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4-2011
Women of Foreign Superstition: Christianity and
Gender in Imperial Roman Policy, 57-235.
Karl E. Baughman
Western Michigan University
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Baughman, Karl E., "Women of Foreign Superstition: Christianity and Gender in Imperial Roman Policy, 57-235." (2011).
Dissertations. Paper 324.
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WOMEN OF FOREIGN SUPERSTITION:
CHRISTIANITY AND GENDER IN
IMPERIAL ROMAN POLICY,
57-235
by
Karl E. Baughman
A Dissertation
Submitted to the
Faculty of The Graduate College
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Advisor: Paul L. Maier, Ph.D.
Western Michigan University
Kalamazoo, Michigan
April 2011
WOMEN OF FOREIGN SUPERSTITION:
CHRISTIANITY AND GENDER IN
IMPERIAL ROMAN POLICY,
57-235
Karl E. Baughman, Ph.D.
Western Michigan University, 2011
The
relationship
between
Christianity
and
the
im-
perial Roman government from 57 to 235 was partially dependent upon the enforcement of traditional gender roles
and the exercise of those roles by women in unique positions of influence.
Rather than attempt to break free of
their defined gender roles, women with distinctive connections to Christianity and the Roman government were,
especially during times of crisis, able to influence imperial policies that provided an atmosphere conducive to
positive growth for the early Church.
This work concen-
trates on the crises which were connected to gender - especially times during which the emperors failed to fulfill their obligation as "manly" rulers.
Although these women wielded power without having to
usurp
the
legitimate
authority
reserved
only
for men,
some of the ancient writers, like Tacitus, Dio Cassius,
and Herodian cast these women in heavily gendered language with the intention both to assert traditional gender roles and to explain the calamities associated with
the emperors they considered unmanly.
Pomponia Graecina,
Poppaea Sabina, Flavia Domitilla, Marcia, and Julia Mamaea, all demonstrate the connection between gender and
the religio-political system of the early Empire.
Spe-
cifically, each also reveals the nuances of a Roman cultural understanding of gender and its role within the embodiment of imperial ideology.
Otacilia Severa, Cornelia
Salonina, and Eutropia, although
living
in eras beyond
the scope of this dissertation, further demonstrate the
ability of women to use gendered norms to their advantage
during times of crisis, even when it appears to be disconnected from issues of gender.
In short, these women
all show the pervasiveness of gender in all aspects of
imperial culture.
Copyright by
Karl E. Baughman
2011
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In
his
Metaphysics,
Aristotle
wrote,
"It
is
just
that we should be grateful, not only to those with whose
views we may agree, but also to those who have expressed
more superficial views; for these also contributed something, by developing before us the powers of thought."
Bearing this in mind, I have a host of professors, colleagues, friends, and family who have helped guide me in
my quest for completing this dissertation, both through
their agreeable and disagreeable viewpoints.
Specifical-
ly, I am sincerely grateful to my doctoral advisor, Paul
L. Maier, without whose guidance and attention this dissertation could never have been completed.
Joining Dr.
Maier in my sincere thanks is the rest of my Dissertation
Committee, Drs. Marion Gray, E. Rozanne Elder, and Dimiter Angelov.
The
staffs
at
the
libraries
of
Western
Michigan University, the University of Michigan, Concordia College, and the countless others affected by my inter-library loan account were of immeasurable assistance
in acquiring the texts I needed.
I received very helpful
feedback regarding my paper on Flavia Domitilla I gave at
the 2009 Annual Meeting of the Classical Association of
ii
Acknowledgments—continued
Canada
in Vancouver;
helpful
suggestions.
chapter
two
My fellow
was
shaped
graduate
by
those
colleagues at
WMU, Michael Ciletti, Johnny Smith, Joshua Schier, Elise
Boneau, Brian Bradford, David Zwart, Kristi Dunn, Brian
Becker, and many others were important in keeping my mind
not only on my dissertation, but also on the weekly beer
and trivia
at Harvey's.
My
friends, Dion Garrett
Bill Wangelin, were of endless support.
and
They cannot be
thanked enough for their assistance in helping me articulate my argument in a style coherent to those outside the
field, and our close friendships were strengthened in our
long intellectual discussions.
I am sincerely
indebted
to my wife, Sarah and my children, Magdalena and August,
whose love and support kept me going.
My parents, Pear-
ley and Diane Baughman, and Gary and Ruth Palmer, and extended family were of incalculable support as well.
And
of course, the faculty, staff, and administration at Concordia College in Selma, Alabama, who took a chance on me
and hired me ABD in the Fall of 2009, have been most encouraging as I completed this dissertation.
If I am for-
getting anyone, it is by no means on purpose.
all errors and faulty interpretations are my own.
Karl E. Baughman
iii
Finally,
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
v
CHAPTER
I. "FROM A KINGDOM OF GOLD TO ONE OF IRON AND
RUST"
Introduction
II. "PUNISH US AS YOU DO THEM"
Gender, Law, and Culture: Pomponia Graecina, &
Flavia Domitilla
III. "UNSEX ME"
Gendered Crisis: Poppaea, Marcia, & Julia Mamaea
IV. "THEY WILL BE YOUR SUPERIORS"
Conclusions
1
48
96
181
Epilogue: "POWER IS LIKE BEING A LADY"
Otacilia, Cornelia Salonina, & Eutropia
188
BIBLIOGRAPHY
233
iv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ActaSS
Acta
Sanctorum
AJArch
American
AJPhil
The American
AJT
ANRW
Bollandiana
Journal
Aufstieg
of
Journal
American
(1643-
Archaeology
of
Journal
und Niedergang
der
C Phil
Classical
CW
The Classical
Forschungen
Historia
Harvard
. . . . Historia:
JEH
JFSR
Zeitschrift
Journal
Journal
JBL
of
Review
of Ecclesiastical
History
Feminist
Studies
JRS
The Journal
Journal
LCL
of
PL
Quarterly
Review
of
Studies
Roman
Classical
Completus,
Series
Patrologia
v
Religion
Literature
Theological
Loeb
Cursus
in
of Biblical
Jewish
Patrologiae
Berichte
Geschichte
JQR
PG
und
World
Alte
Journal
JTS
Journal
Quarterly
Theological
fiir
Welt
Philology
CQ
HTR
Theology
Romischen
Classical
FuB
Philology
of
Classical
CJ
)
Studies
Library
Graeca
Latina
List of Abbreviations—continued
RE
Realencyclopadie
der
Classischen
Altertumswissenschaft
Stud.
Doc.
Hist.
Iur.
...Studia
et
et
TAPA
Transactions
of
documenta
historiae
iuris
the
American
Philological
Association
TUGAL
Texte
und Untersuchungen
altchristlichen
Vig.
zue
Geschichte
der
Literatur
Chr
Vigiliae
Christianae
Abbreviations of ancient authors and texts are from the
Oxford Classical
vi
Dictionary
CHAPTER I
FROM A KINGDOM OF GOLD TO ONE OF IRON AND RUST
Introduction
To Be or Not To Be:
Defining Terms
At
first
glance
of
the
title,
"Women
of
Foreign
Superstition," this work appears to be solely the study
of women.
However, it would be mistaken immediately to
categorize a work with the words "woman" or "man" in the
title into the respective fields of either "women's" or
"men's" histories
(as if the two should or even could be
mutually exclusive) .
study
of
the
This work is a study of gender - a
relationship
between
men
and
women;
the
relationship between what was masculine and feminine in
Roman culture; the relationship between men and women and
how each used that division to influence and direct the
course of imperial policy; the relationship between the
divisions of Roman society which built, drove, and shaped
what it was that made them Roman and made their men men,
1
T h i s q u o t a t i o n i s t a k e n from D i o ' s summation of t h e Empire a f t e r
t h e d e a t h of Marcus A u r e l i u s and a s c e n s i o n of Commodus i n 1 8 0 : ...dmo
jpvor\q xe fiaoiXeiaq kq aiSipav K<XI Komu>|Lievr|v xcov tercpaYndacovxoiq xoxe'Pco(xaioiq KOU
fipav vuv Kaxamaov(jr\q xr\q laxopiaq. ( C a s s . Dio l x x i . 3 6 . 4 ) .
1
and
their
women
prevalent
women.
within
demonstrated
the
The
importance
ancient
throughout
of
sources.
this work,
the
gender
is
will
be
As
ancient
authors
(all men) were very interested in explaining, asserting,
and
evaluating
society.
the
distinction
of
gender
within
their
They were intent on ensuring that what they saw
as the proper
relationship
of one's biological
sex to
constructed gender identities was exercised in a way that
was
both
legally
distinction
foundation
and
between
on
which
culturally
masculine
Romans
effectiveness of someone's
expressed
in
the
acceptable.
and
judged
feminine
the
This
was
quality
a
and
life and work, and was best
evaluation
of
those
in
positions
of
political authority or influence.
About
the
spread
of
Christianity
in
the
early
centuries, Jo Ann McNamara wrote, "Women helped to shape
and
spread
Christianity
worth
separate
most
likely
as
from worldly
the
case
for
a validation
of
individual
social status."2
This was
many
women
in
the
first
centuries of Christianity; however, in the case of the
2
Jo Ann McNamara, "Matres Patriae / Matres Ecclesiae: Women of
Rome," in Becoming
Visible:
Women in European
History,
ed. Renate
Bridenthal, Susan Mosher Stuard, and Merry E. Wiesner (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1998), 86.
women
examined
themselves
in
this
separately
women used
their
work,
instead
from t h e i r
worldly
worldly
position
and
of
validating
status,
the
these
prevailing
construction of gender within Roman society to accomplish
tasks considered outside those boundaries while remaining
well within them.
liberating
within
Rather than merely finding
Christianity,
something
these women found
that
t h e i r p o s i t i o n s as noblewomen enabled them to support the
C h r i s t i a n movement from within the gendered sphere Roman
society had imposed upon them.
women sought
not
to
liberate
In other words,
themselves
because
these
their
p o s i t i o n s a c t u a l l y provided an opportunity which was not
available
t o men
(or
to
women who attempted
to
work
outside those same gendered boundaries).
Much has been done in recent years to h i g h l i g h t the
importance
of
gender
history.
Perhaps
the
greatest
c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f i e l d has been the emphasis on gender
as
3
"relational
history,"3
rather
than
continuing
to
For more on t h i s idea of gender as a r e l a t i o n a l h i s t o r y , s e e :
Kathleen Canning, Gender History in Practice:
Historical
Perspectives
on Bodies, Class, and Citizenship
( I t h a c a , NY: C o r n e l l
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2006); Joan Wallach S c o t t , "Gender: A Useful
Category of A n a l y s i s , " i n Gender and the Politics
of History,
ed.
Joan Wallach S c o t t (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1998);
Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity,
Gender Ambiguity,
and
Christian
Ideology in Late Antiquity
(Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of
Chicago P r e s s , 2001).
divide the historical narrative into male and female, as
if men
and women
live
from one another.
and
operate
completely
Men and women
separate
in the early
Empire
existed within socially-recognized limitations based upon
their
sex
and
the
expectations
of
gender
constructed
around their biology.
Barbara Hanawalt discussed the concept of gendered
space
in
her
*0f
Good
and
111
.4
Repute'
Although
Hanawalt dealt with the enforcement of gendered physical
space through law and custom in medieval England, much of
this concept is applicable to the Roman world as well.
The term "gendered sphere" will be used in this work, and
it encompasses more than just physical space.
study,
gendered
spheres
build
upon
For this
Hanawalt's
idea
of
gendered space, but extend beyond the physical to include
mainly
the
political
Roman
political
and
social boundaries
religio-political
reality
of
the
associated
system.
early
Empire
The
with
religio-
maintained
a
disconnect between the power women could wield and the
perceived
will
be
impact upon the public
explored
throughout
this
life of society.
work,
the
extent
As
to
Barbara Hanawalt, y0f Good and 111 Repute':
Gender and
Social
Control
in Medieval
England
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
4
which
women
recognized
could
wield
sphere
was
influence
dependent
outside
upon
their
the
general
stability of the Empire and the adherence of the emperor
within the boundaries of his own gendered sphere - for
even
men
were
restricted
required of them.
the
Roman
world
in
what
was
expected
and
While it is appropriate to describe
as
divided
into
public
and
private
spheres, it is not correct then to assume that only one
gender
other.
was
capable
of
exercising
power
in
one
or
the
The public and private spheres of Roman society
were interdependent, and while men may have had priority
in exercising legitimate authority in the public sphere,
it
did
not
mean
women
were
completely
excluded
or
incapable of exercising power or influence within it as
well.
Power
and
authority,
although
sometimes
used
interchangeably in English, are for the purposes of this
study, two connected, yet separate concepts.
Power is
the ability to steer the course of events in society; to
influence
and
direct
how
things
are
politically, socially, and culturally.
legitimate
exercise
of
power
carried
out
Authority is the
according
stipulations of law, custom, and culture.
to
the
In the early
Empire, authority was exercised
purposes
reflect
of this
the
study,
Roman
auctoritas,
the
political
respectively.
only by men.
terms power
concepts
As
will
For the
and
potestas
of
be
authority
and
discussed
in
further detail in chapter three, even women like Julia
Mamaea, who
Alexander
essentially
ran the
Empire while her son,
Severus, was too young to assume full power,
did so only under his recognized legitimacy.
her
son's
authority,
exercise any power.
authority
of
Mamaea
would
have
been
Apart from
unable
to
Shortly before the army removed the
Alexander
in
235,
Mamaea's
power
was
criticized by the ancient historians as an abrogation of
recognized
delineation
ideas
of
and
accepted
between
power
and
two
gendered
genders
authority
actions.
and
were
its
The
proper
connection
important
to
to
the
Romans, and the language of the ancient historians lends
much to a fuller understanding of what was expected of
men and women in the early Empire.
The Heart of the Matter:
Organization
This
study
focuses
on
the
ability
of
women,
specifically noblewomen in the early Empire, to live and
operate
within
expectations
situations
gendered
in
order
boundaries
to
take
for the purpose
of
and
societal
advantage
assisting,
and supporting the early Church.
of
their
safeguarding,
How these women were
capable of carrying out this task sheds light upon Roman
conceptions
of
marriage,
virginity,
masculinity, femininity, and law.
homosexuality,
The stability of the
Empire, politically, economically, and socially, impacted
the
ability
legitimate
of
these
authority
relationship
and
between
Christian movement.
women
the
to
influence
weighed
imperial
those
heavily
government
in
in
the
and
the
Crises created environments in which
women with particular connections to imperial authority
could
wield power without
expected
gender
overstepping
behavior.
