vow that the people of Argos will be indebted to Athens forever
(754 - 777).
Athena then invites the Erinyes to reside in Athens and, accepting, they promise to protect the
people of Athens from internal strife and civil war:
CHORUS :
May faction, insatiate of ill, ne'er raise her loud voice within this city - this I pray; and may
the dust not drink the black blood of its people and through passion work ruinous
slaughtering for vengeance to the destruction of the State. Rather may they return joy for
joy in a spirit of common love, and may they hate with one accord; for therein lies the cure
of many an evil in the world.
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Sophocles
Sophocles was born at Colonus, a small village just to the north-west of Athens, in 496/5 BC.
The details of his family and his youth are obscure, but it seems probable that his father, Sophilus
(or Sophillus) operated factories or hired out skilled slaves. What is certain is that his family was
not aristocratic but was well-to-do; certain only because Sophocles was afforded the best education
as a youth. He was only fifteen when he and his family fled to Salamis to witness the occupation
of Athens by Xerxes, and after the Battle of Salamis Sophocles was a member of a boys' chorus
which performed at the dedication of the trophy celebrating the victory.
His first victory in the City Dionysia came in 468 with a play now lost, possibly called
Triptolemus. Of his 123 productions only 7 survive, but we know that he won the City Dionysia
18 times.
Sophocles' most famous plays are often grouped under the epithet 'The Theban Plays' and
include (in the chronology of the myths themselves) Oedipus Rex, Oedipus at Colonus and
Antigone. While these plays might appear to form a trilogy, they were actually each one of three
separate trilogies - nine plays in all, six of which are lost. The earliest of these trilogies was
produced in 441/40 and featured Antigone, however, the chronology of the story begins with
Oedipus:
Oedipus the King (Oedipus Rex)
The play opens with Thebes beset by plague, and Oedipus, the king of Thebes, promising that
he will find a cure:
OEDIPUS :
[69 - 72] I have sent Menoeceus' son, Creon, my consort's brother, to inquire of Pythian
Phoebus at his Delphic shrine, how I might save the State by act or word.
(Creon enters)
[95] Let me report then all the god declared. King Phoebus bids us quickly extirpate a foul
pollution (miasma) that infests the land, and no more harbour an inveterate sore.
OEDIPUS
[99] What expiation means he? What's amiss?
CREON
[100] Banishment, or the shedding blood for blood. This stain of blood makes shipwreck of
our state.
OEDIPUS :
Whom can he mean, the miscreant thus denounced?
CREON
Before you assumed the helm of State, the sovereign of this land was Laius.
OEDIPUS
[105] So have I heard; I never saw the man.
95
C REON
He was killed; and now the god's command is plain: Punish his killers, whoever they be.
Oedipus learns from Creon that Laius, the former king, was murdered while on his way to
Delphi. While the Thebans were trying to solve the crime, a Sphinx came to Thebes and they were
forced to abandon the investigation and concentrate on the Sphinx.
Oedipus issues a decree, and a call for help:
[216] You pray; 'tis well, but would you hear my words and heed them and apply the remedy,
you might perchance find comfort and relief. Mind you, I speak as one who comes a stranger
to this report, no less than to the crime; [220] for how unaided could I track it far without
a clue? Which lacking (for too late was I enrolled a citizen of Thebes) this proclamation I
address to all:
Thebans, if any knows the man by whom Laius, son of Labdacus, was slain, [225] I summon
him to make confession to me. And if he shrinks, let him reflect that thus confessing he
shall escape the capital charge; for the worst penalty that shall befall him is banishment;
unscathed he shall depart. [230] But if an alien from a foreign land is known to any as the
murderer, Let him who knows speak out, and he shall have due recompense from me and
thanks to boot. But if you still keep silence, if through fear for self or friends you disregard
my order, [235] hear what I then resolve: I lay my ban on the assassin whosoever he be. Let
no man in this land, whereof I hold the sovereign rule, harbour or speak to him; [240] give
him no part in prayer or sacrifice or lustral rites, but hound him from your homes. For this
is our defilement, so the god has lately shown to me by oracles.
[245] Thus as their champion I maintain the cause both of the god and of the murdered
King. And on the murderer this curse I lay (On him and all the partners in his guilt): Wretch,
may he pine in utter wretchedness! And for myself, [250] if with my knowledge he gain
admittance to my house, I pray the curse I laid on others fall on me. See that you give effect
to all my best, for my sake and the god's and for our land, a desert blasted by the wrath of
heaven. For, let alone the god's express command, [255] it were a scandal you should leave
unpurged the murder of a great man and your king, nor track it home. And now that I am
king, successor to his throne, [260] his bed, his wife, (And had he not been frustrate in the
hope of issue, common children of one womb had forged a closer bond twixt him and me,
but Fate swooped down upon him), therefore I his blood-avenger will maintain his cause as
though he were my own father, [265] and leave no stone unturned to track the assassin or
avenge the son of Labdacus, son of Polydore, son of Cadmus, and Agenor.
And for the disobedient thus I pray: [270] May the gods send them neither timely fruits of
earth, nor teeming increase of the womb, but may they waste and pine, as now they waste,
aye and worse stricken; but to all of you, my loyal subjects who approve my acts, may Justice,
our ally, [275] and all the gods be gracious and attend you evermore.
Oedipus then calls for the blind prophet Teiresias and asks for his assistance. But the prophet
at first refuses and relents only when Oedipus interprets his silence as guilt.
OEDIPUS
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[345] I am angry in the extreme, and will not hold my tongue but speak my whole mind.
You I think are the one who planned the crime, yes, and performed it too, all save the
assassination; and if not for the fact that you are blind, I would say that you committed the
crime alone.
T EIRESIAS
[350 Is that the way it's going to be? Fine, then I demand that you obey your own decree and
from this moment speak not to me or to the people of Thebes: For you are the one who
pollutes this city!
Oedipus is, of course, furious at the accusation and hismelf accuses Teiresias and Creon of
conspiring to depose him. Oedipus' charge and Creon's defence are written in verse but are clearly
formed on the principles of refutation and cross examination practiced not only by Socrates but by
litigants in the courts. So, for example, Creon's defence is what Aristotle (Rehtoric ii.24) calls an
argument from probability:
CREON
[577] Then let me ask you, did you wed my sister?
OEDIPUS
A fact so plain I cannot well deny.
CREON
And as your consort queen she shares the throne?
OEDIPUS
[580] I grant her freely all her heart desires.
C REON
And with you two I share the triple rule?
OEDIPUS
Yes, and that is what proves you a traitor.
C REON
Not so, if you would employ reason as I do: First, I ask you to think, would any mortal [585]
choose a troubled reign of terrors rather than security and peace, if the same power were
given him? As for me, I have no natural craving for the name of tyrant, preferring to live a
tyrant's life, and so thinks every sober-minded man. [590] Now all my needs are satisfied
through you, and I have nothing to fear; but were I king, my acts would often run counter
to my will. How could a title then have charms for me above the luxury of boundless
influence? I am not so infatuate [595] as to grasp the shadow when I hold the substance fast.
As it is now every man has a pleasant greeting for me and wish me well, and everyone who
wants something from you speaks to me first because he knows he can win your favour
through me. So why would I trade my position for yours? [600] That would be sheer madness,
97
and I am not mad. No such ambition ever tempted me, nor would I have a share in such
intrigue.
And if you doubt me, go to Delphi and cross-examine the oracle to determine the truth of
my report; [605] next investigate If with the seer I plotted or conspired, and if it prove so,
sentence me to death, not by your voice alone, but mine and yours. But condemn me not,
without appeal, on bare suspicion. It is not right to adjudge bad men at random good, [610]
or good men bad. I believe a man should cast away the thing he counts most precious, his
own life, rather than spurn a true friend. You will learn in time the truth, for time alone
reveals the just; [615] a villain is detected in a day.
Especially in the last paragraph, lines 603 - 615, the vocabulary and the style are forensic.
Oedipus is, however, unconvinced and the argument stops only when Jocaste enters.
J OCASTE
[707] Then you can ease your conscience on that score. Listen and I'll convince you that no
man is perfect in the prophetic art. Here is the proof in brief: An oracle once came to Laius
(I will not say it was from the Delphic god himself but from his ministers) declaring he was
doomed to perish by the hand of his own son, a child that should be born to him by me.
[715] Now Laius - so at least report affirmed - was murdered one day by foreigners at a spot
where three roads meet. As for the child, it was but three days old when Laius, its ankles
pierced and pinned together, gave it to be cast away by others on the trackless mountain
side. [720] So then Apollo brought it not to pass that the child should be his father's
murderer, or the dread terror find accomplishment, and Laius be slain by his own son. That,
at least, was what the prophet had predicted. Pay no regard to prophesies; [725] whatever
outcome the god wants, he can easily bring it about himself.
OEDIPUS
What memories, what wild tumult of the soul came over me, lady, as I heard you speak!
J OCASTE
What do you mean? What has shocked and startled you?
OEDIPUS
I thought I heard you say that Laius [730] was murdered at the meeting of three roads.
J OCASTE
So ran the story that is current still.
OEDIPUS
Where did this happen? Do you know the place?
J OCASTE
Phocis the land is called; the spot is where branch roads from Delphi and from Daulis meet.
OEDIPUS
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[735] And how long is it since these things happened?
J OCASTE
It was but a brief while before you were proclaimed our country's ruler that the news was
brought.
OEDIPUS
0 Zeus, what have you willed to do with me!
J OCASTE
What is it, Oedipus, which moves you so?
OEDIPUS
[740] Ask me not yet; tell me the build and height of Laius? Was he still in his prime?
J OCASTE
He was tall, and his hair was lightly strewn with silver; and not unlike you in form.
OEDIPUS
0, I am a sorry man! [745] I think unwittingly I laid but now a dread curse on myself.
Oedipus learns that of the five attendants who were with Laius, one only survived. That man
has been living in the mountains ever since and Oedipus now summons him to Thebes. While they
wait, Oedipus tells his own story:
OEDIPUS
[774] My father was Polybus of Corinth, and my mother Merope, a Dorian; and I was held
the foremost citizen till a strange thing befell me, strange indeed, yet scarce deserving all
the heat it stirred. A roisterer at some banquet, flown with wine, [780] shouted "You are no
true son of your father."
It irked me, but I stomached for the time the insult; on the next morning I sought out my
mother and my father and questioned them They were indignant at the random slur cast on
my parentage [785] and did their best to comfort me, but still the venomous barb rankled,
for still the scandal spread and grew. So secretly, without their permission, I went to Delphi,
and Apollo sent me back baulked of the knowledge that I came to seek. [790] But other
grievous things he prophesied, Woes, lamentations, mourning, portents dire; To the effect
that I should defile my mother's bed and raise up offspring too loathsome to behold, and
slay the father from whose loins I sprang.
Warned by the oracle I turned and fled, and Corinth from that moment was to me unknown
[795] save as I knew its region by the stars; Where I was headed I cared not, so I never might
behold my doom of infamy fulfilled. And in my wanderings I reached the place where, as
your story runs, the king was slain.
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[800] Then, lady - you shall hear the very truth - as I drew near the triple-branching roads, a
herald met me and a man who sat in a car drawn by colts - as in your story. The man in front
and the old man himself [805] threatened to force me from the path and when I was pushed
by the charioteer in anger I struck him, and the old man, seeing this, watched till I passed
and from his car brought down on my head the double-pointed goad. [810] I had my revenge
on him and more! One stroke of my good staff sufficed to fling him clean out of the chariot
seat and laid him prone. And so I slew them every one. But if between this stranger there
was anything in common with Laius, who more miserable than I, what mortal could you
find more god-abhorred?
Doubt remains, but all is soon confirmed; Oedipus is the son of Laius and Jocaste, he has
killed his own father and he has married and begotten children by his own mother. Both prophesies,
the one given to Laius and Jocaste and the one given to Oedipus, have come true.
Jocaste kills herself, and Oedipus gouges out his own eyes. As Oedipus is led out of Thebes
the chorus has the final word:
CHORUS
Countrymen and Thebans, look; this is Oedipus the great: He who knew the Sphinx's riddle
and was mightiest in our state. Who of all our townsmen gazed not on his fame with envious
eyes? Now, in what a sea of troubles sunk and overwhelmed he lies! Therefore wait to see
life's ending before you count any mortal happy: Wait till free from pain and sorrow he has
gained his final rest.
Compare this conclusion to the passage from Herodotus' Histories (i.29 - 34), above in the
Greek Ethos section.
Antigone
Produced in 441 BC, Antigone tells of the conflict between Cleon, the regent-king of Thebes,
and Antigone, the daughter of Oedipus, over the burial of Polyneices, but the subtext, and the
enduring value of the play, is the contest of wills between the ruler and the ruled, the government
and the citizen.
The background to the play is that Etoecles, one of the sons of Oedipus, had taken the throne
of Thebes and refused to share it with his brother, Polynices. The latter gathered six of his friends
from various Greek states and launched the attack on Thebes known as the War of the Seven
against Thebes. In the battle both brothers lost their lives.
The play opens just after the battle, with Antigone outside the gates of Thebes, joined by her
sister Ismene. Creon, now ruler of Thebes, has forbidden the burial of Polyneices' body ad a
punishment for his attack on his homeland. Antigone announces that she will defy the order and
bury her brother: 1
ISMENE:
In what bold venture? What are you planning?
A NTIGONE:
1
The following is from the F. Storr translation (1912) with some emendation by the editor. The line
numbers are approximations made necessary by the fact that Greek poetry cannot be translated line for line
let alone word for word. The rhythm and musicality of the original is lost, regardless of the skill of the
translator.
100
Will you help me recover the corpse?
ISMENE:
You would bury him even when it is forbidden to the city?
A NTIGONE:
Yes. He is my bother and, even if you deny him, yours.
No one will say that I betrayed my brother!
45
ISMENE:
Will you persist, though Creon has forbid?
A NTIGONE:
What right has he to keep me from my own?
ISMENE:
Remind yourself, sister, of our father's fate,
Abhorred, dishonoured, self-convinced of sin,
Blinded, himself his executioner.
Think of his mother-wife (ill-sorted names)
Done by a noose herself had twined to death.
And last, our hapless brethren in one day,
Both in a mutual destiny involved,
Self-slaughtered, both the slayer and the slain.
Remind yourself, sister, we are left alone;
Shall we not perish most wretched of all,
If in defiance of the law we cross
A monarch's will? Weak women, think of that,
Not framed by nature to contend with men.
Remember this too that the stronger rules;
We must obey his orders, these or worse.
Therefore I plead compulsion and entreat
The dead to pardon. I perforce obey
The powers that be. It is foolishness, I believe,
To overstep one's place in anything.
A NTIGONE:
I will ask no more; indeed, even if you were willing,
I would not welcome such a fellowship.
Go your own way; I will bury him myself.
How sweet to die in such employ, to rest,
Sister and brother linked in sibling devotion,
A sinless sinner, banned awhile on earth,
But by the dead commended; and with them
50
55
60
65
70
75
101
I shall abide for ever. As for you,
Scorn, if you will, the eternal laws of Heaven.
Sophocles has gotten straight to the point: On the one hand Antigone argues that it is ignoble
to ignore one's obligations and duties, regardless of the cost; and on the other hand Ismene argues
that power is the only right and only fools stand up to power. 1 Antigone's counter is that divine
law, the laws prescribed by the gods, supersede the laws of mortals and she would rather be a
criminal in the temporal world than a criminal in the eternal afterlife.
The morning after Creon issued the edict he is informed that the corpse of Polyneices has been
given burial rights. He orders his guards to find the culprit and, soon, Antigone is brought to him:
C REON:
Speak, girl, with head bent low and downcast eyes,
441
Do you plead guilty or deny the deed?
A NTIGONE:
Guilty. I did it, I deny it not.
C REON (to the Guard):
You, sir, can go where you like, and thank
Your luck that your have escaped a heavy charge.
445
(to Antigone)
Now answer this plain question, yes or no,
Did you know about my decree?
A NTIGONE:
I knew. Everyone knew; how could I not have?
C REON:
And yet wert bold enough to break the law?
A NTIGONE:
Yes, for these laws were not ordained by Zeus,
And she who sits enthroned with gods below,
Justice, enacted not these human laws.
Nor did I deem that you, a mortal man,
Could by a breath annul and override
The immutable unwritten laws of Heaven.
They were not born to-day nor yesterday;
They die not; and none knows whence they
sprang.
I was not like, who feared no mortal's frown,
1
450
455
This question, one of the pervasive themes in Greek philosophical thought, will be revisited below. See
especially Thucydides The Melian Dialogue.
102
To disobey these laws and so provoke
The wrath of Heaven. I know that I must die,
Even had you not proclaimed it; and if death
Is thereby hastened, I shall count it gain.
For death is gain to him whose life, like mine,
Is full of misery. Thus my lot appears
Not sad, but blissful; for had I endured
To leave my mother's son unburied there,
I should have grieved with reason, but not now.
And if in this you judge me a fool,
I think it is a fool who judges.
460
465
470
CHORUS:
A stubborn daughter of a stubborn sire,
She knows not to yield to trouble.
The argument continues but Creon is unmoved and condemns Antigone to death. Ismene
attempts to plead with Creon on the basis that Haemon, his son, and Antigone are engaged to be
married, but Creon cancels the wedding and affirms the death penalty.
In the following stasimon, the chorus revisits two of the moral themes: Inherited guilt and
hubris:
CHORUS (Strophe 1):
Thrice blest are they who never tasted pain!
Once the curse of Heaven falls upon a clan,
585
The infection spreads to woman and man,
Age after age, and each the cup must drain.
So when Etesian blasts from Thrace downpour
Sweep o'er the blackening main and whirl to land
From Ocean's cavernous depths his ooze and sand,
590
Billow on billow thunders on the shore. 1
(Antistrophe 1):
On the Labdacidae I see descending
Woe upon woe; from days of old some god
Laid on the race a malison, and his rod
Scourges each age with sorrows never ending. 2
The light that dawned upon its last born son
Is vanished, and the bloody axe of Fate
Has felled the goodly tree that blossomed late.
0 Oedipus, by reckless pride undone!
CHORUS
1
595
600
The metaphor here, not well captured in the translation, is that a great sin poisons the whole family,
generation after generation, like an earthquake which causes a tsunami which spreads destruction as it rolls
over the lands.
2
There are several suggestions in our sources that the curse on the family predates Oedipus and may be the
fault of Labdacus - but the editor is unable to confirm a source.
103
(Strophe 2)
Your might, 0 Zeus, what mortal power can quell?
Not sleep that lays all else beneath its spell,
Nor moons that never tire: untouched by Time,
Throned in the dazzling light
That crowns Olympus' height.
You reign King, omnipotent, sublime.
Past, present, and to be,
All bow to your decree,
All that exceeds the mean by Fate
Is punished, Love or Hate.
CHORUS
(Antistrophe 2)
Hope flits about on never-wearying wings;
Profit to some, to some light loves she brings,
But no man knows how her gifts may turn,
Till 'neath his feet the treacherous ashes burn.
Sure 'twas a sage inspired that spoke this word;
If evil good appear
To any, Fate is near; 1
And brief the respite from her flaming sword.
Hither comes in angry mood
Haemon, latest of thy brood;
Is it for his bride he's grieved,
Of her marriage-bed deceived,
Does he make his mourn for thee,
Maid forlorn, Antigone?
605
610
CHORUS
615
620
625
630
Haemon now enters and pledges loyalty and obedience to his father. Creon responds with one
of the most famous speeches from the play:
CREON:
Well spoken: so right-minded sons should feel,
640
In all deferring to a father's will.
For it is the hope of parents they may rear
An obedient brood of sons, keen to avenge
Their father's wrongs, and count his friends their own.
645
But who begets unprofitable sons,
He verily breeds trouble for himself,
And for his foes much laughter. Son, be warned
1
Compare this to the sentiments expressed above in the section The Greek Ethos. Everything in the
universe must remain in balance; so if a person has too much good fortune that must be balanced by bad
fortune of equal measure. Whenever I come across this idea I am reminded of the Kennedy family. They
have been blessed with wealth, fame and power - but also cursed with several tragedies.
104
And let no woman fool away thy wits.
Ill fares the husband mated with a shrew,
And her embraces very soon wax cold.
For what can wound so surely to the quick
As a false friend? So spurn and cast her off,
Bid her go find a husband with the dead.
For since I caught her openly rebelling,
Of all my subjects the one malcontent,
I will not prove a traitor to the State.
She surely dies. Go, let her, if she will,
Appeal to Zeus the God of Kindred, for
If thus I nurse rebellion in my house,
Shall not I foster mutiny without?
For that man who is good and just in his own home,
Will prove a good man in the State as well.
But he who overbears the laws, or thinks
To overrule his rulers, such a person
I never will allow. Whomever the State
Appoints, must be obeyed in everything,
Both small and great, just and unjust alike.
I warrant that such an person in either case
Would shine, as King or subject; such a man
Would in the storm of battle stand his ground,
A comrade real and true; but Anarchy What evils are not wrought by Anarchy!
She ruins States, and overthrows the home,
She dissipates and routs the embattled host;
While discipline preserves the ordered ranks.
Therefore we must maintain authority
And yield no tittle to a woman's will.
Better, if need be, men should cast us out
Than hear it said, a woman proved his match.
650
655
660
665
670
675
680
CHORUS :
To me, unless old age has dulled my wits,
Your words appear both reasonable and wise.
Haemon then attempts to reason with Creon and a debate ensues:
HAEMON:
Father, the gods implant in mortal men
Reason, the choicest gift bestowed by heaven.
It is not for me to say your err, nor
685
Would I arraign your wisdom, if I could;
And yet wise thoughts may come to other men
105
And, as thy son, it falls to me to mark
The acts, the words, the comments of the crowd.
The commons stand in terror of your frown,
And dare not utter aught that might offend,
But I can overhear their muttered plaints,
Know how the people mourn this maiden doomed
For noblest deeds to die the worst of deaths.
When her own brother slain in battle lay
Unburied, she suffered not his corpse
To lie for carrion birds and dogs to maul:
Should not her name (they cry) be writ in gold?
Such the low murmurings that reach my ear.
0 father, nothing is by me more prized
Than thy well-being, for what higher good
Can children covet than their father's good name,
As fathers too take pride in glorious sons?
Therefore, my father, cling not to one mood,
And think not you are right and all others wrong.
For whoever thinks that wisdom dwells with him,
That he alone can speak or think aright,
Such oracles are empty breath when tried.
The wisest man will let himself be swayed
By others' wisdom and relax in time.
See how the trees beside a stream in flood
Save, if they yield to force, each spray unbanned,
But by resisting perish root and branch.
The mariner who keeps his mainsheet taut,
And will not slacken in the gale, is like
To sail with thwarts reversed, keel uppermost.
Relent then and repent of your wrath;
For, if one young in years may claim some sense,
I'll say it is best of all to be endowed
With absolute wisdom; but, if that's denied,
(And nature takes not readily that ply)
Next wise is he who listens to sage advice.
690
695
700
705
710
715
720
CHORUS :
If he says anything in season, heed him, King.
(to Haemon)
You listen to you father, too; both have spoken well.
C REON:
What, would you have us at our age be schooled,
Lessoned in prudence by a beardless boy?
725
106
HAEMON:
I plead for justice, father, nothing more.
Weigh me upon my merit, not my years.
CREON:
Is it merit to reward lawbreakers?
730
HAEMON:
I wouldn't plead for a lawbreaker.
CREON:
Is not this woman an errant lawbreaker?
HAEMON:
The Theban people, with one voice, say no.
CREON:
Now you say that the mob dictates my policy?
HAEMON:
It is you, I think, who talks like a boy.
735
CREON:
Am I to rule for others, or myself?
HAEMON:
A State for one man is no State at all.
CREON:
By tradition, the State is his who rules it.
HAEMON:
As monarch of a desert you would do well.
CREON:
I think this boy maintains the woman's cause.
HAEMON:
Only if you are the woman. My thoughts are for you.
CREON:
Traitor! Why do you go against your own father?
740
107
HAEMON:
Because I see you making a mistake.
CREON:
And am I wrong, if I maintain my rights?
HAEMON:
You haven't the right to trample divine laws.
745
CREON:
Your mind has been corrupted! You are this woman's slave!
HAEMON:
But not a slave to my own passions.
C REON:
Your words, at least, are all for her.
HAEMON:
And for you and me, and for the gods below.
CREON:
As long as she lives you will not marry her.
750
HAEMON:
So she shall die, but one will die with her.
CREON:
Would you threaten me?
HAEMON:
What threat is this, to warn against a bad plan?
CREON:
You will regret trying to advise your betters.
HAEMON:
If you were not my father, I would say you were insane.
CREON:
Woman's slave - don't question me.
HAEMON:
You wish that you only can speak
755
108
But entertain no one speaking in reply.
C REON:
Is that a fact? Well, by Olympus, know this too,
You won't taunt and insult me with impunity.
(to the guards)
Bring out the hateful thing that she may die
Right now, in front of her bridegroom.
HAEMON:
Don't think she will die in my sight,
Or by my side. And don't think you will
See my face ever again. Enjoy the company
Of those who tolerate your madness.
(Exit Haemon)
760
765
CHORUS :
Your son has gone, my king, in angry haste.
Fell is the wrath of youth beneath a smart.
CREON:
Let him go vent his fury like a fiend:
These two sisters he shall not save from death.
CHORUS :
Surely, you don’t mean to slay them both?
770
CREON:
No, you're right, only her who touched the body.
CHORUS :
And what death is she to die?
CREON:
She shall be taken to some desert place
By man untrod, and in a rock-hewn cave,
With food no more than to avoid the taint
That homicide might bring on all the State,
Buried alive. There let her call in aid
Hades, the one god she worships,
Or learn too late a lesson learned at last:
It is a waste of effort to worship Hades.
775
780
After some discussion between Antigone and the Chorus of elders, Antigone delivers her exit
speech:
109
A NTIGONE:
0 grave, 0 bridal bower, 0 prison house
Hewn from the rock, my everlasting home,
Whither I go to join the mighty host
Of kinsfolk, Persephassa's guests long dead, 1
The last of all, of all most miserable,
I pass, my destined span of years cut short.
And yet good hope is mine that I shall find
A welcome from my sire, a welcome too,
From you, my mother, and my brother dear;
For with these hands, I laved and decked your limbs
In death, and poured libations on your grave.
And last, my Polyneices, unto you
I paid due rites, and this my recompense!
Yet am I justified in wisdom's eyes.
For even had it been some child of mine,
Or husband mouldering in death's decay,
I had not wrought this deed despite the State.
What is the law I call in aid? 'Tis thus
I argue. Had it been a husband dead
I might have wed another, and have home
Another child, to take the dead child's place.
But, now my sire and mother both are dead,
No second brother can be born for me.
