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Brent Boli
HRS 220
Dubois
Reading Analysis
Word Count: 1800
“Women Mystics in the Thirteenth Century”, Chapter five of Jesus as Mother by Caroline
Walker Bynum
Outline
1. Selective Summary
A. Relevant Questions/Main point of the essay
B. Gertrude of Helfta
i. Images of God
a. Conception of God
b. Conception of the Eucharist
c. Way of thinking about justice/obedience
ii. Role and Sense of Self
C. Mechtild of Hackeborn
i. Images of God
a. Conception of God
b. Conception of the Eucharist
c. Way of thinking about justice/obedience
ii. Role and Sense of Self
D. Mechtild of Magdeburg
i. Images of God
a. Conception of God
b. Conception of the Eucharist
c. Way of thinking about sin and justice/obedience
ii. Role and Sense of self
E. Conclusions of Bynum
2. Evaluation
A. Evaluation of Roles in regard to gender
B. Evaluation of nun’s images of God
C. Evaluation of nun’s sense of Eucharist
D. Evaluation of nun’s conception of obedience
3. Wider Relevance
1. Selective Summary
Bynum begins this essay by bringing up two questions she would like to answer. She
states that mysticism was “more common among women than men” (172) and so she asks “Why
were women so prominent in thirteenth century mysticism?” and “Why did their piety have the
particular characteristics that it did?” (172). To answer this question Bynum uses the accounts of
three of the nuns of Helfta because “their reports of visions and inner experiences or meditations
form the largest single body of women’s mystical writing in the period” (174). To Bynum this
issue needs to be explored because the mysticism of women form this period had never been
studied from a historical standpoint and was frequently passed off as female emotionalism and
nuptial imagery (171).
The first nun Bynum introduces is Gertrude of Helfta. Bynum discusses for each nun
their images of God as well as their role and sense of self. For Gertrude “God is judge as well as
comforter” (186). “Christ…is a lover, friend, and bridegroom, but he is also ruler and judge”
(187). “Even with Mary and the saints, power, glory and authority are at least as important as
mercy and love” (187). In essence, Gertrude saw her God and other religious figures as being a
combination of harsher and softer qualities. For Gertrude, the Eucharist was extremely important
to her as “it lies at the center of her piety” (193). To Gertrude “Christ’s body and blood…are
awesome, powerful, and royal as well as comforting and accessible” (193). Gertrude stresses
obedience to God “as part of an acceptance of divinity as an awesome order and justice beyond
our comprehension” (195) which is in contrast to “Julian of Norwich’s need for a God of comfort
and mercy beyond justice” (195).
Gertrude of Helfta “sees service at the heart of the monastic vocation” (197). Her service
to others was authenticated by “visions and the inexpressible union that lay behind them” (200).
Part of Gertrude’s service was to provide counsel and help for her sisters, oftentimes acting as a
sort of priest by allowing some sisters to take communion without confession because Christ has
declared it okay for the day through a vision she had had (203-205). She is a kind of mediator for
her sisters as well as a conduit between Christ and the convent, and it is in this way that she
perceives herself.
The next nun is Mechtild of Hackeborn. Her image of God is very similar to Gertrude’s,
again stresses both harsh and soft qualities, though she does have a “greater emphasis on God as
comforter” (212). The Eucharist also is important to Mechtild. She sees it as the “point at which
our humanity meets divinity and is united with it” (214). This thinking about the Eucharist is
made even more important when Bynum points out that “it is union with a regal God and not
sacrifice that is the fundamental fact is salvation” (217), thus giving the Eucharist the ability to
impute continuous salvation. Mechtild places a fairly equal stress on obedience as does Gertrude
(217), and she also sees the necessity for judgment in a similar light (213).
Mechtild does not see herself in the same light as Gertrude does. She instead sees her role
of service as being “prayer and offering an example” (218). Bynum says that “Helfta benefited in
a special way from Mechtild’s prayers” (219). Even so, it seems friars and laity alike use
Mechtild “for information and counseling” (220) because of her visions and closeness to Christ.
“She is explicitly called ‘preacher’ and ‘apostle’ and identified as the ‘governor’ of the abbey
along with the abbess” (225). Thus she too possesses a role similar to Gertrude’s as a leader and
one whose service is in many ways similar to that of a priest.