For
their
example,
in
sociallythe
second century, the seeming lack of masculinity
part
of
crisis
the
of
Commodus.
unbeknownst
which
be
gendered
Marcia,
of
was
man
masculinity
this
able
to Christian
demonstrated
the
first
expectations
Because
concubine,
will
Empire's
during
crisis,
to wield
women
the
the
provoked
a
reign
of
emperor's
power
previously
favor.
a gendered
emperor
on the
the
in imperial
throughout,
of
(princeps)
late-
was
As
crisis
called
in
into
question
created
both
a
fear
of
a
general
crisis by those in positions of authority
political
(most notably
the army) and a peculiar opportunity for women close to
the emperor to exercise considerable influence and power.
The Third
Century Crisis which
engulfed
the Roman
Empire from 235-285, is beyond the scope of this study.
However, the Crisis demonstrates the thesis of this work
and so shall be briefly examined in an epilogue in order
to better accentuate
sources are
Third
the topic at hand.
scant, it can be
Century
Crisis, two
surmised
Although
the
that during
the
empresses, Cornelia
Salonina
and Otacilia, could have influenced policies toward the
Christian
community
while
their
husbands
busied
themselves with ensuring their legacy and the stability
of
the
Empire.
effective
These
gendered
women
response
all
by
demonstrate
Christian
that
women
in
positions of influence was governed by political, social,
and
economic
forces beyond
their
control, and
so each
situation demonstrates something uniquely peculiar about
the
role
of
gender
within
Roman
society
in
the
first
thematic,
yet
there
three centuries of the Empire.
The
remains
division
a
of
relatively
chapters
is
chronological
approach.
Each
chapter examines how Christian women of the nobility were
impacted by the construction of gender in relation to the
religio-political system of the early Empire from 57-235.
The starting point of 57 was chosen because of the trial
of Pomponia Graecina - a noblewoman accused and tried for
"foreign superstition" (a term whence this work takes its
title) .
The ending
year of 235 marks the end of the
reign of Alexander Severus and the beginning of the Third
Century
Crisis.
This
work
examines
the
connection
between gender and the exercise of power during times of
crisis,
particularly
examination
of
because
conclusions
study
the
are
the
crises
further
Third
of
gender.
Century
drawn
Crisis
from
demonstrated
A
the
within
is
focus
the
greatest crisis the Empire had ever endured.
brief
included
of
this
period
of
However,
the sources available which focus explicitly on how women
in unique positions of power used the crisis to influence
imperial policies toward the Christians are too scant to
make
definitive
conclusions,
and
therefore
only
possibilities can be offered.
Each
boundaries
chapter
were
provides
interpreted
dominated society.
examples
and
of
enforced
how
by
gendered
a
male-
However, Christian women in positions
of influence
could, especially
use the accepted
during
times of crisis,
gender norms to the advantage of the
Christian communities they sought to protect and support.
In short, the gendered
provided
women
of
boundaries
of
particular
the
social
early
Empire
status
with
opportunities of power and influence unknown even to most
men.
Chapter
Domitilla,
one
two
arraigned
for
beliefs.
examines
Pomponia
women
of
the
trial
on
account
Graecina
first
and
century
of
their
Flavia
who
were
religious
The significance of their trials is connected
to the Roman construction of gender in light of law and
punishment.
Restrictions on women's participation in the
legal and political realms of Roman life, while sometimes
tied
to
Roman
{infirmitas
tied
understandings
sexus),
to
the
stability.
actually
relationship
of
prove
between
womanly
to
weakness
be more
gender
and
closely
political
Chapter two introduces how women functioned
within the legal and traditional constraints of the early
Empire
and
how
gender
provided
the
foundation
for all
other aspects of Roman life.
Chapter
three
builds
upon
these
Roman
ideas
of
gender expectations by examining the role of the emperor
as "first man."
the
princeps
With this general understanding of what
should
be,
the
Roman
construction
of
masculine and feminine is explored through the connection
of three women to the imperial throne.
wife of Nero
(r.
(r. 54-68), Marcia, concubine of Commodus
180-192),
Severus
Poppaea Sabina,
and
Julia
(r. 222-235),
Mamaea,
each
mother
transcended
of
the
Alexander
traditional
gender roles while remaining within gendered expectations
during times of crisis.
the uniqueness
and
In addition, each demonstrated
complexity
of what was
expected
of
them on account of their gender and their relationship to
the emperor.
women
The crises during the lives of these three
were
connected
to
the
socially
expected
construction of masculinity on the part of the emperors.
Because each emperor failed in his duty to exemplify what
society considered to be masculine behavior, these women
were
able
to
policies.
ability
masculine
disorder.
exercise
In
of
the
essence,
certain
these
feminine
powers
women
sometimes
over
imperial
demonstrated
the
to
the
subsume
in order to avert or end a crisis of gender
The
relationship
between
the
masculine and feminine is demonstrated
boundaries
of
in the cases of
these three women and sheds much light not only on the
Roman construction of gender, but also understandings of
homosexuality
and
the
limitations
of
applying
specifically gendered terms across gendered lines.
The
epilogue
consists
Third Century Crisis.
central
to
conclusions
the
of
analysis
of the
As mentioned earlier, this is not
purpose
drawn
a brief
from
of
this
chapters
study,
two
and
however,
three
offer
support in looking at crises which at first glance appear
to be disconnected from gender.
In this epilogue three
empresses were brought into the spotlight: Otacilia, wife
of Philip the Arab
(r. 244-249), Cornelia Salonina, wife
of Gallienus (r. 260-268), and Eutropia, wife of Maximian
(r.286-305).
The Third Century Crisis, unlike the gendered crises
examined in chapter three, was exclusively political in
the sense that it was not on account of a perceived lack
of masculinity
on the part
conclusions
drawn
conjectured
about the three Christian
epilogue,
about
in
whom
this
of the emperor.
little
work,
is
some
From the
things
empresses
known.
can
be
in the
These
three
empresses were in positions which could have enabled them
to
influence
directly
imperial
policy
toward
the
Christians by taking advantage of their relationship to
their
husbands
imperial
as
government
well
as
with
the
the
preoccupation
economic,
military crises plaguing the Empire.
of
the
political,
and
Because the crisis
was different from the crises examined in chapter three,
power
by
women
close
differently as well.
to
the
emperor
was
exercised
The emperors presented no absence
of a masculine presence, and so there was no need for the
feminine
to assume
Salonina,
government's
and
that masculine
Eutropia
policies
role.
influenced
toward
the
If Otacilia,
the
Church
imperial
under
their
respective husbands, then they did so within the bounds
of what society considered normal feminine behavior.
Scratching Beneath the Surfaces:
Methodology
The great difficulty in writing the story of gender
in the ancient world is that women left few sources of
their own.
women,
Because of the lack of sources written by
conclusions
have
been
written by men about women.
drawn
from
the
sources
For this study, it is not
only sources about women which unveil the intricacies of
gender in the early Empire, but also the sources about
men reveal much in understanding the relationship between
masculine and feminine in the ancient world.
Vocabulary
emphasizing
what
the
ancient
authors
considered to be socially desirable qualities within men
and
women
permeates
their
writings.
The
task
of
the
gender historian is to draw out these terms and define
their meaning within the context
of the author.
This
task of contextualization is important in the historical
works because oftentimes the authors sought to transfer
constructions of gender and socially acceptable behavior
from their own time onto the past events of which they
wrote.
Roman law and ancient histories contribute the most
to
this
study
for
uncovering
within the early Empire.
the
gendered
boundaries
Laws as a source on the proper
roles for each gender are somewhat limiting, however, in
that they are more prescriptive than descriptive.
As it
has been aptly put, "for law... is about what people may or
may not do, not what they actually do."5
The histories,
from which most of the analysis of gender takes place for
this
5
study,
provide
important
insight
into
the
Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society
(Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995 [Orig. 1986]), 3.
expectations
periods
of
and
assumptions
history
which
about
are
gender
read
back
from
into
later
earlier
episodes of gender interaction.
In
under
the
the
second
law
chapter,
demonstrates
the
that
exploration
within
of
Roman
women
law
and
culture, women were treated differently from men because
elite Roman writers believed that nature had endowed each
sex
with
distinctive
responsibilities.
expected
of
qualities,
abilities,
and
This chapter focuses less what the law
each
gender,
but
rather
enforced the law upon men and women.
a construction of Roman society
on
how
Romans
Although gender was
(what it meant to act as
a man or as a woman) it was nevertheless attached to what
Romans could visibly demonstrate - sex.
Chapter three explores examples of when the emperor
failed to operate within his own gendered sphere.
When
emperors took on feminine qualities and abandoned their
masculine
role
of
political
authority,
women
could
sometimes influence or directly assume the masculine role
which
the historians
society.
The
believed
ancient
was needed
historians
for a
portrayed
stable
this
usurpation of masculinity by a woman as a negative but
sometimes necessary (albeit temporary) reversal of gender
roles.
In the epilogue, the opposite approach is examined.
Rather than assuming the masculine, the women explored in
this
chapter
expected
of
acted
them.
in
strict
The
accordance
crisis
of
with
gender
what
explored
was
in
chapter three is not the crisis which could have provided
advantage to the women explored
purpose
of
this
epilogue
is
in the epilogue.
to
demonstrate
The
that
the
approach used in this study could apply to later periods
of Roman history as well, although for the Third Century
Crisis, the evidence is less conclusive.
Although it is
almost always portrayed in black and white by the ancient
historians,
gender
was,
in
fact,
a
complex
and
multifaceted construction within Roman society.
When in Rome:
Cultural Contexts
The women examined in this work were only able to
wield the power they did because of what society expected
of them as women.
Roman
culture
traditions,
but
These expectations were cemented in
through
perhaps
a
number
most
of
legal
importantly,
and
moral
through
the
pens
of
the
historians
who
sought
to
connect
understanding of gendered lines to nature.
their
As will be
further explored in each chapter, Roman historians, such
as Tacitus, Dio, and Herodian, immersed their narratives
in gendered
language.
These historians
emphasized
the
distinction between the genders, and they made clear what
was
expected
of
each,
thereby
creating
a
sort
of
propaganda to serve as both a warning to future emperors,
and
a moral
lesson on what becomes
of a society
that
neglects the natural order.
Whether
one was perceived
as acting
in accordance
with his or her normative gender role was a foundation
for
how
Romans
judged
the
quality
and
morality
of
someone's life and work.
Specifically, the princeps as
first
was
man
manhood
of
the
Empire
for all Roman men.
to
be
the
embodiment
In his
The
Manly
of
Eunuch,
Mathew Kuefler argued that "the notion of masculinity that is, what it meant to be a man - formed an integral
part
of
the
Kuefler's
masculinity
6
intellectual
purpose
to
the
was
to
life
of
late
connect
development
Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity,
Christian
Ideology in Late Antiquity,
1.
of
antiquity."6
this
notion
Christian
Gender Ambiguity,
of
ideology.
and
Although
distinct
from
the
purposes
of
this
work,
Kuefler' s thesis is important in supporting the idea that
Romans
believed
assignment
was
the
proper
essential
exercise
to
a
of
stable
one's
and
gender
productive
family, community, and empire.
Roman historians interpreted the actions of emperors
within
the
framework
spheres.
The
of
socially
purposes
constructed
behind
these
gendered
historical
interpretations were twofold: first, the historians made
their
fellow
Romans
aware
of
their
own places
on the
social ladder; second, the historians could explain the
success or failure of those at the top of society within
the
framework
of masculine
leadership.
life of Rome was dominated by men.
The
political
While women could
exercise some rights within the public realm, men assumed
all legal authority in the political and religious areas
of life.
Roman
Because men were the dominant force within the
religio-political
describe
masculine.
behavior
system,
associated
Therefore,
what
the
with
was
language
that
used
arena
appropriate
for
to
was
the
proper exercise of political office was tied to what were
believed to be masculine traits which could
should) be found only in men.
(or at least
When women exercised these
traits, their behavior could only be interpreted
aberration
feminine
of
the
natural
usurpation
responsibility
contributes
perception
is
much
of
order.
of
an
the
heart
to
understanding
explored
idea
inherently
at
gender
This
of
in
chapter
of
the
masculine
chapter
the
as an
three
and
formation
and
two
and
the
epilogue.
The vita
expression
militaris
(military life) was the ultimate
of masculinity
in Roman culture.7
As
first
man, the princeps was especially expected to exude this
masculine quality, and the ancient writers were quick to
demonstrate the inadequacy of those emperors who failed
to live up to society's expectations of manliness.
The
ancient historians used gender as a method of evaluating
the success and failure of current emperors by comparison
to
those
in
contemporaries
stepped
the
of
outside
past,
the
their
and
impending
gendered
to
forewarn
doom
for
spheres.
their
those
For
who
example,
Boudicca's speech condemning the luxury and effeminacy of
the Romans and their emperor (Nero, r. 54-68) most likely
reflected
Dio
Elagabalus
(r.
7
Cassius'
218-222)
Ibid., 37ff; 275ff.
assessment
who
reigned
of
the
during
emperor
Dio's
own
20
career.
8
Boudicca,
who,
usurped the legal authority
in
Tacitus'
(imperium)
summation,
had
restricted to men
when she led a rebellion in Roman Britain, had taken on
the preposterous
female
ruler
denunciation
gender monstrosity
{dux
of
femina),9
Marcia,
of
a masculinized-
Centuries
later, Zosimus'
Commodus'
concubine,
as
masculine, was a masked insult of Commodus who, in the
judgment
of Roman
masculinity.10
expectations, had
failed
in his
own
These examples and the idea of gender as a
tool used by the ancient historians are further explored
in chapter three.
In the second century BC, Polybius had warned that
When a state, after warding off many great
dangers,
achieves
supremacy
and
undisputed
sovereignty, it is evident that by the long
continuance of prosperity, life will become
more extravagant, and rivalry for office and in
other spheres of activity, will become fiercer
than it should. As the state of things goes on
more and more, the aspiration of office and the
shame of losing reputation which obscurity
brings, together with the spread of ostentation
and extravagance of living, will usher in the
beginning of general deterioration.11
Cass. Dio lxii.6.