Thus by the law of conscience I was led
To honour you, dear brother, and was judged
By Creon guilty of a heinous crime.
And now he drags me like a criminal,
A bride unwed, amerced of marriage-song
And marriage-bed and joys of motherhood,
By friends deserted to a living grave.
What ordinance of heaven have I transgressed?
Hereafter can I look to any god
For succour, call on any man for help?
Alas, my piety is impious deemed.
Well, if such justice is approved of heaven,
I shall be taught by suffering my sin;
But if the sin is theirs, 0 may they suffer
No worse ills than the wrongs they do to me!
895
900
905
910
915
920
925
CHORUS :
The same ungovernable will
Drives like a gale the maiden still.
1
930
Phersephassa, or Persephassa, are alternative spellings for Persephone, the wife of Hades.
110
C REON:
Therefore, my guards who let her stay
Shall smart full sore for their delay.
A NTIGONE:
Ah, woe is me! This word I hear
Brings death most near.
CHORUS :
I have no comfort. What he says,
Portends no other thing than death.
A NTIGONE:
My fatherland, city of Thebes divine,
You gods of Thebes whence sprang my line,
Look, puissant lords of Thebes, on me;
The last of all your royal house you see.
Martyred by men of sin, undone.
Such reward my piety has won.
(Exit Antigone)
935
940
Antigone never returns to the stage but the play that bears her name is only half complete.
Some scholars have argued that this is two plays in one - the first with Antigone as the principal
character and the second with Creon as the principal character.
The second half opens with Teiresias who has arrived to beg Creon to reconsider the burial of
Polyneices. Creon thinks it a trick and accuses Teiresias of accepting a bribe. Insulted, Teiresias
reveals the real motivation for his visit:
T EIRESIAS :
Know then for sure, the coursers of the sun
Not many times shall run their race, before
1065
You shall have given your own offspring
In quittance of the murder, life for life;
For that you have entombed a living soul,
And sent below a denizen of earth,
And wronged the nether gods by leaving here
1070
A corpse unholy, unwept, unburied.
Herein you have no part, nor even the gods
In heaven; and you usurped a power not yours.
For this the Erinyes, avenging spirits of the gods
1075
Who dog the steps of sin, are on your trail:
What these have suffered you shall suffer too.
And now, consider whether bought by gold
I prophesy. For, yet a little while,
The sound of lamentation shall be heard,
111
Of men and women through your desolate halls;
And all your neighbour States are leagued to avenge
Their mangled warriors who have found a grave
In the maw of wolf or hound, or winged bird
That flying homewards taints their city's air.
These are the shafts, that like a bowman, I
Provoked to anger, loosen at thy breast,
Unerring, and their sting you shall not shun.
Boy, lead me home, that he may vent his spleen
On younger men, and learn to curb his tongue
With gentler manners than his present mood.
(Exit Teiresias)
1080
1085
1090
Creon, now convinced, orders his men to rush to the mountain where Antigone has been
interred and rescue her.
112
Euripides
The third of the three great Athenian playwrights (with Aeschylus and Sophocles), Euripides
was born to wealthy parents, Mnesarchides and Cleito in 480 BC, the year of the Persian invasion
of Greece. His life coincided with the rise to greatness of his home city, Athens and he was
fortunate to die, in 406, without seeing Athens surrender to Sparta in 403.
Euripides won the City Dionysia only five times but that is a reflection of his bold innovations
rather than the quality of his works - the judges at these affairs tended toward conservatism.
Despite the support of his audiences, Euripides faced harsh criticism from the literary elite of
Athens and in 408 he left Athens for the court of King Archelaus of Macedon. Euripides lived and
wrote there until his death in 406.
Euripides wrote over 90 plays and although we know the names of 81 of these, only 19 are
extant.
The Suppliants
Produced in 421 BC, this play relates the return of the descendants of Io to Argos. Danaus has
brought his 50 daughters to Argos to escape the sons of Aegyptus and most of the play depicts the
dilemma of King Pelasgus of Argos: Should he accept the suppliants and risk war with Aegyptus,
or should he place the safety of his city first and send Danaus and his daughters away?
The message, in the context of 421 BC is that Argos should risk war with Sparta by accepting
an alliance with Athens.
113
The Oikos
Women and Marriage
Modern discussions on women in Ancient Greece often focus on two salient points: One;
women did not participate in politics; not as councillors in oligarchic systems nor as ecclesiasts in
democratic systems nor as jurors in any legal system. Two; in every Greek home of appropriate
means there were ‘women’s quarters,’ a room or rooms set aside exclusively for females. Those
scholars who wish to focus on the idea of male dominance over women, on the ideas of
discrimination, oppression and even misogyny, interpret these two points as evidence of that unjust
dominance. There exists, however, even more evidence to suggest that the genders were seen in
terms of specialization, partnerships in which each has clearly defined roles.
Aristotle, Oeconomicus 1343 – 44a
When we turn our attention to the human part of the household, it is the woman who
makes the first claim upon it; for the natural comes first, as we have said, and nothing is
more natural than the tie between female and male. For we have elsewhere laid down the
premise that Nature is intent on multiplying severally her types; and this is true of every
animal in particular. Neither the female, however, can affect this without the male, nor the
male without the female; whence the union of the sexes has of necessity arisen.
...the co-operation between woman and man aims not merely an existence, but at a happy
existence.
[1344a] We begin then with the rules that should govern a man's treatment of his wife. And
the first of these forbids him to do her wrong; for if he observes this, he is not likely himself
to suffer wrong at her hands. As the Pythagoreans declare, even the common rule or custom
of mankind thus ordains, forbidding all wrong to a wife as stringently as though she were a
suppliant whom one has raised from the hearthstone. And a man does wrong to his wife
when he associates with other women.
Aristotle is often quoted as saying that women have no arête, virtue. The line most cited comes
at the end of the following excerpt. Reading the line in context, however, we can see that Aristotle’s
argument is that women do possess the same virtue that men possess the only difference being that
women do not have ‘authority.’
Aristotle, Politics [1259b.22 – 1260a.]
[22] A question may indeed be raised, whether there is any excellence at all in a slave beyond
and higher than merely instrumental and ministerial qualities -- whether he can have the
virtues of temperance, courage, justice, and the like; or whether slaves possess only bodily
and ministerial qualities. And, whichever way we answer the question, a difficulty arises; for,
if they have virtue, in what will they differ from freemen? On the other hand, since they are
men and share in rational principle, it seems absurd to say that they have no virtue. A similar
question may be raised about women and children, whether they too have virtues: ought a
woman to be temperate and brave and just, and is a child to be called temperate, and
intemperate, or not. So in general we may ask about the natural ruler, and the natural
subject, whether they have the same or different virtues. For if a noble nature is equally
required in both, why should one of them always rule, and the other always be ruled? Nor
can we say that this is a question of degree, for the difference between ruler and subject is a
114
difference of kind, which the difference of more and less never is. Yet how strange is the
supposition that the one ought, and that the other ought not, to have virtue! For if the ruler
is intemperate and unjust, how can he rule well? If the subject, how can he obey well?
[1260a] If he be licentious and cowardly, he will certainly not do his duty. It is evident,
therefore, that both of them must have a share of virtue, but varying as natural subjects also
vary among themselves. Here the very constitution of the soul has shown us the way; in it
one part naturally rules, and the other is subject, and the virtue of the ruler we maintain to
be different from that of the subject; the one being the virtue of the rational, and the other
of the irrational part. Now, it is obvious that the same principle applies generally, and
therefore almost all things rule and are ruled according to nature. But the kind of rule
differs; the freeman rules over the slave after another manner from that in which the male
rules over the female, or the man over the child; although the parts of the soul are present
in all of them, they are present in different degrees. For the slave has no deliberative faculty
at all; the woman has, but it is without authority, and the child has, but it is immature.
Hesiod, Works and Days 695 - 705
Bring home a wife to your house when you are of the right age, while you are not far short
of thirty years nor much above; this is the right age for marriage. Let your wife have been
grown up four years, and marry her in the fifth. Marry a maiden, so that you can teach her
careful ways, and especially marry one who lives near you, but look well about you and see
that your marriage will not be a joke to your neighbours. For a man wins nothing better
than a good wife, and, again, nothing worse than a bad one, a greedy soul who roasts her
man without fire, strong though he may be, and brings him to a raw old age.
The following purports to be a conversation between Socrates and a wealthy nobleman named
Ischomachus:
Xenophon, Oeconomicus 7.
But to answer your question, Socrates (he proceeded), I certainly do not spend my days
indoors, if for no other reason, because my wife is quite capable of managing our domestic
affairs without my aid.
Ah! (said Socrates), Ischomachus, that is just what I should like particularly to learn from
you. Did you yourself educate your wife to be all that a wife should be, or when you received
her from her father and mother was she already a proficient well skilled to discharge the
duties appropriate to a wife?
Well skilled! (he replied). What proficiency was she likely to bring with her, when she was
not quite fifteen at the time she wedded me, and during the whole prior period of her life
had been most carefully brought up to see and hear as little as possible, and to ask the fewest
questions? Or do you not think one should be satisfied, if at marriage her whole experience
consisted in knowing how to take the wool and make a dress, and seeing how her mother’s
handmaidens had their daily spinning-tasks assigned them? For (he added), as regards
control of appetite and self-indulgence, she had received the soundest education, and that I
take to be the most important matter in the bringing-up of man or woman.
Then all else (said I) you taught your wife yourself, Ischomachus, until you had made her
capable of attending carefully to her appointed duties?
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That did I not (replied he) until I had offered sacrifice, and prayed that I might teach and
she might learn all that could conduce to the happiness of us twain.
Soc. And did your wife join in sacrifice and prayer to that effect?
Isch. Most certainly, with many a vow registered to heaven to become all she ought to be;
and her whole manner showed that she would not be neglectful of what was taught her.
Soc. Pray narrate to me, Ischomachus, I beg of you, what you first essayed to teach her. To
hear that story would please me more than any description of the most splendid gymnastic
contest or horse-race you could give me.
Why, Socrates (he answered), when after a time she had become accustomed to my hand,
that is, was tamed sufficiently to play her part in a discussion, I put to her this question:
“Did it ever strike you to consider, dear wife, what led me to choose you as my wife among
all women, and your parents to entrust you to me of all men? It was certainly not from any
difficulty that might beset either of us to find another bedfellow. That I am sure is evident
to you. No! It was with deliberate intent to discover, I for myself and your parents in behalf
of you, the best partner of house and children we could find, that I sought you out, and
your parents, acting to the best of their ability, made choice of me. If at some future time
God grant us to have children born to us, we will take counsel together how best to bring
them up, for that too will be a common interest, and a common blessing if haply they shall
live to fight our battles and we find in them hereafter support and succour when ourselves
are old. But at present there is our house here, which belongs like to both. It is common
property, for all that I possess goes by my will into the common fund, and in the same way
all that you deposited was placed by you to the common fund. We need not stop to calculate
in figures which of us contributed most, but rather let us lay to heart this fact that whichever
of us proves the better partner, he or she at once contributes what is most worth having.”
Thus I addressed her, Socrates, and thus my wife made answer: “But how can I assist you?
What is my ability? Nay, everything depends on you. My business, my mother told me, was
to be sober-minded!”
“Most true, my wife,” I replied, “and that is what my father said to me. But what is the proof
of sober-mindedness in man or woman? Is it not so to behave that what they have of good
may ever be at its best, and that new treasures from the same source of beauty and
righteousness may be most amply added?”
“But what is there that I can do,” my wife inquired, “which will help to increase our joint
estate?”
“Assuredly,” I answered, “you may strive to do as well as possible what Heaven has given you
a natural gift for and which the law approves.”
“And what may these things be?” she asked.
“To my mind they are not the things of least importance,” I replied, “unless the things which
the queen bee in her hive presides over are of slight importance to the bee community; for
the gods” (so Ischomachus assured me, he continued), “the gods, my wife, would seem to
have exercised much care and judgment in compacting that twin system which goes by the
name of male and female, so as to secure the greatest possible advantage to the pair. Since
no doubt the underlying principle of the bond is first and foremost to perpetuate through
procreation the races of living creatures; and next, as the outcome of this bond, for human
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beings at any rate, a provision is made by which they may have sons and daughters to support
them in old age.
“And again, the way of life of human beings, not being maintained like that of cattle in the
open air, obviously demands roofed homesteads. But if these same human beings are to have
anything to bring in under cover, someone to carry out these labours of the field under high
heaven must be found them, since such operations as the breaking up of fallow with the
plough, the sowing of seed, the planting of trees, the pasturing and herding of flocks, are
one and all open-air employments on which the supply of products necessary to life depends.
“As soon as these products of the field are safely housed and under cover, new needs arise.
There must be someone to guard the store and someone to perform such necessary
operations as imply the need of shelter. Shelter, for instance, is needed for the rearing of
infant children; shelter is needed for the various processes of converting the fruits of earth
into food, and in like manner for the fabrication of clothing out of wool.
“But whereas both of these, the indoor and the outdoor occupations alike, demand new toil
and new attention, to meet the case,” I added, “God made provision from the first by
shaping, as it seems to me, the woman’s nature for indoor and the man’s for outdoor
occupations. Man’s body and soul He furnished with a greater capacity for enduring heat
and cold, wayfaring and military marches; or, to repeat, He laid upon his shoulders the
outdoor works.
“While in creating the body of woman with less capacity for these things,” I continued, “God
would seem to have imposed on her the indoor works; and knowing that He had implanted
in the woman and imposed upon her the nurture of new-born babies, He endowed her with
a larger share of affection for the new-born child than He bestowed upon man. And since
He imposed on woman the guardianship of the things imported from without, God, in His
wisdom, perceiving that a fearful spirit was no detriment to guardianship, endowed the
woman with a larger measure of timidity than He bestowed on man. Knowing further that
he to whom the outdoor works belonged would need to defend them against malign attack,
He endowed the man in turn with a larger share of courage.
“And seeing that both alike feel the need of giving and receiving, He set down memory and
carefulness between them for their common use, so that you would find it hard to determine
which of the two, the male or the female, has the larger share of these. So, too, God set
down between them for their common use the gift of self-control, where needed, adding
only to that one of the twain, whether man or woman, which should prove the better, the
power to be rewarded with a larger share of this perfection. And for the very reason that
their natures are not alike adapted to like ends, they stand in greater need of one another;
and the married couple is made more useful to itself, the one fulfilling what the other lacks.
“Now, being well aware of this, my wife,” I added, “and knowing well what things are laid
upon us twain by God Himself, must we not strive to perform, each in the best way possible,
our respective duties? Law, too, gives her consent — law and the usage of mankind, by
sanctioning the wedlock of man and wife; and just as God ordained them to be partners in
their children, so the law establishes their common ownership of house and estate. Custom,
moreover, proclaims as beautiful those excellences of man and woman with which God
gifted them at birth. Thus for a woman to bide tranquilly at home rather than roam abroad
is no dishonour; but for a man to remain indoors, instead of devoting himself to outdoor
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pursuits, is a thing discreditable. But if a man does things contrary to the nature given him
by God, the chances are, such insubordination escapes not the eye of Heaven: he pays the
penalty, whether of neglecting his own works, or of performing those appropriate to
woman.”
I added: “Just such works, if I mistake not, that same queen-bee we spoke of labours hard to
perform, like yours, my wife, enjoined upon her by God Himself.”
“And what sort of works are these?” she asked; “what has the queen-bee to do that she seems
so like myself, or I like her in what I have to do?”
“Why,” I answered, “she too stays in the hive and suffers not the other bees to idle. Those
whose duty it is to work outside she sends forth to their labours; and all that each of them
brings in, she notes and receives and stores against the day of need; but when the season for
use has come, she distributes a just share to each. Again, it is she who presides over the
fabric of choicely-woven cells within. She looks to it that warp and woof are wrought with
speed and beauty. Under her guardian eye the brood of young is nursed and reared; but
when the days of rearing are past and the young bees are ripe for work, she sends them out
as colonists with one of the seed royal to be their leader.”
“Shall I then have to do these things?” asked my wife.
“Yes,” I answered, “you will need in the same way to stay indoors, despatching to their toils
without those of your domestics whose work lies there. Over those whose appointed tasks
are wrought indoors, it will be your duty to preside; yours to receive the stuffs brought in;
yours to apportion part for daily use, and yours to make provision for the rest, to guard and
garner it so that the outgoings destined for a year may not be expended in a month. It will
be your duty, when the wools are introduced, to see that clothing is made for those who
need; your duty also to see that the dried corn is rendered fit and serviceable for food.
“There is just one of all these occupations which devolve upon you,” I added, “you may not
find so altogether pleasing. Should any one of our household fall sick, it will be your care
to see and tend them to the recovery of their health.”
“But there are other cares, you know, and occupations,” I answered, “which are yours by
right, and these you will find agreeable. This, for instance, to take some maiden who knows
naught of carding wool and to make her proficient in the art, doubling her usefulness; or to
receive another quite ignorant of housekeeping or of service, and to render her skilful, loyal,
serviceable, till she is worth her weight in gold; or again, when occasion serves, you have it
in your power to requite by kindness the well-behaved whose presence is a blessing to your
house; or maybe to chasten the bad character, should such an one appear. But the greatest
joy of all will be to prove yourself my better; to make me your faithful follower; knowing no
dread lest as the years advance you should decline in honour in your household, but rather
trusting that, though your hair turn gray, yet, in proportion as you come to be a better
helpmate to myself and to the children, a better guardian of our home, so will your honour
increase throughout the household as mistress, wife, and mother, daily more dearly prized.
Since,” I added, “it is not through excellence of outward form, but by reason of the lustre
of virtues shed forth upon the life of man, that increase is given to things beautiful and
good.”
That, Socrates, or something like that, as far as I may trust my memory, records the earliest
conversation which I held with her.
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Slavery
Slavery in Ancient Greece is one of those topics that betrays the difficulty of cultural studies
in that it conjures, as a reflex, negative judgements that may not be justified. As historians we
should restrict both praise and blame to the mores of the time and place under consideration. It
does us no service, it adds nothing of our understanding of this or any culture, to simply apply our
moral preferences and to censure them.
Aeschines, Against Timarchus 1.97
His father left him a fortune which another man would have found sufficient for the service
of the state also. But Timarchus was not able even to preserve it for himself. There was a
house south of the Acropolis, a suburban estate at Sphettus, another piece of land at
Alopece, and besides there were nine or ten slaves who were skilled shoemakers, each of
whom paid him a fee of two obols a day, and the superintendent of the shop three obols.
Besides these there was a woman skilled in flax-working, who produced fine goods for the
market, and there was a man skilled in embroidery. Certain men also owed him money, and
there were house furnishings.
These two and three obol fees the slaves were paying to Timarchus were called apophora.
The slaves would have been working in the trades described for two or three drachma per day, and
paying a fee to Timarchus for the relative freedom.
The difficulty of managing and disciplining slaves became a running joke and is used as comic
relief in many Greek manuscripts. In the following excerpt, Socrates and Hippocrates are paying
a visit to the house of Callias where the sophist Protagoras is staying, but they are very nearly
prevented by a belligerent slave:
Plato, Protagoras 314c - e.
Now, I fancy the doorkeeper, who was a eunuch, overheard us; very likely [314d] the great
number of sophists has made him annoyed with callers at the house: at any rate, when we
had knocked on the door, he opened it and, on seeing us: Hello, he said, sophists there!
Master is engaged. So saying, he seized the door with both hands and very smartly clapped
it to with all his might. We tried knocking again, and then he spoke in answer through the
closed door: Sirs, have you not heard, he is engaged? But, my good fellow, I said, we have
not come to see Callias, [314e] nor are we sophists. Have no fear: I tell you, we have come
to ask if we may see Protagoras; so go and announce us. Then with much hesitation the
fellow opened the door to us…
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Sparta
The Spartans were Dorian Greeks but their royal families claimed descent from Heracles:
Herodotus vi.52
52. For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none of the poets, say that Aristodemos
the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, 1 being their king, led them
himself (and not the sons of Aristodemos) to this land which they now possess. Then after
no long time the wife of Aristodemos, whose name was Argeia,--she was the daughter, they
say, of Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes,--she,
it is said, brought forth twins; and Aristodemos lived but to see his children and then ended
his life by sickness. So the Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established
custom to make the elder of the children their king; but they did not know which of them
they should take, because they were like one another and of equal size; and when they were
not able to make out, or even before this, they inquired of their mother; and she said that
even she herself did not know one from the other. She said this, alyough she knew in truth
very well, because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The
Lacedemonians then were in a strait; and being in a strait they sent to Delphi to inquire
what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian prophetess bade them regard both
children as their kings, but honour most the first in age. The prophetess, they say, thus gave
answer to them; and when the Lacedemonians were at a loss none the less how to find out
the elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to them: this
Panites, I say, suggested to the Lacedemonians that they should watch the mother and see
which of the children she washed and fed before the other; and if she was seen to do this
always in the same order, then they would have all that they were seeking and desiring to
find out, but if she too was uncertain and did it in a different order at different times, it
would be plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any other, and they must
turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of the Messenian
watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemos and found that she gave honour thus to the
first-born both in feeding and in washing; for she did not know with that design she was
being watched. They took therefore the child which was honoured by its mother and brought
it up as the first-born in the public hall, and to it was given the name of Eurysthenes, while
the other was called Procles. These, when they had grown up, both themselves were at
variance, they say, with one another, yough they were brothers, throughout the whole time
of their lives, and their descendants also continued after the same manner.
The pseudo-historical reformer of the Spartan constitution was Lycurgus:
Herodotus i.65.2 – 66.1
... in the times before this they [the Spartans] had the worst laws of almost all the Hellenes,
both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also in that they had no dealings
with strangers. And they made their change to a good constitution of laws thus:-- Lycurgus,
a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he
entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian prophetess said as follows:
1
Hyllus was the son of Heracles by Omphale by some accounts and by Deianeira by others.
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"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple, Loved thou by Zeus and
by all who possess the abodes of Olympos. Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices
prophetic, God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."
Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set forth to him the order of
things which is now established for the Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that
Lycurgos having become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the
Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian, he changed
all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they should not transgress his institutions:
and after this Lycurgos established that which appertained to war, namely Enomoties and
Triecads and Common Meals, and in addition to this the Ephors and the Senate.
66. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgus after he was dead
they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship. So then, as might be supposed, with
a fertile land and with no small number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and
became prosperous:
Our best source of information on Sparta is Xenophon, originally an Athenian, he served under
Clearchus of Sparta as a mercenary for Cyrus the Pretender and later retired in Laconia.
Xenophon, the Spartan Constitution 1 - 3
[1] I recall the astonishment with which I first noted the unique position of Sparta amongst
the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse population, and at the same time the extraordinary
power and prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was only when
I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans that my wonderment ceased. [2]
Or rather, it is transferred to the legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which
has been the secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I must admire, and consider
him to have been one of the wisest of mankind.
Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. It was by a stroke of invention rather,
and on a pattern much in opposition to the commonly-accepted one, that he brought his
fatherland to this pinnacle of prosperity.
[3] Take for example - and it is well to begin at the beginning – the whole topic of the
begetting and rearing of children. Throughout the rest of the world the young girl, who will
one day become a mother (and I speak of those who may be held to be well brought up), is
nurtured on the plainest food attainable, with the scantiest addition of meat or other
condiments; while as to wine they train them either to total abstinence or to take it highly
diluted with water. And in imitation, as it were, of the handicraft type, since the majority of
artificers are sedentary, we, the rest of the Hellenes, are content that our girls should sit
quietly and work wools. That is all we demand of them. But how are we to expect that
women nurtured in this fashion should produce a splendid offspring?
[4] Lycurgus pursued a different path. Clothes were things, he held, the furnishing of which
might well enough be left to female slaves. And, believing that the highest function of a free
woman was the bearing of children, in the first place he insisted on the training of the body
as incumbent no less on the female than the male; and in pursuit of the same idea instituted
rival contests in running and feats of strength for women as for men. His belief was that
where both parents were strong their progeny would be found to be more vigorous.
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[5] And so again after marriage. In view of the fact that immoderate intercourse is elsewhere
permitted during the earlier period of matrimony, he adopted a principle directly opposite.
He laid it down as an ordinance that a man should be ashamed to be seen visiting the
chamber of his wife, whether going in or coming out. When they did meet under such
restraint the mutual longing of these lovers could not but be increased, and the fruit which
might spring from such intercourse would tend to be more robust than theirs whose
affections are cloyed by satiety. [6] By a farther step in the same direction he refused to allow
marriages to be contracted at any period of life according to the fancy of the parties
concerned. Marriage, as he ordained it, must only take place in the prime of bodily vigour,
this too being, as he believed, a condition conducive to the production of healthy offspring.
[7] Or again, to meet the case which might occur of an old man wedded to a young wife.
Considering the jealous watch which such husbands are apt to keep over their wives, he
introduced a directly opposite custom; that is to say, he made it incumbent on the aged
husband to introduce someone whose qualities, physical and moral, he admired, to play the
husband's part and to beget him children. [8] Or again, in the case of a man who might not
desire to live with a wife permanently, but yet might still be anxious to have children of his
own worthy the name, the lawgiver laid down a law in his behalf. Such a one might select
some woman, the wife of some man, well born herself and blest with fair offspring, and, the
sanction and consent of her husband first obtained, raise up children for himself through
her.
[9] These and many other adaptations of a like sort the lawgiver sanctioned. As, for instance,
at Sparta a wife will not object to bear the burden of a double establishment, or a husband
to adopt sons as foster-brothers of his own children, with a full share in his family and
position, but possessing no claim to his wealth and property.
[10] So opposed to those of the rest of the world are the principles which Lycurgus devised
in reference to the production of children. Whether they enabled him to provide Sparta
with a race of men superior to all in size and strength I leave to the judgment of whomsoever
it may concern.
2.
[1] With this exposition of the customs in connection with the birth of children, I wish now
to explain the systems of education in fashion here and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of
Hellas the custom on the part of those who claim to educate their sons in the best way is as
follows. As soon as the children are of an age to understand what is said to them they are
immediately placed under the charge of Paidagogoi (or tutors), who are also attendants, and
sent off to the school of some teacher to be taught "grammar," "music," and the concerns of
the palaestra. 1 Besides this they are given shoes to wear which tend to make their feet tender,
and their bodies are enervated by various changes of clothing. And as for food, the only
measure recognised is that which is fixed by appetite.
[2] But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each member of the state privately
to appoint a slave to be his son's tutor, he set over the young Spartans a public guardian,
the Paidonomos 2 to give them his proper title, with complete authority over them. This
guardian was selected from those who filled the highest magistracies. He had authority to
1
2
The Wrestling School.
Literally ‘child regulator’ or ‘one who regulates the children’ so, ‘Warden’ might be appropriate.