The last nun is Mechtild of Madgeburg. She was a generation older than the previous two
nuns and did not grow up in the abbey like they did (228). Her imagery about God is much more
“erotic and nuptial” (229) and she sees God as “a lover and a spouse” (229). Her emphasis in the
Eucharist is not on union with God like the previous two nuns but in “an identification with
Christ’s bleeding and pain” (230). She does this because she puts great stress on suffering and
seems to be “at home only in an acute suffering” (231). She is also extremely afraid of “sin and
damnation” (234). “She is less secure with God’s justice” (228), and even seems to want to deny
that humans might have a sinful nature (233-234).
Mechtild of Magdeburg’s “picture of herself is of someone alone and persecuted” (239).
But she does she herself as “a teacher, counselor, and mediator” (235). She “is explicitly aware
of being female and of the benefits and liabilities of the gender” (241). This is in contrast to the
other two nuns who never even comment on their gender (241). So it seems that even though
Mechtild, because of her visions and closeness to Christ has the authority to be a teacher and
counselor, she does not place her emphasis on those things. Instead she seems to limit her roles
and abilities because of her gender.
Then in conclusion Bynum returns to the questions she had asked previously. Why were
women so prominent in mysticism? Bynum answers this question with one sweeping statement
about the impact of these women’s visions and their connection to Christ. “[Christ] gave them an
authorization to do and be much of what contemporaries understood by evangelism and his
authorization was far more direct and final than any office or tradition could be” (251). In other
words, because of their visions these women were given an authority by Christ equal to or even
higher than that of a priest. Why did women mystics have the peculiar piety that they did?
Bynum states that there was a “need for a substitute to clerical experience” (253). For these
women, the Eucharist provided exactly that. “The Eucharist was the equivalent of and the
occasion for ecstasy. Ecstasy gave them religious power as well as delight--authorization for at
least some elements of the most highly valued religious role” (257-58).
2. Evaluation
I will begin my evaluation with an analysis of Bynum’s particular claims in regard to the
nuns. For Gertrude of Helfta, whose service was to provide counsel and help for her sisters, “The
cumulative impact of Gertrude’s visions…[is] to project women into one of those structures, the
pastoral and mediating role, which is otherwise denied to them” (203). Bynum’s contention is
that the visions of these mystics enabled them to appropriate a role previously reserved only for
the priesthood, thus somewhat erasing their general inequality. This seems a well founded
conclusion, but I think we should be careful not to draw certain conclusions from it. One
conclusion would be that Gertrude took this role upon herself because of felt inequalities so she
was able to become equal with her male counterparts. This conclusion would have little evidence
behind it. It seems much more likely that because Gertrude of Helfta had grown up in an
environment outside of traditional life that she simply took on the role which was presented to
her, without any conscious thought of gender.
The flip side to this is Mechtild of Madgeburg, who frequently mentioned her gender and
was somewhat preoccupied with it. But, rather than discounted her ability and visions because of
her gender, she uses her gender as justification for her continual (though less often than the other
two nuns) role as a counselor and teacher. It is just because of her low image of herself/women
in general that she sees herself as “a purged channel by which God may speak to others” (242).
Because of her stress on suffering and its necessity in salvation Mechtild of Madgeburg sees her
lower status as a women as a type of suffering, thus making her fully capable to minister to
others and pray for others in a way that many men would not be able. Thus, though Gertrude and
Mechtild of Hackeborn were justified in their “priestly” roles by the visions themselves,
Mechtild of Madgeburg was justified to use her visions for the benefit of others because she was
a woman. I found these claims to be fairly well justified and they make sense.
What is not so clear, however, are Bynum’s descriptions of each of these nun’s beliefs
and images of God. She does not develop points that she could have made such as how the way
the nuns thought about God (both harsh and just in the case of Gertrude and Mechtild, or as a
lover in the case of Mechtild of Madgeburg) might affect the ways they thought about gender
and their roles, or vice versa. Though she hints at the connections, she never convincingly
explains it.
Her claim that the Eucharist gave these women a sort of priestly power which is why they
emphasize it so highly in their piety does make sense. What is not certain is how much emphasis
these nuns would have placed on the Eucharist within their own minds. Though studying
descriptions of their visions tells us about the visions themselves, it does not tell us if these
women thought in the same ways that their visions might lead us to believe.
Lastly is Bynum’s discussion on how each nun viewed obedience and sin. This, like the
image of God, was simply hinted at as being a factor of influence. Unfortunately it was never
fully connected to the main thesis.
3. Wider Relevance
This essay contains many thoughtful starting points for further discussion and exploration
in our class. The most important, of course, is the way in which women in various religious
systems can gain authority and power equal or higher than a man without the system itself being
compromised and without any of the current male authority figures taking notice. It will be
interesting to see if this emerges in other religious systems and if this ever occurred in
Christianity at a time period other than the thirteenth century. It is also interesting to note how a
woman’s emphasis in religious ritual and worship can differ from a man’s because of power
structure and the imagery associated with it. This too should be something to watch for in other
religions.