Kuefler draws a similar conclusion: The
Eunuch: Masculinity,
Gender Ambiguity,
Late Antiquity,
40-41.
9
and Christian
Ideology
Manly
in
l a c , Agr. xvi.l; xxxi. 4. See chapter 3 and also: Francesca
Santoro L'Hoir, "Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power," CW 88,
no. 1 (Sep.-Oct. 1994).
10
Zos., Historia
Nova i.7. For more see my discussion in chapter 3.
11
Polyb., vi.57.
Although
Polybius neglected
conceptions
prophetic
and femininity
within his
of Rome's
historians did not.
existence
incorporate
of masculinity
warning
lifestyle,
to specifically
future,
the later
Roman
Extravagance, ostentatious dress and
and a life
in stark
of a soldier
contrast
- all negative
to the hard
qualities in
Polybius' admonition - were at the center of femininity
in the Roman mind.
For the Romans, the Greek empires had
fallen because their men had abandoned their masculinity
and succumbed to the comforts of a feminine life.12
By
the mid-fourth century, Ammianus Marcellinus bemoaned the
fact
that
the Romans
military life {vita
life
{vita
historians
qualities
of his day had abandoned' the
militaris)
mollitiae) .13
impart
in favor of the effeminate
The writings
that the exercise
by a man ensured
femininity
encouraged
of the ancient
of truly masculine
a successful
rebellion
because
reign,
while
society
would
naturally attempt to realign itself with nature.
As much as Roman society expected its men to reflect
the vita
militaris,
it expected its women to live out a
12
For an examination of what the Romans thought of the Greeks and
their decline, see: J.P.V.D. Balsdon, Romans and Aliens
(Chapel
Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1979), esp. ch. 3.
13
7Amm. M a r c , xxxi . 5 .
22
distinctly
existence
feminine
in Roman
existence.
culture
was
A
valid
one which
feminine
fulfilled
"unquestioned destiny"14 of marriage and childbirth.
an
This
strict delineation of what was culturally appropriate for
Roman women
raises
this
1)
study:
two
why
concerns
did
women,
within
the
especially
context
of
noblewomen,
convert in greater numbers to Christianity than men in
the first three centuries?
Virgins
fit into the Roman expectation of marriage and
childbirth?
and
can
and 2) where do the Vestal
be
These two concerns
appropriately
are closely
treated
by
connected,
examining
the
relationship between marriage, virginity, and femininity
within both Roman and Christian cultures.
In the first three centuries of Christianity, women
converted in greater numbers to the new faith than men
did.15
The
Bremmer
briefly
first
question,
addressed
of
course,
is
this
query16
and
why?
Jan
summarily
14
Peter R.L. Brown, The Body and Society:
Men, Women and Sexual
Renunciation
in Early Christianity
(New York: Columbia University
Press, 1988), 9.
Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians
(San Francisco: Harper & Row
Publishers, 1986), 310; Adolf von Harnack, Die Mission
Und
15
Ausbreitung
Des Christentums
in Den Ersten
Drei
Jahrhunderten
(Charleston, SC: BiblioLife, LLC, 2010 [Orig. 1915]), 68ff; Rodney
Stark, "Reconstructing the Rise of Christianity: The Role of Women,"
Sociology
of Religion
56, no. 3 (Autumn 1995): 232ff.
16
Jan Bremmer, "Why Did Early Christianity Attract Upper-class
Women," in Fructus Centesimus:
Melanges Offerts
Bartelink
a L'occasion
de son soixante-cinquieme
a Gerard J.M.
Anniversaire,
ed.
dismissed
the t r a d i t i o n a l
explanations
more credulous,
or more receptive
with
emotional
orgiastic,
Bremmer
concluded
sexually,
early
upper-class
that
and/or
Christianity
women were
to " r e l i g i o u s
hysterical
"intellectually,
offered
groups
aspects."17
socially
greater self-expression
and
possibilities
women which were not provided to the
degree by other c u l t s . " 1 8
patronage,
that
These p o s s i b i l i t i e s
to
same
included
for women, more o p p o r t u n i t i e s of
i n t e l l e c t u a l nourishment and advancement,
and
sexual l i b e r a t i o n in the forms of divorce from t h e i r nonChristian
husbands
Furthermore,
and/or
a
Bremmer claimed t h a t
life
of
virginity.
the decline of manus
marriage in the e a r l y Empire, which allowed s i n g l e upperc l a s s women a b e t t e r chance at s e l f - s u p p o r t ,
to
the
disappearance
public and p r i v a t e
of
life
a
clear
in addition
distinction
between
in the eastern portion of
Empire contributed to the success of these
the
possibilities
for women in e a r l y C h r i s t i a n i t y . 1 9
A.A.R. B a s t i a e n s e n , A. H i l h o r s t , and C.H. Kneepkens, I n s t r u m e n t s
Patristica
( S t e e n b r u g i s : In Abbatia S a n c t i P e t r i , 1989).
17
Mentioned i n Bremmer ( I b i d . , 40f.) as argued by: Max Weber,
Wirtschaft
Und Gesellschaft.
GrundriB Der Verstehenden
Soziologie
(1925) .
18
Bremmer, "Why Did E a r l y C h r i s t i a n i t y A t t r a c t U p p e r - c l a s s Women,"
46.
19
For t h e d e c l i n e of manus m a r r i a g e , s e e : Susan E. Looper-Friedman,
"The Decline of Manus-Marriage," Tijdschrift
voor
Rechtsgeschiedenis
24
While
Bremmer's
attempt
to
a d d r e s s t h e q u e s t i o n of why women seemed more i n c l i n e d
to
the Christian
if
the
fact,
question
the
religion
and
faith
against
completely
can
current
kind
centuries,
one must
what
of
that
women
advantages
situation
inexplicable
Even
answered.
if
it
were
it
-
remain
silent
and
seem t o
liberty,
submit
to
contradict
self-expression
nature
of
Roman
their
has
over
rejecting
and/or
that
that
by
would
that
women
authority21
women
liberation
society
or
arguable
husbands'
a notion
In
spiritual
Paul's entreaties
ask
choose
r e l i g i o n because they believed i t
them g r e a t e r
patriarchal
thorough
implies
their
afford
greater
a
definitively
itself
motivations.20
certainly
be
upon
women c h o s e t h e i r
out
ever
solely
any
is
in the early
question
based
emotional
argument
sought
from
converting
the
to
Christianity.
55 (1987). For t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e i n t h e
e a s t e r n Empire, as well as Rome i t s e l f , s e e : Bremmer, "Why Did Early
C h r i s t i a n i t y A t t r a c t Upper-Class Women," 42, f o o t n o t e 13.
20
While s p i r i t u a l and emotional m o t i v a t i o n s a r e d i f f i c u l t t o
a s c e r t a i n or e x p l a i n without e x p l i c i t mentions i n t h e s o u r c e s , one
cannot deny t h a t they a r e c e r t a i n l y p a r t of t h e human c o n d i t i o n and
e x p e r i e n c e . In a d d i t i o n , modern h i s t o r i a n s cannot presume t h a t
c u r r e n t concepts of l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y were shared or even
understood by t h o s e who l i v e d two m i l l e n n i a ago i n a c u l t u r e which
d i d not espouse such i d e a s .
21
Some examples from P a u l ' s l e t t e r s which d e l i n e a t e a submissive
r o l e for women a r e : 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 3 , 9 ; Ephesians 5:22-24;
C o l o s s i a n s 3:18; 1 Timothy 2 : 1 1 - 1 2 .
Bremmer's
idea
that
sexual
liberation
for
early
C h r i s t i a n women was exercised through e i t h e r divorce from
t h e i r pagan husbands or voluntary v i r g i n i t y breaks down
under
closer
scrutiny
of
the
legal
and
cultural
understandings of divorce and v i r g i n i t y in both Roman and
Christian
societies.
essentially
In
two types
Roman
culture,
of marriage:
became part of her husband's familia
other
where the wife
(sine
manu).22
marriage
there
were
one where the
wife
{cum manu), and the
remained a p a r t
of
her
By the end of the Republic,
had become the
Concerning divorce,
predominant
form of
father's
sine
manu
marriage.
i t was undoubtedly more accepted in
the Roman world to divorce one's husband than within the
C h r i s t i a n community.
Since Roman marriage was based upon
the consent of both p a r t i e s ,
e i t h e r the husband or wife
could i n i t i a t e a divorce and no cause had to be alleged
for the a c t i o n . 2 3
22
A s t i p u l a t i o n which might have impacted
For more on Roman m a r r i a g e s e e : Percy E. C o r b e t t , The Roman Law of
Marriage (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1930); J u d i t h Evans
Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook on
Marriage, Divorce and Widowhood (London and New York: Routledge,
2002); Susan T r e g g i a r i , Roman Marriage: Iusti
Coniuges from the Time
of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,
1991) .
23
Up u n t i l t h e r e i g n of Marcus A u r e l i u s ( r . 1 6 0 - 1 8 1 ) , t h e
paterfamilias
was c o n s i d e r e d t o be a c o n s e n t i n g p a r t y t o t h e
m a r r i a g e as w e l l , and h e l d t h e a u t h o r i t y t o i n i t i a t e d i v o r c e .
See:
Karl Galinsky, "Augustus' L e g i s l a t i o n on Morals and M a r r i a g e , "
Philologus
125 (1981); Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society,
81;
26
who d i v o r c e d
whom i n
sine
manu m a r r i a g e ,
was i n
cases
where i f t h e wife or paterfamilias
i n i t i a t e d the divorce,
then
claim
the
husband
could
sometimes
a deduction
o n e - s i x t h of t h e dowry for t h e c h i l d r e n . 2 4
course,
to
This could, of
be argued as good r e a s o n for t h e woman a c t u a l l y
refrain
course,
of
from
initiating
the
divorce
herself.
cum manu m a r r i a g e was s t a r k l y d i f f e r e n t
marriage
{sine
manu)
because
in
this
case
Of
from
a
free
divorce
r e q u i r e d r e m a n c i p a t i o n of t h e wife by e x c l u s i o n from her
husband's
familia
and a r e t u r n
to
her
father's.
This
type of m a r r i a g e , however, had f a l l e n out of p r a c t i c e
t h e most p a r t by t h e end of t h e R e p u b l i c . 2 5
R e g a r d l e s s of
who d i v o r c e d whom, however, t h e s o u r c e s i n d i c a t e t h a t
divorce
somewhat
rate
among
similar
to
Romans
may
statistics
have
in
been
the
for
at
United
a
the
level
States
Leo F. R a d i t s a , "Augustus' L e g i s l a t i o n Concerning Marriage,
P r o c r e a t i o n , Love A f f a i r s and A d u l t e r y , " ANRN 2, no. 13 (1980);
Susan T r e g g i a r i , "Divorce Roman S t y l e : How Easy and How Frequent Was
I t ? " i n Marriage, Divorce,
and Children in Ancient Rome, ed. Beryl
Rawson (Oxford & New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1991), 32-34;
38.
24
T r e g g i a r i , "Divorce Roman S t y l e : How Easy and How Frequent Was
I t ? , " 39.
25
On d i v o r c e i n cum manu marriage s e e : C o r b e t t , The Roman Law of
Marriage, Gardner, Women m Roman Law and Society,
83f, T r e g g i a r i ,
"Divorce Roman S t y l e : How Easy and How Frequent Was I t ? , " 33ff.
27
today, which
implies
a
somewhat
commonplace
occurrence
within Roman society.26
In the first century, marriage, or more accurately,
divorce and inheritance, became topics of interest in the
legislation
of
Rome's
indication,
however,
first
that
emperor.
women
who
There
wished
is
to
no
free
themselves from their husbands found it more difficult to
do
so
in
light
Augustus.27
of
In
the
fact,
new
one
marriage
could
laws
argue
imposed
that
by
Augustus'
legislation did little or nothing to discourage divorce,
but
rather
only
childbearing.28
divorce
was
to
encourage
remarriage
and
In the general picture, as a private act,
free
from
most
constraints
of
government
regulation, yet Suetonius wrote that Augustus imposed a
"limit"
"divortiis
26
on
divorce.29
modum
imposuit"
Suetonius'
phrasing,
however,
could also be translated
as
Treggiari, "Divorce Roman Style: How Easy and How Frequent Was
It?" 41ff.
27
Augustus' legislation was more concerned with connecting morality
to the need for an increase in Roman birthrates: Galinsky,
"Augustus' Legislation on Morals and Marriage," 132.
28
Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society,
82f.
29
Suet., Aug. xxxiv. Judith Evans Grubbs interprets Suetonius'
"modus" as a limit in the sense that Augustus tried to prevent men
reluctant to marry from finding loopholes by betrothing themselves
to girls under 12 and/or by having frequent marriages and divorces:
Evans Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire:
A Sourcebook
on
Marriage,
Divorce
and Widowhood,
86.
imposing a "set form" on divorce,30 rather than a limit on
the frequency.
Whether Augustus set limits, or merely a
formula,
is
what
known
for
sure
is
that
the
only
occasions of divorce in which the government felt obliged
to
intervene
were
related
to
issues
of
property
and
intestacy.
Examples which constituted an intervention on
behalf
the
of
imperial
government
included
divorce
between a freedwoman married to her patron, and when the
wife
was
a
proven
adulteress.
These
two
instances,
however, are similar because they both relate to property
and inheritance.
In a marriage between a freedwoman and
her patron, there was no separation of property between
the husband and wife, and although it was a free marriage
{sine
manu),
the
two
were
legally
connected
to
the
property in a way that marriage did not usually connect
husband and wife.31
In the second case, if a husband knew
his wife had committed adultery, then under the lex
de
adulteriis,
prosecuted
he
as
a
was
leno
obligated
to divorce
(pimp).32
A
wife
who
her
Iulia
or be
committed
30
This is what is argued by Jane Gardner, since she believes
Augustus' legislation did not discourage divorce, but rather
encouraged it: Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society,
85.
31
Dig. 24.2.11; See also: Gardner, Women in Roman Law and
Society,
82-83.
32
Dig. 24.2.11; See also: Treggiari, Roman Marriage:
Iusti
from the Time of Cicero
to the Time of Ulpian,
454-57.
Coniuges
adultery could not be confident in knowing who the father
of her sons was, and therefore the issue of inheritance
is
the
key
to
understanding
why
the
government
felt
compelled to intervene in these cases.