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hold musters of the boys, and as their overseer, in case of any misbehaviour, to chastise
severely. The legislator further provided his paidonomos with a body of youths in the prime
of life, and bearing whips, to inflict punishment when necessary, with this happy result; that
in Sparta modesty and obedience ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack of either.
[3] Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was to make them hardy
through going barefoot. This habit, if practised, would, as he believed, enable them to scale
heights more easily and clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, with his feet so
trained the young Spartan would leap and spring and run faster unshod than another shod
in the ordinary way.
[4] Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, his rule was to habituate
them to a single garment the whole year through, thinking that so they would be better
prepared to withstand the variations of heat and cold.
[5] Again, as regards food, according to his regulation the Eiren, 1 head of the class, must see
that his messmates gathered to the club meal, 2 with such moderate food as to avoid that
heaviness which is engendered by repletion. His belief was that by such training in boyhood
they would be better able when occasion demanded to continue toiling on an empty
stomach. They would be all the fitter, if the word of command were given, to remain on the
march for a long time without extra food. The craving for luxuries would be less, the
readiness to take any victual set before them greater, and, in general, the regime would be
found healthier. [6] Under it he thought the lads would grow taller, since, as he maintained,
a diet which makes one slim promotes height while fatty foods cause one to be more rotund. 3
On the other hand, in order to guard against a too great pinch of starvation, though he did
not actually allow the boys to help themselves without further trouble to what they needed
more, he did give them permission to steal this thing or that in the effort to alleviate their
hunger.
[7] It was not, of course, from any real difficulty in providing for them with nutriment that
he left it to them to avail themselves by this crafty method. Nor can I conceive that any one
will so misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the fact that he who would
live the life of a robber must forgo sleep by night, and in
the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in ambush; he must prepare and make ready his
scouts, and so forth, if he is to succeed in capturing the quarry. It is obvious, I say, that the
whole of this education tended, and was intended, to make the boys craftier and more
inventive in getting in supplies, whilst at the same time it cultivated their warlike instincts.
[8] An objector may retort: "But if he thought it so fine a feat to steal, why did he inflict all
those blows on the unfortunate who was caught?" My answer is: for the same reason which
induces people, in other matters which are taught, to punish those who perform poorly. So
they, the Spartans, punish the boy for getting caught stealing, not for the act of stealing
itself.
[9] So to steal as many cheeses as possible (off the shrine of Artemis Orthia) was a feat to be
encouraged; but, at the same moment, others were enjoined to scourge the
1
A Spartan youth, 20 years old. At that age he was appointed leader of a group of younger boys.
Boys in training took their meals together in a mess hall, rather than with their families.
3
I have, here, rephrased Watson’s overly verbose translation.
2
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thief, which would point a moral not obscurely, that by pain endured for a brief season a
man may earn the joyous reward of lasting glory. Herein, too, it is plainly shown that where
speed is requisite the sluggard will win for himself much trouble and scant good.
[10] Furthermore, and in order that the boys should not want a ruler, even in case the
Warden himself were absent, he gave to any citizen who chanced to be present authority to
do whatever he thought right, and to chastise them for any trespass committed. By so doing
he created in the boys of Sparta a most rare modesty and reverence. And indeed there is
nothing which, whether as boys or men, they respect more highly than the ruler. [11] Lastly,
and with the same intention, that the boys must never be without a ruler, even if by chance
there were no grown man present, he laid down the rule that in such a case the sharpest of
the Eirenoi was to become ruler, each of his own division. The conclusion being that under
no circumstances whatever are the boys of Sparta destitute of one to rule them.
[12] I ought, as it seems to me, not to omit some remark on the subject of boy attachments,
it being a topic in close connection with that of boyhood and the training of boys. We know
that the rest of the Hellenes deal with this relationship in different ways, either after the
manner of the Boeotians, where man and boy are intimately united by a bond like that of
wedlock, or after the manner of the Eleians, where favours are exchanged for favours; while
there are others who would absolutely debar the suitors from all conversation and discourse
with boys.
[13] Lycurgus adopted a system opposed to all of these alike. Given that someone, himself
being all that a man ought to be, should in admiration of a boy's soul endeavour to discover
in him a true friend without reproach, and to consort with him--this was a relationship which
Lycurgus commended, and indeed regarded as the noblest type of bringing up. But if, as was
evident, it was not an attachment to the soul, but a yearning merely towards the body, he
stamped this thing as foul and horrible; and with this result, to the credit of Lycurgus be it
said, that in Lacedaemon the relationship of lover and beloved is like that of parent and
child or brother and brother where carnal appetite is in abeyance.
[14] I don’t think it any surprise, however, that some people refuse to believe this, since in
many states the laws are not opposed to these relationships with boys. 1 I have now described
the two chief methods of education in vogue; that is to say, the Spartan as contrasted with
that of the rest of Hellas, and I leave it to the judgment of him whom it may concern, which
of the two has produced the finer type of men. And by finer I mean the better disciplined,
the more modest and reverential, and, in matters where self-restraint is a virtue, the more
continent.
3.
[1] Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a boy and becomes a youth, we
find that it is just then that the rest of the world proceed to emancipate their children from
the private tutor and the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further ruler, are
content to launch them into absolute independence. Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely
opposite view of the matter.
[2] This, if observation might be trusted, was the season when the tide of animal spirits flows
fast, and the froth of insolence rises to the surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for
1
I have added this line, which does appear in the Greek text but Watson omits.
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diverse pleasures, in serried ranks, invade the mind. 1 This, then, was the right moment at
which to impose tenfold labours upon the growing youth. [3] And by a crowning enactment,
which said that "he who shrank from the duties imposed on him would forfeit henceforth
all claim to the honours of the state," he caused, not only the public authorities, but those
personally interested in the several companies of youths to take serious pains so that no
single individual of them should by an act of craven cowardice find himself utterly rejected
and reprobate within the body politic.
[4] Furthermore, in his desire to implant in their youthful souls a root of modesty he
imposed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In the very streets they were to keep their two
hands within the folds of the cloak; they were to walk in silence and without turning their
heads to gaze, now here, now there, but rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the ground
before them. And hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the matter
of quiet bearing and sobriety, men may claim greater strength than women. [5] At any rate,
you might sooner expect a stone image to find voice than one of those Spartan youths; to
divert the eyes of some bronze stature were less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no bride
ever stepped in bridal bower with more natural modesty. Note them when they have reached
the public table. The plainest answer to the question asked--that is all you need expect to
hear from their lips.
Spartans were famous for austerity in all aspects of life, including the spoken and written
word, and so it is from ‘Laconia’ that English derives the word ‘laconic.’
Herodotus iii.46
When those of the Samians who had been driven out by Polycrates reached Sparta, they
were introduced before the magistrates and spoke at length, being urgent in their request.
The magistrates however at the first introduction replied that they had forgotten the things
which had been spoken at the beginning, and did not understand those which were spoken
at the end. After this they were introduced a second time, and bringing with them a bag
they said nothing else but this, namely that the bag was in want of meal; to which the others
replied that they had overdone it with the bag. However, they resolved to help them.
Spartan Warfare
Xenophon, The Spartan Constitution 11.1 - 10
11.
[1] The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial alike in peace and in war; but if
any one wishes to learn what the lawgiver contrived better than other legislators with
reference to military proceedings, he may attend to the following particulars:
[2] In the first place, then, the Ephors give the cavalry and infantry public notice of the years
during which they must join the army, as well as the artizans; for the Lacedæmonians provide
themselves in the field with an abundance of all those things which people use in a city; and
of whatever instruments an army may require in common, orders are given to bring some
on wagons and others on beasts of burden, as by this arrangement anything left behind is
least likely to escape notice.
1
At 20 years of age.
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[3] For engagements in the field he made the following arrangements: He ordered that each
soldier should have a purple robe and a brazen shield; for he thought that such a dress had
least resemblance to that of women, and was excellently adapted for the field of battle, as it
is soonest made splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He permitted also those above
the age of puberty to let their hair grow, as he thought that they thus appeared taller, more
manly, and more terrible in the eyes of the enemy.
[4] When they were thus equipped, he divided them into six morae of cavalry and heavyarmed infantry. Each of these morae of the infantry has one polemarch 1, four Lochoi, 2 eight
Penteconters, 3 and sixteen enomotarchs. 4 The men of these moræ are sometimes, according
to the command issued, formed in enomotiae, sometimes three, sometimes six abreast.
[5] As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of the Lacedaemonians under
arms is extremely complex, they conceive the exact contrary to what is the fact; for in the
Lacedaemonian order the officers are placed in the front ranks, and each rank is in a
condition to perform everything which it is necessary for it to perform. [6] So easy is it to
understand this arrangement that no one who can distinguish one man from another would
fail of learning it; for it is assigned to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow.
Shiftings of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened, are ordered by the
word of the enomotarch, as by a herald; and in these there is nothing in the least difficult to
learn.
[7] But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if they are thrown into
confusion, to fight with an enemy presenting themselves on any quarter alike, it is not so
easy to understand, except for those who have been brought up under the institution of
Lycurgus. [8] The Lacedaemonians do with the greatest ease what appears extremely difficult
to other men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they march in column, one
enomotia follows in the rear of another; and if, when they are in this order, a body of the
enemy shows itself in front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring up his enomotia to
the front on the left; and this movement is made throughout the whole army, until it
presents itself in full array against the enemy. But if again, while they are in this order, the
enemy should show themselves in the rear, each rank performs the evolution that the
strongest may always be presented to the enemy.
[9] But when the commander is on the left, they do not in that case consider themselves in
a worse condition, but sometimes even in a better; for if an enemy should attempt to
encompass them, he would come round, not on the defenseless, but on the armed side. [10]
If on any occasion, again, it should appear advantageous, for any particular object, that the
commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel the troop toward the wing, and
maneuver the main body until the commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left.
But if, again, the body of the enemy appear on the right, marching in column, they do
nothing else but turn each century round, like a ship, so as to front the enemy; and thus the
century which was in the rear comes to the right. But if the enemy approach on the left, they
1
Literally ‘commander-in-war’, a general.
Commander of a band of 100 men, a loxos.
3
Commander of 50 men.
4
An enomotia, then, is a band of 25 men.
2
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do not allow them to come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to face the
enemy; and thus again the century that was in the rear takes its place on the left.
Every Spartan male was a full-time, professional soldier: Slavery allowed them the luxury.
The majority of the population of Laconia were called Helots and these people not only did all of
the labour necessary to maintain the state, but because of the small numbers of Spartans the Helots
also served in the army as auxiliaries. But the Spartans were always on guard against Helot
rebellion:
Critias The Spartan Constitution
Because of mistrust, the Spartiite at home takes the handles off their (the Helots’) shields.
Not being able to do this in war, because of the frequent need for speedy use, he goes round
always carrying his spear, thinking to overcome the Helot with it if he tries separate mutiny
with the shield only. They have also devised bolts, which they believe to be strong enough
to withstand any attack from the Helots.
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The Peloponnesian War:
In 435/4 BC Corcyra, an independent state, found itself in conflict with Corinth, a member of
the Peloponnesian League. Corcyra applied to Athens for ally status while Corinth sent an embassy
to Athens to urge them to ignore the Corcyreans:
Thucydides i.44
When the Athenians had heard both out, two assemblies were held. In the first there was a
manifest disposition to listen to the representations of Corinth; in the second, public feeling
had changed and an alliance with Corcyra was decided on, with certain reservations. It was
to be a defensive, not an offensive alliance. It did not involve a breach of the treaty with
Peloponnese: 1 Athens could not be required to join Corcyra in any attack upon Corinth. 2
But each of the contracting parties had a right to the other's assistance against invasion,
whether of his own territory or that of an ally. 3 For it began now to be felt that the coming
of the Peloponnesian war was only a question of time, and no one was willing to see a naval
power of such magnitude as Corcyra sacrificed to Corinth; though if they could let them
weaken each other by mutual conflict, it would be no bad preparation for the struggle which
Athens might one day have to wage with Corinth and the other naval powers. At the same
time the island seemed to lie conveniently on the coasting passage to Italy and Sicily. With
these views, Athens received Corcyra into alliance and, on the departure of the Corinthians
not long afterwards, sent ten ships to their assistance. They were commanded by
Lacedaemonius, the son of Cimon, Diotimus, the son of Strombichus, and Proteas, the son
of Epicles. Their instructions were to avoid collision with the Corinthian fleet except under
certain circumstances. If it sailed to Corcyra and threatened a landing on her coast, or in
any of her possessions, they were to do their utmost to prevent it. These instructions were
prompted by an anxiety to avoid a breach of the treaty.
The Revolt of Potidaea
Potidaea, a member state in the Athenian Empire in the N. West corner of the Aegean,
attempted to revolt from Athenian rule in October of 433 BC.:
Thucydides i.56
Almost immediately after this, fresh differences arose between the Athenians and
Peloponnesians, and contributed their share to the war. Corinth was forming schemes for
retaliation, and Athens suspected her hostility. The Potidaeans, who inhabit the isthmus of
Pallene, being a Corinthian colony, but tributary allies of Athens, were ordered to raze the
wall looking towards Pallene, to give hostages, to dismiss the Corinthian magistrates, and in
future not to receive the persons sent from Corinth annually to succeed them. It was feared
that they might be persuaded by Perdiccas 4 and the Corinthians to revolt, and might draw
1
The Thirty Years Peace between Athens and Sparta that ended the First Peloponnesian War in 445 BC .
Because Corinth was a member of the Peloponnesian League and a signatory to the peace of 445.
3
This is a treaty that never seems to have been enjoyed by either side. On several occasions Athens might
have benefited from Corcyrean aid, but none was ever sent.
4
Perdiccas was king of Macedon (454 – 413 BC). When Perdiccas opposed the Athenian settlement at
Amphipolis Athens supported his brother, Philip, in a bid to remove him from the throne. The bid failed
and Perdicass became an enemy of Athens.
2
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the rest of the allies in the direction of Thrace to revolt with them. These precautions against
the Potidaeans were taken by the Athenians immediately after the battle at Corcyra.
Grounds for Complaint:
With political tensions coming to a head, several Greek states openly protested the
aggressiveness of Athens and entreated the Spartans to intervene:
Thucydides i.66-67
The Athenians and Peloponnesians had these antecedent grounds of complaint against each
other: the complaint of Corinth was that her colony of Potidaea, and Corinthian and
Peloponnesian citizens within it, were being besieged; that of Athens against the
Peloponnesians that they had incited a town of hers, a member of her alliance and a
contributor to her revenue, to revolt, and had come and were openly fighting against her on
the side of the Potidaeans. For all this, war had not yet broken out: there was still truce for
a while; for this was a private enterprise on the part of Corinth.
[67] But the siege of Potidaea put an end to her inaction; she had men inside it: besides, she
feared for the place. Immediately summoning the allies to Lacedaemon, she came and loudly
accused Athens of breach of the treaty and aggression on the rights of the Peloponnesian
League. With her, the Aeginetans, formally unrepresented from fear of Athens, in secret
proved not the least urgent of the advocates for war, asserting that they had not the
independence guaranteed to them by the treaty. After extending the summons to any of
their allies and others who might have complaints to make of Athenian aggression, the
Lacedaemonians held their ordinary assembly, and invited them to speak. There were many
who came forward and made their several accusations; among them the Megarians, in a long
list of grievances, called special attention to the fact of their exclusion from the ports of the
Athenian empire and the market of Athens, in defiance of the treaty. Last of all the
Corinthians came forward, and having let those who preceded them inflame the
Lacedaemonians, now followed with a speech…
After several speeches two votes were held to determine if Sparta should lead the
Peloponnesian League in declaring war on Athens. The first vote counted the members of the
Spartan gerousia only and the motion was passed to declare war but by a small margin. The second
vote counted the allied states the majority chose war.
Thucydides i.88
The Lacedaemonians voted that the treaty had been broken, and that the war must be
declared, not so much because they were persuaded by the arguments of the allies, as because
they feared the growth of the power of the Athenians, seeing most of Hellas already subject
to them.
In the above selection, Thucydides is completing an argument he began early in Book One.
The argument is simple enough: ‘All else notwithstanding, the real cause of the war was fear.’
Thucydides i.23
To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their
grounds of complaint and points of difference that no one may ever have to ask the
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immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. The real cause
I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power
of Athens, and the fear which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is
well to give the grounds alleged by either side which led to the dissolution of the treaty and
the breaking out of the war.
Archidamus’ Strategy
Archidamus, the Spartan king and leader of the Peloponnesian League army, expected a
traditional war. He would march to Attica and the Athenians would march their army out to meet
him. They would have a good fight and afterwards the Athenians would admit defeat and everyone
would be home before the end of summer. Thucydides imagines a speech given by Archidamus as
the army approached Attica:
Thucydides ii.11
In the present instance, the city against which we are going, far from being so impotent for
defence, is on the contrary most excellently equipped at all points; so that we have every
reason to expect that they will take the field against us, and that if they have not set out
already before we are there, they will certainly do so when they see us in their territory
wasting and destroying their property. For men are always exasperated at suffering injuries
to which they are not accustomed, and on seeing them inflicted before their very eyes; and
where least inclined for reflection, rush with the greatest heat to action. The Athenians are
the very people of all others to do this, as they aspire to rule the rest of the world, and are
more in the habit of invading and ravaging their neighbours' territory, than of seeing their
own treated in the like fashion.
Pericles’ Strategy
Pericles had no intention of meeting the Spartan army in a traditional hoplite battle. Athens
had walls around the city, around the harbour and on each side of the road leading from the city to
the harbour. He intended to use the Athenian fleet to harass the Peloponnese and frustrate Spartan
efforts until Archidamus gave up.
Thucydides ii.13
[Pericles]… also gave the citizens some advice on their present affairs in the same strain as
before. They were to prepare for the war, and to carry in their property from the country.
They were not to go out to battle, but to come into the city and guard it, and get ready their
fleet, in which their real strength lay. They were also to keep a tight rein on their allies- the
strength of Athens being derived from the money brought in by their payments, and success
in war depending principally upon conduct and capital. Apart from other sources of income,
an average revenue of six hundred talents of silver was drawn from the tribute of the allies;
and there were still six thousand talents of coined silver in the Acropolis, out of nine
thousand seven hundred that had once been there, from which the money had been taken
for the porch of the Acropolis, the other public buildings, and for Potidaea. This did not
include the uncoined gold and silver in public and private offerings, the sacred vessels for
the processions and games, the Median spoils, and similar resources to the amount of five
hundred talents. To this he added the treasures of the other temples. These were by no
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means inconsiderable, and might fairly be used. Nay, if they were ever absolutely driven to
it, they might take even the gold ornaments of Athena herself; for the statue contained forty
talents of pure gold and it was all removable. This might be used for self-preservation, and
must every penny of it be restored. Such was their financial position- surely a satisfactory
one. Then they had an army of thirteen thousand heavy infantry, besides sixteen thousand
more in the garrisons and on home duty at Athens. This was at first the number of men on
guard in the event of an invasion: it was composed of the oldest and youngest levies and the
resident aliens who had heavy armour. Pericles also showed them that they had twelve
hundred horse including mounted archers, with sixteen hundred archers unmounted, and
three hundred galleys fit for service. Such were the resources of Athens in the different
departments when the Peloponnesian invasion was impending and hostilities were being
commenced. Pericles also urged his usual arguments for expecting a favourable issue to the
war. 1
But Athenian strategy was not entirely passive. While Archidamus was chopping olive trees
in Attica an Athenian fleet, some 100 ships strong, spent the summer of 431 on a cruise around the
Peloponnese raiding as they went and on their way home, after Archidamus had withdrawn, that
fleet joined an Athenian land force in a massive retaliatory raid on Megara.
Pericles’ Funeral Oration
Heralded – then and now - as one of the greatest speeches ever written, the Funeral Oration
was delivered in November or December of 431 BC at the funeral of those Athenians who were
the first casualties of the war.
Thucydides ii.35 - 46
35. "Most of my predecessors in this place have commended him who made this speech part
of the law, telling us that it is well that it should be delivered at the burial of those who fall
in battle. For myself, I should have thought that the worth which had displayed itself in
deeds would be sufficiently rewarded by honours also shown by deeds; such as you now see
in this funeral prepared at the people's cost. And I could have wished that the reputations
of many brave men were not to be imperilled in the mouth of a single individual, to stand
or fall according as he spoke well or ill. For it is hard to speak properly upon a subject where
it is even difficult to convince your hearers that you are speaking the truth. On the one
hand, the friend who is familiar with every fact of the story may think that some point has
not been set forth with that fullness which he wishes and knows it to deserve; on the other,
he who is a stranger to the matter may be led by envy to suspect exaggeration if he hears
anything above his own nature. For men can endure to hear others praised only so long as
they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions recounted:
when this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity. 2 However, since our
1
Pericles, like so many politicians, was not very good at math. The 31,800 soldiers he has listed would
consume 371 talents every month just in wages. The 300 ships required another 300 talents per month. Not
even counting the normal administrative costs – pay for jury service and pay for attendance at the ecclesia
for example – Athens did not have enough money to survive one year of the war at her current output.
2
A statement that could only be made in a political climate where the legends of the heroes of old, the Iliad
etc., had already be subject to sceptical scrutiny.
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ancestors have stamped this custom with their approval, it becomes my duty to obey the law
and to try to satisfy your several wishes and opinions as best I may.
36. "I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the
honour of the first mention on an occasion like the present. They dwelt in the country
without break in the succession from generation to generation, and handed it down free to
the present time by their valour. 1 And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much
more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess,
and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation. 2
Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us
here, who are still more or less in the vigour of life; while the mother country has been
furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether
for war or for peace. That part of our history which tells of the military achievements which
gave us our several possessions, or of the ready valour with which either we or our fathers
stemmed the tide of Hellenic or foreign aggression, is a theme too familiar to my hearers for
me to dilate on, and I shall therefore pass it by. But what was the road by which we reached
our position, what the form of government under which our greatness grew, what the
national habits out of which it sprang; these are questions which I may try to solve before I
proceed to my panegyric upon these men; since I think this to be a subject upon which on
the present occasion a speaker may properly dwell, and to which the whole assemblage,
whether citizens or foreigners, may listen with advantage.
37. "Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighbouring states; we are rather a pattern
to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favours the many instead of the few;
this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in
their private differences; if no social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation
for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does
poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity
of his condition. The freedom which we enjoy in our government extends also to our
ordinary life. There, far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not
feel called upon to be angry with our neighbour for doing what he likes, or even to indulge
in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive
penalty. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against
this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly
such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book,
or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without
acknowledged disgrace.
38. "Further, we provide plenty of means for the mind to refresh itself from business. We
celebrate games and sacrifices all the year round, and the elegance of our private
establishments forms a daily source of pleasure and helps to banish the spleen; while the
magnitude of our city draws the produce of the world into our harbour, so that to the
Athenian the fruits of other countries are as familiar a luxury as those of his own.
1
The Athenians maintained that they were autochthonous, born of the soil, and that they were the only
Greek gens that did not migrate to Hellas from another country.
2
Those Athenians who participated in the wars against the Persians.
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39. "If we turn to our military policy, there also we differ from our antagonists. We throw
open our city to the world, and never by alien acts exclude foreigners from any opportunity
of learning or observing, although the eyes of an enemy may occasionally profit by our
liberality; trusting less in system and policy than to the native spirit of our citizens; while in
education, where our rivals from their very cradles by a painful discipline seek after
manliness, at Athens we live exactly as we please, and yet are just as ready to encounter every
legitimate danger. In proof of this it may be noticed that the Lacedaemonians do not invade
our country alone, but bring with them all their confederates; while we Athenians advance
unsupported into the territory of a neighbour, and fighting upon a foreign soil usually
vanquish with ease men who are defending their homes. Our united force was never yet
encountered by any enemy, because we have at once to attend to our marine and to dispatch
our citizens by land upon a hundred different services; so that, wherever they engage with
some such fraction of our strength, a success against a detachment is magnified into a victory
over the nation, and a defeat into a reverse suffered at the hands of our entire people. And
yet if with habits not of labour but of ease, and courage not of art but of nature, we are still
willing to encounter danger, we have the double advantage of escaping the experience of
hardships in anticipation and of facing them in the hour of need as fearlessly as those who
are never free from them.
40. "Nor are these the only points in which our city is worthy of admiration. We cultivate
refinement without extravagance and knowledge without effeminacy; wealth we employ
more for use than for show, and place the real disgrace of poverty not in owning to the fact
but in declining the struggle against it. Our public men have, besides politics, their private
affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry,
are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes
no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at
all events if we cannot originate, and, instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block
in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. 1
Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each
carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision
is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be
adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure
and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. In generosity we are equally singular,
acquiring our friends by conferring, not by receiving, favours. Yet, of course, the doer of the
favour is the firmer friend of the two, in order by continued kindness to keep the recipient
in his debt; while the debtor feels less keenly from the very consciousness that the return he
makes will be a payment, not a free gift. And it is only the Athenians, who, fearless of
consequences, confer their benefits not from calculations of expediency, but in the
confidence of liberality.
41. "In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas, while I doubt if the world can
produce a man who, where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many
emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility, as the Athenian. And that this is no mere
boast thrown out for the occasion, but plain matter of fact, the power of the state acquired
1
A meeting of the Ecclesia (the main legislative body) required a quorum of 6000. The court system also
required 6000 citizens serving jury duty. Athens was a participatory political system.
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by these habits proves. For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be
greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the
antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit
to rule. Rather, the admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since we
have not left our power without witness, but have shown it by mighty proofs; we will need
no Homer to sing our praises, nor any other poet whose verses might charm for the moment
but whose version of events will be discredited by the truth. 1 We have forced every sea and
land to be the highway of our daring, and everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left
imperishable monuments behind us. Such is the Athens for which these men, in the
assertion of their resolve not to lose her, nobly fought and died; and well may every one of
their survivors be ready to suffer in her cause.
42. "Indeed if I have dwelt at some length upon the character of our country, it has been to
show that our stake in the struggle is not the same as theirs who have no such blessings to
lose, and also that the panegyric of the men over whom I am now speaking might be by
definite proofs established. That panegyric is now in a great measure complete; for the
Athens that I have celebrated is only what the heroism of these and their like have made
her, men whose fame, unlike that of most Hellenes, will be found to be only commensurate
with their deserts. And if a test of worth be wanted, it is to be found in their closing scene,
and this not only in cases in which it set the final seal upon their merit, but also in those in
which it gave the first intimation of their having any. For there is justice in the claim that
steadfastness in his country's battles should be as a cloak to cover a man's other
imperfections; since the good action has blotted out the bad, and his merit as a citizen more
than outweighed his demerits as an individual. 2 But none of these allowed either wealth
with its prospect of future enjoyment to unnerve his spirit, or poverty with its hope of a day
of freedom and riches to tempt him to shrink from danger. No, holding that vengeance
upon their enemies was more to be desired than any personal blessings, and reckoning this
to be the most glorious of hazards, they joyfully determined to accept the risk, to make sure
of their vengeance, and to let their wishes wait; and while committing to hope the
uncertainty of final success, in the business before them they thought fit to act boldly and
trust in themselves. Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled
only from dishonour, but met danger face to face, and after one brief moment, while at the
summit of their fortune, escaped, not from their fear, but from their glory.
