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Transcript
Feminist Perspectives on Islam
and Culture
By Ruthelle M. Kunje
Ruthelle Mutsa Kunje is 31 and lives in Zimbabwe. She is a mother, counsellor and youth
worker who has worked with children and young women in vulnerable circumstances for
more than 10 years. She derives her inspiration from God and music.
L
eah (not her real name)’s parents
were born in Malawi and emigrated
to Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) in search of
greener pastures in the early 1970s. They got
married in Zimbabwe through an arranged
marriage union. Her father was 15 years older
than her mother and had left a family back
in Mangochi in Malawi. He started his new
family in Zimbabwe and as he was a practicing
Muslim, Leah became Muslim by default.
During the early years of her life, Leah could
not distinguish between religion and culture as
the two are often intertwined. However, what
was very clear to her early in her life was the
gender disparity between male and female.
Over half of the Malawian population
practice Islam. Ephraim Mandivenga states
that Islam came to Malawi through several
different routes. It was introduced to the
country through the Jumbes – local rulers
who represented the Sultan of Zanzibar and
who held sway along the coast of Lake Nyasa
(now Lake Malawi) for most of the second
half of the 19th century. During the same
period, the Yao – an ethnic group that was
until then based in Mozambique – migrated
to the southern tip of the lake, bringing Islam
with them. Additionally, as Christianity spread
in tandem with colonisation, adopting Islam
was seen as a means of resisting colonization.
Nowadays, over 70 percent of the people
of Malawian origin living in Zimbabwe
are practicing Muslims or practiced Islam
during their childhood years. Most speak
Chewa at home and Arabic during religious
celebrations. Their Islam has long been
practiced according to customs aligned
those of local Zimbabwean communities.
The Muslim population has accepted certain
aspects of Islamic law, known as Shari'a,
while rejecting – or simply ignoring – other
parts it. In the typical life of a Zimbabwean
Muslim, the way of life that is adhered to
is a mixture of Zimbabwean and Malawian
cultures. Even though one is Muslim, there
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Feminist Perspectives on Islam and Culture
cultural beliefs since many African cultures
place no value on women and view them as
nothing more than commodities or assets.
Islam has no room for female
participation in any area,
except in child bearing and
rearing. Decision making
is left to the men in the
family or community.
are some things that are culturally practiced
at home but are not practiced at the Mosque.
However, these differences between religious
and cultural practices are often not visible
to children. But the gender inequality is
clear to all from a tender age since boys
are treated differently from girls – in terms
of social status, schooling opportunities
and even duties around the home.
Gender differences are mostly visible at
religious ceremonies and events. Women’s
participation is mostly centred on the
generally accepted ‘women’s roles’. Islam has
no room for female participation in any area,
except in child bearing and rearing. Decision
making is left to the men in the family or
community. Once a woman is married, she is
expected to do the bidding of her husband
without questioning his motives or agenda.
Leah’s mother gave birth to five daughters
– to the disappointment of her husband. His
disappointment grew to become a cancer
that ate him up day and night. The family
lived in a two roomed cabin in a high density
suburb of Mbare, so there was no privacy.
Every fight and every argument always
ended up with Leah’s father exclaiming
about the worthless children – labelling
them mazuda (useless coins). This showed
his total disregard for women – a disregard
that emanated from his religious and
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100
Muslim children are ordinarily expected
to attend Madrassas (school of learning)
from the age of 6 and such schools are
found in most high density suburbs and
farm communities in Zimbabwe. The
Islamic doctrine is ingrained in the young
children and lessons are taught separately
for boys and girls. In cases where there
is no space or not enough teachers, girls
sit on one side and the boys on the other.
Over the years, one learns that the two
sexes never mingle, even when praying.
At the Madrassa one is taught to recite in
Arabic, write in Arabic and sing in Arabic.
Women are not considered an integral part
of the Muslim religious community. Their
role is to support the men and they do not
perform any duties pertaining to religious
activities or ceremonies. But it not just Islamic
practices that create this divide. Malawian
culture also works to suppress the rights of
girls and women. The culture is meant to
protect the girl child, but it actually acts as a
hindrance to her progress and development.
Therefore, as she was growing up, Leah was
not exposed to some of the opportunities
that were offered to her male counterparts.
A girl like Leah is expected to take part in
rituals without questioning and to act like a
sheep being led to the slaughter, in order to
be qualified as an ideal woman. For instance,
in rituals such as the ‘coming of age’, she
has to undergo female genital mutilation –
although it not clear whether this is primarily
a religious or a Malawian cultural practice.
According to a paper entitled Female Genital
Mutilation: Religious, Cultural and Legal
Myths written by FORWARD, the Islamic
Cultural Centre and the London Central
Mosque, ‘female genital mutilation has
been erroneously associated with Islam’. In
fact, it is practiced predominantly in parts
of Africa, the Middle East and Asia where
it has acquired a religious dimension due
to the justification that the practice is used
to ensure female chastity. However, there
is a lot of secrecy surrounding this ritual
(known as Chinamwari). The ritual is in two
phases – the first phase is for girls and the
second is for those who are older and about
to enter into marriage. In Malawi, there are
some areas which are less developed and
girls can take six months to go through the
first phase. In Zimbabwe, it usually takes one
month. The second phase for older girls or
young women is conducted over a two week
period. Once a girl goes through the ritual,
she is sworn to secrecy for the rest of her life.