Roman marriage in the Empire was not the union of
two people or even two families, but rather an agreement
between two families to produce heirs for the husband's
posterity.
Women
contributed
to
through their relationship to men.
was the paramount
requirement
Roman
society
only
The procreative role
and achievement
of Roman
women, and this was not legitimately realized outside of
marriage.
Because
of
this,
marriage
functioned
as
a
foundation of Roman society because it provided the only
environment in which legitimate heirs could be produced.
Ensuring
that
women
remained
in
their
role
as
heir-
producing contributors to society was a primary aspect of
the laws of Augustus and his successors.33
While women
enjoyed an equal status with their husbands in creating
and
ending
their marriages, an unmarried
woman was of
little use to society because her purpose of childbearing
33
Evans Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire:
A
Sourcebook
on Marriage,
Divorce
and Widowhood,
87: "Augustus and his successors
were promoting an imperial ideology that stressed marriage and
child-bearing as the foundation for the state."
was not being fulfilled.
transfer
of
property
understandings
maintained
The legitimacy of heirs and the
of
weighed
divorce,
separate
heavily
because
property
a
in
Roman
married
couple
within
the
marriage.
Separate property and separate families, the concept of
marriage
ensure
as
an
of
the
sole
purpose
husband's
was
to
was
definitively demonstrated in the continued growth of
sine
Roman
security
whose
patrimony
manu
the
institution
marriage in the early Empire.34
culture,
contribution
a
to
Roman
woman's
society
was
For first-century
purpose
the
and
greatest
exercise
of
her
biological ability to bear children.
Early
Christian
literature
on marriage
married couples to remain married despite
even
in
religious
belief.
In
1
encouraged
disagreements
Corinthians
outlined the principles for a Christian marriage.
7,
Paul
First,
Paul reiterated the Jewish understanding of marriage as
the union of two people into one flesh35 - a concept of
marriage quite foreign to Roman tradition and law.
In
emphasizing this, Christians were reminded not only that
the married couple was inseparable, but neither exercised
34
Looper-Friedman, "The Decline of Manus-Marriage."
Genesis 2:24; Matthew 19:4-6; Mark 10:7-10; 1 Corinthians 6:16;
11:11-12; Ephesians 5:31.
35
authority over his or her own body, for he or she was
under the power of the other.36
Paul then outlined that,
according to God, the wife was not to separate from her
husband and the husband was not to divorce his wife.37
Based on this, Paul urged his own advice: if a Christian
were married to a non-Christian, he or she should stay
married and serve as an example of Christianity in hopes
of eventually converting the unbelieving spouse.38
this letter, one can draw two conclusions.
From
First, the
Corinthian Christians may have been unfamiliar with the
traditional Jewish understanding
of marriage, which was
being urged by Paul in his Christian ministry.
Paul
encouraged
Christians
to
remain
married
Second,
to
their
pagan spouses because they were, in fact, divorcing them.
This
second
point
would
seem
to
support
Bremmer's
argument that women were converting to Christianity and
using
divorce
their
husbands
as
a means
and
the
society they represented.
to
liberate
patriarchal
themselves
hierarchy
of
from
Roman
This interpretation, however,
ignores the fact that Roman women were not required to
36
1 Corinthians 7:4.
1 Corinthians 7:10-11. Under Jewish law, only the husband could
initiate a divorce.
38
I Corinthians 7:12-16; 1 Peter 3:1-2.
37
32
give a reason for divorce.
society
eliminated
Christianity
for
39
the
the
The ease of divorce in Roman
need
purpose
for
of
a
conversion
attaining
a
to
divorce.
Furthermore, the Jews and Christians were certainly not
exempt from Augustus' marriage laws which encouraged and
required remarriage within eighteen months of a divorce.40
When it came to marriage, liberty, and the expectations
of women, it could be said that while both Roman pagans
and Christians
capable
set few restrictions on what women were
of doing,
they were
quite
restrictive
in what
they believed women should do.41
While virginity
sexual
liberation,
could be interpreted
as
has
been
argued,42
as a form of
the
evidence
suggests that those who chose a life of celibacy would do
so not simply to eschew notions of patriarchal dominance,
but rather because one truly believed in the sanctity of
such an act.
If virgins believed that their lives of
chastity
an
39
were
act
of
rebellion
against
the
male-
Treggiari, "Divorce Roman Style: How Easy and How Frequent Was
It?," 34.
40
Corbett, The Roman Law of Marriage,
250.
41
Jo Ann McNamara, "Sexual Equality and the Cult of Virginity in
Early Christian Thought," Feminist
Studies
3, no. 3/4 (SpringSummer, 1976): 148. McNamara is referring only to Christian Church
Fathers. However, McNamara's conclusion regarding the early
Christian view of women is nearly identical with Roman pagan views.
42
Fox, Pagans and Christians,
372ff, McNamara, "Matres Patriae /
Matres Ecclesiae: Women of Rome," 92.
dominated world, then they left nothing written of their
own
to
indicate
Christianity
traditional
have
celibacy
norms
of
nor
exempted
expectations
and qualities.
of
such,
would
them
from
for women
conversion
Roman
to
laws
and
of marriageable
age
Christian women who sought to live a life
did
Roman
so
in
stark
culture,
contrast
however,
to
they
the
did
accepted
not
escape
those same cultural expectations within Christianity.
As seen in the marriage laws and traditions of Rome,
marriage
destiny
and
of
the
all
bearing
Roman
of
heirs
women.
was
While
the
normative
virginity
was
a
visible part of ancient religious practice, it was first
and foremost an anomalous lifestyle.43
Religious virgins,
such as the Vestals, were expected to marry after their
tenure as virgins had ended.
The religious celibates of
antiquity "were the exceptions that reinforced the rule...
[They]... heightened
the awareness of contemporaries
that
marriage and childbirth were the unquestioned destiny of
all other women."44
culture
were
aberrations
43
of
Virgins, like the Vestals, in Roman
neither
gender whose
Brown, The Body and Society:
Early Christianity,
8.
44
Ibid., 9.
male
nor
female.
illegitimate
Men, Women and Sexual
They
were
existence
was
Renunciation
in
made
temporarily
religious purpose.
legitimate
only
because
of
their
In the eyes of the pagan majority,
virginity was a temporary and atypical condition, which,
while
carrying
situations,
important
would
not
religious
have
functions
been
in
recognized
some
as
a
legitimate long-term lifestyle within the early Empire.45
Christians
than
the
viewed
surrounding
voluntary
Roman
virginity
culture
literature of the early Christian
differently
did.
Within
the
Fathers, there was a
strong connection between the life of wife and that of
virgin.46
fruitful
While
lifestyle
virginity
within
could
the
be
an
Christian
accepted
and
community,
the
institution of marriage took precedence over virginity,
especially
if the woman was already married.47
Paul's
exhortation that in marriage the spouse has control over
the other's body created problems for women who wished to
live the celibate life after marriage.
After all, if the
husband maintained control over his wife's body, then she
had no more right to withhold sexual relations from her
husband,
45
than
he had
the
right
to withhold
them
from
For more on virginity and gender in the Roman world, see Brown's
summary in: Ibid., 5-25.
46
McNamara, "Sexual Equality and the Cult of Virginity in Early
Christian Thought," 148f.
47
Ibid.: 148. McNamara cites examples of married women who
endeavored to live a celibate life while married.
her.48
This Christian conception of the inseparable bond
between husband and wife, although quite different from
the Roman construct of marriage, was very similar to the
Roman understanding of the relationship between men and
women
in
regard
to virginity.
Both
Roman
pagans
and
Roman Christians understood women to be inseparable from
their
relationship
to
men
within
society
through
the
institution of marriage.
The Christian understanding of virginity within the
first century was far from the more systematized theology
of the later centuries.
sought
to enforce
encouraged
through
While Christians, like pagans,
historical
gender
expectations
women's
paramount
contribution
procreation,
they
began
also
to
to
which
society
emphasize,
contrary to pagan beliefs, that virginity was a lifestyle
wholly
compatible
feminine.
48
a
Christian
understanding
of
This counter-cultural acceptance of virginity
by Christians
"threatened
with
to
could
be
destroy
interpreted
gender
as a concept
barriers
by
which
rejecting
1 Corinthians 7:3-5: "The husband should give to his wife her
conjugal rights, and likewise the wife to her husband. For the wife
does not have authority over her own body, but the husband does.
Likewise the husband does not have authority over his own body, but
the wife does. Do not deprive one another, except perhaps by
agreement for a limited time, that you may devote yourselves to
prayer; but then come together again, so that Satan may not tempt you
because of your lack of self-control."
traditional sexual and procreative roles that restricted
women solely to relationships with men."49
acceptance
have
of virginity
acted
more
as a suitable way of life may
to
expectations
rather
transferring
the
enforce
than
to
gender
unravel
traditional
submission and obedience
Christ.
However, the
barriers
them,
expectations
and
by
simply
of
wifely
from a human husband
to Jesus
Through this new spiritual marriage, Christian
women could contribute to the benefit of society aside
from physical marriage and procreation.
The
experiences
of
female
virgins
within
early
Christianity are preserved only in the texts written by
male
clergy
and
female virgins
historians.50
The
sources
as freeing themselves
upon Eve and her descendents.
from the
described
judgment
No longer would they fear
the pains of childbirth, for "[y]ou virgins are free from
this
sentence... with
condition is equal."51
that
of
men
your
lot
and
your
This notion of equality between
men and women through virginity developed
later in the
theology
to
49
of
virginity
that
began
dominate
McNamara, "Matres Patriae / Matres Ecclesiae: Women of Rome," 92.
A hole in the historical treasures of the Church which Elizabeth
Castelli laments in: Elizabeth Castelli, "Virginity and Its Meaning
for Women's Sexuality in Early Christianity," JFSR 2 (1986): 61-65.
51
Cyprian, De Habitu
Virginum
xxii (PL 461-462).
50
ecclesiastical
discourse
in
the
third
and
fourth
centuries and seems to be a very narrow interpretation of
the impressions of equality conveyed by Paul in the first
century, when he wrote "...there is no male and female, for
you
are
all
one
in
Christ
Jesus."52
In
virginity,
Christian women did not find a freedom from traditional
expectations,
but
rather
an
enforcement
of
gendered
boundaries now fully realized in a celestial relationship
with a spiritual husband maintained under the rigors of
physical and spiritual exercise and control.
Christian
virgins
Christian
were
expected
to
act
and
dress
as
wives, and the imagery of their lifestyles was eventually
portrayed
as
a
spiritualized
sexuality.53
Christian
virginity did not provide a freedom from the bonds of man
and woman, but rather a transference to the bonds of Godman
and
woman.
legitimate
life
procreation
within
Christian
outside
the
virgins,
of
although
physical
Christian
living
marriage
community,
could
a
and
not
escape the expectations that women were socially bound to
marry and bear children because of their sex.
Through
the words of later Christian writers, the celestial realm
52
Galatians 3:28.
Castelli, "Virginity and Its Meaning for Women's Sexuality in
Early Christianity," 71ff.
53
became molded to the language of the physical.
Even if
liberation was what these women had sought, it came to
nothing as virginity became merely a new Christian form
of
marriage
shrouded
in
traditional
gendered
expectations.
In
gender
better
understanding
and the conversion
the
connection
between
to Christianity, perhaps
the
question being asked should not be, "Why were women more
attracted
to
Christianity
were men, particularly
faith
in
equal
than
men?"
but
noblemen, not drawn
numbers
to
the
women?"
rather,
to the
This
"Why
new
latter
question, rather than the former, can be answered more
conclusively
nature
based
of this
upon
question
the
evidence
is connected
available.
to the
The
political
reality of the early Empire and the gendered construction
of its religio-political system.
the fabric of Roman society.
Gendered spheres were
The relationship between
men and women was interwoven in daily life, however, in
the carrying out of their culturally-understood duties,
underlying
place,
and
social
understandings
ability
dichotomization
of
the
only
of
further
masculine
and
gendered
purpose,
perpetuated
feminine.
the
This
39
connection
between
gender i s f u r t h e r
the
religio-political
explored in chapter
system
two.
The Kingdom of Heaven & The Kingdom of
H i s t o r i c a l Contexts
Caesar:
W h i l e t h e Roman Empire emerged from t h e d u s t
Republic,
umbrella
Christianity
of
was
Second-Temple
and
taking
shape
Judaism.
The
of
under
first
the
the
century
w i t n e s s e d t h e e a r l y r a p i d g r o w t h of b o t h t h e Roman Empire
and
Christianity,
movement
attracted
government.
Roman
but
the
little
There
authorities
Christians,
yet
are
within
the
as
whole,
a
of
attention
examples
C h r i s t i a n i t y a s an i n t e r n a l
most p a r t ,
growth
of
from
Christian
the
imperial
interaction
disputes
affair
the
the
between
Romans
about
the
Jews
and
regarded
of t h e J e w s . 5 4
what Romans knew o r b e l i e v e d
by
For
the
Christians
Arguments can be made for when C h r i s t i a n i t y and Judaism o f f i c i a l l y
went t h e i r s e p a r a t e ways i n t h e eyes of t h e uninformed pagan. Many
claim i t t o have o c c u r r e d a f t e r t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e Jewish Temple
i n 70, o t h e r s as l a t e as t h e Bar-Kokhba Revolt of 132-135. While
many Jews may have been eager t o d i s a s s o c i a t e themselves from
C h r i s t i a n s (and v i c e - v e r s a ) a f t e r t h e F i r s t Jewish War (66-70), i t
i s more than p l a u s i b l e t h a t t h e pagans were not as a c u t e l y aware of
t h e i n t r i c a c i e s of J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n r e l a t i o n s i n t h e f i r s t c e n t u r y ,
and would have c o n t i n u e d t o r e g a r d C h r i s t i a n s as p a r t of Judaism.
For more on t h i s , s e e : Marcel Simon, Verus Israel:
A Study of the
Relations
between Christians
and Jews in the Roman Empire, Ad 135 425, t r a n s . H. McKeating (London & P o r t l a n d , OR: V a l l e n t i n e M i t c h e l l
& Co L t d . , 1996 [Orig. 1 9 4 8 ] ) .