43. "So these men died like Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as
unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue.
And not contented with ideas derived only from words of the advantages which are bound
up with the defence of your country, though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker
even before an audience so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the
power of Athens, and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your
hearts; 3 and then, when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was
1
A declaration of profound impiety and secularism! Thucydides is here denouncing the poets all of whom
claim divine inspiration.
2
Second secular declaration: you will be judged by your service to the state rather than by the prescriptions
of the gods.
3
The crux of the issue: Athens, the state, is your idol!
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by courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honour in action that men were enabled to
win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make them consent to
deprive their country of their valour, but they laid it at her feet as the most glorious
contribution that they could offer. For this offering of their lives made in common by them
all they each of them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a
sepulchre, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that noblest of
shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon every occasion on
which deed or story shall call for its commemoration. For heroes have the whole earth for
their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it,
there is enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except
that of the heart. These take as your model and, judging happiness to be the fruit of freedom
and freedom of valour, never decline the dangers of war. For it is not the miserable that
would most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather
they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a fall, if it
came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. And surely, to a man of spirit, the
degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous than the unfelt death which
strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism!
44. "Comfort, therefore, not condolence, is what I have to offer to the parents of the dead
who may be here. Numberless are the chances to which, as they know, the life of man is
subject; but fortunate indeed are they who draw for their lot a death so glorious as that
which has caused your mourning, and to whom life has been so exactly measured as to
terminate in the happiness in which it has been passed. Still I know that this is a hard saying,
especially when those are in question of whom you will constantly be reminded by seeing in
the homes of others blessings of which once you also boasted: for grief is felt not so much
for the want of what we have never known, as for the loss of that to which we have been
long accustomed. Yet you who are still of an age to beget children must bear up in the hope
of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to forget those whom you have
lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a security; for never can a fair or
just policy be expected of the citizen who does not, like his fellows, bring to the decision the
interests and apprehensions of a father. While those of you who have passed your prime
must congratulate yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate,
and that the brief span that remains will be cheered by the fame of the departed. For it is
only the love of honour that never grows old; and honour it is, not gain, as some would have
it, that rejoices the heart of age and helplessness.
45. "Turning to the sons or brothers of the dead, I see an arduous struggle before you. When
a man is gone, all are wont to praise him, and should your merit be ever so transcendent,
you will still find it difficult not merely to overtake, but even to approach their renown. The
living have envy to contend with, while those who are no longer in our path are honoured
with a goodwill into which rivalry does not enter. On the other hand, if I must say anything
on the subject of female excellence to those of you who will now be in widowhood, it will
be all comprised in this brief exhortation. Great will be your glory in not falling short of
your natural character; and greatest will be hers who is least talked of among the men,
whether for good or for bad.
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46. "My task is now finished. I have performed it to the best of my ability, and in word, at
least, the requirements of the law are now satisfied. If deeds be in question, those who are
here interred have received part of their honours already, and for the rest, their children
will be brought up till manhood at the public expense: the state thus offers a valuable prize,
as the garland of victory in this race of valour, for the reward both of those who have fallen
and their survivors. And where the rewards for merit are greatest, there are found the best
citizens.
"And now that you have brought to a close your lamentations for your relatives, you may
depart."
The Plague in Athens
The population of Attica moved inside the protective walls of the city and, albeit reluctantly,
did nothing to respond to Archidamus’ invasion of Attic soil. Much has been made of the invasions,
but the Spartans did very little real damage, the effects of the invasions were, as Archidamus had
predicted, largely psychological.
What no one could predict were the effects of overcrowding on public health. In the Spring of
430 BC Archidamus returned to Attica with his army, the population of Attica again withdrew
inside the city, and immediately a plague began to spread.
Thucydides ii.47
It was said that the plague had broken out in many places previously in the neighbourhood
of Lemnos and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere
remembered. Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the
proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most
often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations,
and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last
put a stop to them altogether.
Thucydides wrote a History, to be sure, but that same text is also a socio-political treatise. His
first thesis is that fear is the prime motivator in human actions. His second, based on his
observations of war, civil war, and the plague, is that people only obey rules of conduct when they
are confident that the systems which enforce those rules are in place, but people regress to baser
behaviours in times of crisis:
Thucydides ii.53
Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they
pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and
those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. So they resolved to spend
quickly and enjoy themselves, regarding their lives and riches as alike things of a day.
Perseverance in what men called honour was popular with none, it was so uncertain whether
they would be spared to attain the object; but it was settled that present enjoyment, and all
that contributed to it, was both honourable and useful. Fear of gods or law of man there
was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they
worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to
live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been
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already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only
reasonable to enjoy life a little.
Pericles himself died of the plague, probably in August of 429 BC.
The Peace of Nicias
In the early years of the war neither Athens nor Sparta can be called aggressive but the few
major events of 431 – 21 seem to belie the notion that Spartan strategy was offensive and Athenian
defensive.
Sparta invaded Attica regularly but little damage was done. Sparta’s only three successes were
the sack of Plataea in 426 BC and the victory at Delium and the capture of Amphipolis both in
424; the first an act of outrageous cruelty that required great effort for little gain, the last and act
of strategic genius at very little cost that would eventually bring Athens to negotiate peace.
Athens, on the other hand, was far more outgoing and successful. Athens was able to take
Aegina, bring the revolt of Potidaea under control, effectively surround the Peloponnese, subdue
a revolt at Mytilene, secure a beach-head at Pylos and humiliate the Spartans there, defeat the
Corinthians and lock the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf, take Cythera and shut down the Gulf of
Laconia and, in all of this, wrap a noose around the Peloponnese.
It was a noose they would never close. Nicias sponsored support for a Spartan peace proposal
and the Ten Years War, or Archidamian War, came to an end in 421 BC.
Thucydides v.14
Indeed it so happened that directly after the battle of Amphipolis and the retreat of
Ramphias from Thessaly, both sides ceased to prosecute the war and turned their attention
to peace. Athens had suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly afterwards at
Amphipolis, and had no longer that confidence in her strength which had made her before
refuse to treat, in the belief of ultimate victory which her success at the moment had
inspired; besides, she was afraid of her allies being tempted by her reverses to rebel more
generally, and repented having let go the splendid opportunity for peace which the affair of
Pylos had offered. Lacedaemon, on the other hand, found the event of the war to falsify her
notion that a few years would suffice for the overthrow of the power of the Athenians by
the devastation of their land. She had suffered on the island a disaster hitherto unknown at
Sparta; she saw her country plundered from Pylos and Cythera; the Helots were deserting,
and she was in constant apprehension that those who remained in Peloponnese would rely
upon those outside and take advantage of the situation to renew their old attempts at
revolution. Besides this, as chance would have it, her thirty years' truce with the Argives was
upon the point of expiring; and they refused to renew it unless Cynuria were restored to
them; so that it seemed impossible to fight Argos and Athens at once. She also suspected
some of the cities in Peloponnese of intending to go over to the Argives, which in the end
was indeed the case.
As much as all of this, however, the way to peace was opened mostly because Brasidas of
Sparta and Cleon of Athens had both died at Amphipolis: both of these men had been the most
vocal and popular supporters of war in their respective cities (Thuc. v.16).
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The Melian Dialogue
Peace with Sparta freed Athens to pursue her policy of expansion by sea. In 416 BC Alcibiades
led an Athenian force to the small, neutral, independent island of Melos. The conquest of Melos
was total: All of the adult males were executed. All of the women and children were sold as slaves
(Thuc. 5.116)
The incident prompted Thucydides to write a fictional dialogue between an unnamed Athenian
and an unnamed Melian just before the battle began. The ‘Melian Dialogue’ is studied to this day
as one of the most poignant examples of the theory of power politics.
Thucycides v. 84 - 111
[84] The Melians are a colony of Lacedaemon that would not submit to the Athenians like
the other islanders, and at first remained neutral and took no part in the struggle, but
afterwards upon the Athenians using violence and plundering their territory, assumed an
attitude of open hostility. Cleomedes, son of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus, the
generals, encamping in their territory with the above armament, before doing any harm to
their land, sent envoys to negotiate. These the Melians did not bring them before the people,
but bade them state the object of their mission to the magistrates and the few; upon which
the Athenian envoys spoke as follows:
[85] “Since the negotiations are not to go on before the people, in order that we may not
be able to speak straight on without interruption, and deceive the ears of the multitude by
seductive arguments which would pass without refutation (for we know that this is the
meaning of our being brought before the few), what if you who sit there were to pursue a
method more cautious still? Make no set speech yourselves, but take us up at whatever you
do not like, and settle that before going any farther. And first tell us if this proposition of
ours suits you.”
[86] The Melian commissioners answered: “To the fairness of quietly instructing each other
as you propose there is nothing to object; but your military preparations are too far advanced
to agree with what you say, as we see you are come to be judges in your own cause, and that
all we can reasonably expect from this negotiation is war, if we prove to have right on our
side and refuse to submit, and in the contrary case, slavery.”
[87] Athenians: “If you have met to argue from suspicions about the future, or for anything
else than to consult for the safety of your state upon the facts that you see before you, we
should just stop; otherwise we will go on.”
[88] Melians: “It is natural and excusable for men in our position to turn more ways than
one both in thought and utterance. However, the question in this conference is, as you say,
the safety of our country; and the discussion, if you please, can proceed in the way which
you propose.”
[89] Athenians: For ourselves, we shall not trouble you with specious pretences- either of
how we have a right to our empire because we overthrew the Mede, or are now attacking
you because of wrong that you have done us- and make a long speech which would not be
believed; and in return we hope that you, instead of thinking to influence us by saying that
you did not join the Lacedaemonians, although their colonists, or that you have done us no
wrong, will aim at what is feasible, holding in view the real sentiments of us both; since you
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know as well as we do that right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in
power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must. 1
[90] Melians: As we think, at any rate, it is expedient- we speak as we are obliged, since you
enjoin us to let right alone and talk only of interest- that you should not destroy what is our
common protection, the privilege of being allowed in danger to invoke what is fair and right,
and even to profit by arguments not strictly valid if they can be got to pass current. And you
are as much interested in this as any, as your fall would be a signal for the heaviest vengeance
and an example for the world to meditate upon.
[91] Athenians: The end of our empire, if end it should, does not frighten us: a rival empire
like Lacedaemon, even if Lacedaemon was our real antagonist, is not so terrible to the
vanquished as subjects who by themselves attack and overpower their rulers. This, however,
is a risk that we are content to take. We will now proceed to show you that we are come here
in the interest of our empire, and that we shall say what we are now going to say, for the
preservation of your country; as we would fain exercise that empire over you without trouble,
and see you preserved for the good of us both.
[92] Melians: And how, pray, could it turn out as good for us to serveas for you to rule?
[93] Athenians: Because you would have the advantage of submitting before suffering the
worst, and we should gain by not destroying you.
[94] Melians: So that you would not consent to our being neutral, friends instead of enemies,
but allies of neither side.
[95] Athenians: No; for your hostility cannot so much hurt us as your friendship will be an
argument to our subjects of our weakness, and your enmity of our power.
[96] Melians: Is that your subjects' idea of equity, to put those who have nothing to do with
you in the same category with peoples that are most of them your own colonists, and some
conquered rebels?
[97] Athenians: As far as right goes they think one has as much of it as the other, and that
if any maintain their independence it is because they are strong, and that if we do not molest
them it is because we are afraid; so that besides extending our empire we should gain in
security by your subjection; the fact that you are islanders and weaker than others rendering
it all the more important that you should not succeed in baffling the masters of the sea.
[98] Melians: But do you consider that there is no security in the policy which we indicate?
For here again if you debar us from talking about justice and invite us to obey your interest,
we also must explain ours, and try to persuade you, if the two happen to coincide. How can
you avoid making enemies of all existing neutrals who shall look at this case and take from
it that one day or another you will attack them? And what is this but to make greater the
enemies that you have already, and to force others to become so who would otherwise have
never thought of it?
[99] Athenians: Why, the fact is that continentals generally give us but little alarm; the liberty
which they enjoy will long prevent their taking precautions against us; it is rather islanders
like yourselves, outside our empire, and subjects smarting under the yoke, who would be the
most likely to take a rash step and lead themselves and us into obvious danger.
1
This is the basic tenet of the modern ‘realpolitik’ philosophy: ignore all pretense to idealism, justice,
claims of right or wrong and act purely according to self-interest. In other words, always do what seems
most profitable in each individual situation.
139
[100] Melians: Well then, if you risk so much to retain your empire, and your subjects to get
rid of it, it were surely great baseness and cowardice in us who are still free not to try
everything that can be tried, before submitting to your yoke.
[101] Athenians: Not if you are well advised, the contest not being an equal one, with
honour as the prize and shame as the penalty, but a question of self-preservation and of not
resisting those who are far stronger than you are.
[102] Melians: But we know that the fortune of war is sometimes more impartial than the
disproportion of numbers might lead one to suppose; to submit is to give ourselves over to
despair, while action still preserves for us a hope that we may stand erect.
[103] Athenians: Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant
resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant,
and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colours only
when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it
is never found wanting. Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single
turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means
may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies
and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.
[104] Melians: You may be sure that we are as well aware as you of the difficulty of
contending against your power and fortune, unless the terms be equal. But we trust that the
gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, since we are just men fighting against unjust,
and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the Lacedaemonians,
who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred. Our confidence,
therefore, after all is not so utterly irrational.
[105] Athenians: When you speak of the favour of the gods, we may as fairly hope for that
as yourselves; neither our pretensions nor our conduct being in any way contrary to what
men believe of the gods, or practise among themselves. Of the gods we believe, and of men
we know, that by a necessary law of their nature they rule wherever they can. And it is not
as if we were the first to make this law, or to act upon it when made: we found it existing
before us, and shall leave it to exist for ever after us; all we do is to make use of it, knowing
that you and everybody else, having the same power as we have, would do the same as we
do. Thus, as far as the gods are concerned, we have no fear and no reason to fear that we
shall be at a disadvantage. But when we come to your notion about the Lacedaemonians,
which leads you to believe that shame will make them help you, here we bless your simplicity
but do not envy your folly. The Lacedaemonians, when their own interests or their country's
laws are in question, are the worthiest men alive; of their conduct towards others much
might be said, but no clearer idea of it could be given than by shortly saying that of all the
men we know they are most conspicuous in considering what is agreeable honourable, and
what is expedient just. Such a way of thinking does not promise much for the safety which
you now unreasonably count upon.
[106] Melians. But it is for this very reason that we now trust to their respect for expediency
to prevent them from betraying the Melians, their colonists, and thereby losing the
confidence of their friends in Hellas and helping their enemies.
140
[107] Athenians. Then you do not adopt the view that expediency goes with security, while
justice and honour cannot be followed without danger; and danger the Lacedaemonians
generally court as little as possible.
[108]Melians. But we believe that they would be more likely to face even danger for our sake,
and with more confidence than for others, as our nearness to Peloponnese makes it easier
for them to act, and our common blood ensures our fidelity.
[109] Athenians. Yes, but what an intending ally trusts to is not the goodwill of those who
ask his aid, but a decided superiority of power for action; and the Lacedaemonians look to
this even more than others. At least, such is their distrust of their home resources that it is
only with numerous allies that they attack a neighbour; now is it likely that while we are
masters of the sea they will cross over to an island?
[110] Melians. But they would have others to send. The Cretan Sea is a wide one, and it is
more difficult for those who command it to intercept others, than for those who wish to
elude them to do so safely. And should the Lacedaemonians miscarry in this, they would
fall upon your land, and upon those left of your allies whom Brasidas did not reach; and
instead of places which are not yours, you will have to fight for your own country and your
own confederacy.
[111] Athenians. Some diversion of the kind you speak of you may one day experience, only
to learn, as others have done, that the Athenians never once yet withdrew from a siege for
fear of any. But we are struck by the fact that, after saying you would consult for the safety
of your country, in all this discussion you have mentioned nothing which men might trust
in and think to be saved by. Your strongest arguments depend upon hope and the future,
and your actual resources are too scanty, as compared with those arrayed against you, for
you to come out victorious. You will therefore show great blindness of judgment, unless,
after allowing us to retire, you can find some counsel more prudent than this. You will surely
not be caught by that idea of disgrace, which in dangers that are disgraceful, and at the same
time too plain to be mistaken, proves so fatal to mankind; since in too many cases the very
men that have their eyes perfectly open to what they are rushing into, let the thing called
disgrace, by the mere influence of a seductive name, lead them on to a point at which they
become so enslaved by the phrase as in fact to fall wilfully into hopeless disaster, and incur
disgrace more disgraceful as the companion of error, than when it comes as the result of
misfortune. This, if you are well advised, you will guard against; and you will not think it
dishonourable to submit to the greatest city in Hellas, when it makes you the moderate offer
of becoming its tributary ally, without ceasing to enjoy the country that belongs to you; nor
when you have the choice given you between war and security, will you be so blinded as to
choose the worse. And it is certain that those who do not yield to their equals, who keep
terms with their superiors, and are moderate towards their inferiors, on the whole succeed
best. Think over the matter, therefore, after our withdrawal, and reflect once and again that
it is for your country that you are consulting, that you have not more than one, and that
upon this one deliberation depends its prosperity or ruin.
141
The Sicilian Expedition
The Athenian’s first foray into Sicily began in 427 when 20 ships were sent to support Leontini
in her war against Syracuse. In 425/4 another 40 ships were sent. The commanders of this armada
helped the Sicilians arrive at a peace…
Thucydides iv.65
…the peace was concluded, and the Athenian fleet afterwards sailed away from Sicily. Upon
their arrival at Athens, the Athenians banished Pythodorus and Sophocles, and fined
Eurymedon for having taken bribes to depart when they might have subdued Sicily. So
thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand
them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means
ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary
success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes.
Athens did not want peace, they wanted a war that would end in their domination of Sicily. In
416 the Sicilian town of Egesta petitioned for Athenian aid and the Athenians renewed their
hopes…
Thucydides vi.1.
The same winter 1 the Athenians resolved to sail again to Sicily, with a greater armament
than that under Laches and Eurymedon, and, if possible, to conquer the island; most of
them being ignorant of its size and of the number of its inhabitants, Hellenic and barbarian, 2
and of the fact that they were undertaking a war not much inferior to that against the
Peloponnesians. For the voyage round Sicily in a merchantman is not far short of eight days;
and yet, large as the island is, there are only two miles of sea to prevent its being mainland.
The Defamation of the Herms and the Profanation of the Mysteries
Thucydides vi. 27-28
[27] In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is
to say the customary square figures, so common in the doorways of private houses and
temples, had in one night most of them been mutilated. No one knew who had done it, but
large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that anyone
who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give
information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. The
matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition,
and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy.
[28] Information was given accordingly by some resident aliens and servants, not about the
Hermae but about some previous mutilations of other images perpetrated by young men in
a drunken frolic, and of mock celebrations of the mysteries, averred to take place in private
houses. Alcibiades being implicated in this charge, it was taken hold of by those who could
least endure him, because he stood in the way of their obtaining the undisturbed direction
of the people, and who thought that if he were once removed the first place would be theirs.
1
2
The winter of 416/15
Most of the Western half of the island was Phoenician (Carthaginian).
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These accordingly magnified the matter and loudly proclaimed that the affair of the
mysteries and the mutilation of the Hermae were part and parcel of a scheme to overthrow
the democracy, and that nothing of all this had been done without Alcibiades; the proofs
alleged being the general and undemocratic licence of his life and habits.
Despite the fears, the fleet sailed for Sicily and the investigations continued in its absence. By
the time the fleet arrived at Sicily, they were met there by officers of the Boule with orders to arrest
Alcibiades:
Thucydides vi.53
There they found the Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades, with orders for him to
sail home to answer the charges which the state brought against him, and for certain others
of the soldiers who with him were accused of sacrilege in the matter of the mysteries and of
the Hermae. For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as
active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of
testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and
imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter
to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned,
owing to the rascality of the informer.
The investigations – encouraged by fear, mob mentality and political rivalry, quickly
degenerated:
Thucydides vi.60
With these events in their minds, and recalling everything they knew by hearsay on the
subject, the Athenian people grow difficult of humour and suspicious of the persons charged
in the affair of the mysteries, and persuaded that all that had taken place was part of an
oligarchical and monarchical conspiracy. In the state of irritation thus produced, many
persons of consideration had been already thrown into prison, and far from showing any
signs of abating, public feeling grew daily more savage, and more arrests were made; until at
last one of those in custody, thought to be the most guilty of all, was induced by a fellow
prisoner to make a revelation, whether true or not is a matter on which there are two
opinions, no one having been able, either then or since, to say for certain who did the deed. 1
However this may be, the other found arguments to persuade him, that even if he had not
done it, he ought to save himself by gaining a promise of impunity, and free the state of its
present suspicions; as he would be surer of safety if he confessed after promise of impunity
than if he denied and were brought to trial. He accordingly made a revelation, affecting
himself and others in the affair of the Hermae; and the Athenian people, glad at last, as they
supposed, to get at the truth, and furious until then at not being able to discover those who
had conspired against the commons, at once let go the informer and all the rest whom he
had not denounced, and bringing the accused to trial executed as many as were
apprehended, and condemned to death such as had fled and set a price upon their heads.
In this it was, after all, not clear whether the sufferers had been punished unjustly, while in
any case the rest of the city received immediate and manifest relief.
1
This unnamed informant is Andocides. See Plutarch, Alcibiades; Andocides On the Mysteries.
143
Alcibiades, however, would have none of this. He escaped his escort and fled, eventually
making his way to Sparta. The Athenians condemned him to death in absentia.
Alcibiades made his way to Sparta and encouraged the Spartans to renew the war by
supporting Syracuse and attacking Athens:
Thucydides vi.91.6-92
91 [6] You must fortify Decelea in Attica, the blow of which the Athenians are always most
afraid and the only one that they think they have not experienced in the present war; the
surest method of harming an enemy being to find out what he most fears, and to choose
this means of attacking him, since every one naturally knows best his own weak points and
fears accordingly. The fortification in question, while it benefits you, will create difficulties
for your adversaries, of which I shall pass over many, and shall only mention the chief.
Whatever property there is in the country will most of it become yours, either by capture or
surrender; and the Athenians will at once be deprived of their revenues from the silver mines
at Laurium, of their present gains from their land and from the law courts, and above all of
the revenue from their allies, which will be paid less regularly, as they lose their awe of
Athens and see you addressing yourselves with vigour to the war. The zeal and speed with
which all this shall be done depends, Lacedaemonians, upon yourselves; as to its possibility,
I am quite confident, and I have little fear of being mistaken.
92. "Meanwhile I hope that none of you will think any the worse of me if, after having
hitherto passed as a lover of my country, I now actively join its worst enemies in attacking
it, or will suspect what I say as the fruit of an outlaw's enthusiasm. I am an outlaw from the
iniquity of those who drove me forth, not, if you will be guided by me, from your service;
my worst enemies are not you who only harmed your foes, but they who forced their friends
to become enemies; and love of country is what I do not feel when I am wronged, but what
I felt when secure in my rights as a citizen. Indeed I do not consider that I am now attacking
a country that is still mine; I am rather trying to recover one that is mine no longer; and the
true lover of his country is not he who consents to lose it unjustly rather than attack it, but
he who longs for it so much that he will go all lengths to recover it. For myself, therefore,
Lacedaemonians, I beg you to use me without scruple for danger and trouble of every kind,
and to remember the argument in every one's mouth, that if I did you great harm as an
enemy, I could likewise do you good service as a friend, inasmuch as I know the plans of the
Athenians, while I only guessed yours. For yourselves I entreat you to believe that your most
capital interests are now under deliberation; and I urge you to send without hesitation the
expeditions to Sicily and Attica; by the presence of a small part of your forces you will save
important cities in that island, and you will destroy the power of Athens both present and
prospective; after this you will dwell in security and enjoy the supremacy over all Hellas,
resting not on force but upon consent and affection."
Nicias and Lamachus continued the war in Sicily but Lamachus was killed early in the
campaign. Nicias attempted to besiege Syracuse from the land but reinforcements arrived from
Sparta and Corinth saving Syracuse and reversing the advantage. Nicias was forced to write a letter
to the Athenians asking for reinforcements:
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Thucydides vii.11 – 15
"Our past operations, Athenians, have been made known to you by many other letters; it is
now time for you to become equally familiar with our present condition, and to take your
measures accordingly. We had defeated in most of our engagements with them the
Syracusans, against whom we were sent, and we had built the works which we now occupy,
when Gylippus arrived from Lacedaemon with an army obtained from Peloponnese and
from some of the cities in Sicily. In our first battle with him we were victorious; in the battle
on the following day we were overpowered by a multitude of cavalry and darters, and
compelled to retire within our lines. We have now, therefore, been forced by the numbers
of those opposed to us to discontinue the work of circumvallation, and to remain inactive;
being unable to make use even of all the force we have, since a large portion of our heavy
infantry is absorbed in the defence of our lines. Meanwhile the enemy have carried a single
wall past our lines, thus making it impossible for us to invest them in future, until this cross
wall be attacked by a strong force and captured. So that the besieger in name has become,
at least from the land side, the besieged in reality; as we are prevented by their cavalry from
even going for any distance into the country.
[12] "Besides this, an embassy has been dispatched to Peloponnese to procure
reinforcements, and Gylippus has gone to the cities in Sicily, partly in the hope of inducing
those that are at present neutral to join him in the war, partly of bringing from his allies
additional contingents for the land forces and material for the navy. For I understand that
they contemplate a combined attack, upon our lines with their land forces and with their
fleet by sea. You must none of you be surprised that I say by sea also. They have discovered
that the length of the time we have now been in commission has rotted our ships and wasted
our crews, and that with the entireness of our crews and the soundness of our ships the
pristine efficiency of our navy has departed. For it is impossible for us to haul our ships
ashore and careen them, because, the enemy's vessels being as many or more than our own,
we are constantly anticipating an attack. Indeed, they may be seen exercising, and it lies with
them to take the initiative; and not having to maintain a blockade, they have greater facilities
for drying their ships.