There were two questions raised by this essay which it might be helpful to ask as we look
at other religions. The first is: Does a person’s conception of deity affect the way they perceive
themselves, and does the way a person perceives themselves affect their conception of deity?
The second question is: Does a person’s gender have anything to do with their conception of
justice and sin? Does their conception of justice and sin modify their sense of self and their roles
within the community? We should keep these things in mind as we continue our study of gender
and religion.
Ronald J. Pipion
October 5, 2004
HRS 220-Professor J. Dubois
Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus As Mother,
Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual? Chapter 3
2. Selective Summary: Evaluating Bynum’s supporting statements one discovers proof which
substantiates her claim that the twelfth century discovered the individual.
3. Humanism
A) Bynum attributes "humanism", (an emphasis on human dignity, virtue, and efficacy),
to contribute to self-awareness.
4. Individuality
A) The Individual
B) Self Identification
C) Groups\Role Awareness
5. Conclusion
A) Moral Development
6. Evaluation
A) Review
B) Consideration
C) Assessment
7. Wider Relevance
A) The Nature of Men
B) Androgynous Method
Reading Response: Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus As Mother, Did the Twelfth Century
Discover the Individual? Chapter 3
In chapter 3 of Caroline Walker Bynum’s book titled Jesus as Mother, it is questioned,
"Did the twelfth century discover the individual? She argues that the answer to this question is
derived from concepts of "humanism" and "individuality". The emphasis placed by thinkers of
the twelfth century on inner motivation and on psychological development provides further
insight to Bynum’s position on self-realization as a means of self identification. Evaluating
Bynum’s supporting statements one discovers proof which substantiates her claim that the
twelfth century discovered the individual.
Bynum’s research revealed the twelve century did discover the individual. Her source
was the consensus of medievalists and scholars. She concurs there was an optimism about the
capacity of the individual for achievement. Bynum attributes "humanism", (an emphasis on
human dignity, virtue, and efficacy), to contribute to self-awareness. Bynum states models and
groups gave consciousness to rebirth of the discovery of nature and man. Laws governing their
behavior within the group, made the twelfth century person perceive they have dawned the cloak
of "individuality". "Individuality" as we know it today means the person is developing
uniqueness by achieving a boundless environment. The twelfth century sold “individuality” as
converting from one constriction to one that was different:
The twelfth century discovered the outer as well as the inner man, the literal and
external as well as the subjectiv were in e and emotional, the model as well as the
motive. And the models that are so emphasized are a way of talking about the
newly apparent groups, a way in which these groups created group identification
(Bynum, 95).
Bynum found that groups provided a means of self-identity through change, allegiance, and
adherence to their governing laws. Because the groups governing laws proposed an altered state,
twelfth century society felt that met their need for self-identifying. The discovery of their new
persona, although dictated by group governing laws, did not proceed beyond boundary; but
sufficiently offered modification to justify their need for self-discovery.
Bynum stresses the twelfth century was noted by its movement for individuality. She
states: "In the past fifteen years, however, claims for the twelfth century have increasingly been
claims for the discovery of "the individual," who crops up--with his attendant characteristic
"individuality" (Bynum, 83). Bynum recognizes the intense scrutiny of self, the magnified desire
to create interior change, to invent a new sense of self. Bynum describes "individualism" as:
Their word individuum (individualis, singularis) was a technical term in
the study of dialectic; what they thought they were discovering when they turned
within was what they called "the soul" (anima), or "self" (seipsum), or the "inner
man" (homo interior) (Bynum, 87).
Why did the people of the twelfth century seek individuality? Bynum offers:
They were aware of the possibility of hypocrisy. Indeed, excessive attention to the
outer without concomitant inner growth and virtue--which they called
Phariseeism or literalism or judaizing--was a favorite charge leveled against new
monks by older groups. People of the period were also capable of "spiritualizing"
literal observances and were aware when they did so. Observances like silence,
withdrawal, and fasting, which were literally followed in some orders, became
more "metaphorical" in others. Some groups withdrew to actual wasteland; to
others the desert was a condition of the heart (Bynum, 98).