40
in the first century was limited to rumor and assumptions
about Judaism.55
Eusebius described
first-century
Tiberius.
an explosion
Christian
movement
of growth
during
the
for the
reign
of
Much like the Acts of the Apostles, Eusebius
credited the early Church with gathering in thousands of
fresh converts in the first decades of its inception, as
the missionaries and Apostles went out to the far reaches
of the known world.56
Eusebius claimed that "[i]n every
city and village arose churches crowded with thousands of
men, like a teeming threshing-floor."57
As the Christian
movement gained momentum, it not surprisingly caught the
attention
of
occasion.
Not every encounter was hostile, however, and
some
the
Christian
purposeful
Roman
writers
kindness
imperial government.58
between
55
the
imperial
authorities
even
showered
went
on
so
upon
far
the
more
as
and
the
to
Church
Two examples of the
government
than
one
allege
by
the
interaction
first-century
For examples see: Robert Louis Wilken, The Christians
as the
Romans Saw Them, 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2003) .
56
Acts 2:41; Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
iii.l. For an alternate
interpretation which examines the growth of Christianity apart from
mass conversions, see: Stark, "Reconstructing the Rise of
Christianity: The Role of Women," 229-31.
57
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
ii.3.2.
58
For example, Eusebius' assessment of Tiberius (Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
ii.2) .
Christians important to this study take place during the
reigns of Nero (r.54-68) and Domitian (r.81-96).
What has become
represents
an
Christians
and
century.
known as the Neronian
anomaly
the
within
imperial
authorities
of
between
the
first
Because of this, Nero was termed the first
persecutor of Christianity.59
Christians
also
relationship
In short, Nero blamed the Fire of 64 on the
Christians.
between
the
persecution
shed
the
on
light
not
first-century
the
exercise
of
Nero's actions against the
only
on
the
relationship
Church
and
the
power
by
women
emperor,
but
within
the
imperial court - namely, Poppaea Sabina, Nero's wife.
During
the
reign
of
Domitian,
Christian
describe another first-century persecution.60
and
the
crowned
later
historians
who
relied
Flavia
Domitilla,
Domitian's
on
sources
Eusebius,
History,
his
niece, as
perhaps
the most prominent victim of Christian persecution in the
first century.
agreement
59
The sources on Domitilla are not in full
concerning
her
connection
to
the
Christian
E u s e b i u s s a y s Nero "was t h e f i r s t of t h e e m p e r o r s t o be p o i n t e d
o u t a s an enemy of t h e t r u e God [...coq <xv rcpokoq onjTOKpaxopwv xf[q eiq TO 9elov
eTjaefteiaq noXt\aoq avaSeixGeiTi. ] " ( E u s e b . , Hist,
eccl.
i i . 2 5 . 3 ) and " t h e
f i r s t t o b e p r o c l a i m e d a s a f i g h t e r a g a i n s t God [...Qzo\ia%oc, ev xoiq \iaX\.a%a
7tpwToq avotKTipuxQei?-• • 1 " ( i i . 2 5 . 5 ) .
60
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
iii.17-20. In this section of his
History,
Eusebius preserved a portion of the account by Hegesippus as well.
movement; however,
Domitilla's t r i a l
in 95 provides
the
bedrock for understanding the r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender
and the r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l system of the f i r s t
century.
Although t h e r e were instances of persecution in the
second century,
they were counter-balanced by times of
peace and p r o s p e r i t y .
Emperors," 61
Good
prominent martyrs
tolerance
and
Christian
Church
second
growth
of
examples
exist
justice.
century
intermittent
During the reigns of Rome's "Five
alongside
The
Christianity's
examples of
interaction
and Roman a u t h o r i t i e s
was
sporadic
relationship
the
of
Christian
is
and
imperial
between
the
throughout
the
localized.
demonstrated
movement
most
as
well
This
by both
as
by
the
the
examples of r e l a t i o n s between prominent bishops and the
imperial government.
The example connected to t h i s study
concerns the reign of Commodus (r.180-192), who began h i s
r u l e at the end of the Roman Golden Age.
Eusebius painted the reign of Commodus as a time of
great p r o s p e r i t y for the C h r i s t i a n Church:
61
The r e i g n of t h e f i r s t f i v e Antonine Emperors (Nerva, 96-98;
Trajan, 98-117; Hadrian, 117-138; Antoninus P i u s , 138-161; Marcus
A u r e l i u s , 161-180) has been termed t h a t of t h e "Five Good Emperors"
thanks i n p a r t t o t h e p e a c e f u l s u c c e s s i o n of each, and t h e c o n t i n u e d
s t a b i l i t y and p r o s p e r i t y under each.
43
During this same time in the reign of Commodus
our circumstances changed to a milder one, and
by God's grace, peace came to the churches
throughout
the world.
And
the word
of
salvation began to lead every soul of every
race of men toward the devout worship of the
God of the universe, so by this time those at
Rome who were famous for wealth and family
turned to their own salvation with their whole
house and with all their relatives.62
Eusebius
did
not
Commodus,
but
flourished
to
devote
his
a
many
point
greater
pages
was
"hedonism
and
lunacy
likely
the
clear:
degree
Commodus than it had previously.
to
during
reign
of
Christianity
the
time
of
Perhaps Commodus' own
him"63
distracted
from
pursuing a policy of intolerance towards the Christians
(or
even
paying
Commodus'
own
prosperity,
it
any
attention
private
life
is never
to
was
them
the
explicitly
at
reason
stated.
all).
for
One
If
this
could
argue, however, that Eusebius alluded to the reason when
he mentioned that Romans of wealth and fame had converted
along
with
their
whole
families.
As
will
be
further
explored in chapter three, the key to Eusebius' passage
may
62
lie
in
a
closer
examination
of
Marcia,
Commodus'
Euseb., Hist, eccl.
v.21.
As Paul Maier asserted in the commentary of his translation,
Eusebius, The Church History,
trans. Paul L. Maier (Grand Rapids:
Kregel Publications, 1999), 204.
63
concubine, and the connection between her position
and
the Roman construction of gender in the second century.
The
relationship
between
the
Church
and
imperial
government within the third century took a dramatic shift
on account of the Third Century Crisis.
Christianity was
no longer a tiny sect relegated to the frontiers of the
Empire.
During the third century, the Christian Church
experienced periods of relative peace as well as intense
empire-wide
systematic
government.
It is during this century that there was a
shift
in
imperial
persecution
policy
by
concerned
the
with
imperial
Christianity.
The policies of Trajan and Hadrian which had created a
curious
disinterest
in
the
Church
on
behalf
of
the
government had shifted to a more hands-on approach.
This
emperor
study
before
ends
the
with
dawn
Alexander
of
the
Severus,
Third
the
Century
last
Crisis.
Alexander's relationship with his mother, Julia Mamaea,
and
her
provides
relationship
important
with
the
information
Christian
on
gender and political authority.
the
movement,
intersection
of
The overarching thesis
which connects the religio-political system of the Empire
to the construction
the
reign
of gender, is demonstrated
of Alexander,
however,
there
is an
through
epilogue
which
briefly
explores
the
relationship
between
gender
and the religio-political system during the Crisis.
The
epilogue serves to further demonstrate the thesis of this
work, although the evidence is less conclusive.
The Odd Couple:
Christianity & the Imperial Culture
As Christians became more prevalent in the eyes of
imperial law, the distinction of genders as seen in the
cultures
of Christians
While
the
religious
stark
contrast
construction
and pagans became more obvious.
beliefs
to those
of
with masculine
gender
and
of the Christians
of their
and
feminine
the
in
pagan neighbors, the
expectations
were
were
similar.
associated
There
were
certainly differences in practice - especially in ideas
such
as
marriage,
marital
headship,
virginity,
and
sexuality for example - but in the general expectations
for men and women, Christianity seemed very much at home
within Roman culture.
Despite these agreements between
Christians
in
and
Christianity,
could
itself.
attract
pagans
the
early
Empire,
even when under the umbrella
negative
attention
or
of
however,
Judaism,
violence
against
The relationship between Christianity
and the
Roman Empire was unpredictable.
and
economic
either
stability,
neutral
government.
combined
or
Depending on political
Christians
hostile
terms
found
themselves
with
the
on
imperial
The purpose of this study is to show that,
with
external
important
factor
government
dealt
in
with
forces, gender
determining
not
only
proved
how
to be
the
an
imperial
Christianity,
but
many
aspects of life in the Empire.
The survival of Christianity can sometimes seem an
enigma,
given
community
its
whence
relationship
it
sprang,
and
first
then
to
to
the
the
Jewish
imperial
government, which by the fourth century had made repeated
attempts to eradicate it.
Christianity's
Historians have long credited
structure, its cult of the martyrs, and
even its doctrine as reasons for its survival in such a
hostile
environment.64
What
these
historians
have
neglected to examine, however, is how gender, especially
the roles expected within Roman and Christian societies,
was used by Christian women in unique positions of power
to
influence
Amidst
64
the
those
crises
in
unique
affecting
positions
the
Empire
of
authority.
throughout
For a summation on these ideas, see: W.H.C. Frend, The EarlyChurch (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1991 [Orig. 1965] ) .
the
latter centuries of its existence, the Christian Church
embarked on an opposite trajectory from the one Dio had
concluded
from
gold
beginning
about
to
the Empire.
rust,
of the
the
fourth
Rather than
Christian
deteriorating
movement
by
the
century, had demonstrated
that
like gold, it could remain intact under fire, thanks to
the
assistance
of
women
who
used
their
gender to the advantage of the Church.
position
and
CHAPTER II
"PUNISH US AS YOU DO THEM"1
Gender, Law, and Culture: Pomponia Graecina, & Flavia
Domitilla
Purveyors of Foreign Superstition:
The Connections of Pomponia & Domitilla to Christianity
Christianity's
proselytism
partnered
dominance of the Mediterranean predestined
between
the
government.
growing
According
Jewish
to
sect
the
Acts
with
Roman
an encounter
and
the
imperial
of
the
Apostles,
Paul's interactions with Roman courts may have occurred
as
early
Christian
as
50. 2
In
involvement
addition,
Nero's
indictment
of
in
Great
Fire
64
the
of
demonstrated that Christians were neither invisible nor
This quotation is taken from Horentsia's speech given in 42 BC
against the edict by the Second Triumvirate which sought to tax the
property of the 1,400 wealthiest women in Rome. Although the Greek
is the technical term "proscribe," I believe "punish" is a suitable
translation as well: "ei |o.ev 8r\ xi KOU npoq rpcov, oiov vnb xcov dv5pwv, r|8iKfia9ou
(t>axe, 7ipoYpd\j/axe KOU i\\iac, coc ZKeivovq." (App. B Civ. iv.32)
2
Acts 16:19-24. I have chosen the year of 50 based upon the fact
that Paul's arrest in Philippi in Acts 16 follows the Council of
Jerusalem (Acts 15), which is dated to around 49-50. Also, Paul's
arrest and appearance before the governor L. Junius Gallio in Acts
18 soon after can be dated to 51, as Gallio's tenure as proconsul of
Achaea was from 51-52. For more on the trials of Paul, see: Paul L.
Maier, In the Fullness
of Time: A Historian
Looks at
Christmas,
Easter,
and the Early Church (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications,
1997 [Orig. 1991]); A.N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society
and Roman Law
in the New Testament:
The Sarum Lectures,
1960-1961
(Eugene, OR:
Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1963); Ben Witherington III, The Paul
Quest:
The Renewed Search for the Jew of Tarsus
(Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity Press, 1998).
48
49
impervious to the hard hand of Roman law.
The encounters
between
the
the
government,
Christian
although
movement
much
less
and
frequent
imperial
in
the
first
century than later, centered mostly around the political
implications
political
religious
than
of
Christianity's
rituals
system.
simply
and
requirements
These
juxtapose
century
enforce
Judeo-Christian
The
elucidate
trials
Domitilla
in
government's
of
socio-
Rome's
however,
civil
do
religion
more
against
Two important trials in the
the
government's
its laws in accordance
constructions
of
encounters,
Roman religious politics.
first
defiance
attempt
with traditional
to
gender
in light of this new religious movement.
of
95
Pomponia
are
attempts
Graecina
early
to
in
examples
address
57
of
and
the
dissenting
Flavia
imperial
religious
opinion among its nobility in the first century.
Little is known of Pomponia Graecina, apart from her
brief mention in the Annals
of Tacitus:
And Pomponia Graecina, a distinguished woman,
wife of A. Plautius, whose ovation after the
British campaign I recorded earlier, and now
arraigned for foreign superstition
[superstitio
externa
rea] , was left to the judgment of her
husband.
Following the ancient practice, he
held an inquiry in the presence of a family
council to determine the fate of his wife, and
declared her innocent. Henceforth Pomponia was
50
to live with long life and continuing sadness.
For after Julia the daughter of Drusus had been
done away by Messalina' s treachery, for forty
years she dressed herself in sadness, existing
in perpetual mourning; this was unpunished
under the reign of Claudius, and soon became a
title to glory.3
As
Tacitus
stated,
Pomponia
was
the
wife
of
Aulus
Plautius, the man who had conquered Britain for Emperor
Claudius in 43.4
She was also most likely the daughter
of G. Pomponius Graecinus, a friend of Ovid, and Asinia,
the half-sister to Drusus Julius Caesar, son of Emperor
Tiberius and Pomponia's grandmother, Vipsania Agrippina.5
In
addition,
Pomponius
Pomponia
may
Flaccus, as well
have
been
as cousin
to
the
niece
several
of
noble
families through her grandmother's brief marriage to the
imperial family.
mourning
for her cousin
Tacitus'
Pomponia's
3
Her noble lineage and defiant 40-year
history.5
rebellious
In
Julia earned her a mention
fact,
if
it
state of mourning
were
not
in
for
for Julia, she
T a c , Ann. xiii.32.
Cass. Dio lx.19-21; lxi.30.2; Suet., Vesp. iv.l.
5
John Jackson, ed., Tacitus:
The Annals,
Books Xiii-Xvi,
vol. 322,
Lcl (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1937), 52 (footnote
1) •
6
Julia was the daughter of Drusus, the half-brother of Pomponia's
mother. Julia was executed in 43 on orders of her uncle, Emperor
Claudius, under the influence of his wife, Messalina.
4
may not have been mentioned by T a c i t u s
fortunate,
trial,
however,
although
provides
that
she
seemingly
important
was mentioned,
referenced
insight
all.7
at
into
only
the
It
since
in
is
her
passing,
intricacies
of
gender, law, and r e l i g i o n w i t h i n i m p e r i a l Roman c u l t u r e .