[13] "This we should scarcely be able to do, even if we had plenty of ships to spare, and were
freed from our present necessity of exhausting all our strength upon the blockade. For it is
already difficult to carry in supplies past Syracuse; and were we to relax our vigilance in the
slightest degree it would become impossible. The losses which our crews have suffered and
still continue to suffer arise from the following causes. Expeditions for fuel and for forage,
and the distance from which water has to be fetched, cause our sailors to be cut off by the
Syracusan cavalry; the loss of our previous superiority emboldens our slaves to desert; our
foreign sailors are impressed by the unexpected appearance of a navy against us, and the
strength of the enemy's resistance; such of them as were pressed into the service take the
first opportunity of departing to their respective cities; such as were originally seduced by
the temptation of high pay, and expected little fighting and large gains, leave us either by
desertion to the enemy or by availing themselves of one or other of the various facilities of
escape which the magnitude of Sicily affords them. Some even engage in trade themselves
and prevail upon the captains to take Hyccaric slaves on board in their place; thus they have
ruined the efficiency of our navy.
145
[14] "Now I need not remind you that the time during which a crew is in its prime is short,
and that the number of sailors who can start a ship on her way and keep the rowing in time
is small. But by far my greatest trouble is, that holding the post which I do, I am prevented
by the natural indocility of the Athenian seaman from putting a stop to these evils; and that
meanwhile we have no source from which t recruit our crews, which the enemy can do from
many quarters, but are compelled to depend both for supplying the crews in service and for
making good our losses upon the men whom we brought with us. For our present
confederates, Naxos and Catana, are incapable of supplying us. There is only one thing more
wanting to our opponents, I mean the defection of our Italian markets. If they were to see
you neglect to relieve us from our present condition, and were to go over to the enemy,
famine would compel us to evacuate, and Syracuse would finish the war without a blow.
"I might, it is true, have written to you something different and more agreeable than this,
but nothing certainly more useful, if it is desirable for you to know the real state of things
here before taking your measures. Besides I know that it is your nature to love to be told the
best side of things, and then to blame the teller if the expectations which he has raised in
your minds are not answered by the result; and I therefore thought it safest to declare to you
the truth.
[15] "Now you are not to think that either your generals or your soldiers have ceased to be a
match for the forces originally opposed to them. But you are to reflect that a general Sicilian
coalition is being formed against us; that a fresh army is expected from Peloponnese, while
the force we have here is unable to cope even with our present antagonists; and you must
promptly decide either to recall us or to send out to us another fleet and army as numerous
again, with a large sum of money, and someone to succeed me, as a disease in the kidneys
unfits me for retaining my post. I have, I think, some claim on your indulgence, as while I
was in my prime I did you much good service in my commands. But whatever you mean to
do, do it at the commencement of spring and without delay, as the enemy will obtain his
Sicilian reinforcements shortly, those from Peloponnese after a longer interval; and unless
you attend to the matter the former will be here before you, while the latter will elude you
as they have done before."
Reinforcements were sent under two new generals, Demosthenes and Eurymedon, but by this time
Sparta had agreed with her allies that Athens was indeed in violation of the truce and the
Peloponnesian War was officially resumed. Athens had foolishly put herself in the position of
fighting two wars simultaneously, one of which was on her own doorstep.
The Athenian forces in Sicily, despite reinforcements, were defeated by land and sea. The
general Eurymedon was killed in a naval battle and the remaining generals, Nicias and
Demosthenes, undertook one last attempt to force an entrance to Syracuse by sea. The Athenian
fleet was defeated in the Battle of the Great Harbour in September of 413 BC. Nicias and
Demosthenes then attempted a landward retreat but the Athenians were pursued and torn to pieces
by the Syracusan forces. Demosthenes and Nicias were captured and executed and more than seven
thousand Athenian soldiers were taken prisoner and sold as slaves.
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The Decelean (Ionian) War
The Spartans followed Alcibiades’ advice: In the Spring of 413 BC, Agis invaded Attica but
this time the Spartans marched north, around the city of Athens, and took Decelea which they
proceeded to fortify.
Thucydides vii.27
…since Decelea had been first fortified by the whole Peloponnesian army during this
summer, and then occupied for the annoyance of the country by the garrisons from the cities
relieving each other at stated intervals, it had been doing great mischief to the Athenians;
in fact this occupation, by the destruction of property and loss of men which resulted from
it, was one of the principal causes of their ruin. Previously the invasions were short, and did
not prevent their enjoying their land during the rest of the time: the enemy was now
permanently fixed in Attica; at one time it was an attack in force, at another it was the
regular garrison overrunning the country and making forays for its subsistence, and the
Lacedaemonian king, Agis, was in the field and diligently prosecuting the war; great mischief
was therefore done to the Athenians. They were deprived of their whole country: more than
twenty thousand slaves had deserted, a great part of them artisans, and all their sheep and
beasts of burden were lost; and as the cavalry rode out daily upon excursions to Decelea and
to guard the country, their horses were either lamed by being constantly worked upon rocky
ground, or wounded by the enemy.
Athens was facing desperate hardships: She had been weakened in manpower and material
resources by the loss in Sicily; the state treasury was nearly bankrupt; because of the Sicilian
expedition, Syracuse had now entered the war as an ally of Sparta and Athenian naval supremacy
had come to an end; and now a Spartan army was not only looking down on the city of Athens
itself from its perch at Decelea, but from that stronghold the Spartans were able to disrupt the
passage of imported goods from the port at Oropus. Because of all of these factors many of the
Ionian cities rebelled and Sparta was able to negotiate a treaty of alliance with Tissaphernes, the
Persian governor of Sardis.
Thucydides viii.37
The convention of the Lacedaemonians and the allies with King Darius and the sons of the
King, and with Tissaphernes for a treaty and friendship, as follows:
1. Neither the Lacedaemonians nor the allies of the Lacedaemonians shall make war against
or otherwise injure any country or cities that belong to King Darius or did belong to his
father or to his ancestors; neither shall the Lacedaemonians nor the allies of the
Lacedaemonians exact tribute from such cities. Neither shall King Darius nor any of the
subjects of the King make war against or otherwise injure the Lacedaemonians or their allies.
2. If the Lacedaemonians or their allies should require any assistance from the King, or the
King from the Lacedaemonians or their allies, whatever they both agree upon they shall be
right in doing.
3. Both shall carry on jointly the war against the Athenians and their allies: and if they make
peace, both shall do so jointly.
4. The expense of all troops in the King's country, sent for by the King, shall be borne by
the King.
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5. If any of the states comprised in this convention with the King attack the King's country,
the rest shall stop them and aid the King to the best of their power. And if any in the King's
country or in the countries under the King's rule attack the country of the Lacedaemonians
or their allies, the King shall stop it and help them to the best of his power.
The Revolution of 411
Alcibiades soon lost his support at Sparta and was condemned by Agis. He sought refuge with
Tissaphernes and from Persian territory hatched a plot to return to Athens:
Thucydides viii.46 - 47
[46] Alcibiades further advised Tissaphernes not to be in too great a hurry to end the war,
or to let himself be persuaded to bring up the Phoenician fleet which he was equipping, or
to provide pay for more Hellenes, and thus put the power by land and sea into the same
hands; but to leave each of the contending parties in possession of one element, thus
enabling the king when he found one troublesome to call in the other. For if the command
of the sea and land were united in one hand, he would not know where to turn for help to
overthrow the dominant power; unless he at last chose to stand up himself, and go through
with the struggle at great expense and hazard. The cheapest plan was to let the Hellenes wear
each other out, at a small share of the expense and without risk to himself. 1 Besides, he
would find the Athenians the most convenient partners in empire as they did not aim at
conquests on shore, and carried on the war upon principles and with a practice most
advantageous to the King; being prepared to combine to conquer the sea for Athens, and
for the King all the Hellenes inhabiting his country, whom the Peloponnesians, on the
contrary, had come to liberate. Now it was not likely that the Lacedaemonians would free
the Hellenes from the Hellenic Athenians, without freeing them also from the barbarian
Mede, unless overthrown by him in the meanwhile. Alcibiades therefore urged him to wear
them both out at first, and, after docking the Athenian power as much as he could, forthwith
to rid the country of the Peloponnesians. In the main Tissaphernes approved of this policy,
so far at least as could be conjectured from his behaviour; since he now gave his confidence
to Alcibiades in recognition of his good advice, and kept the Peloponnesians short of money,
and would not let them fight at sea, but ruined their cause by pretending that the Phoenician
fleet would arrive, and that they would thus be enabled to contend with the odds in their
favour, and so made their navy lose its efficiency, which had been very remarkable, and
generally betrayed a coolness in the war that was too plain to be mistaken.
[47] Alcibiades gave this advice to Tissaphernes and the King, with whom he then was, not
merely because he thought it really the best, but because he was studying means to effect his
restoration to his country, well knowing that if he did not destroy it he might one day hope
to persuade the Athenians to recall him, and thinking that his best chance of persuading
them lay in letting them see that he possessed the favour of Tissaphernes. The event proved
him to be right. When the Athenians at Samos found that he had influence with
Tissaphernes, principally of their own motion (though partly also through Alcibiades
himself sending word to their chief men to tell the best men in the army that, if there were
only an oligarchy in the place of the rascally democracy that had banished him, he would be
1
This would become the official policy of the Persians for nearly a century following.
148
glad to return to his country and to make Tissaphernes their friend), the captains and chief
men in the armament at once embraced the idea of subverting the democracy.
Athens was using Samos as a forward base in the war, and Alcibiades was able to convince
oligarchic factions on Samos to present his plan to the men of the fleet. The promise of better pay
and an advantage in the war was enough for those men to agree and, in essence, to vote their own
government out of existence.
Thucydides viii. 53-4
[53] Meanwhile the Athenian envoys who had been dispatched from Samos with Pisander
arrived at Athens, and made a speech before the people, giving a brief summary of their
views, and particularly insisting that, if Alcibiades were recalled and the democratic
constitution changed, they could have the King as their ally, and would be able to overcome
the Peloponnesians. A number of speakers opposed them on the question of the democracy,
the enemies of Alcibiades cried out against the scandal of a restoration to be effected by a
violation of the constitution, and the Eumolpidae and Ceryces protested in behalf of the
mysteries, the cause of his banishment, and called upon the gods to avert his recall; when
Pisander, in the midst of much opposition and abuse, came forward, and taking each of his
opponents aside asked him the following question: In the face of the fact that the
Peloponnesians had as many ships as their own confronting them at sea, more cities in
alliance with them, and the King and Tissaphernes to supply them with money, of which
the Athenians had none left, had he any hope of saving the state, unless someone could
induce the King to come over to their side? Upon their replying that they had not, he then
plainly said to them: "This we cannot have unless we have a more moderate form of
government, and put the offices into fewer hands, and so gain the King's confidence, and
forthwith restore Alcibiades, who is the only man living that can bring this about. The safety
of the state, not the form of its government, is for the moment the most pressing question,
as we can always change afterwards whatever we do not like."
[54] The people were at first highly irritated at the mention of an oligarchy, but upon
understanding clearly from Peisander that this was the only resource left, they took counsel
of their fears, and promised themselves someday to change the government again, and gave
way.
Tissaphernes, as it turned out, had played Alcibiades false, refused the alliance with Athens
and renewed his treaty with Sparta. The Athenians thought that it was Alcibiades who had played
them false (not entirely untrue) but the realization came too late: In the early months of 411 BC the
Athenian Ecclesia voted itself out of existence.
The Four Hundred
The Oligarchs, led by Peisander, Antiphon, Phrynichus and Theramenes, set up a governing
Council of Four Hundred top replace the Boulé and promised that this new council would be
chosen from a list of five thousand of “those such as were most able to serve the state in person
and in purse” (Thuc. viii. 65.3).
149
Thucydides viii.66:
Fear, and the sight of the numbers of the conspirators, closed the mouths of the rest; or if
any ventured to rise in opposition, he was presently put to death in some convenient way,
and there was neither search for the murderers nor justice to be had against them if
suspected; but the people remained motionless, being so thoroughly cowed that men
thought themselves lucky to escape violence, even when they held their tongues. An
exaggerated belief in the numbers of the conspirators also demoralized the people, rendered
helpless by the magnitude of the city, and by their want of intelligence with each other, and
being without means of finding out what those numbers really were. For the same reason it
was impossible for anyone to open his grief to a neighbour and to concert measures to
defend himself, as he would have had to speak either to one whom he did not know, or
whom he knew but did not trust. Indeed all the popular party approached each other with
suspicion, each thinking his neighbour concerned in what was going on, the conspirators
having in their ranks persons whom no one could ever have believed capable of joining an
oligarchy; and these it was who made the many so suspicious, and so helped to procure
impunity for the few, by confirming the commons in their mistrust of one another.
Once in control of Athens they sent delegates to inform and take control of the army and fleet
at Samos, but the men on Samos refused and swore to uphold the democracy, choosing Alcibiades
as their leader. Essentially, the Athenian democracy was now based on Samos and was in a state
of war both with the Oligarchy of Athens and the Peloponnesians.
Thucydides viii.86
Now it was that Alcibiades for the first time did the state a service, and one of the most
signal kind. For when the Athenians at Samos were bent upon sailing against their
countrymen, in which case Ionia and the Hellespont would most certainly at once have
passed into possession of the enemy, Alcibiades it was who prevented them. At that moment,
when no other man would have been able to hold back the multitude, he put a stop to the
intended expedition, and rebuked and turned aside the resentment felt, on personal
grounds, against the envoys; he dismissed them with an answer from himself, to the effect
that he did not object to the government of the Five Thousand, but insisted that the Four
Hundred should be deposed and the Council of Five Hundred reinstated in power:
meanwhile any retrenchments for economy, by which pay might be better found for the
armament, met with his entire approval. Generally, he bade them hold out and show a bold
face to the enemy, since if the city were saved there was good hope that the two parties might
someday be reconciled, whereas if either were once destroyed, that at Samos, or that at
Athens, there would no longer be any one to be reconciled to.
The refusal of the army at Samos shattered the confidence and cohesion of the Four Hundred
and they too split into two factions; the one wishing to maintain the oligarchy by surrendering to
the Spartans, the other wishing to end the oligarchy and restore the democracy in order to bring
the army back.
Thucydides viii. 89:
…the majority of the members of the oligarchy, who were already discontented and only too
much inclined to be quit of the business in any safe way that they could, were at once greatly
150
strengthened in their resolve. These now banded together and strongly criticized the
administration, their leaders being some of the principal generals and men in office under
the oligarchy, such as Theramenes, son of Hagnon, Aristocrates, son of Scellias, and others;
who, although among the most prominent members of the government (being afraid, as they
said, of the army at Samos, and most especially of Alcibiades, and also lest the envoys whom
they had sent to Lacedaemon might do the state some harm without the authority of the
people), without insisting on objections to the excessive concentration of power in a few
hands, yet urged that the Five Thousand must be shown to exist not merely in name but in
reality, and the constitution placed upon a fairer basis. But this was merely their political
cry; most of them being driven by private ambition into the line of conduct so surely fatal
to oligarchies that arise out of democracies. For all at once pretend to be not only equals
but each the chief and master of his fellows; while under a democracy a disappointed
candidate accepts his defeat more easily, because he has not the humiliation of being beaten
by his equals. But what most clearly encouraged the malcontents was the power of Alcibiades
at Samos, and their own disbelief in the stability of the oligarchy; and it was now a race
between them as to which should first become the leader of the commons.
A small fleet of Peloponnesian was, at this time, cruising in the Saronic Gulf and through the
straights of Euboea. There were only thirty-six ships available to Athens and these met with and
were defeated by the Peloponnesian ships off Oropus.
Thucydides viii.96:
When the news of what had happened in Euboea reached Athens, a panic ensued such as
they had never before known. Neither the disaster in Sicily, great as it seemed at the time,
nor any other had ever so much alarmed them. The camp at Samos was in revolt; they had
no more ships or men to man them; they were at discord among themselves and might at
any moment come to blows; and a disaster of this magnitude coming on the top of all, by
which they lost their fleet, and worst of all Euboea, which was of more value to them than
Attica, could not occur without throwing them into the deepest despondency. Meanwhile
their greatest and most immediate trouble was the possibility that the enemy, emboldened
by his victory, might make straight for them and sail against Piraeus, which they had no
longer ships to defend; and every moment they expected him to arrive. This, with a little
more courage, he might easily have done, in which case he would either have increased the
dissensions of the city by his presence, or, if he had stayed to besiege it, have compelled the
fleet from Ionia, although the enemy of the oligarchy, to come to the rescue of their country
and of their relatives, and in the meantime would have become master of the Hellespont,
Ionia, the islands, and of everything as far as Euboea, or, to speak roundly, of the whole
Athenian empire. But here, as on so many other occasions, the Lacedaemonians proved the
most convenient people in the world for the Athenians to be at war with. The wide
difference between the two characters, the slowness and want of energy of the
Lacedaemonians as contrasted with the dash and enterprise of their opponents, proved of
the greatest service, especially to a maritime empire like Athens.
In this crisis, the Four Hundred were deposed and a limited democracy consisting of fivethousand, chosen from the hoplite class and above, was constituted.
151
Athenian Recovery
In the summer of 411 BC, after the Five Thousand had taken control of the Athenian
government, the Athenian fleet of seventy-six ships and a Peloponnesian fleet of eighty-six ships
met off Cynossema. The Athenians won a decisive victory and the tide of the war suddenly
changed.
Thucydides viii. 106:
The rout was now complete. Most of the Peloponnesians fled for refuge first to the river
Midius, and afterwards to Abydos. Only a few ships were taken by the Athenians; as owing
to the narrowness of the Hellespont the enemy had not far to go to be in safety. Nevertheless
nothing could have been more opportune for them than this victory. Up to this time they
had feared the Peloponnesian fleet, owing to a number of petty losses and to the disaster in
Sicily; but they now ceased to mistrust themselves or any longer to think their enemies good
for anything at sea. Meanwhile they took from the enemy eight Chian vessels, five
Corinthian, two Ambraciot, two Boeotian, one Leucadian, Lacedaemonian, Syracusan, and
Pellenian, losing fifteen of their own. After setting up a trophy upon Point Cynossema,
securing the wrecks, and restoring to the enemy his dead under truce, they sent off a galley
to Athens with the news of their victory. The arrival of this vessel with its unhoped-for good
news, after the recent disasters of Euboea, and in the revolution at Athens, gave fresh
courage to the Athenians, and caused them to believe that if they put their shoulders to the
wheel their cause might yet prevail.
Cyzicus had, in the meantime, revolted from Athens and the Athenian fleet sailed to recover
the town. The text of Thucydides suddenly ends here, in the autumn of 411, after the fall of Cyzicus
to Athens. There are various theories as to why he failed to complete his work, none of which are
conclusive.
Diodorus offers a note indicating his change of sources:
Diodorus xiii.42.5:
[5] Here Thucydides breaks off his history, containing in eight books (which some divide
into nine) the affairs of twenty-two years. Xenophon and Theopompus begin theirs where
Thucydides ends. Xenophon continues his history for the term of forty-eight years; but
Theopompus goes on with the affairs of Greece for the term of seventeen years, and ends
his history at the sea-fight at Cnidus, comprised in twelve books.
The implication seems to be that Diodorus has been following Thucydides up to the autumn
of 411, and switches to Xenophon and Theopompus for events that follow, but much of what
precedes this passage in Diodorus does not agree with the text of Thucydides, and much of what
follows does not agree with Xenophon.
Xenophon’s Hellenica begins simply; Meta de tauta, “After these things…” He seems to have
written specifically to complete the work begun by Thucydides, but nowhere does Xenophon say
so overtly. Xenophon brings his account to an end with the Battle of Mantinea, in 362 BC. 1
1
Theopompus also wrote a Hellenica which covered the years 410 - 394, but this work is lost.
152
In the early winter of 411 BC the Athenians, with Alcibiades coming to their assistance, won
a victory over the Spartan fleet off Abydus. Alcibiades was later captured by the Persian Satrap
Tissaphernes, but he was able to escape:
Xenophon, Hellenica i.1.9-10:
[9] After the above incidents, Tissaphernes arrived in the Hellespont, and received a visit
from Alcibiades, who presented him with a single ship, bringing with him tokens of
friendship and gifts, whereupon Tissaphernes seized him and shut him up in Sardis, giving
out that the king's orders were to go to war with the Athenians. [10] Thirty days later
Alcibiades, accompanied by Mantitheus, who had been captured in Caria, managed to
procure horses and escaped by night to Clazomenae.
In the spring of 410 BC the Spartans under Mindarus, with the aid of Pharnabazus, were able
to recapture Cyzicus. The Athenians, with 86 ships, attacked the Spartans at Cyzicus and won a
decisive victory capturing or destroying the entire Spartan fleet. The Spartan general was killed in
the action the surviving troops were, without ships, stranded.
Xenophon Hellenica i.1.23:
[23] Now a despatch from Hippocrates, Mindarus' vice-admiral, had been intercepted on its
way to Lacedaemon, and taken to Athens. It ran as follows (in broad Doric):
"Ships gone; Mindarus dead; Men starving; don't know what to do."
After the loss of their fleet and the death of their general at Cyzicus, the Spartans approached
the Athenians with proposals for peace. Diodorus reproduces was he calls an example of laconic 1
brevity from Endius, the Spartan ambassador:
Diodorus xiii 52.3 - 8:
[3] "We want peace with you, men of Athens, on the conditions that we each keep the cities
we hold; that troops on each other's territory be removed; that all prisoners be released, one
Athenian for one Spartan. For we are not unaware that the war is very harmful to us both,
but much more to you, [4] Learn from the facts, not the words: We farm all of the
Peloponnese, you farm only a small part of Attica. The War has brought allies to us and
taken them away from you. We are funded by the richest king in the world; you by the
poorest people in the world. [5] Our soldiers fight willingly because they get paid; yours
reluctantly because they have to pay. [6] When we fight at sea we lose ships, you lose citizens.
Most importantly, when we are defeated at sea we dominate the land, and there is not a
Spartiite who knows what it is to retreat; but when you are driven from the sea you dominate
nothing and can barely survive.
[7] So why, when we hold every advantage, do we want peace? Because Sparta gains nothing
from this War, but only suffers less than the Athenians. Only fools want to share in the
suffering of their enemies and there is no profit in harming one's own people just for the
pleasure of harming one's enemies. [8] We are also motivated by the traditions (ethos) of our
fathers: that whatever the bloodshed and destruction, we believe it our duty before gods and
men to be the least to blame."
1
The English word 'laconic', comes from Laconia, the region in Greece where Sparta is located. The terms
'Laconian' and 'Spartan' are virtually interchangeable.
153
This event is also used by Diodorus to highlight the abuses, and faults, of the democratic
system. Most of our extant historians are critical of the ease with which voters in a democracy are
persuaded to make bad decisions:
Diodorus xiii 53
[53.1] When the Laconian had spoken this and some other things to the like effect, the
more moderate of the Athenians were inclined to peace; but those who were accustomed to
sow the seeds of dissention, and to make a private gain of public adversity were for war. [2]
Of this opinion was Cleophon, a man of great influence among the people, who, coming
into the assembly, after he had said many things pertinent to the business in hand, he chiefly
encouraged the people by magnifying the greatness of their late successes, and urging all in
such a manner, as if fortune (contrary to her usual custom) had now forgot to dispose and
order the successes of war, by turns and changes to each side. [3] But the Athenians at length
regretted this mischievous advice, which was so little to their advantage. For, being thus
deceived by flattering discourses, framed only to please, they were brought so low that they
could never after recover their former greatness and grandeur. [4] But these things shall be
hereafter related in their due place. The Athenians therefore (being thus puffed up with
their victories, and being very confident because Alcibiades was their general) concluded
they should recover their former esteem and reputation in a short time.
The fact that Xenophon never mentions this offer of peace needn't disqualify its historicity:
Xenophon, even more than most historians, is selective in what he reports and what he omits.
Agis, the Spartan King, began to realize that Athens could never be taken from the land:
Xenophon Hell. i. 1. 35 - 36
[35] Meanwhile Agis, as he looked out from Decelea, and saw vessel after vessel laden with
grain running down to Piraeus, 1 declared that it was useless for his troops to go on week
after week excluding the Athenians from their own land, while no one stopped the source
of their corn supply by sea: the best plan would be to send Clearchus, the son of Rhamphius,
who was Proxenos of the Byzantines, to Chalcedon and Byzantium. [36] The suggestion was
approved, and with fifteen vessels duly manned from Megara, or furnished by other allies,
Clearchus set out. These were troop-ships rather than swift-sailing triremes. Three of them,
on reaching the Hellespont, were destroyed by the Athenian ships employed to keep a sharp
look-out on all merchant craft in those waters. The other twelve escaped to Sestos, and
thence finally reached Byzantium in safety.
This explanation of Agis' strategy seems a bit late in the narrative. Clearly, the Spartan strategy
had been, since at least 411, to attack Athenian interests in the Hellespont, Propontis and Bosporus
with the goal of interrupting the Black Sea grain fleet. This strategic refinement must be seen as
the beginning of the end for Athens, despite the appearance that Athens had the upper hand for the
moment, the Spartan dagger was now aimed at the Athenian jugular!
Athens undertook every effort to recover control of this critical sea zone. In the meantime,
however, the Spartans has sent ambassadors to Persia, and the new Satrap of Sardis, Cyrus the
younger son of Darius II, had promised financial aid. Athens had, sometime before this, also sent
1
The arrival of the grain fleet suggests the late summer or early winter of 410.
154
ambassadors to Persia but the Athenians were unaware that the promises of Pharnabazus were
merely part of a Persian political struggle in which both the Athenians and Spartans were pawns.
Xenophon Hell. i. 4. 1 - 7
[4.1] Pharnabazus and the ambassadors were passing the winter at Gordium in Phrygia, when
they heard of the occurrences at Byzantium. [2] Continuing their journey to the king's court
in the commencement of spring, they were met by a former embassy, which was now on its
return journey. These were the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, Boeotius and his party, with
the other envoys; who told them that the Lacedaemonians had obtained from the king all
they wanted. [3] One of the company was Cyrus, the new governor of all the seaboard
districts, who was prepared to co-operate with the Lacedaemonians in war. He was the
bearer, moreover, of a letter with the royal seal attached. It was addressed to all the
populations of Lower Asia, and contained the following words: 'I send down Cyrus as
Karanos' - that is to say, supreme lord - 'over all those who muster at Castolus.' [4] The
ambassadors of the Athenians, even while listening to this announcement, and indeed after
they had seen Cyrus, were still desirous, if possible, to continue their journey to the king,
or, failing that, to return home. [5] Cyrus, however, urged upon Pharnabazus either to
deliver them up to himself, or to defer sending them home at present; his object being to
prevent the Athenians learning what was going on. [6] Pharnabazus, wishing to escape all
blame, for the time being detained them, telling them, at one time, that he would presently
escort them up country to the king, and at another time that he would send them safe home.
[7] But when three years had elapsed, he prayed Cyrus to let them go, declaring that he had
taken an oath to bring them back to the sea, in default of escorting them up to the king.