If one divulges what happened during the
ritual, it is said that the girl’s family will be
cursed – even that her parents might die.
Leah experienced Chinamwari at the age
of eight, while she was in Malawi. The
process took six months. Observing how
these Chinamwari rituals are conducted, it
is interesting to note the clear intersection
between culture and religion. The rituals are
spearheaded by elders of the community as a
cultural practice, and on graduation day, the
celebrations are carried out at the Mosque! It
becomes difficult to distinguish if the practice
is borne out of culture or religion, or both!
Both cultural and religious practices are also
closely intertwined in relation to marriage.
A girl is considered to be ready for marriage
at a very tender age under both Islamic
and Malawian cultural norms. Marriage in
Islam is a contract (Katb el-Ketāb) between
a man and woman to live as husband
and wife. A formal, binding contract is
considered integral to a religiously valid
Islamic marriage, and outlines the rights
and responsibilities of the groom and bride.
The marriage must be declared publicly.
After the death of her father, Leah’s mother
could no longer afford the school fees
so she entered into an agreement with
another family to marry off her child in
return for assistance with the school fees.
Leah was to be married to a 55-year-old
man. In order to escape this, she ended up
getting into early marriage to a Muzezuru
(Shona or local person). Generally,
Zimbabwean Muslims girls in rural areas
find themselves is the same predicament.
Divorce is permitted and can be initiated
by either party. However, in reality it does
not happen that way. Culturally, a woman
cannot request a divorce and is expected to
stay put and not leave her marital home.
The parents of a married couple can have
an agreement for their children to marry,
and culturally one is expected to carry out
the wishes of one’s parents. However, with
Zimbabwean Muslims of Malawian descent,
marriages tend to be arranged for the girls
and not for the boys. Parents from well-to-do
families expect their children to marry into
better families. In comparison to the marriage
cultures among local Zimbabweans, where
the man pays lobola in the form of cattle and
money, the Malawian marriage agreement
involves the exchange of chickens and gifts.
However, nowadays, the marriage contracts
of Malawian Muslims in Zimbabwe are largely
conducted using Zimbabwean Shona cultural
practices. The Shona marriage involves
exchange of clothes (nhumbi) in front of a
witness, and then the marriage ceremony
(lobola). Custody of the children born in
these marriage regimes is also interesting
since they are said to belong to the woman.
Islam and Malawian cultural practices
encourage polygamous marriages. Leah’s
father married two other women and later
divorced her mother. Leah’s father had
felt ‘betrayed’ by her mother because she
bore so many girl-children. Other wives
were catered for, but Leah’s mother had to
engage in an income generating activity to
send her children to school. Even though
Leah’s father was not contributing much
to their upkeep, this did not stop him from
demanding conjugal rights or heaping insults
on Leah’s mother, whenever he was drunk.
shown where their loved one was buried. This
is often a traumatising experience for women,
who are denied the chance to pay their last
respects and participate in bidding farewell
to their loved ones. A lot of women tend to
struggle with closure after their relatives die.
Conclusion
It is clear from Leah’s experience – and the
experiences of other women practising Islam in
Zimbabwe – that Islam and culture are strongly
interwoven. It is not easy for one to deduce if
the practice being carried out is premised on
Islam or local cultural practices. However, the
important point is that both the Islamic religious
practices and local cultural influences seem
to benefit men at the expense of women.
Women’s activism and open debate in Islamic
communities are limited to their quarters
or meetings. At the Mosque, women and
men do not mingle, and when women
are in public, they always have to be fully
covered – the whole body except for the
face. This results in older girls and youths
not taking part in extra curricula activities
that require one to undress like athletics and
swimming. A lot of talented women do not
pursue their talents in these areas, resulting
in them living limited and unfulfilled lives.
Funeral rites are another area where Islam
displays gender inequity. When practising
Muslims die, they no longer belong to their
family. The mosque takes over and rituals are
performed according to religious rules. No
female is allowed to attend the burial ceremony,
which is the preserve of men. Female family
members of the deceased are only allowed
to visit the gravesite the following day to be
Girl-children growing up in a Zimbabwean
Muslim community are made to feel like
observers of their own lives. They are not
consulted about events that pertain to their lives
and when decisions are made, they are expected
to loyally – and unquestioningly – comply. In this
setting, both Islam and culture deny women their
rights as well as claims over their own feelings.
They also tend to collude to disadvantage
women. However, it is important to note that
we are talking about the Islamic and the cultural
practices that are followed in this specific setting.
It is impossible to generalise and conclude that
the same is true elsewhere. But it is definitely
fair to say that women in Islamic communities in
Zimbabwe and Malawi are discriminated against
– due to both religious and cultural practices.
Endnotes
1.Mandivenga, Ephraim: The Role of Islam in Southern Africa
2.'Female Genital Mutilation: Religious, Cultural and Legal Myths' http://www.iccservices.org.uk/
news_and_events/updates/female_genital_mutilation.htm
3.Wikipedia :Free Encyclopaedia; Marriage in Islam
4.Forward ; http://www.forwarduk.org.uk/key-issues/fgm/fgm-islam
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