For
the
contribution
Christian
is
negligible.
from t h e s o u r c e s ,
activity;
she l e f t
with t h e
Bishop of
was
never
allow
her
movement
at
As f a r
Rome
martyred;
presumed
she
no
Christianity
remains no c o n c l u s i v e
relationship
leader) ;
externa
was
wherein l i e s
h e r importance for
superstition
found no
superstition;
actually
in
which
influence
e v i d e n c e as t o whether
superstitio
7
a
position
to
this
addition
gather
i n no m i s s i o n a r y
(or any C h r i s t i a n
held
Pomponia's
one can
behind no evidence of
r e a s o n t o c o n v i c t her of f o r e i g n
foreign
as
Pomponia p a r t i c i p a t e d
p o l i c y toward t h e Church; h e r t r i a l
of
large,
to
would
imperial
justifiable
and t h e r e
Pomponia's
Christianity.8
study?
she
So
The charge
Pomponia
being
As w i l l be f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d below, and i n subsequent c h a p t e r s ,
T a c i t u s , and o t h e r h i s t o r i a n s , o f t e n i n c l u d e d e x t r a i n f o r m a t i o n for
t h e purpose of p r e s e n t i n g t h e n e g a t i v e or p o s i t i v e a s p e c t s of
someone's p e r s o n a l i t y .
In t h i s c a s e , Messalina i s T a c i t u s ' t a r g e t .
8
The c o n n e c t i o n of Pomponia t o C h r i s t i a n i t y was f i r s t made i n t h e
s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y by L i p s i u s and has become t h e t r a d i t i o n a l argument
t o t h i s day. The ambiguity of t h e term could l e n d support for
Judaism, I s i s and O s i r i s , and Druidism, as p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s as
w e l l . For more on t h e concept of superstitio,
see p p . 82ff.
52
handed over to a family court, rather than an imperial
one,
provides
regarding
the
important
insight
into
Roman
connection
between
gender,
attitudes
religion,
and
law in the first century of the Empire.
A generation after Pomponia, another woman aroused
the attention of the imperial authorities for religious
reasons.
Emperor
Flavia
Vespasian
Domitilla
through
Domitilla the Younger.9
emperors,
grandnephew
Titus
and
was
his
the
only
granddaughter
daughter
of
Flavia
The niece of the two succeeding
Domitian,
of Vespasian, her
Domitilla
cousin,
married
the
Flavius Clemens.
On account of her relationship with the imperial family,
and the deification of her mother by Domitian, Domitilla
and Clemens' children were made heirs to the throne.10
Domitilla's apparent good fortune and intimate connection
to the imperial throne was cut short, however, in 95:
And the same year [AD 95] Domitian slew, along
with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul,
although he was a cousin and had as his wife
Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of
the emperor.
The charge brought against them
both was that of atheism [aGeotTixog] , a charge on
which many others who drifted into Jewish ways
[TOC TWV 'IOVSOUOOV r|0T|] were condemned.
Some of
these were put to death, and the rest were at
9
10
Suet., Vesp. iii.
And also renamed Domitianus and Vespasianus: Suet., Dom. xv.
53
least deprived of their estates.
only banished to Pandateria. n
Domitilla was
The account by the Christian historian Eusebius differs
slightly, but ends in similar fashion:
For the teaching of our faith shone so brightly
in those days that even writers foreign to our
belief
wrote
down
the
persecution
and
martyrdoms in their histories, and they even
indicated the exact time, stating that in the
fifteenth year of Domitian, Flavia Domitilla,
who was the niece of Flavius Clemens, one of
the Roman consuls that year, was banished with
many others to the island of Pontia for
professing Christ.12
The differences
in the two accounts appear
stark.
In
Eusebius' version, Domitilla is referred to as the niece
of Flavius Clemens, not his wife, and her exile was to
Pontia,
not
Pandateria.13
These
inconsistencies
have
caused a divergence of interpretation on the importance
and
even
the
historicity
of
Domitilla.14
There
are
explanations, however, for the differences in these two
sources.
11
The story of Domitilla, like that of Pomponia
Cass. Dio, lxvii.14.
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
iii.18.
13
The location of Pontia as Domitilla's place of exile is repeated
by Jerome in his Ep. cviii.7. It is possible that Jerome repeated
what had become tradition, especially since Eusebius'
immortalization of Pontia in his Historia
Ecclesiastica.
14
These inconsistencies have been summarized by: J.B. Lightfoot, The
Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement
of Rome, 2nd ed., vol. I
(London: MacMillan and Co., 1890), 34-51; James S. Jeffers, "Social
Foundations of Early Christianity at Rome: The Congregations Behind
1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas" (PhD diss., University of
California, Irvine, 1988), 246-47.
12
Graecina, provides
understanding
the
historians
connection
with much
between
in the way
gender,
of
politics,
and religion in the early Empire.
These two short passages have forever
Domitilla
within
the
debate
about
immortalized
Christianity
and
nobility in the first century.
The complexities involved
with
these
properly
interpreting
two
sources
in
ostensible disagreement compels one first to address this
apparent problem before moving on to an examination of
Domitilla in light of gender expectations and punishment
in the early Empire.
Because of the disagreement between
the accounts of Dio and Eusebius, some historians have
suggested that there may have been two different Flavia
Domitillas, both of whom were related to Flavius Clemens
and both of whom were exiled by Domitian.15
ubiquity
of the
name
Domitilla
this is not entirely unlikely.16
in the
Given the
Flavian
family,
A more logical and less
complicated suggestion, however, is that Eusebius, or his
15
George Edmundson, The Church in Rome in the First
Century
(London:
Longmans, Green and Co., 1913), 230ff; Lightfoot, The
Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement
of Rome, 42-45.
16
Flavia Domitilla [the Elder] was the wife of Vespasian, who named
her daughter Flavia Domitilla [the Younger], who then named her
daughter Flavia Domitilla as well.
55
17
original
source,
mistakenly transferred
of n i e c e
from D o m i t i a n t o C l e m e n s .
m y s t e r y was s u r m i s e d by J . B .
the
fifth-century
Acts
Eusebius' account.
of
the
relationship
The s o l u t i o n
Lightfoot
Nereus
when h e
and
to
this
connected
Achilleus
to
In these Acts, Domitilla, a niece of
Flavius Clemens, was banished to the i s l a n d of Pontia by
Domitian for refusing pagan worship.
In Dio's account,
the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Domitilla and Domitian i s
generic
"relative,"18
Coemeterium
Domitillae
although
daughter
of
interpretation
the
refers
to her
as
Domitian's
Because of t h i s , Domitilla as the
Domitian's
of
to
she i s also the granddaughter of
Vespasian 19 and Q u i n t i l i a n
" s i s t e r ' s daughter." 2 0
according
the
Dio's
sister
generic
is
an
appropriate
"relative."21
In
E u s e b i u s ' s o u r c e i n t h i s example i s b e l i e v e d t o have been a
h i s t o r i a n named B r u t i u s , t o whom E u s e b i u s s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r s i n h i s
Chronicle.
For more on t h e i d e n t i t y of t h i s B r u t i u s a n d how
E u s e b i u s came t o r e l y on him, s e e b e l o w on p a g e 56 a s w e l l a s :
L i g h t f o o t , The Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement
of Rome, 4 6 - 4 9 .
18
C a s s . Dio l x v i i . 1 4 : KOU OCUTTIV avyyEvr\ EOCUTOV.; For a s i m i l a r
d i s c u s s i o n , s e e : L i g h t f o o t , The Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S.
Clement
of Rome, 4 4 f .
19
J . B . L i g h t f o o t ' s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e s t o n e d i f f e r s s l i g h t l y from
T h e o d o r Mommsen's, and r e a d s : "TATIA BAVCYL... [NV] TRIX SEPTVM
LIB[ERORVM] DIVI VESPASIAN[I ATQVE] FLAVIAE DOMITIL[LIAE VXORIS
EIVS, DIVI] VESPASIANI NEPTIS..." Both L i g h t f o o t ' s and Mommsen's
t r a n s l a t i o n s a r e found i n : L i g h t f o o t , The Apostolic
Fathers,
Part
I:
S. Clement
of Rome, 1 1 4 .
20
Q u i n t i l i a n r e f e r s t o D o m i t i l l a ' s c h i l d r e n as " s o r o r i s suae
n e p o t e s " ( " t h e g r a n d c h i l d r e n of [ D o m i t i a n ' s ] s i s t e r " ) : Q u i n t . ,
Inst.
iv.l.
21
For a more d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p D o m i t i l l a a n d t h e
F l a v i a n E m p e r o r s , s e e : J e f f e r s , " S o c i a l F o u n d a t i o n s of E a r l y
Eusebius' account, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Domitilla and
Clemens i s also " s i s t e r ' s daughter." 2 2
aptly
asked,
"Have
confusion?" 23
The
explanation
we
not
here
simplest
for
the
As J.B.
and
the
most
difference
Lightfoot
key
to
the
straightforward
in
Domitilla's
r e l a t i o n s h i p s to Domitian and Clemens comes from simple
clerical
error
-
a
transference
daughter of Domitian's s i s t e r
of
Domitilla
in Dio's account,
as
the
to the
daughter of Clemens' s i s t e r by Eusebius (or his source). 2 4
The difference in the place of e x i l e i s e a s i l y dismissed
by the fact t h a t they are neighboring i s l a n d s which the
imperial family used as places of e x i l e throughout
first
century, and t h e r e f o r e ,
effortlessly
the
transposed in
the sources.
In addition to Eusebius'
Domitilla's
also
the
relationship
issues
to
concerning
possible misconnection of
Flavius
the
Clemens,
omission
of
there
are
Clemens'
execution and Eusebius' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Dio's reference
to
the
"atheism"
and
"Jewish
ways"
of
Domitilla
C h r i s t i a n i t y a t Rome: The Congregations Behind 1 Clement and t h e
Shepherd of Hermas", 250-54.
22
E u s e b . , Hist. eccl. i i i . 1 8 : z% aSeA.(t>f|c; yeyovmav <J>A.amou KXii^evxoq
( l i t e r a l l y : "born from t h e s i s t e r of F l a v i u s Clemens").
23
L i g h t f o o t , The Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement of Rome, 45.
24
See f o o t n o t e 17.
as
57
distinctly
Christian.
commandeered
have
the
attention
investigated
discussion
of
This
Flavia
her
of
religious
nearly
Domitilla
role
in
and
history
w h e t h e r s h e was a Jew o r C h r i s t i a n .
Domitilla's
difficulty
religious
with
the
precise
favor
of
references
Eusebius'
however,
support
is
the
claim
there
older
cited
have
been
argument
over
of
from
her
as
and
dates
atheism
Christian
back
last
to
century,
lending
D o m i t i l l a was i n f a c t
a Jew.26
Eusebius'
to
or
Christianity
works
the
The a r g u m e n t
terms
the
on
written
of
25
stems
In
The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
Judaism
debate
the
The c o n c e n t r a t i o n
these
numerous
who
limited
a
definitions
above.25
to the theory that
either
has
(xoc toiv 'lox)8aicov i\Qr\) .
interpreting
has
historians
to
convictions
(dc0eoTri<;) and J e w i s h ways
in
all
issue
statements
has
been
as
references
explored
in
This argument has been continued by h i s t o r i a n s i n t o t h e modern
p e r i o d . Some of t h e more prominent h i s t o r i e s a r e : Giovanni B a t t i s t a
De Rossi, La Roma Sotterranea
Cristiana
(Rome: 1865); Johannes
Knudsen, "The Lady and t h e Emperor: A Study of t h e Domitianic
P e r s e c u t i o n , " Church History 14, no. 1 (Mar. 1945); L i g h t f o o t , The
Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement of Rome.
26
For example: H e i n r i c h G r a t z , Die Judischen
Proselyten
im
Romerreiche
unter den Kaisern Domitian,
Nerva, Trajan und Hadrian
(Breslau: 1883); Martin P. Charlesworth, "Some O b s e r v a t i o n s on
R u l e r - C u l t E s p e c i a l l y i n Rome," HTR 28, no. 1 (Jan. 1935); E. Mary
Smallwood, " D o m i t i a n ' s A t t i t u d e toward t h e Jews and J u d a i s m , " C
Phil. 5 1 , no. 1 (Jan. 1956); Paul K e r e s z t e s , "The Jews, t h e
C h r i s t i a n s , and Emperor Domitian," Vig. Chr. 27, no. 1 (Mar. 1973);
Claudia S e t z e r , Jewish Responses to Early Christians:
History and
Polemics,
30-150 C.E. (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg F o r t r e s s P r e s s ,
1994) .
detail elsewhere, so it is unnecessary to recite them in
detail
here.
connect
However,
Eusebius'
historians
statements
to
a
have
attempted
first-century
understanding of both Judaism and Christianity.
factors
contribute
to
the
difficulty
to
Roman
Numerous
for
modern
historians to determine definitively whether atheism and
Jewish ways refer to either Christianity or Judaism.
major
factors,
however,
can
be
condensed
into
The
five
interrelated yet independent examples:27 1) the use of the
terms "atheism" (aGeornc;) and "Jewish ways" (TOC XWV 'lo\)8aitov
Ti'9r|) by first-century Romans; 2)
the fiscus
Iudaicus
Domitianic
persecution;
the administration of
under Domitian; 3) the details of the
4)
the
Christian
cemetery
of
Domitilla; and 5) Eusebius' two passages about Domitilla.
The terms aQe6xr[C, and TOC TWV 'Iou8oda>v T(0TI at face value
seem certainly to assume Jewish proselytism on the parts
of Domitilla and her husband.28
To first-century Romans,
however,
Jews
27
Christians
and
were
virtually
There is also an argument which connects Flavius Clemens with a
certain Kati'ah bar Shalom mentioned in Talmudic writings as a
senator who adopted Jewish ways.
28
It should be noted that the concept of proselyte for the Jews
consisted of two categories: 1) full proselytes, who were
circumcised and enjoyed full membership within the synagogue, and 2)
God-Fearers (oePonevoi) , who embraced the monotheism and moral code of
the Jews, and sometimes attended synagogue, yet were not fullmembers of the Jewish faith. It is usually assumed that Clemens and
Domitilla were of this latter variety, rather than the former.