Then at last they received safe conduct to Ariobarzanes, with orders for their further
transportation. The latter conducted them a stage further, to Cius in Mysia; and from Cius
they set sail to join their main armament.
Return of Alcibiades
In 408/7 BC, the Athenians pardoned Alcibiades and elected him Strategos. Feeling that the
climate was finally safe, he returned to Athens amid great pomp.
Diodorus xiii. 68:
[68.1] After the end of the year, Euctemon was made Archon of Athens and the Romans
elected Marcus Papirius and Spurius Nautius consuls. Then was celebrated the ninety-third
Olympiad, 1 in which Eubatus of Cyrene won the Stadion. At this time the Athenian generals
(now possessed of Byzantium) gained all the cities of the Hellespont, except Abydos. [2]
Then they left Diodorus and Mantithius with sufficient forces, governors in the Hellespont;
and they themselves, after they had performed many famous exploits for the honour and
safety of their country, returned with the fleet, laden with booty, to Athens.
When they drew near, all the people thronged out with great joy to meet them, and a great
number of strangers, both women and children, ran together into the Piraeus; [3] the arrival
1
August of 408 BC.
155
of the generals filling all persons with admiration. For they brought home with them no less
than two hundred ships, which they had taken and a multitude of prisoners, with much
spoil; and their own ships were gloriously adorned with arms, rich spoils, and golden crowns,
and such like. Everybody thronged one upon another to see Alcibiades, so as the city was
even left without an inhabitant, while both slave and free longed to have a view of him. [4]
For he was so highly admired at that time, that none of the former Athenians were judged
comparable to this man, who so openly and confidently had stood it out against the people.
They who were poor, and under debts and fines, now hoped they had an excellent advocate,
who by raising tumults and disturbances in the city, could free them from their penuries
and pressing necessities.
[5] He was a man daring above all others, and an excellent speaker: in times of war a brave
soldier, and as skilful a commander; ready in undertaking any desperate enterprise, of a very
comely and beautiful countenance, of a noble spirit and aspiring mind. All were so filled
with expectation from him, that they concluded his return, and the prosperity of the city,
were coupled together. For as the Lacedaemonians were successful and victorious while he
assisted them, so they hoped that by his return, their affairs would change to the better.
That same summer, however, Lysander was made commander of the Spartan fleet.
Diodorus viii. 70
[70.1] As for the Lacedaemonians, although they had lost most of their fleet, and the
command of the sea, together with their general Mindarus, yet they were not discouraged,
but created Lysander admiral of their navy, a most expert soldier, bold and daring, and ready
to undertake anything, through all hazards whatsoever. As soon as he entered upon his
command, he raised no small number of soldiers throughout the Peloponnesus, and
furnished the fleet with sailors, as well as in the present circumstances he was able. [2] Sailing
then to Rhodes, he got together as many ships from there, and the rest of the towns, as he
could, and then departed with what ships he had, to Ephesus and Miletus; where, he was
further supplied from these cities, and with others from Chios, he set forth from Ephesus
with a fleet of seventy ships. [3] But when he understood that Cyrus, the son of Darius, was
sent from his father, with orders to assist the Lacedaemonians in the war, he made a journey
to him at Sardis; and after several arguments adduced to encourage the young man to
prosecute the war against the Athenians, he forthwith received from him ten thousand
Darics, for the pay of his soldiers, with command from Cyrus to proceed, without doubting
his assistance; for that he was commanded by his father to spare no costs for the supply of
the Lacedaemonians, in whatsoever they should undertake.
Alcibiades sailed to oppose Lysander, but the former won a naval victory off the coast of
Ephesus, in the Battle of Notium, and the Athenians, fickle as always, pressed new charges against
Alcibiades and once again he was forced into exile and stripped of his command.
Arginusae
In the autumn of 406 BC, Conon, the Athenian admiral, found himself outnumbered and
trapped in the harbour of Mytilene by the Spartan fleet. A relief force was sent from Athens and
the Athenians defeated the Spartan fleet near Arginusae. However, immediately after the battle a
storm arose and the Athenian ships were prevented from collecting the dead and wounded from
156
the area of the battle and themselves were forced to sail for safety. On their return to Athens, the
commanders of the fleet were all charged and brought to trial:
Xenophon Hellenica i. 7
[7.1] All the above-named generals, with the exception of Conon, were presently deposed by
the home authorities. In addition to Conon two new generals were chosen, Adeimantus and
Philocles. Of those concerned in the late victory two never returned to Athens: these were
Protomachus and Aristogenes. The other six sailed home. [2] Their names were Pericles,
Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasylus, and Erasinides. On their arrival Archidemus, the
leader of the democracy at that date, who had charge of the two obol fund, 1 inflicted a fine
on Erasinides, and accused him in the courts of having appropriated money derived from
the Hellespont, which belonged to the people. He brought a further charge against him of
misconduct while acting as general, and the court sentenced him to imprisonment. [3] These
proceedings in the law court were followed by the statement of the generals before the Boulé
touching the late victory and the magnitude of the storm. Timocrates then proposed that
the other five generals should be put in custody and handed over to the Ecclesia, whereupon
the Boulé committed them all to prison.
[4] Then came the meeting of the Ecclesia, in which others, and more particularly
Theramenes, formally accused the generals. He insisted that they ought to show cause why
they had not picked up the shipwrecked crews. To prove that there had been no attempt on
their part to attach blame to others, he might point, as conclusive testimony, to the despatch
sent by the generals themselves to the Boulé and the Ecclesia, in which they attributed the
whole disaster to the storm, and nothing else. [5] After this the generals each in turn made
a defence, which was necessarily limited to a few words, since no right of addressing the
assembly at length was allowed by law. Their explanation of the occurrences was that, in
order to be free to sail against the enemy themselves, they had devolved the duty of picking
up the shipwrecked crews upon certain competent captains of triremes, who had themselves
been generals in their time, to wit Theramenes and Tharysbulus, and others of like stamp.
[6] If blame could attach to any one at all with regard to the duty in question, those to whom
their orders had been given were the sole persons they could hold responsible. "But," they
went on to say, "we will not, because these very persons have denounced us, invent a lie, and
say that Theramenes and Thrasybulus are to blame, when the truth of the matter is that the
magnitude of the storm alone prevented the burial of the dead and the rescue of the living."
[7] In proof of their contention, they produced the pilots and numerous other witnesses
from among those present at the engagement. By these arguments they were in a fair way to
persuade the people of their innocence. Indeed many private citizens rose wishing to become
bail for the accused, but it was resolved to defer decision till another meeting of the Ecclesia.
It was indeed already so late that it would have been impossible to see to count the show of
hands. It was further resolved that the Boulé meanwhile should prepare a measure, to be
introduced at the next assembly, as to the mode in which the accused should take their trial.
[8] Then came the festival of the Aparturia, 2 with its family gatherings of fathers and
kinsfolk. Accordingly the party of Theramenes procured numbers of people clad in black
apparel, and close-shaven, who were to go in and present themselves before the Ecclesia in
1
2
A special war-time subsidy to assist those impoverished by war.
Held in October. This was a festival to reassert descent from Ion.
157
the middle of the festival, as relatives, presumably, of the men who had perished; and they
persuaded Callixenus to accuse the generals in the Boulé.
[9] The next step was to convoke the Ecclesia, when the Boulé laid before it the proposal
just passed by their body, at the instance of Callixenus, which ran as follows: "Seeing that
both the parties to this case, to wit, the prosecutors of the generals on the one hand, and
the accused themselves in their defence on the other, have been heard in the late meeting
of the assembly; we propose that the people of Athens now record their votes, one and all,
by their tribes; that a couple of voting urns be placed for the convenience of each several
tribe; and the public crier in the hearing of each several tribe proclaim the mode of voting
as follows: Let everyone who finds the generals guilty of not rescuing the heroes of the late
sea fight deposit his vote in urn No. 1. Let him who is of the contrary opinion deposit his
vote in urn No. 2. [10] Further, in the event of the aforesaid generals being found guilty, let
death be the penalty. Let the guilty persons be delivered over to The Eleven. Let their
property be confiscated to the State, with the exception of one tithe, which falls to the
goddess.
[11] Now there came forward in the assembly a man, who said that he had escaped drowning
by clinging to a meal tub. The poor fellows perishing around him had commissioned him,
if he succeeded in saving himself, to tell the people of Athens how bravely they had fought
for their fatherland, and how the generals had left them there to drown.
[12] Presently Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and others served a notice of indictment
on Callixenus, insisting that his proposal was unconstitutional, and this view of the case was
applauded by some members of the assembly. But the majority kept crying out that it was
monstrous if the people were to be hindered by any stray individual from doing what seemed
to them right. [13] And when Lysicus, embodying the spirit of those cries, formally proposed
that if these persons would not abandon their action, they should be tried by the same vote
along with the generals: a proposition to which the mob gave vociferous assent; and so these
were compelled to abandon their summonses. [14] Again, when some of the Prytanes
objected to put a resolution to the vote which was in itself unconstitutional, Callixenus
again got up and accused them in the same terms, and the crowd shouted to summons all
who refuse. [15] The Prytanes, in alarm, all agreed to permit the voting - with one exception.
This obstinate dissentient was Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, who insisted that he would
do nothing except in accordance with the law. 1 [16] After this Euryptolemus rose and spoke
in behalf of the generals. He said: "I stand here, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles,
though he is a close and intimate connection of my own, 2 and Diomedon, who is my friend,
and partly to urge certain considerations on their behalf, but chiefly to press upon you what
seems to me the best course for the State collectively. [17] I hold them to blame in that they
dissuaded their colleagues from their intention to send a despatch to the Boulé and this
assembly, which should have informed you of the orders given to Theramenes and
Thrasybulus to take forty-seven triremes and pick up the shipwrecked crews, and of the
neglect of the two officers to carry out those orders. [18] And it follows that though the
offence was committed by one or two, the responsibility must be shared by all; and in return
for kindness in the past, they are in danger at present of sacrificing their lives to the
1
2
Socrates was Epistates at the time, Chairman of the Prytaneia (Plato Apology 31b)
Pericles was the son of the great statesman Pericles by his second, but foreign, wife Aspasia.
158
machinations of these very men, and others whom I could mention. In danger, do I say, of
losing their lives? [19] No, not so, if you will suffer me to persuade you to do what is just
and right; if you will only adopt such a course as shall enable you best to discover the truth
and shall save you from too late repentance, when you find you have transgressed
irremediably against heaven and your own selves. In what I urge there is no trap nor plot
whereby you can be deceived by me or any other man; it is a straightforward course which
will enable you to discover and punish the offender by whatever process you like, collectively
or individually. Let them have, if not more, at any rate one whole day to make what defence
they can for themselves; and trust to your own unbiased judgment to guide you to the right
conclusion.
[20] "You know, men of Athens, the exceeding stringency of the decree of Cannonus, which
orders that man, whosoever he be, who is guilty of treason against the people of Athens, to
be put in irons, and so to meet the charge against him before the people. If he be convicted,
he is to be thrown into the Barathron and perish, 1 and the property of such a one is to be
confiscated, with the exception of the tithe which falls to the goddess. [21] I call upon you
to try these generals in accordance with this decree. And, by Zeus, if it please you, begin
with my own kinsman Pericles for base would it be on my part to make him of more account
than the whole of the State. [22] Or, if you prefer, try them by that other law, which is
directed against robbers of temples and betrayers of their country, which says: if a man betray
his city or rob a sacred temple of the gods, he shall be tried before a law court, and if he be
convicted, his body shall not be buried in Attica, and his goods shall be confiscated to the
State. [23] Take your choice as between these two laws, men of Athens, and let the prisoners
be tried individually. 2 Let three portions of a day be assigned to each respectively, one
portion wherein they shall listen to their accusation, a second wherein they shall make their
defence, and a third wherein you shall meet and give your votes in due order on the question
of their guilt or innocence. [24] By this procedure the malefactors will receive the desert of
their misdeeds in full, and those who are innocent will owe you, men of Athens, the recovery
of their liberty, in place of unmerited destruction.
[25] "On your side, in trying the accused by recognised legal procedure, you will show that
you obey the gods and can regard the sanctity of an oath, instead of joining hands with our
enemies the Spartans and fighting their battles. For is it not to fight their battles, if you take
their conquerors, the men who deprived them of seventy vessels, and at the moment of
victory sent them to death untried and in violation of the law? [26] What are you afraid of,
that you press forward with such hot haste? Do you imagine that you may be robbed of the
power of life and death over whom you please, should you condescend to a legal trial? But
that you are safe if you take shelter behind an illegality, like the illegality of Callixenus, when
he worked upon the senate to propose to this assembly to deal with the accused by a single
vote? But consider, you may actually put to death an innocent man, and then repentance
will one day visit you too late. Think about how painful and unavailing remorse will then
be, and more particularly if your error has cost a fellow man his life. [28] What a travesty of
1
The Barathron was a deep pit into which criminals, and the bodies of those who had been executed, were
thrown.
2
It was the general practice in Athenian law that defendants not be tried as a group. This was Socrates' main
objection to the current proceedings - that the generals were being tried as a group.
159
justice it would be if in the case of a man like Aristarchus, who first tried to destroy the
democracy and then betrayed Oenoe to our enemy the Thebans, you granted him a day for
his defence, consulting his wishes, and conceded to him all the other benefits of the law; 1
whereas now you are proposing to deprive your own generals of these same privileges, who
in every way conformed to your views and defeated your enemies. [29] Do not you, of all
men, I implore you, men of Athens, act thus. Why, these laws are your own, to them, beyond
all else you owe your greatness. Guard them jealously; in nothing, I implore you, act without
their sanction.
"But now, turn for a moment and consider with me the actual occurrences which have
created the suspicion of misconduct on the part of our late generals. The sea-fight had been
fought and won, and the ships had returned to land, when Diomedon urged that the whole
squadron should sail out in line and pick up the wrecks and floating crews. Erasinides was
in favour of all the vessels sailing as fast as possible to deal with the enemy's forces at
Mytilene. And Thrasylus represented that both objects could be effected, by leaving one
division of the fleet there, and with the rest sailing against the enemy; [30] and if this
resolution were agreed to, he advised that each of the eight generals should leave three ships
of his own division with the ten vessels of the taxiarchs, the ten Samian vessels, and the
three belonging to the nauarchs. These added together make forty-seven, four for each of
the lost vessels, twelve in number. [31] Among the taxiarchs left behind, two were
Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the men who in the late meeting of this assembly undertook
to accuse the generals. With the remainder of the fleet they were to sail to attack the enemy's
fleet. Everything, you must admit, was duly and admirably planned. It was only common
justice, therefore, that those whose duty it was to attack the enemy should render an account
for all miscarriages of operations against the enemy; while those who were commissioned to
pick up the dead and dying should, if they failed to carry out the instructions of the generals,
be put on trial to explain the reasons of the failure. [32] This indeed I may say on behalf of
both parties. It was really the storm which, in spite of what the generals had planned,
prevented anything being done. There are witnesses ready to attest the truth of this: the men
who escaped as by a miracle, and among these one of these very generals, who was on a
sinking ship and was saved. And this man, who needed picking up as much as anybody at
that moment, is, they insist, to be tried by one and the same vote as those who neglected to
perform their orders! [33] Once more, I beg you, men of Athens, to accept your victory and
your good fortune, instead of behaving like the desperate victims of misfortune and defeat.
Recognise the hand of divine necessity; do not incur the reproach of stony-heartedness by
discovering treason where there was merely powerlessness, and condemning as guilty those
who were prevented by the storm from carrying out their instructions. Nay! you will better
satisfy the demands of justice by crowning these conquerors with wreaths of victory than by
punishing them with death at the instigation of wicked men."
[34] At the conclusion of his speech Euryptolemus proposed, as an amendment, that the
prisoners should, in accordance with the decree of Cannonus, be tried each separately, as
1
Aristarchus, with Pisander, Phrynicus and Antiphon, was one of the leaders of the oligarchic coup in 411,
known as the Revolution of the Four Hundred (Thuc. viii. 90 - 98). After the fall of the Four Hundred he
took a cavalry unit to the Athenian outpost Oenoe, on the border of Boeotia, and gave assistance to the
Thebans in capturing the town. He was later arrested, tried and condemned to death in Athens.
160
against the proposal of the senate to try them all by a single vote. At the show of hands the
tellers gave the majority in favour of Euryptolemus's amendment, but upon the application
of Menecles, who took formal exception to this decision, the show of hands was gone
through again, and now the verdict was in favour of the resolution of the senate. At a later
date the balloting was made, and by the votes recorded the eight generals were condemned,
and the six who were in Athens were put to death.
Not long after, repentance seized the Athenians, and they passed a decree authorising the
public prosecution of those who had deceived the people, and the appointment of proper
securities for their persons until the trial was over. Callixenus was one of those committed
for trail. There were, besides Callixenus, four others against whom true bills were declared,
and they were all five imprisoned by their sureties. But all subsequently effected their escape
before the trial, at the time of the sedition in which Cleophon was killed. Callixenus
eventually came back when the party in Piraeus returned to the city, at the date of the
amnesty, but only to die of hunger, an object of universal detestation.
Disaster at Aegospotami
In 405 BC Lysander moved the newly reconstructed Spartan fleet into the Hellespont with the
intention of disrupting the grain fleets headed for Athens. The Athenian fleet, commanded by
Conon, set out in pursuit:
Xenophon, Hellenica ii.1. 18 - 29
[18] Lysander was again on the move; leaving Abydos, he passed up channel to Lampsacus,
which was allied with Athens; the men of Abydos and the rest of the troops advancing by
land, under the command of the Lacedaemonian Thorax. [19] They then attacked and took
by storm the town, which was wealthy, and with its stores of wine and wheat and other
commodities was pillaged by the soldiery. All free-born persons, however, were without
exception released by Lysander. [20] And now the Athenian fleet, following close on his
heels, came to moorings at Elaeus, in the Chersonesus, one hundred and eighty sail in all.
It was not until they had reached this place, and were getting their early meal, that the news
of what had happened at Lampsacus reached them. Then they instantly set sail again to
Sestos, [21] and, having halted long enough merely to take in stores, sailed on further to
Aegospotami, a point facing Lampsacus, where the Hellespont is not quite fifteen stadia
wide. 1 Here they took their evening meal.
[22] The night following, or rather early next morning, with the first streak of dawn,
Lysander gave the signal for the men to take their breakfasts and get on board their vessels;
and so, having got all ready for a naval engagement, with his ports closed and movable
bulwarks attached, he issued the order that no one was to stir from his post or put out to
sea. [23] As the sun rose the Athenians drew up their vessels facing the harbour, in line of
battle ready for action; but since Lysander declined to come out to meet them, as the day
advanced they retired again to Aegospotami. [24] Then Lysander ordered the swiftest of his
ships to follow the Athenians, and as soon as the crews had disembarked, to watch what
they did, sail back, and report to him. Until these look-outs returned he would permit no
1
2.7 kilometers.
161
disembarkation from his ships. This performance he repeated for four successive days, and
each day the Athenians put out to sea and challenged an engagement.
[25] But now Alcibiades, from one of his fortresses, could see the position of his fellowcountrymen, moored on an open beach beyond reach of any city, and forced to send for
supplies to Sestos, which was fifteen stadia distant, while their enemies were safely lodged
in a harbour, with a city adjoining, and everything within reach. The situation did not please
him, and he advised them to shift their anchorage to Sestos, where they would have the
advantage of a harbour and a city. "Once there," he concluded, "you can engage the enemy
whenever it suits you." [26] But the generals, and more particularly Tydeus and Menander,
bade him go about his business. "We are generals now--not you," they said; and so he went
away. And now for five days in succession the Athenians had sailed out to offer battle, and
for the fifth time retired, followed by the same swift sailors of the enemy. [27] But this time
Lysander's orders to the vessels so sent in pursuit were that as soon as they saw the enemy's
crew fairly disembarked and dispersed along the shores of the Chersonesus (a practice, it
should be mentioned, which had grown upon them from day to day owing to the distance
at which eatables had to be purchased, and out of sheer contempt, no doubt, of Lysander,
who refused to accept battle), they were to begin their return voyage, and when in midchannel to hoist a shield. The orders were punctually carried out, [28] and Lysander at once
signalled to his whole squadron to put across with all speed, while Thorax, with the land
forces, was to march parallel with the fleet along the coast.
Aware of the enemy's fleet, which he could see bearing down upon him, Conon had only
time to signal to the crews to join their ships and rally to the rescue with all their might. But
the men were scattered far and wide, and some of the vessels had only two out of their three
banks of rowers, some only a single one, while others again were completely empty. Conon's
own ship, with seven others in attendance on him and the Paralus, 1 put out to sea, a little
cluster of nine vessels, with their full complement of men; but every one of the remaining
one hundred and seventy-one vessels were captured by Lysander on the beach. As to the men
themselves, the large majority of them were easily made prisoners on shore, a few only
escaping to the small fortresses of the neighbourhood.
[29] Meanwhile Conon and his nine vessels made good their escape. For himself, knowing
that the fortune of Athens was ruined, he put into Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus,
and there picked up the great sails of Lysander's ships, and then with eight ships set sail
himself to seek refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus, while the Paralus started for Athens with
tidings of what had taken place.
The loss of the entire fleet was a complete disaster for Athens. Nearly every ship in her
possession was lost that day. Athens was now out of money, out of men, out of ships, surrounded
by land and defenseless by sea.
Diodorus provides us with the greatest understatement in history:
Diodorus xiii. 107.1
When the Athenians learned of the total destruction of their forces, the abandoned the
policy of control of the sea…
1
One of the two official ships of State used by the Athenians, the Salamina being the other.
162
Xenophon was actually in Athens on that fateful day and he recalls the event in vivid detail:
Xenophon Hellenica ii. 2.3-4
[3] It was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil tidings, on receipt of which
a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From Piraeus, following the line of the long walls up to the
heart of the city, it swept and swelled, as each man to his neighbour passed on the news. On
that night no man slept. There was mourning and sorrow for those that were lost, but the
lamentation for the dead was merged in even deeper sorrow for themselves, as they pictured
the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which they themselves had inflicted upon the
men of Melos, who were colonists of the Lacedaemonians, when they mastered them by
siege. Or on the men of Histiaea; on Scione and Torone; on the Aeginetans, and many
another Hellene city. 1
[4] On the following day the public assembly met, and, after debate, it was resolved to block
up all the harbours save one, to put the walls in a state of defence, to post guards at various
points, and to make all other necessary preparations for a siege. Such were the concerns of
the men of Athens.
Lysander easily mopped up what resources Athens had left in the Aegean theatre before
sailing for Athens with a large fleet and initiating a naval blockade of the city. The Spartans quickly
assembled an army of their allies and, combined with the army already with Agis at Decelea,
moved to surround the walls of Athens.
Athens Surrenders
Xenophon, Hellenica ii.2.10 - 23
[10] The Athenians, finding themselves besieged by land and sea, were in sore perplexity
what to do. Without ships, without allies, without provisions, the belief gained hold upon
them that there was no way of escape. They must now, in their turn, suffer what they had
themselves inflicted upon others; not in retaliation, indeed, for ills received, but out of sheer
insolence, overriding the citizens of petty states, and for no better reason than that these
were allies of the very men now at their gates. 2 [11] In this frame of mind they enfranchised
those who at any time had lost their civil rights, and schooled themselves to endurance; and,
albeit many succumbed to starvation, no thought of truce or reconciliation with their foes
was breathed. But when the food supply was absolutely insufficient, they sent an embassy to
Agis, proposing to become allies of the Lacedaemonians on the sole condition of keeping
their fortification walls and Piraeus; and to draw up articles of treaty on these terms. [12]
Agis told them to go to Sparta, seeing that he had no authority to act himself. With this
answer the ambassadors returned to Athens, and were forthwith sent on to Sparta. [13] On
reaching Sellasia a town in Laconian territory, they waited till they got their answer from
the Ephors, who, having learnt their terms (which were identical to those already proposed
1
Melos was conquered by Athens in 416 BC. All of the men were killed and the women and children sold
into Slavery. Histiaea was conquered by Pericles in 445 (Thuc. i.114: Diod. xii.7.1). Scione and Torone
defected to Sparta in 423 and were brutally reconquered in 421 (Thuc. iv.120: Diod. xii.72, 76) On these
issues see also Isocrates 4.100 - 101.
2
The Greek text here is more harsh than can be translated well: Xenophon is essentially saying that Athens
was about to suffer , but justly, the very punishment they had, with the height of inhumane arrogance and
cruelty and without justice, inflicted upon small and innocent cities.
163
to Agis), bade them instantly to be gone, and, if they really desired peace, to come with other
proposals, the fruit of better reflection. [14] Thus the ambassadors returned home, and
reported the result of their embassy, whereupon despondency fell upon all. It was a painful
reflection that in the end they would be sold into slavery; and meanwhile, pending the return
of a second embassy, many would fall victims to starvation. [15] The razing of their
fortifications was not a solution which any one cared to recommend. A member of the
Boulé, Archestratus, had indeed put the question to the Boulé, whether it were not best to
make peace with the Lacedaemonians on such terms as they were willing to propose; but he
was thrown into prison. The Spartan proposals referred to the destruction of both long walls
for a space of more than ten stadia. And a decree had been passed, making it illegal to submit
any such proposition about the walls.
[16] Things having reached this pass, Theramenes made a proposal in the Ecclesia as follows:
If they chose to send him as an ambassador to Lysander, he would go and find out why the
Lacedaemonians were so unyielding about the walls; whether it was they really intended to
enslave the city, or merely that they wanted a guarantee of good faith. [17] Despatched
accordingly, he lingered on with Lysander for three whole months and more, watching for
the time when the Athenians, at the last pinch of starvation, would be willing to accede to
any terms that might be offered. At last, in the fourth month, he returned and reported to
the public assembly that Lysander had detained him all this while, and had ended by bidding
him betake himself to Sparta, since he had no authority himself to answer his questions,
which must be addressed directly to the Ephors. [18] After this Theramenes was chosen with
nine others to go to Sparta as ambassadors with full powers. Meanwhile Lysander had sent
an Athenian exile, named Aristotle, in company of certain Lacedaemonians, to Sparta to
report to the board of Ephors how he had answered Theramenes, that they, and they alone,
had supreme authority in matters of peace and war.
[19] Theramenes and his companions presently reached Sellasia, and being there questioned
as to the reason of their visit, replied that they had full powers to treat of peace. After which
the Ephors ordered them to be summoned to their presence. On their arrival a general
assembly was convened, in which the Corinthians and Thebans more particularly, though
their views were shared by many other Hellenes also, urged the meeting not to come to terms
with the Athenians, but to destroy them. [20] The Spartans replied that they would never
reduce to slavery a city which was itself an integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a
great and noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. On the contrary, they
were willing to offer peace on the terms now specified, namely:
"That the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be destroyed; that the Athenian
fleet, with the exception of twelve vessels, should be surrendered; that the exiles should be
restored; and lastly, that the Athenians should acknowledge the headship of Sparta in peace
and war, leaving to her the choice of friends and foes, and following her lead by land and
sea."