Bynum reports there was a new concern with self-discovery and psychological selfexamination. Ceremonial religious structure confined emotionalism and the expressions of
fervor, zeal, and charisma. The restriction of religious society and formalization of spirituality,
turned the twelfth century to self-evaluation and self- discovery in order to create an identity that
superseded this boundary. Bynum argues, by adopting a religious model, one was shaping their
inner behavior and exterior behavior, in which twelfth century religious concerns did not satisfy:
It depicts a burgeoning throughout Europe of new forms of communities, with
new rules and custumals providing new self-definitions and articulating new
values (85). Rather twelfthcentury religious writing and behavior show a great
concern with how groups are formed and differentiated from each other, how
roles are defined and evaluated, how behavior is conformed to models. If the
religious writing, the religious practice, and the religious orders of the twelfth
century are characterized by a new concern for the "inner man," it is because of a
new concern for the group, for types and examples, for the "outer man'' (Bynum,
85).
Bynum suggests during the twelfth century, psychological development was molded by
adherence to group persuasion fueled by passion of potentially discovering uniqueness. The
Christian life welcomed group expression as long as it was the expression they dictated behavior
to be. People could identify and define their persona by demonstrating a pious posture. Bynum
expounds: "He was totally on fire and he put others on fire; he acted and spoke now [like] John
in the desert, now [like] Paul in public ...." (Bynum, 96). Self-satisfaction in the twelfth century
called for the complete embodiment of group allegiance. Moral improvement motivated ideas of
group conformity which spawned awareness of roles.
Conclusion
Bynum’s research showed: "self liberation" and "identity reformation" was the hallmark
of the twelfth century. Bynum successfully supported her claim that the twelfth century was
marked by its movement for "individuality". She clearly shows the difference between the
definition of self-discovery in the twelfth century and how we know "identity" today.
"Humanism" was indeed a factor in the development of the self. Bynum proved the inquisitive
nature of man, of the twelve century, quested for uniqueness and conformity to a group through
adherence to governing laws to achieve individuality. Moral development became a motivating
force and a means of differentiating social behavior from standard behavior.
Evaluation
In review of Bynum’s poignant view of the twelfth century "individuality" movement, I
found her focal point was reflective of this era. The era discovered the self and the self indeed
sought development. "Individuality" was found to provide uniqueness as well as unity.
"Uniqueness" was established in superseding boundaries and molding a new persona.
Unfortunately, twelfth century society found "individuality" in abandoning one confinement for
a new confinement (groups) and considered that as fully developing the outer and inner person.
Since outward and inner development was desired, the "group" served as a catalyst for self
development. A model was a place to transition into a new behavior, thus, the perception of
change occurred. .
My overall assessment of Bynum's research was that the reshaping and development of
self emphasized the increased sensitivity of self creation that occurred in the twelfth century.
Self-identification, awareness of roles, and group & model affiliation, were prevalent in the
twelfth century. The quest for individuality, sought through a menu of roles, provided by
religious models gave the individual the perception of true transformation into a new persona. A
"group" in the twelfth century may have provided a means of change, but one was still bound by
the rules of the model and never achieved unbound individuality.
Wider Relevance
The nature of man inherently seeks to evolve. The twelfth century was a conducive
environment to facilitate change. It was that era which nurtured the possibility of hypocrisy.
The Pharisaical behavior of postulating a righteous exterior and not nurturing the "soul," gave
credence to seeking alternatives. The suppression of inner development compelled observers to
withdraw from standard society and seek self expression. They did so by communing in obscure
places to express "spiritualizing," and to create a new personality.
In order to advertise "groups" of the twelfth century as compassionate and all including,
it had to appease and relinquish religious dominion. Group dynamics in the twelfth century had
to present empathy for different female social roles. A stumbling block for religion was in
seeing beyond their dilemma presented in I Corinthians 11: 9, "For the man was not created for
the woman but the woman for the man" (Bible). Bynum reports this stress was addressed this
way:
For the stress of twelfth-century piety on feelings was also complemented by a
new emphasis on conforming behavior to types or models. The twelfth century
discovered the outer as well as the inner man, the literal and external as well as
the subjective and emotional, the model as well as the motive. And the models
that are so emphasized are a way of talking about the newly apparent groups, a
way in which these groups created group identification (Bynum, 95
Bynum’s androgynous use of scholarship presented the male perspective of coping with
achieving "individuality," which insinuated the ignorance of female experience. Women strived
for individuality through group recognition; but androcentric methods ignored reporting those
details. This chapter speaks to striving for self-discovery but presents a male perspective of the
dilemmas faced in the twelfth century. Bynum, through androgynous scholarship, exposed
deliberate omission of female predicaments without specifically pointing out exclusion.