59
indistinguishable, and in most cases, the terms for one
group
applied
also
for the
there
are
numerous
sources
other.29
in
which
Because
of
this,
these
terms
are
utilized by Romans against both Jews and Christians in
the
first
century.
someone who
reviled
Josephus
the
Jews
denounced
"as
Apollonius
atheists
[dGeoucJ
as
and
misanthropes,"30 while Polycarp, the Christian bishop of
Smyrna, was condemned as an atheist
of Romans in c.156.31
atheism,32
among
{aQeoc,) by the crowds
The wide-ranging usage of the term
pagans
in
describing
both
Jews
and
Christians in addition to the general ignorance of the
diversity
of
first-century
Judaism
by
the majority
of
Romans, makes it difficult to take this terminology and
to apply it definitively to either Christian or Jewish a conclusion with which Eusebius would no doubt disagree.
29
See footnote 54 in chapter 1.
Josephus, Ap., ii.14 8.
31
The term atheist used by Romans is cited two times in The
Martyrdom
of Polycarp,
with Polycarp redirecting the term back to
the Romans once. See specifically: Martyrdom
of Polycarp,
iii.2 and
ix. 2.
32
The terms used by the Romans in reference to the Christians range
from atheism to superstition to "hatred of the human race"
(Tacitus). Joseph J. Walsh examines these in his "On Christian
Atheism." What is unique to Walsh's study is that he contends that
contrary to common belief, atheism was not the primary reason for
hatred of the Christians by their pagan neighbors, but rather a
"melange of characteristics which irritated and affronted pagans"
(268) .
30
60
The second issue which has occupied the attention of
historians
studying
Instituted
by
Domitilla
Vespasian
after
the
Jewish Temple in AD 70, the fiscus
Temple
Tax
paid
by
Jews
for
Iudaicus.33
fiscus
is the
destruction
Iudaicus
of
the
replaced the
the maintenance
of
their
Temple in Jerusalem, and acted as a form of tribute paid
in
return
for
the
liberty
of
practicing their faith legally.34
the
Jews
to
continue
According to Suetonius,
Domitian sought out those who lived as Jews but were not
paying
the
Suetonius'
the
tax
tax,
and
description
is
prosecution
used
of
as
Consul
prosecuted
of
Domitian's
a
possible
Clemens
them
vigorously.35
administration
connection
and
his
to
wife,
according to Dio, were denounced as living as Jews.35
33
of
the
who,
The
See: Smallwood, "Domitian's Attitude toward the Jews and Judaism,"
2-4; Keresztes, "The Jews, the Christians, and Emperor Domitian," 510.
34
Cass. Dio, lxv.7.2; Josephus, BJ, vii.218. It was a dual
punishment in that Jews now had to pay for the privilege to worship
their God even though their Temple had been destroyed, and further
so, the tax went to the maintenance of the Jupiter Capitolinus in
Rome!
35
Suet., Dom. xii.2 which reads, "Praeter ceteros Iudaicus fiscus
acerbissime actus est; ad quem deferebantur, qui vel inprofessi
Iudaicum viverent vitam vel dissimulata origine imposita genti
tributa non pependissent."
36
For the full argument see: Jeffers, "Social Foundations of Early
Christianity at Rome: The Congregations Behind 1 Clement and the
Shepherd of Hermas", 241-46; Keresztes, "The Jews, the Christians,
and Emperor Domitian"; Smallwood, "Domitian's Attitude toward the
Jews and Judaism"; Margaret H. Williams, "Domitian, the Jews and the
'Judaizers': A Simple Matter of Cupiditas and Maiestas?,"
Historia
39, no. 2 (1990).
61
sources
convey
involved
that
such
successor,
the
harsh
Nerva,
had
administration
enforcement
not
only
to
of
that
end
this
tax
Domitian's
the
unjust
execution of the tax, but also to advertise his actions
through coinage.37
directly
linked
persecution
of
This issue of the fiscus
with
the
the
next
emperor
factor
Domitian
at
ludaicus
is
hand:
the
against
either
Christians or Jews.
Historians
have
long
debated
the
extent
of
Domitian's cruelty beyond the generality of the Empire to
the Jews and Christians in particular.38
form of persecution by Domitian's
Evidence of some
government
exists to
support a Jewish persecution as well as a Christian one.
Suetonius'
report
that
Jews avoiding the fiscus
37
Domitian
ludaicus
vigorously
prosecuted
would certainly seem to
L.A. Thompson, "Domitian and the Jewish Tax," Historia
31, no. 3
(1982): 329.
38
Suet., Dom. x; xii. Also see: Shirley Jackson Case, "Josephus'
Anticipation of a Domitianic Persecution," JBL 44, no. 1/2 (1925);
Gratz, Die Judischen
Proselyten
im Romerreiche
unter den
Kaisern
Domitian,
Nerva,
Trajan
Und Hadrian;
Keresztes, "The Jews, the
Christians, and Emperor Domitian"; Knudsen, "The Lady and the
Emperor: A Study of the Domitianic Persecution"; Donald McFayden,
"The Occasion of the Domitianic Persecution," AJT 24, no. 1 (Jan.
1920); Donald W. Riddle, "Hebrews, First Clement, and the
Persecution of Domitian," JBL 43, no. 3/4 (1924); Smallwood,
"Domitian's Attitude toward the Jews and Judaism"; Thompson,
"Domitian and the Jewish Tax"; K.H. Waters, "The Character of
Domitian," Phoenix
18, no. 1 (Spring, 1964); Williams, "Domitian,
the Jews and the 'Judaizers': A Simple Matter of Cupiditas and
Maiestas?"
62
support
a general
Empire.39
the
the
feeling
In a d d i t i o n ,
Church
in
in
Domitian's
reign.40
explanation
that
of
and
"sudden
alluded
Rome
their
repeated
persecution
Flavius
this
that
Clemens
short,
but
he
carried
and/or
39
out
Christians,
against
years
of
began
with
the
had b e e n d e l a y e d
and
Jews
or
reverses
of
however,
harsh
the
which
c o n n e c t s w e l l w i t h an
an
Christians
Domitilla,
attack.
because
The
organized
and
of
descriptions
of
policy
cause
that
were v i c t i m s
lend support to the p r o b a b i l i t y
kind
the
last
initiated
wife
vicious
some
letter
This l e t t e r
and h i s
Domitian's character
the
misfortunes
either
in
a persecution
during
Domitian
against
to
response
by Jews
from C l e m e n t of Rome t o
Clement's
have happened t o u s . " 4 1
assumption
persecution
the l e t t e r
Corinth
Christians
of
against
was
that
Jews
probably
On t h e d i s c u s s i o n of a g e n e r a l p e r s e c u t i o n a g a i n s t t h e Jews, s e e :
Case, " J o s e p h u s ' A n t i c i p a t i o n of a Domitianic P e r s e c u t i o n " ;
McFayden, "The Occasion of t h e Domitianic P e r s e c u t i o n " ; R i d d l e ,
"Hebrews, F i r s t Clement, and t h e P e r s e c u t i o n of Domitian";
Smallwood, " D o m i t i a n ' s A t t i t u d e toward t h e Jews and Judaism";
Thompson, "Domitian and t h e Jewish Tax"; Waters, "The C h a r a c t e r of
Domitian"; Williams, "Domitian, t h e Jews and t h e ' J u d a i z e r s ' : A
Simple Matter of C u p i d i t a s and M a i e s t a s ? "
40
For an examination of 1 Clement i n connection with t h e Domitianic
p e r s e c u t i o n and p o s s i b l e r e f e r e n c e s i n t h e New Testament, s e e :
Riddle, "Hebrews, F i r s t Clement, and t h e P e r s e c u t i o n of Domitian."
For t h e a u t h o r i t y on Clement, s e e : L i g h t f o o t , The Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement of Rome.
41
1 Clement, i . l , which b e g i n s : "Aiot xaq aicjnSiouc; KOU kiiaXXi\kovq yevonevaq
TIJUV aun^opag KOCI 7tepv7ixcooeiq..." v i i . l a l s o a l l u d e s t o some kind of
p e r s e c u t i o n as w e l l .
63
economic,
rather
than
religious.
Suetonius
mentioned
Domitian's "natural disposition" toward cruelty,42 and his
financial
straits
confiscations
which
of
he
attempted
aristocratic
collection of the fiscus
to
property,
Iudaicus.43
solve
and
a
through
rigorous
Suetonius proclaimed
that Domitian "was made insatiable through need and cruel
through fear,"44 and this financial need and paranoia no
doubt
contributed
to
the
downfall
of
Clemens
and
Domitilla.45
A Christian cemetery, uncovered by Giovanni Battista
De Rossi
in the middle
of the nineteenth
century, was
built upon land donated by a Flavia Domitilla.46
Praedium
and
Domitillae
Christian.
This
contains numerous graves, both pagan
De Rossi
assumed
that while
initially
begun as a pagan burial ground, the descendents of Flavia
Domitilla and her household converted to Christianity and
Suet., Dom. iii.
Suet., Dom. xii.
44
Suet., Dom. iii: "...quantum coniectare licet, super ingenii naturam
inopia rapax, metu saevus."
45
For a brief account of Domitian's probable attitude toward the
Christians, see: J.E.A. Crake, "Early Christians and Roman Law,"
Phoenix
19, no. 1 (Spring, 1965): 65-67.
46
De Rossi, La Roma Sotterranea
Cristiana.
This cemetery has been
debated in numerous sources after De Rossi, and a few prominent ones
are: Jeffers, "Social Foundations of Early Christianity at Rome: The
Congregations Behind 1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas";
Smallwood, "Domitian's Attitude toward the Jews and Judaism"; Paul
43
Styger, Die Romischen Katakomben: Archaologische
den Ursprung und die Bedeutung der Altchristlichen
(Berlin: Verlag fur Kunstwissenschaft, 1933).
Forschungen
uber
Grabstatten
64
continued to use the cemetery for their burials, thereby
sanctifying the land for Christian reverence.47
it appears
that
Christian
tombs
became more
Because
common
as
time went on, the cemetery's connection to Domitilla is
determined
to
be
proof
of
her
Christianity
by
many
deserve
some
historians.48
Two passages by Eusebius
attention.
History
of Caesarea
The first passage is the one from Eusebius'
mentioned above, in which Domitilla is branded a
Christian
and
identified
as
the
niece
of
Eusebius recorded nearly the same event in his
Clemens.49
Chronicon
but also gave some clues as to the identity of one of the
authors he described as "foreign to our belief":
Brutius writes that there were very many
Christian martyrs under Domitian, among whom
were Flavia Domitilla, granddaughter of the
sister [ex sorore
neptim]50
of Flavius Clemens
the consul; she was banished to the island of
Pontia, because she bore witness to being a
Christian.51
47
Jeffers, "Social Foundations of Early Christianity at Rome: The
Congregations Behind 1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas", 253-54.
48
G.B. De Rossi has become the father of this theory since the
publication of his archeological findings in 18 65. He subsequently
published articles defending this throughout the rest of the
nineteenth century. His findings from the cemetery are summarized
by J.B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic
Fathers:
S. Clement
of Rome, 35-39.
49
Euseb., Hist. eccl.
iii.18.
50
The grandchild of a sister could also be referred to with the
generic "niece" or "nephew".
51
Jer., Chron, PL vol. 27, col. 603 (2110.16).
With
these
two
for
the
Christianity of Domitilla require no more evidence.
The
inconsistencies
passages,
between
those
Dio's
who
and
argue
Eusebius'
accounts,
namely the relationship of Domitilla to Clemens, and the
place
of
Domitilla's
Eusebius' part.
exile, are dismissed
as error
on
The unknown identity of the historian
"Brutius," whom Eusebius cited as his main source, lends
much
weight
to
misinformed.52
the
conclusion
that
Eusebius
was
In spite of this, Eusebius' identification
of Domitilla as a Christian is accepted as accurate by
many.
on
This is not to say, however, that no disagreement
the
religion
of
contrary, actually.53
examination
of
Domitilla
remains
-
quite
the
It is for this reason that further
Domitilla
outside
of
this
sphere
of
religious conviction has likely failed to take place.
Examining
the
arguments
surrounding
Domitilla's
religious persuasion has proven to be a digression that
has stunted other interpretations of her importance to a
fuller
understanding
of
the
role
of
gender
in
the
political and religious institutions of the early Empire.
52
See footnote 17 for more on the identity of Brutius.
For the debate surrounding Brutius and Eusebius, see: Crake,
"Early Christians and Roman Law, " 65f; Lightfoot, The
Apostolic
Fathers,
Part I: S. Clement
of Rome, 46ff; Jeffers, "Social
Foundations of Early Christianity at Rome: The Congregations Behind
1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas", 246f.
53
Almost
exclusively,
concerning
historians
Domitilla,
conclusions
yet
regarding
her
discuss
case
conceptions
this
reveals
of
issue
important
punishment
and
gender within the early Empire - important
conclusions
that
traditional
have
been
unexplored
because
of
the
focus on Domitilla's religious affiliation.
Domitilla's
precise relationship to the emperor, her precise place of
exile, her precise religious affiliation are all detours
from
what
can
be
discovered
about
the
relationship
between religion, law, and gender in first-century Rome.
In the larger picture, the religion of both Pomponia
Graecina
and
Flavia
Domitilla
fails
to
be
answered
definitively by the sources available, so new questions
must
be
asked.
superstition
Why
was
relegated
to
the
matter
of
a
family
court,
Domitilla's was brought before the emperor?
Clemens
exiled?
executed
for atheism, while
Pomponia's
while
And why was
Domitilla was
only
These questions require a different direction in
the interpretation
of the sources and explicit
answers
that provide a fuller incorporation of gender, religion,
and politics within the framework of Roman history.
The
actions taken by the imperial government against Pomponia
and Domitilla are the key to understanding the role of
gender within the religio-political
Empire.
system of the early
As will be elaborated upon below, Pomponia's and
Domitilla's
religious
conversions were not a threat
to
the social and political order because of the existing
understanding of gender within Roman culture and society.
This connection between gender and societal order is also
why
noblewomen
far
outnumbered
noblemen
among
the
converts to Christianity in the early centuries.