[21] Such were the terms which Theramenes and the rest who acted with him were able to
report on their return to Athens. As they entered the city, a vast crowd met them, trembling
lest their mission have proved fruitless. For indeed delay was no longer possible, so long
already was the list of victims daily perishing from starvation. [22] On the day following, the
ambassadors delivered their report, stating the terms upon which the Lacedaemonians were
164
willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as spokesman, insisting that they ought to obey
the Lacedaemonians and pull down the walls. A small minority raised their voice in
opposition, but the majority were strongly in favour of the proposition, and the resolution
was passed to accept the peace. [23] After that, Lysander sailed into the Piraeus, and the
exiles were readmitted. And so they fell to levelling the fortifications and walls with much
enthusiasm, to the accompaniment of female flute-players, deeming that day the beginning
of liberty to Greece.
165
The Thirty Tyrants in Athens
In addition to the terms listed above, Lysander ordered that the Athenians dissolve the
democracy and institute a constitution more in keeping with traditional values.
Diodorus xiv. 3
By the dissolution of the government at Athens, (which happened the seven hundred and
eightieth year current from the destruction of Troy), 1 the city was involved in an anarchy
(no Archon was elected)… and the ninety-fourth Olympiad was held this year, in which
Cocynas of Larissa was victor. At this time, the Athenians, their power being broken,
obtained a peace with the Lacedaemonians, and liberty to govern according to the
constitution of their ancestors if they demolished their walls, which they pulled down
accordingly, but could not agree among themselves about the form of their government. For
they that were for an oligarchy, gave their votes for the restoring the ancient government in
which only a few ruled. But the greatest part who stood up for the democracy, preferred the
government of their fathers, declaring that to be the truest democracy.
Xenophon, Hellenica ii.3.1, 3-4
[1] In the following year, [in which was celebrated an Olympiad, wherein Crocinas the
Thessalian was victorious in the stadion, Endius being now Ephor at Sparta and Pythodorus
archon at Athens. Since, however, Pythodorus was chosen during the time of the oligarchy,
the Athenians do not use his name to mark the year, but call it "the archonless year." And
this oligarchy came into being in the way hereafter described:] 2 [2] The people passed a
resolution to choose thirty men who were to draft a constitution based on the ancestral laws
of the State…
[3] After these transactions, Lysander set sail for Samos; and Agis withdrew the land force
from Decelea and disbanded the troops, dismissing the contingents to their several cities.
[4] In was at this date, about the time of the solar eclipse… 3
The only thing that was clear was that the constitution of Ephialtes was unacceptable to the
Spartans. The debate was whether they should reinstate the constitution of Cleisthenes, of Solon
or that which preceded even Solon. But the Thirty spent less time working on a new constitution
than securing their own power, eliminating potential rivals and settling old scores.
Xenophon Hellenica ii.3.11 - 16
[11] The Thirty had been chosen almost immediately after the long walls and the
fortifications round Piraeus had been razed. They were chosen for the express purpose of
compiling a code of laws for the future constitution of the State. The laws were always on
the point of being published, yet they were never forthcoming; and the thirty compilers
contented themselves meanwhile with appointing a senate and the other magistracies as
suited their fancy best. [12] That done, they turned their attention, in the first instance, to
such persons as were well known to have made their living as sycophants under the
1
Following Apollodorus' chronology. This date for the Trojan War, when set to the Gregorian calendar,
would be 1182 BC.
2
The text in square brackets is likely an interpolation and was not included in the Dakyns translation.
3
There was a partial solar eclipse visible from Greece on 3 Sept. 404 with a magnitude of 7.43.
166
democracy, and to be thorns in the side of all respectable people. These they laid hold on
and prosecuted on the capital charge. The new senate gladly recorded its vote of
condemnation against them; and the rest of the world, conscious of bearing no resemblance
to them, seemed scarcely vexed. [13] But the Thirty did not stop there. Presently they began
to deliberate by what means they could get the city under their absolute control, in order
that they might work their will upon it. Here again they proceeded tentatively; in the first
instance, they sent (two of their number), Aeschines and Aristoteles, to Sparta, and
persuaded Lysander to support them in getting a Lacedaemonian garrison despatched to
Athens. They only needed it until they had got the "malignants" out of the way, and had
established the constitution; and they would undertake to maintain these troops at their
own cost. Lysander was not deaf to their persuasions, and by his co-operation their request
was granted. [14] A bodyguard, with Callibius as Harmost, was sent. And now that they had
got the garrison, they fell to flattering Callibius with all servile flattery, in order that he
might give countenance to their doings. Thus they prevailed on him to allow some of the
guards, whom they selected, to accompany them, while they proceeded to lay hands on
whom they would; no longer confining themselves to base folk and people of no account,
but boldly laying hands on those who they felt sure would least easily brook being thrust
aside, or, if a spirit of opposition seized them, could command the largest number of
partisans.
[15] These were early days; as yet Critias was of one mind with Theramenes, and the two
were friends. But the time came when, in proportion as Critias was ready to rush headlong
into wholesale carnage, like one who thirsted for the blood of the democracy, which had
banished him, 1 Theramenes balked and thwarted him. It was barely reasonable, he argued,
to put people to death, who had never done a thing wrong to respectable people in their
lives, simply because they had enjoyed influence and honour under the democracy. "Why,
you and I, Critias," he would add, "have said and done many things before now for the sake
of popularity." [16] To which the other (for the terms of friendly intimacy still subsisted)
would retort, "There is no choice left to us, since we intend to take the lion's share, but to
get rid of those who are best able to hinder us. If you imagine, because we are thirty instead
of one, our government requires one whit the less careful guarding than an actual tyranny,
you must be very innocent."
Tyrants are as tyrants do: The Thirty eventually published the list of the Three Thousand and
quickly disenfranchised the rest by removing their ability to resist:
Xenophon, Hellenica ii.3.20-22:
The Three Thousand were drawn up in the Agora, and the rest of the citizens, who were not
included in the list, elsewhere in various quarters of the city. The order to take arms was
given; but while the men's backs were turned, at the bidding of the Thirty, the Spartan
guards, with those of the citizens who shared their views, appeared on the scene and took
away the arms of all except the Three Thousand, carried them up to the Acropolis, and safely
deposited them in the temple.
1
The details of this banishment are not known.
167
[20] The ground being thus cleared, as it were, and feeling that they had it in their power to
do what they pleased, they embarked on a course of wholesale butchery, to which many were
sacrificed to the merest hatred, many to the accident of possessing riches. Presently the
question rose: How they were to get money to pay their guards? And to meet this difficulty
a resolution was passed empowering each of the committee to seize on one of the metics
apiece, to put his victim to death, and to confiscate his property. [22] Theramenes was
invited, or rather told to seize someone or other. "Choose whom you will, only let it be
done." To which he responded that it hardly seemed to him a noble or worthy course on the
part of those who claimed to be the elite of society to outdo the sycophants in injustice. "We
are different from them in only one way: The sycophants took some of the money and let
the victims live; we will take all of the wealth and our victims will die. Surely we would be
doing the greater injustice!"
Theramenes became a vocal and obstinate opponent of their program so Critias ordered his
execution.
Xenophon, Hellenica ii. 4.1
[1] So Theramenes met his death; and, now that this obstacle was removed, the Thirty, felt
that they had it in their power to play the tyrant without fear. They issued an order
forbidding all, whose names were not on the list of the Three Thousand, to set foot within
the city and they confiscated their property, both in the city and the country estates. Even
Piraeus was not safe; of those who sought refuge there, many were driven forth in similar
fashion, until Megara and Thebes overflowed with the crowd of refugees.
Xenophon, although he agrees that the Thirty acted without justice, was a great friend of the
Spartans and his account of these events, despite the fact that he was a witness, has to be considered
in light of his biases. Certain details omitted by Xenophon are reported by Diodorus:
Diodorus xiv. 6.1-3
[1] And the Lacedaemonians, seeing the city thus spoiled and ruined, made it evident that
they were pleased and had no desire for Athens to recover its strength. For they made a
decree that all the fugitives from Athens, in every part of Greece, should be carried back
bound to the tyrants; and whosoever opposed the execution of this decree, should be fined
five talents. [2] This was in truth looked upon as a very cruel and inhuman edict, but the
other cities stood so much in awe of the power of the Spartans, that it was everywhere
obeyed. But the Argives were the first to show their abhorrence of the Lacedaemonian
cruelty, and pitying the miserable condition of the exiles, received them with compassion.
[3] The Thebans likewise passed a law that a fine would be imposed upon anyone who did
not do his utmost to assist in freeing anyone they saw being arrested and taken back to
Athens.
Such, then, was the state of affairs in Athens.
Both Xenophon and Diodorus agree, however, that it was Thasybulus who rallied the exiles
in Thebes:
168
Xenophon, Hellenica ii. 4.2 - 4
[2] Presently Thrasybulus, with about seventy followers, sallied out from Thebes, and made
himself master of the fortress of Phyle. 1 The weather was brilliant, and the Thirty marched
out of the city to repel the invader; with them were the Three Thousand and the Cavalry.
When they reached the place, some of the young men, in the foolhardiness of youth, made
a dash at the fortress, but without effect; all they got was wounds, and so retired. [3] The
intention of the Thirty now was to blockade the place; by shutting off all the avenues of
supplies, they thought to force the garrison to capitulate. But this project was interrupted
by a steady downfall of snow that night and the following day. Baffled by this all-pervading
enemy they beat a retreat to the city, but not without the sacrifice of many of their campfollowers, who fell a prey to the men in Phyle. [4] The next concern of the government in
Athens was to secure the farms and country houses against the plundering and forays to
which they would be exposed, if there were no armed force to protect them. With this object
a protecting force was despatched to the border region about fifteen stadia from Pyle. This
corps consisted of the Lacedaemonian guards, or nearly all of them, and two tribes of
cavalry. 2 They encamped in a wild and broken district, and the round of their duties
commenced.
The force that was sent to blockade Phyle was attacked and defeated by Thrasybulus and his
men - who numbered over seven hundred. With these battles, in the winter of 404/3 BC, only
months after surrendering to Sparta, Athens is now engaged in civil war.
Thrasybulus then led his forces to the harbour and a major battle was fought between the
exiles and the forces of the Thirty. The exiles were victorious, and Critias himself was killed.
Diodorus xiv. 33.4 - 6
[4] A great multitude who hated the tyranny, continually flocked out of the city into the
Piraeus, and all the exiles from every place, hearing of the success of Thrasybulus, hastened
thither to him, so that at length the number of the exiles exceeded the other; upon which
encouragement they began to besiege the city. [5] But they within, to the end a peace might
be concluded upon fair terms, cast off the Thirty, and sent them out of the city, and
established a board of ten with sovereign power. But as soon as these ten were settled in
office, instead of minding anything relating to the peace, they turned absolute tyrants, and
sent Sparta for forty ships and a thousand soldiers under the command of Lysander. [6]
Pausanias, then king of Lacedaemon, both out of envy to Lysander, and because he
understood the rest of the Greeks had an evil eye against Sparta, marched with a great army
to Athens, and reconciled the exiles and the citizens. Thus at length the Athenians were
restored to their country, and now began to govern according to their own laws. Those that
were afraid lest they should suffer due punishment for their former wickedness, had liberty
to remove themselves to Eleusis.
1
Phyle was a deme in the Oineis tribe with a fortified acropolis. It was 24 km (15 miles) to the north-west
of Athens on the border with Boeotia. Phyle commanded the Mt. Parnes pass which linked Athens to
Thebes
2
The cavalry, as the infantry, was levied by tribe making ten divisions of cavalry.
169
The involvement of Pausanias was not as peaceful as Diodorus lets us believe. According to
Xenophon the Spartans first attempted to remove the exiles from Piraeus by force, and only after
suffering some losses on his own side did Pausanias broker the peace:
Xenophon, Hellenica ii.4. 35 - 43:
[35] Thereupon Pausanias set up a trophy and returned to his camp ; and despite what had
happened he was not angry with them, but sent secretly and instructed the men in Piraeus
to send ambassadors to him and the ephors who were with him, telling them also what
proposals these ambassadors should offer; and they obeyed him. He also set about dividing
the men in the City, and gave directions that as many of them as possible should gather
together and come to him and the ephors and say that they had no desire to be waging war
with the men in Piraeus, but rather to be reconciled with them and in common with them
to be friends of the Lacedaemonians. [36] Now Naucleidas also, who was an ephor, was
pleased to hear this. For, as it is customary for two of the ephors to be with a king on a
campaign, so in this instance Naucleidas and one other were present, and both of them held
to the policy of Pausanias rather than to that of Lysander. For this reason they eagerly sent
to Lacedaemon both the envoys from Piraeus, having the proposals for peace with the
Lacedaemonians, and the envoys from the City as private individuals, 1 namely,
Cephisophon and Meletus. 2 [37] When, however, these men had departed for Lacedaemon,
the authorities in the City 3 also proceeded to send ambassadors, with the message that they
surrendered both the walls which they possessed and themselves to the Lacedaemonians, to
do with them as they wished; and they said they counted it only fair that the men in Piraeus,
if they claimed to be friends of the Lacedaemonians, should in like manner surrender
Piraeus and Munychia. [38] When the ephors and the members of the Lacedaemonian
assembly had heard all the ambassadors, they dispatched fifteen men to Athens and
commissioned them, in conjunction with Pausanias, to effect a reconciliation in the best
way they could. And they effected a reconciliation on these terms: That the two parties
should be at peace with one another and that every man should depart to his home except
the members of the Thirty, and of the Eleven, and of the Ten who had ruled in Piraeus.
They also decided that if any of the men in the city were afraid, they should settle at Eleusis.
[39] When these things had been accomplished, Pausanias disbanded his army and the men
from Piraeus went up to the Acropolis under arms and offered sacrifice to Athena. When
they had come down, the generals convened an Assembly. There Thrasybulus spoke as
follows: [40] "I advise you," he said," men of the city, to 'know yourselves.' And you would
best learn to know yourselves were you to consider what grounds you have for arrogance
that you should undertake to rule over us. Are you more just? But the commons, though
poorer than you, never did you any wrong for the sake of money; while you, though richer
than any of them, have done many disgraceful things for the sake of gain. But since you can
lay no claim to justice, consider then whether it is courage that you have a right to pride
yourselves upon. [41] And what better test could there be of this than the way we made war
1
That is to say that these envoys did not represent the government of the Ten, who did not want to
reconcile, but rather a splinter faction inside the City who did want to reconcile with the democrats.
2
This is the same Meletus who will later bring charges against Socrates (Diog. Laert. Lives ii.5.40: Plato,
Apology 19b-c).
3
Representatives of the Board of Ten.
170
upon one another? Well then, would you say that you are superior in intelligence, you who
having a wall, arms, money, and the Peloponnesians as allies, have been worsted by men
who had none of these? Is it the Lacedaemonians, then, think you, that you may pride
yourselves upon? How so? Why, they have delivered you up to this outraged populace, just
as men fasten a clog upon the necks of snapping dogs and deliver them up to keepers, and
now have gone away and left you. [42] Nevertheless, my comrades, I am not the man to ask
you to violate any one of the pledges to which you have sworn, but I ask you rather to show
this virtue also, in addition to your other virtues; that you are true to your oaths and are
god-fearing men."
When he had said his and more to the same effect, and had told them that there was no
need of their being disturbed, but that they had only to live under the laws that had
previously been in force, he dismissed the Assembly.
[43] So at that time they appointed their magistrates and proceeded to carry on their
government; but at a later period, on learning that the men at Eleusis were hiring mercenary
troops, they took the field with their whole force against them, put to death their generals
when they came for a conference, and then, by sending to the others their friends and
kinsmen, persuaded them to become reconciled. And, pledged as they were under oath, that
in very truth they would not remember past grievances, the two parties even to this day1ive
together as fellow-citizens and the commons abide by their oaths.
The return of the exiles from Phyle was an event celebrated each year in Athens on the 12th
of Boedromion (Plut. de Glor. Ath. 7), roughly late September.
The oath forbidding anyone to remember the crimes of the past was strictly enforced. It
amounted to a general amnesty - with the noted exceptions - and allowed a reconciliation.
171
Restoration and Reconciliation
172
Socrates
Despite the countless treatises written about Socrates and his career written in the years after
his death, not a single proper biography survives. The nearest to a biography is the clumsy and
strangely selective chapter on Socrates in Diogenes Laertius' Lives of Eminent Philosophers,
extracts from which are reproduced below.
Diogenes Laertius ii.5.1 - 2
[5.1] Socrates was the son of Sophroniscus, a sculptor, and of Phaenarete, a midwife, as we
read in the Theaetetus of Plato; he was a citizen of Athens and belonged to the deme Alopece.
It was thought that he helped Euripides to make his plays; hence Mnesimachus 1 writes: "This
new play of Euripides is The Phrygians; 2 and Socrates provides the wood for frying:" 3 And he
calls Euripides "an engine riveted by Socrates." And Callias in The Captives: 4 "Pray why so
solemn, why this lofty air? I've every right; I'm helped by Socrates."
Aristophanes 5 in The Clouds:
'Tis he composes for Euripides
Those clever plays, much sound and little sense."
[5.2] According to some authors he was a pupil of Anaxagoras, and also of Damon, 6 as
Alexander states in his Successions of Philosophers. 7 When Anaxagoras was condemned, he
became a pupil of Archelaus the physicist; Aristoxenus 8 asserts that Archelaus was very fond
of him. Duris 9 makes him out to have been a slave and to have been employed on stonework,
and the draped figures of the Graces on the Acropolis have by some been attributed to him…
Pausanias i.22.8/ ix.35.7
[i.22.8] Right at the very entrance to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the
Gateway) and figures of Graces, which tradition says were sculptured by Socrates, the son of
Sophroniscus, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to
Anacharsis, although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it.
[9.35.7] and near what is called the Pythium there is a portrait of Graces, painted by
Pythagoras the Parian. Socrates too, son of Sophroniscus, made images of Graces for the
Athenians, which are before the entrance to the Acropolis. All these are alike draped; but
later artists, I do not know the reason, have changed the way of portraying them. Certainly
to-day sculptors and painters represent Graces naked.
1
A playwright of the Middle Comedy style (fourth century BC). None of his works are extant. But how
could a fourth-century writer refer to a "new" play by Euripides? Other manuscripts have Mnesilochus
instead, but that makes no more sense: Mnesilochus was the name of Euripides' father in law and his son.
Another Mnesilochus was one of the Thirty Tyrants (Xen. Hell. ii.3.2)
2
Non extant.
3
It is impossible to reproduce the pun in English. The Greek word for firewood sounds much like Phrygian.
4
Non extant.
5
An error; while Aristophanes did write a play entitled The Clouds, so too did Telecleides, a contemporary
comic playwright.
6
Damon was a celebrated musician and sophist, and a teacher of Pericles.
7
Alexander Cornelius Polyhistor. A prodigious writer of the first century BC. None of his works are extant
8
A Peripatetic who studied under Aristotle.
9
Duris was the Tyrant of Samos in the late 4th and early 3rd c. BC. He wrote several Histories.
173
Diogenes Laertius ii.5.3; 5 - 6.
He was formidable in public speaking, according to Idomeneus. 1 [5.3] Moreover, as
Xenophon tells us, the Thirty forbade him to teach the art of words. And Aristophanes
attacks him in his plays for making the worse appear the better reason. For Favorinus in his
Miscellaneous History says Socrates and his pupil Aeschines were the first to teach rhetoric;
and this is confirmed by Idomeneus in his work on the Socratic circle. Again, he was the
first who discoursed on the conduct of life, and the first philosopher who was tried and put
to death.
[5.5] Unlike most philosophers, he had no need to travel, except when required to go on an
expedition. The rest of his life he stayed at home and engaged all the more keenly in
argument with anyone who would converse with him, his aim being not to alter his opinion
but to get at the truth. They relate that Euripides gave him the treatise of Heraclitus and
asked his opinion upon it, and that his reply was, "The part I understand is excellent, and
so too is, I dare say, the part I do not understand; but it needs a Delian diver to get to the
bottom of it."
He took care to exercise his body and kept in good condition. At all events he served on the
expedition to Amphipolis; and when in the battle of Delium Xenophon had fallen from his
horse, he stepped in and saved his life. [5.6] For in the general flight of the Athenians he
personally retired at his ease, quietly turning round from time to time and ready to defend
himself in case he were attacked. Again, he served at Potidaea, whither he had gone by sea,
as land communications were interrupted by the war; and while there he is said to have
remained a whole night without changing his position, and to have won the prize of valour.
But he resigned it to Alcibiades, for whom he cherished the tenderest affection…
Plutarch, Alcibiades. 7.2 - 4
[2] While still a stripling, he [Alcibiades] served as a soldier in the campaign of Potidaea,
and had Socrates for his tent-mate and comrade in action. [3] A fierce battle took place,
wherein both of them distinguished themselves; but when Alcibiades fell wounded, it was
Socrates who stood over him and defended him, and with the most conspicuous bravery
saved him, armour and all. The prize of valour fell to Socrates, of course, on the fairest
calculation; but the generals, owing to the high position of Alcibiades, were manifestly
anxious to give him the glory of it. Socrates, therefore, wishing to increase his pupil's
honourable ambitions, led all the rest in bearing witness to his bravery, and in begging that
the crown and the suit of armour be given to him.
[4] On another occasion, in the rout of the Athenians which followed the battle of Delium,
Alcibiades, on horseback, saw Socrates retreating on foot with a small company, and would
not pass him by, but rode by his side and defended him, though the enemy were pressing
them hard and slaying many. This, however, was a later incident.
1
Of Lampsacus. A philosophical and historical writer who flourished about 290 BC. None of his works are
extant.
174
Diogenes Laertius ii. 5. 7
[5.7] His strength of will and attachment to the democracy are evident from his refusal to
yield to Critias and his colleagues when they ordered him to bring the wealthy Leon of
Salamis before them for execution, 1 and further from the fact that he alone voted for the
acquittal of the ten generals; 2 and again from the facts that when he had the opportunity to
escape from the prison he declined to do so, and that he rebuked his friends for weeping
over his fate, and addressed to them his most memorable discourses in the prison.
Aristotle, Metaphysics 13. 1078b -
The theory of Forms occurred to those who enunciated it because they were convinced as to
the true nature of reality by the doctrine of Heraclitus, that all things that can be perceived
by the senses are always in a state of flux; [15] so that if there is to be any knowledge or
thought about anything, there must be certain other entities, besides sensible ones, which
persist. For there can be no knowledge of that which is in flux. Now Socrates devoted his
attention to the moral virtues, and was the first to seek a general definition of these [20] (for
of the Physicists Democritus gained only a superficial grasp of the subject and defined, after
a fashion, "the hot" and "the cold"; while the Pythagoreans at an earlier date had arrived at
definitions of some few things—whose formulae they connected with numbers—e.g., what
"opportunity" is, or "justice" or "marriage"); and he naturally inquired into the essence of
things; for he was trying to reason logically, and the starting-point of all logical reasoning is
the essence. [25] At that time there was as yet no such proficiency in Dialectic that men
could study contraries independently of the essence, and consider whether both contraries
come under the same science. There are two innovations which, may fairly be ascribed to
Socrates: inductive reasoning and general definition. Both of these are associated with the
starting-point of scientific knowledge.
[30] But whereas Socrates regarded neither universals nor definitions as existing in
separation, the Idealists gave them a separate existence, and to these universals and
definitions of existing things they gave the name of Ideas.
Diogenes Laertius ii.5. 9 - 26
[5.9] Aristotle says that he married two wives: his first wife was Xanthippe, by whom he had
a son, Lamprocles; his second wife was Myrto, the daughter of Aristides the Just, whom he
took without a dowry. By her he had Sophroniscus and Menexenus. 3
[5.10] He could afford to despise those who scoffed at him. He prided himself on his plain
living, and never asked a fee from anyone. He used to say that he most enjoyed the food
which was least in need of condiment, and the drink which made him feel the least
1
See Plato, Apology 32c.
See above, Arginusae
3
According to Plato (Crito 45d; Phaedo 116b) Socrates had two young sons and one older one at the time of
his death. It seems reasonable that the younger were Sophroniscus and Menexenus. In the Phaedo (116b) it
says that the women (plural) spoke with Socrates just before his death.
2
175
hankering for some other drink; and that he was nearest to the gods in that he had the
fewest wants. This may be seen from the Comic poets, who in the act of ridiculing him give
him high praise. Thus Aristophanes:
O man that justly desires great wisdom, how blessed will be your life amongst Athenians
and Greeks, retentive of memory and thinker that you are, with endurance of toil for your
character; never are you weary whether standing or walking, never numb with cold, never
hungry for breakfast; from wine and from gross feeding and all other frivolities you do turn
away. (Clouds 412 - 417).
[5.14] …He would extol leisure as the best of possessions, according to Xenophon in the
Symposium. There is, he said, only one good, that is, knowledge, and only one evil, that is,
ignorance; wealth and good birth bring their possessor no dignity, but on the contrary evil.
At all events, when someone told him that Antisthenes' mother was a Thracian, he replied,
"Nay, did you expect a man so noble to have been born of two Athenian parents?" He made
Crito ransom Phaedo who, having been taken prisoner in the war, was kept in degrading
slavery, and so won him for philosophy.
[5.15] …He used to say that his supernatural sign warned him beforehand of the future; that
to make a good start was no trifling advantage, but a trifle turned the scale; and that he knew
nothing except just the fact of his ignorance. He said that, when people paid a high price
for fruit which had ripened early, they must despair of seeing the fruit ripen at the proper
season. And, being once asked in what consisted the virtue of a young man, he said, "In
doing nothing to excess."
[5.19] …These and the like were his words and deeds, to which the Pythian priestess bore
testimony when she gave Chaerephon the famous response:
"Of all men living Socrates most wise."
[5.20] For this he was most envied; and especially because he would take to task those who
thought highly of themselves, proving them to be fools, as to be sure he treated Anytus,
according to Plato's Meno. For Anytus could not endure to be ridiculed by Socrates, and so
in the first place stirred up against him Aristophanes and his friends; then afterwards he
helped to persuade Meletus to indict him on a charge of impiety and corrupting the youth.
The indictment was brought by Meletus, and the speech was delivered by Polyeuctus,
according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History. The speech was written by Polycrates the
sophist, according to Hermippus; but some say that it was by Anytus. Lycon the demagogue
had made all the needful preparations.
[5.22] The affidavit in the case, which is still preserved, says Favorinus, in the Metron, ran as
follows: "This indictment and affidavit is sworn by Meletus, the son of Meletus of Pitthos,
against Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus of Alopece: Socrates is guilty of refusing to
recognize the gods recognized by the state, and of introducing other new divinities. He is
also guilty of corrupting the youth. The penalty demanded is death." The philosopher then,
after Lysias had written a defence for him, read it through and said: "A fine speech, Lysias;
it is not, however, suitable to me." For it was plainly more forensic than philosophical. [5.23]
176
Lysias said, "If it is a fine speech, how can it fail to suit you?" "Well," he replied, "would not
fine raiment and fine shoes be just as unsuitable to me?" 1
When therefore he was condemned by 281 votes more than those given for acquittal, 2 and
when the judges were assessing what he should suffer or what fine he should pay, he
proposed to pay 25 drachmae. Eubulides indeed says he offered 100. [5.24] When this
caused an uproar among the judges, he said, "Considering my services, I assess the penalty
at maintenance in the Prytaneum at the public expense."
Sentence of death was passed, with an accession of eighty fresh votes. He was put in prison,
and a few days afterwards drank the hemlock, after much noble discourse which Plato
records in the Phaedo.
[5.25] So he was taken from among men; and not long afterwards the Athenians felt such
remorse that they shut up the training grounds and gymnasia. They banished the other
accusers but put Meletus to death; they honoured Socrates with a bronze statue, the work
of Lysippus, which they placed in the hall of processions. And no sooner did Anytus visit
Heraclea than the people of that town expelled him on that very day.
[5.26] … He was born, according to Apollodorus in his Chronology, in the archonship of
Apsephion, in the fourth year of the 77th Olympiad, on the 6th day of the month of
Thargelion, when the Athenians purify their city, which according to the Delians is the
birthday of Artemis. 3 He died in the first year of the 95th Olympiad at the age of seventy. 4
Two of Plato's Dialogues, Crito and Phaedo, take place in the prison where Socrates awaited
the day of his execution. From the Phaedo we learn the details of his detainment:
Plato, Phaedo
[57A ] ECHECRATES : Were you with Socrates yourself, Phaedo, on the day when he drank the
poison in prison, or did you hear about it from someone else?
P HAEDO : I was there myself, Echecrates.
ECHECRATES: Then what did he say before his death? And how did he die? I should like to
hear, for nowadays none of the Phliasians go to Athens at all, and no stranger has come
1
Lysias was a speechwriter by profession: Men who could not write their own speeches for the assembly or
the courts would hire others to write the speeches for them. Several of Lysias' speeches are extant and
through them we learn a great deal about Athenian law and society.
2
The apparent translation is that the first vote was 110 to 391, and the second vote 30 to 471. The text
should read "condemned by 281 votes, a number which was more than those given for acquittal." The first
vote was 221 to acquit, 280 to convict (Plato, Apology 36a).
3
Apsephion took office on 4 July 469 = 1 Hecatombaeon. The New Moon marking the beginning of
Hecatombaeon of the next year occurred on 23 July 468. Counting back, the 6th of Thargelion would,
then, have been 29 May, 468 BC. All of this assumes, of course, that the Athenian calendar was on course
that year.
4
Olympiad 95.1 was 400/399 BC. Socrates would have turned 70 in May of 399. On his birthday, the
Salamina, the sacred ship of State, would have been at Delos having conveyed the Athenian embassy to
the festival of Apollo, the Delia. See below.
177
from there for a long time, [57b] who could tell us anything definite about this matter,
except that he drank poison and died, so we could learn no further details.
[58A ] P HAEDO : Did you not even hear about the trial and how it was conducted?
ECHECRATES: Yes, someone told us about that, and we wondered that although it took place
a long time ago, he was put to death much later. Now why was that, Phaedo?
P HAEDO : It was a matter of chance, Echecrates. It happened that the stem of the ship which
the Athenians send to Delos was crowned on the day before the trial.
ECHECRATES: What ship is this?
P HAEDO : This is the ship, as the Athenians say, in which Theseus once went to Crete with
the fourteen youths and maidens, and saved them and himself. [58b] Now the Athenians
made a vow to Apollo, as the story goes, that if they were saved they would send a mission
every year to Delos. And from that time even to the present day they send it annually in
honour of the god. 1 Now it is their law that after the mission begins the city must be pure
and no one may be publicly executed until the ship has gone to Delos and back; and
sometimes, when contrary winds detain it, this takes a long time. [58c] The beginning of the
mission is when the priest of Apollo crowns the stern of the ship; and this took place, as I
say, on the day before the trial. For that reason Socrates passed a long time in prison between
his trial and his death. 2
Diodorus xiv. 37.7
[7] At the same time in Athens, Socrates the philosopher accused by Anytus and Melitus of
atheism and corrupting the youth, was condemned to die, and afterwards executed by
drinking hemlock; of which wicked action the people in a short time after repented, when
in vain they could have wished that excellent and worthy man alive again: therefore they
turned all their fury upon his accusers, and killed them without waiting for any formalities
of law.
1
Not quite true, the mission was suspended for a time and revived in 426 BC . Whether the Salamina, or
another, much older, ship called the Delia was used is a matter for debate.
2
If Diogenes Laertius is correct on the birth date for Socrates, then he would have spent his 70th birthday in
prison.
178
Plato
Plato was an Athenian born to an aristocratic family in 427 BC. Very little is known about his
private life and, as with Socrates, it seems odd that no satisfactory biography comes down to us.
Plato became a student of Socrates in 407 and, therefore, only knew Socrates for eight years.
Plato produced a body of literature known as the Socratic Dialogues which purport to be
faithful transcriptions of conversations Socrates had with various people over the course of his
career, but this cannot be true: Most of the dialogues take place before Plato even met Socrates
and in several, the Phaedo for example, it is overtly stated or implied that Plato was not present.
Indeed, Plato mentions himself only twice; in the Phaedo and the Apology.
This corpus has been so influential that A. N. Whitehead (Process and Reality. 1979: 39)
famously says that all of Western philosophy "consists of a series of footnotes to Plato." The
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy suggests that Philosophy "as it is often conceived - a rigorous
and systematic examination of ethical, political, metaphysical, and epistemological issues, armed
with a distinctive method…" was Plato's invention. 1
Plato had inherited from his father a small garden within the precinct of the Academy - one of
the three public gymnasiums of Athens. After the death of Socrates in 399, Plato withdrew from
public life and, sometime between 398 and 388, opened a school at the Academy. With the
exception of several sojourns, most notably to Syracuse, Plato worked and taught at the Academy
until his death in 348/7.
Pausanias i.30.3
Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato, to whom heaven foretold that he
would be the prince of philosophers. The manner of the foretelling was this. On the night
before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates in a dream saw a swan fly into his bosom.
Diogenes Laertius iii.1 – 8
[1] Plato was the son of Ariston and a citizen of Athens. His mother was Perictione (or
Potone), who traced back her descent to Solon. For Solon had a brother, Dropides; he was
the father of Critias, who was the father of Callaeschrus, who was the father of Critias,
one of the Thirty, as well as of Glaucon, who was the father of Charmides and Perictione.
Thus Plato, the son of this Perictione and Ariston, was in the sixth generation from Solon.
And Solon traced his descent to Neleus and Poseidon. His father too is said to be in the
direct line from Codrus, the son of Melanthus, and, according to Thrasylus, Codrus and
Melanthus also trace their descent from Poseidon.
[2] Apollodorus in his Chronology fixes the date of Plato's birth in the 88th Olympiad, on the
seventh day of the month Thargelion, the same day on which the Delians say that Apollo
himself was born. He died, according to Hermippus, at a wedding feast, in the first year of
the 108th Olympiad, in his eighty-first year. 2
[4] He had two brothers, Adeimantus and Glaucon, and a sister, Potone, who was the mother
of Speusippus.
1
2
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato/
If the day and month are correct that would put his birth in May of 427; his death in 348/7.
179
[8] …he went on service three times, first to Tanagra, secondly to Corinth, and thirdly at
Delium, 1 where also he obtained the prize of valour. He mixed together doctrines of
Heraclitus, the Pythagoreans and Socrates. In his doctrine of sensible things he agrees with
Heraclitus, in his doctrine of the intelligible with Pythagoras, and in political philosophy
with Socrates.
Included in the Platonic corpus are thirteen letters, Epistles, purportedly written by Plato to
various friends. The authenticity of these letters has been disputed for centuries but in the ancient
world they were accepted as genuine and cited by Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius and others. Genuine
or not, the letters were certainly written by someone who had intimate knowledge of the life of
Plato and, on that merit at least, form a valuable source of information.
Plato, Epistles, vii
[324b]… In the days of my youth my experience was the same as that of many others. I
thought that as soon as I should become my own master I would immediately enter into
public life. [324c] But it so happened, I found, that the following changes occurred in the
political situation.
In the government then existing, reviled as it was by many, a revolution took place; and the
revolution was headed by fifty-one leaders, of whom eleven were in the City and ten in the
Piraeus—each of these sections dealing with the market and with all municipal matters
requiring management—and Thirty were established as irresponsible rulers of all.
[324d] Now of these some were actually connections and acquaintances of mine; and indeed
they invited me at once to join their administration, thinking it would be congenial. 2 The
feelings I then experienced, owing to my youth, were in no way surprising: for I imagined
that they would administer the State by leading it out of an unjust way of life into a just way,
and consequently I gave my mind to them very diligently, to see what they would do. And
indeed I saw how these men within a short time caused men to look back on the former
government as a golden age; and above all how they treated my aged friend Socrates, [324e]
whom I would hardly scruple to call the most just of men then living, when they tried to
send him, along with others, after one of the citizens, to fetch him by force that he might
be put to death— [325a] their object being that Socrates, whether he wished or no, might be
made to share in their political actions; he, however, refused to obey and risked the
uttermost penalties rather than be a partaker in their unholy deeds. 3 So when I beheld all
these actions and others of a similar grave kind, I was indignant, and I withdrew myself from
the evil practices then going on. But in no long time the power of the Thirty was overthrown
together with the whole of the government which then existed. Then once again I was really,
though less urgently, impelled with a desire to take part in public and political affairs.
[325b] Many deplorable events, however, were still happening in those times, troublesome
as they were, and it was not surprising that in some instances, during these revolutions, men
were avenging themselves on their foes too fiercely; yet, notwithstanding, the exiles who
1
All of this is quite impossible, these battles having taken place before his time.
Charmides was Plato's uncle and Critias, the leader of the Thirty, was his cousin. See above The Thirty
Tyrants.
3
The event being referred to here is the arrest of Leon of Syracuse. See Apology 32c; Xenophon, Hellenica
2
180
then returned exercised no little moderation. 1 But, as ill-luck would have it, certain men of
authority summoned our comrade Socrates before the law-courts, laying a charge against
him which was most unholy, and which Socrates of all men least deserved; [325c] for it was
on the charge of impiety that those men summoned him and the rest condemned and slew
him—the very man who on the former occasion, when they themselves had the misfortune
to be in exile, had refused to take part in the unholy arrest of one of the friends of the men
then exiled.
When, therefore, I considered all this, and the type of men who were administering the
affairs of State, with their laws too and their customs, the more I considered them and the
more I advanced in years myself, the more difficult appeared to me the task of managing
affairs of State rightly. [325d] For it was impossible to take action without friends and trusty
companions; and these it was not easy to find ready to hand, since our State was no longer
managed according to the principles and institutions of our forefathers; while to acquire
other new friends with any facility was a thing impossible. Moreover, both the written laws
and the customs were being corrupted, and that with surprising rapidity. [325e]
Consequently, although at first I was filled with an ardent desire to engage in public affairs,
when I considered all this and saw how things were shifting about anyhow in all directions,
I finally became dizzy; and although I continued to consider by what means some betterment
could be brought about not only in these matters but also in the government as a whole,
[326a] yet as regards political action I kept waiting for an opportune moment; until, finally,
looking at all the States which now exist, I perceived that they are, one and all, badly
governed; for the state of their laws is such as to be almost incurable without some
marvellous overhauling and good-luck to boot.
So in my praise of the right philosophy I was compelled to declare that by it one is enabled
to discern all forms of justice both political and individual. Wherefore the classes of
mankind (I said) will have no cessation from evils until either the class of those [326b] who
are right and true philosophers attains political supremacy, or else the class of those who
hold power in the States becomes, by some dispensation of Heaven, really philosophic.
Plato made his first trip to Syracuse in 388/7 (Plato Epist. 324a):
Plutarch, Dion 4. 1 - 5.
[1] …But though Dion was even before of a lofty character, magnanimous, and manly, he
advanced still more in these high qualities when, by some divine good fortune, Plato came
to Sicily. [2] This was not of man's devising, but some heavenly power, as it would seem,
laying far in advance of the time a foundation for the liberty of Syracuse, and devising a
subversion of tyranny, brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse and made Dion his disciple.
Dion was then quite young, but of all the companions of Plato he was by far the quickest to
learn and the readiest to answer the call of virtue, as Plato himself has written, 2 and as events
testify.
[3]…(Dion) brought it to pass that the tyrant, in a leisure hour, should meet Plato and hear
him discourse.
1
2
The exiles from Phyle, led by Thrasybulus.
Epistle vii. 327a.
181
[5.1] At this meeting the general subject was the virtue (Areté) of men. And when Plato set
forth that tyrants least of all men had this quality, and then, treating of justice, maintained
that the life of the just was blessed, while that of the unjust was wretched, the tyrant, as if
convicted by his arguments, would not listen to them, and was vexed with the audience
because they admired the speaker and were charmed by his utterances. [2] At last he got
exceedingly angry and asked the philosopher why he had come to Sicily. And when Plato
said that he was come to seek a virtuous man, the tyrant answered and said: "Well, by the
gods, it appears that you have not yet found one." Dion thought that this was the end of his
anger, and as Plato was eager for it, sent him away upon a trireme, which was conveying
Pollis the Spartan to Greece. [3] But Dionysius privately asked Pollis to kill Plato on the
voyage, if it were in any way possible, but if not, to sell him into slavery; for he would take
no harm, but would be quite as happy, being a just man, even if he should become a slave.
Pollis, therefore, as we are told, carried Plato to Aegina and there sold him; for the
Aeginetans were at war with the Athenians and had made a decree that any Athenian taken
on the island should be put up for sale. 1
Diodorus has a slightly different version:
Diodorus xv. 7.1
[1] …because [Dionysius] was a man eminent in philosophy, and for some time at the first
he greatly honoured him. But, taking offence at something he said to him, he hated him to
that degree, that he ordered him to be brought into the common market-place, and there
sold as a slave for five minas: but the philosophers (who consulted together on the matter)
afterwards redeemed him, and sent him back to Greece, with the friendly advice that a
philosopher should very rarely converse with tyrants; and when he did, he should be on his
best behaviour.
That first visit, in 388/7, was during the reign of Dionysius I (405 - 368). Plato made a second
trip, at the invitation of Dion, very early in the reign of Dionysius II (368 - 356), probably in 367/6
BC.
Plutarch, Dion xi.1 - xiii.
[xi.1] Since Dion frequently gave him such advice, and artfully mingled with it some of
Plato's doctrines, Dionysius was seized with a keen and even frenzied passion for the
teachings and companionship of Plato. At once, then, many letters began to come to Athens
from Dionysius, and many injunctions from Dion, as well as others from the Pythagorean
philosophers of Italy, all of whom urged Plato to come and get control of a youthful soul
now tossed about on a sea of great authority and power, and steady it by his weighty
reasoning. [2] Plato, accordingly, as he tells us himself, 2 out of shame more than anything
else, lest men should think him nothing but theory and unwilling to take any action; and
further, because he expected that by the purification of one man, who was, as it were, a
controlling factor, he would cure all Sicily of her distempers, yielded to these requests.
1
2
Aegina entered the war in 389/8 (Xen. Hell. v.1).
Epistle vii. 329a - b.
182
[xii.1] Dion had hopes, as it seems likely, that by means of the visit of Plato he could mitigate
the arrogance and excessive severity of the tyranny, and convert Dionysius into a fit and
lawful ruler; [2] but if Dionysius should oppose his efforts and refuse to be softened, he had
determined to depose him and restore the civil power to the Syracusan people; not that he
approved of a democracy, but he thought it altogether better than a tyranny in lack of a
sound and healthy aristocracy.
[xiii.1] Such was the condition of affairs when Plato came to Sicily. 1
Plato's attempts to institute a philosopher-tyrant in Syracuse failed and he returned to Athens
and spent most of the remainder of his life teaching in the Academy. His most famous student was
Aristotle.
The numbering of the texts:
In 1578 the humanist Henri Estienne, also known as Stephanus, printed the complete works
of Plato in a three volume set and these editions are still the standard and authoritative manuscripts.
Each volume has continuous page numbering, beginning with page one, and each page is presented
in two columns - the original Greek on the left of the page and a Latin translation on the right. At
the time, Latin was the language of scholarship and instruction at most of the universities of
Europe. Each column is divided into five sections: a, b, c, d and e. Reference numbers for all of
Plato's works follow the Stephanus page and section numbers. So; Protagoras 331b derives from
volume 1, page 331, section b. In all modern editions the same reference numbers are used to refer
to the same text. So, for example, in the Loeb edition those lines appear on page 158/9 but the
reference number 331b appears next to the appropriate lines in the text.
The Stephanus numbers are as follows:
Volume 1
Volume 2
Euthyphro
2a - 16a
Philebus
Apology
17a - 42a
Meno
Crito
43a - 54e
Alcibiades I
Phaedo
57a - 118a
Alcibiades II
Theages
121a - 131a
Charmides
Lovers
132a - 139a
Laches
Theaetetus
142a - 210d
Lysis
Sophist
216a - 268b
Hipparchus
Euthydemus 271a - 307c
Menexenus
Protagoras 309a - 362a
Statesman
Hippias Min. 363a - 376c
Minos
Cratylus
383a - 440e
Republic
Gorgias
447a - 527e
Laws
Ion
530a - 542b
Epinomis
Volume 3
Timaeus
17a - 92c
Critias
106a - 121c
Parmenides 126a - 166c
Symposium 172a - 223d
Phaedrus
227a - 279c
Hippias Maj. 281a - 304e
Epistles
309a - 363e
Axiochus
364a - 372a
On Justice
372a - 375d
On Virtue
376a - 379d
Demodocus 380a - 386b
Sisyphus
387b - 391d
Eryxias
392a - 406a
Cleitophon
406a - 410e
Definitions
411a - 416a
At the time Stephanus published there were several works attributed to Plato that have since been
deemed spurious. They include Axiochus, On Justice, On Virtue, Demodocus, Sisyphus, Eryxias
and, perhaps, Cleitophon.
1
Around 367, the exact date is uncertain.
11a - 67b
70a - 100b
103a - 135e
138a - 151c
153a - 176d
178a - 201c
203a - 223b
225a - 232c
234a - 249e
257a - 311c
313a - 321d
327a - 621d
624a - 969d
973a - 992e
183
The Fourth Century: Struggle for Hegemony
Spartan Hegemony
Diodorus xiv. 10.1 - 2
[1] In Greece, after the end of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedaemonians, by the general
consent of all, had supremacy both by land and sea. They appointed Lysander again high
admiral, with orders to visit each city and establish Harmosts, (as they called them). For,
because the democracies were enemies to the Lacedaemonians, they ordered an oligarchy to
be established in every city. [2] They also imposed a tribute upon all they subdued. And
although they made use of money at any time before, yet now they collected an annual
tribute of more than one thousand talents.
Plurtarch, Life of Agis
When the love of gold and silver had once gained admittance into the Lacedaemonian
commonwealth, it was quickly followed by avarice and baseness of spirit in the pursuit of it,
and by luxury, effeminacy, and prodigality in the use. Then Sparta fell from almost all her
former virtue and repute, and so continued till the days of Agis and Leonidas, who both
together were kings of the Lacedaemonians.
Theban Hegemony
184
Macedon
Perdiccas to Amyntas
Herodotus v.22
… that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to know
myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes.
Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided that they were so:
for when Alexander 1 wished to contend in the games and had descended for this purpose
into the arena, the Hellenes who were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that
the contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since however Alexander
proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene, and when he entered the contest
of the foot-race his lot came out with that of the first.
Herodotus viii.137 – 139
[137] Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor was that Perdiccas who first became despot
of the Macedonians, and that in the manner which here follows:--From Argos there fled to
the Illyrians three brothers of the descendants of Temenos, 2 Gauanes, Aëropos, and
Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came
to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm- servants for pay in the household of the king,
one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the
smaller kinds of cattle; for in ancient times even those who were rulers over men were poor
in money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their
food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely Perdiccas,
became double as large as by nature it should be. When this happened constantly in the
same manner, she told it to her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that
this was a portent and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants therefore,
and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they said that it was right that before
they went forth they should receive the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun
was shining into the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the
king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine power: "I pay you
then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve," pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes
and Aëropos the elder brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the
boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We accept, O king, that
which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with his knife round the sunlight on the floor of
the house, and having traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom,
and after that he departed both himself and his fellows.
[138] They then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at table told
what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest of them had taken that
which was given with some design: and he hearing this and being moved with anger, sent
after them horsemen to slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendants
of these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as the sons of Temenos
1
2
Alexander I of Macedon (497 – 454 BC.)
A great-great grandson of Heracles, Temenos became King of Argos after the descendants of Heracles
conquered the Peloponnese.
185
had passed over it, began to flow with such great volume of water that the horsemen became
unable to pass over. So the brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up
their dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where roses grow wild
which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos
was captured, as is reported by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a
mountain called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken
possession of that region, they made this their starting-point, and proceeded to subdue also
the rest of Macedonia.
[139] From this Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:- Alexander was the son
of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes was Aëropos, of him
Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the
kingdom.
Philip II
Alexander the Great
186
Aristotle
Aristotle
Greek philosopher and founder of the ‘scientific method.’ Aristotle was born in Stageira in
Chalcidice in 384 BC and died 322 BC.
He studied in Athens, under Plato, from 367 until the death of Plato in 347. In 342 Aristotle
moved to Macedon to become the tutor to Alexander, son of King Philip II.
In 335 BC Aristotle returned to Athens and founded his own school, the Lyceum.
Aristotle wrote prolifically and his extant works include: Physics; Politics; Rhetoric; Poetry;
Nicomachian Ethics; Eudamian Ethics and others.
The Constitution of Athens is attributed to Aristotle but may be the work of one of his students.
The Poetics translation used herein is by S.H Butcher (1902)
187
Later Historians
Polybius
Diodorus of Sicily
Book I.1
ALL mankind are under a great obligation of gratitude to those that have written universal
histories; forasmuch as there has been an honourable contest amongst them by their labours
and pains to be helpful to others in the due conduct and management of the common affairs
and concerns of this present life. [2] For whereas they usher in a sort of wholesome
instruction without any hazard to the person; so they thereby also procure to their readers
art and skill in politics above the ordinary rate with great ease and security. For knowledge
gained by experience, though it brings a man to an aptness to be quick in discerning what
is most advisable in every particular case, yet such knowledge is attended with many toils
and hazards. And thus he that was the most experienced man among the heroes viewed
many cities, and came well to understand and pry into the minds and tempers of men, yet
it was with many troubles and misfortunes: but knowledge of what was well or ill done by
others, gained by history, carries along with it instructions, freed from those misfortunes
that others have before experienced.
[3] Besides, these historians have used their utmost diligence to reduce all men, in their
consideration of them, (who are united and related one to another in the same common
nature and origin, though far distant each from the other as to place and time), under one
and the same head, and common order, as if they were servants herein to the Divine
Providence. For as Providence having marshalled the stars (visible to us) in a most beautiful
frame and order, and likewise conjoined the natures of men in a common analogy and
likeness one to another, incessantly wheels about every age, as in a circle, imparting to each
what is before by fate shared out and allotted for them; so these historians, by committing
to writing the common actions of men through the whole world, as if they were the affairs
of only of one city, represent their labours as one entire account and common repertory and
treasury of human transactions. [4] For it is a desirable thing to be in a capacity to make
use of the mistakes of others, the better to order the course of our own lives, and in the
various events and accidents that may befall us, not to be then at a loss, and seeking what is
to be done, but rather to be able to imitate what has been well done. And certainly, as to
counsel and advice, all prefer ancient men before those that are young, because of their
prudence gained by a long experience. But history goes as far beyond the knowledge of old
men, as we are sure it does surmount all their experience in multitude of examples. So that
any man may justly look upon it as a thing most profitable and advantageous, to make use
of this upon all occasions and accidents of this life.
[5] As for young men, it teaches them the wisdom and prudence of the old, and increases
and improves the wisdom of the aged: it fits private men for high places; and stirs up princes
(for the sake of honour and glory) to those exploits that may immortalize their names. It
encourages likewise soldiers to fight the more courageously for their country, upon the hopes
of applause and commendation after their deaths: and as a curb to the impious and profane,
188
it restrains them in some measure, upon the account of being noted to posterity, with a
perpetual brand of infamy and disgrace.
189
Bibliography of Primary Sources in Translation
All of the translations contained herein are either public domain documents or translations by
the editor. Occasionally I have edited the translations either to update the English or to correct
errors and/or omissions.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon. Herbert Weir Smyth trans. Loeb. 1926.
Aesop’s Fables, George Fyler Townsend trans. 1887.
Apollodorus, Library. James George Frazer trans. 1921.
Aristotle, Metaphysics. Hugh Tredennick trans. Loeb, 1933.
Aristotle, Politics. H. Rackham trans. Loeb.1959 (1932).
Critias, ‘Fragments.’ Kathleen Freeman, trans. 1948.
Diodorus of Sicily, Bibliotheca. G. Booth trans. 1814.
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Robert Drews Hicks trans. Loeb, 1925
Herodotus, Histories. G. C. Macaulay trans. 1890.
Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, Epic Cycle, Homerica. Hugh Evelyn-Whyte trans. 1922.
Homer, The Iliad. Samuel Butler trans. 1898.
Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pomepeius Trogus. John Selby Watson trans. 1853.
Pausanias, Description of Greece. W. H. S. Jones trans. Loeb. 1918.
Plato, Epistles, R.G. Bury trans. Loeb, 1966. (This translation is subject to copywright).
Plutarch, Lives. John Dryden trans.
Plutarch, Alcibiades. Bernadotte Perrin trans. Loeb, 1916
Plutarch, Dion. Bernadotte Perin trans. Loeb, 1918.
Solon, Select Fragments, John Porter trans. (This translation is subject to copywright).
Sophocles, Oedipus Rex and Antigone, F. Storr trans. Loeb, 1912.
Strabo, Geography. H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer trans. 1903.
Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War. Richard Crawley trans. 1903.
Xenophon, Hellenica. H. G. Dakyns trans.1897: Carleton L. Brownson trans. Loeb. 1918.
--- --- --- ‘The Spartan Constitution’. J.S. Watson trans.