Battle of the Sexes:
Gender and the Religio-Political System of Rome
The question of why women converted to Christianity
in greater numbers than men in the early centuries was
briefly explored in the first chapter.
however,
demonstrated
that
perhaps
The conclusion,
a more
historically
sound way to examine this phenomenon lies not in asking
why
noblewomen
noblemen not.
converted,
but
rather
why
did
more
Part of the reason why noblemen were more
reluctant to convert to Christianity
(at least publicly)
is found in the relationship between politics, religion,
and gender
Pomponia
in Roman law and tradition.
Graecina
and
Flavia
Domitilla
The trials of
demonstrate
the
connection
between
gender
and
the
religio-political
nature of Roman law.
The trials of Pomponia Graecina and Flavia Domitilla
were carried out in different ways - Pomponia in a family
court,
and
Domitilla
in
front
of the
emperor.
It is
prudent to concentrate first on Domitilla's trial, for it
reveals
why
Pomponia's
generation before.
capital
crime.
unfolded
the
way
it
did
a
Flavia Domitilla was on trial for a
Roman
especially
heinous
disruption
of order
law
because
and
treated
they
capital
could
stability.
crimes
lead
to
as
the
The punishment
of
these capital crimes "was pursued in the interests of the
community,"54
and
the sentence was death.
While
exile
could be voluntarily exercised by the accused to avoid
this punishment, execution was still the most common end
to those who threatened the stability and security of the
Roman state.
In the case of Flavia Domitilla, she and
her husband were both convicted of the same crime, yet
Clemens
54
was
executed,
and
Domitilla
was
involuntarily
Richard A. Bauman, Crime and Punishment
in Ancient
Rome (New York:
Routledge, 1996), 2. For additional resources on the
differentiation of crimes in Rome, see: J.A. Crook, Law and Life
of
Rome, 90 B.C. - A.D. 212 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press,
1967) .
69
exiled.
Why were these two punished differently for the
same crime?
In the first century, there were cases where women
who participated
less
severely
in crimes alongside men were punished
than
the men.
This was not
always
the
case, but it happened more than would be expected, and it
certainly deserves more attention than it has previously
been given.
Examples of women involved in capital crimes
include three women in the Conspiracy of Sejanus.55
those mentioned,
Of
six men were executed,56 one committed
suicide,57 and the other survived the charges and lived.58
Two
of the
committed
three women
suicide.60
were
The
executed,59
conspiracy
and
against
the
other
Caligula
resulted in the execution of M. Aemilius Lepidus and his
male
co-conspirators
sisters,
55
Agrippina
and
the
the
exile
Younger
and
of
the
Julia
emperor's
Livilla
for
The main conspirators were: Sejanus himself, his wife (Apiacata) ,
his son and daughter, Livilla, Publius Vitellius, Pomponius
Secundus, a poet, a historian, Carnulus, and Paconius.
56
Those executed are Sejanus, his son, the poet, the historian,
Carnulus and Paconius.
57
Publius Vitellius.
58
Pomponius Secundus.
59
Sejanus' daughter, who was raped beforehand, since it was
uncustomary to execute a virgin, and Livilla. Dio admits, however,
that it is uncertain as to whether Livilla was executed or spared on
account of her mother, Antonia, and then later starved to death by
her mother (Cass. Dio, lviii.11.7).
60
Apiacata, Sejanus' wife, implicated Livilla before committing
suicide herself.
70
their connection to Lepidus.61
The Pisonian
Conspiracy
against Nero led to the arrest of forty one, of whom four
were
women:
Acilia,
Caedicia,
Claudia
Antonia,
and
Acilia was neither acquitted nor punished,62
Epicharis.
Caedicia was exiled, and Claudia Antonia
and
Epicharis
were both executed (although Antonia is said to have been
executed for refusing to marry Nero) .63
What these crimes all share, in addition to having
women highly
involved
in their
implementation,
they were all attempts to murder an emperor.
crimes of treason {crimen
of maiestas
directed
61
maiestatis).
is that
These were
The Roman concept
incorporated many more crimes than just those
against
the
safety
of
the
state.64
In
the
Cass. Dio, lix.22. Agrippina and Livilla were also accused of
many "impious and immoral actions" by Caligula to the Senate.
62
T a c , Ann. KV.11:
"Acilia mater Annaei Lucani sine absolutione,
sine supplicio dissmulata."
63
Suet., Afer. xxxv.4: "Antoniam Claudi filiam, recusantem post
Poppaeae mortem nuptias suas, quasi molitricem novarum rerum
interemit." Epicharis' death is of special mention, since she first
endured incredible torture before taking her own life, rather than
give up the names of her fellow conspirators (Tac, Ann. xv.57;
Cass. Dio, lxii.27.3).
64
See: Richard A. Bauman, The Crimen Maiestatis
in the Roman
Republic
and Augustan
Principate
(Johannesburg: Witwatersrand
University Press, 1967). The crimes listed by Bauman include, in
addition to conspiracy against the state and collusion with the
enemy: "to lose a battle; to disregard the auspices; to ill-treat
prisoners of war; to leave a province without authority; to use
violence against a magistrate; to interrupt a tribune; to lay false
claim to Roman citizenship; to visit a brothel in an official
capacity; to hold court while intoxicated, or dressed in women's
clothes; to incite civil commotion; to falsify public records; to
examples cited here, these crimes threatened the safety
of the state, because they placed the life of the emperor
in jeopardy.
In all these cases, save the
conspiracy
against Caligula,65 there appears to be no differentiation
between men and women
This
seems
to
be
in their
the
respective punishments.
situation
in
these
crimes
of
treason, yet treason was not the only capital crime in
Rome.
In the case of Domitilla and Clemens, there was no
murder conspiracy or political intrigue, yet their crimes
still resulted in the highest form of punishment.
the
cases
cited
above,
in
addition
to
Unlike
political
and
gender issues, this one involved religious questions that
relate to the connections between gender and punishment
in
Roman
legal
practice.
Ignoring
the
auspices
was
linked to the concept of atheism and was a capital crime.
When one was charged with a capital offense in the
mid- to late-Republic, he or she had the opportunity to
enter into exile voluntarily in order to avoid the death
publish defamatory pamphlets; and to commit adultery with the
emperor's daughter" (viii).
65
Caligula's alleged incestuous relationship with his sisters may
have played a part in his reluctance to have them executed (Cass.
Dio lix.22)
penalty.66
In
exchange
for
retaining
one's
life, the
accused lost his or her citizenship and any property left
behind.67
connected
Humanitas,
to
ideas
a
of
Roman
concept
punishment,
can
which,
resemble
when
modern
notions ranging from chivalry to "civilized" punishment,
may have played a part in encouraging an alternative to
death as the penalty for capital crimes.68
This is not to
say that the Roman state failed to execute its criminals.
As in the case of many other female criminals in Rome,
however, Domitilla received a fate far less severe than
the men involved in the same crime.69
religious
practices
encourage
a
Did Roman legal and
strict
punishment between men and women?
dichotomy
of
And if so, how and
when was this distinction applied?
Two
theories
can
be
deduced
about
why
women
sometimes suffered different punishments than men for the
66
Under the rule of L. Cornelius Sulla voluntary exile was
officially guaranteed, according to the law.
67
For more on how exile worked within the Roman law, see: Mary V.
Braginton, "Exile under the Roman Emperors," CJ 39, no. 7 (Apr.
1944); Crook, Law and Life
of Rome, 90 B.C. - A.D. 212,
212-14;
Bauman, The Crimen Maiestatis
in the Roman Republic
and
Augustan
Principate,
65-66; Bauman, Crime and Punishment
in Ancient
Rome, 1318.
68
Humanitas
as an influential factor in encouraging exile over death
is argued by Richard Bauman in his Crime and Punishment,
esp. ch. 2.
69
Some examples include Fulvia and the men involved in the rebellion
against Octavian; Julia the Elder and her lovers; Caligula's
sisters, mentioned above.
73
same crime.
70
First, one could speculate that the Romans
used gendered ideas of punishment in order to strengthen
a sense of gender difference within society, which they
saw as a continuation of what had always been done. Men
were
men, and women
were
women;
different
different roles, hence different punishments.71
and
connected
understanding
answer.
to the first
of gender
idea,
and humanitas
a
basic
could
sexes,
Second,
cultural
be the
Perhaps a gentler form of punishment was deemed
necessary for what Nature had failed to give the weaker
sex {infirmitas
sexus) .72
Both theories are compelling
70
Some general sources on Roman law are: Bauman, Crime and
Punishment
in Ancient
Rome; W.W. Buckland, A Text-Book
of Roman Law
from Augustus
to Justinian
(London: Cambridge University Press,
1950); Crook, Law and Life
of Rome, 90 B.C. - A.D. 212; J.A.C.
Thomas, Textbook
of Roman Law (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing
Company, 1976).
71
Although concerned with a different field and time period, Diana
Paton suggests this idea in examining the difference in flogging for
male and female slaves in Jamaica: Diana Paton, No Bond but the Law:
Punishment,
Race, and Gender in Jamaican
State
Formation,
1780-1870
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004). While colonial slavery
of the 18th and 19th centuries is far removed from first-century Rome,
it is not improbable to assume that the Romans, like any other
people, wished to maintain a stable and orderly society through
legal and cultural mores concerning gender identity and roles.
72
For more on the discussion of women viewed as weak or incompetent
in Roman law, see: J.A. Crook, "Feminine Inadequacy and the
Senatusconsultum
Velleianum,
" in The Family in Ancient
Rome: New
Perspectives,
ed. Beryl Rawson (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1987); Crook, Law and Life
of Rome, 90 B.C. - A.D. 212;
Suzanne Dixon, "Infirmitas
Sexus:
Womanly Weakness in Roman Law,"
Tijdschrift
voor Rechtsgeschiedenis
52, no. 4 (1984); Jane F.
Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen
(New York: Routledge, 1993); Gardner,
"Gender-Role Assumptions in Roman Law," Classical
Views 39, no. 3
(1995); John Nicols, " P a t r o n a Duitatis:
Gender and Civic Patronage,"
Studies
in Latin
Literature
and Roman History,
Collection
Latomus 5
and provide l o g i c a l assumptions for the
in punishment
for men and women.
differentiation
However,
as
blanket
explanations, each r e q u i r e s multiple exceptions in order
to adequately address many instances of the punishment of
women in the e a r l y Roman Empire.
The
idea
that
Romans
distinguished
different
punishments for each sex as a way to reinforce a sense of
gender d i s t i n c t i o n
within society
is
a conclusion
can be drawn from the Roman concept of moribus
For
Romans,
formality;
customs
it
custom
was
more
was equivalent
associated
with
to
gender
than
just
law. 73
that
- custom.
traditional
Therefore,
distinction
and
the
place
within Roman society were not merely t r a d i t i o n s , but also
l e g a l l y binding s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s .
customary
roles
consequences
Jane Gardner sees the
of men and women in
rather
differentiation.74
than
Gardner
relegated to a d i f f e r e n t
Roman society
causes
argues
that
of
women
as
gender
were
l e g a l p o s i t i o n because of t h e i r
(1989); P. van Warmelo, " I g n o r a n t i a I u r i s , " Tijdschrift
voor
rechtsgeschiedems
22 (1954); Marlene M. Wethmar-Lemmer, "The Legal
P o s i t i o n of Roman Women: A D i s s e n t i n g P e r s p e c t i v e , " Fundamma 12,
no. 2 (2006). For an example from o u t s i d e t h e a n c i e n t p e r i o d , s e e :
Marion A. Kaplan, Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life m Nazi
Germany (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1998).
73
Dig. 1 . 3 . 3 2 . For more on t h e Roman concept of custom as i t
p e r t a i n s t o law, s e e : Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen,
88-89.
74
See: Gardner, "Gender-Role Assumptions i n Roman Law." and Gardner,
Being a Roman Citizen,
ch. 4.
physical
weakness
in
comparison
to men
during
a
time
early in Rome's history when families were forming and
needed protection from other families or clans.75
of men's
physical
paterfamilias
strength,
they
construction
and
pertained
on
the
role
as
and so it remained throughout the Kingdom,
Republic, and Empire of Rome.
legal
took
Because
familia
of the
political
to
gender,
In other words, the Roman
formed
customs
and
and
these
the basis
of
Roman
practice
as
they
practices
and
customs
remained, even though much in society had changed from
the time of the formation of the familia.
The roots of
gender differentiation demonstrate the Roman concept of
mos maiorum,
the "custom of the ancestors."
In the fourth century, Ambrose wrote, "A woman is
not inferior in her own person.
It is because of her
condition, not her nature, that she is subjected to man
and
ordered
distinction
to
fear
between
him."76
genders
In
in
explaining
politics,
stated simply that women were excluded
state not because of a woman's
rather this tenet
Fritz
Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen,
Ambrose of Milan, Commentaria
xvii: 399).
in
Roman
Schulz
from affairs of
inherent weakness, "but
of old Roman custom: public
75
76
the
108f.
epistolam
ad Ephesios
life is
v.32 (PL
exclusively
excluded
the
from
business
positions
religio-political
the way
it had
ancestors.
of
of
man."77
the
authority
Women
were
the
Roman
within
system because, to the Romans, it was
always been
Women
and
men
- it was
were
a custom
different;
of the
therefore,
Romans enforced what they saw as a historical practice of
gender.
Men and women were given different opportunities
and responsibilities within Roman society, and were also
treated
differently
when
it
came
to
the
execution
of
justice, because it was how it had always been done.
A second theory on the Roman punishment
of female
criminals is a perceived notion of womanly weakness.78
infirmitas
sexus
was
an
accepted
legal
or
If
cultural
construction concerning Roman women and their ability to
participate
in the public sphere, then this indeed may
provide the most probable justification
exile,
her
husband's
execution,
and
for Domitilla's
the
treatment
of
Pomponia Graecina a generation earlier.
This theory is
predicated
delineation
gender
77
on
within
the
assumption
Roman
society
that
is
the
supported
within
of
the
Fritz Schulz, Classical
Roman Law (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1951), 183.
78
For more on this, see: Dixon, "Infirmitas
Sexus:
Womanly Weakness
in Roman Law"; Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen,
ch. 4; van Warmelo,
"Ignorantia Iuris."
cultural
and
legal
traditions
by
examples
of
female
ignorance and/or weakness and its foundation within the
natural
rests
design.
upon
a
A
Roman
culturally
concept
of
accepted
infirmitas
limitation
sexus
of
the
intrinsic nature of women, rather than upon an idea of
mos
maiorum.
The infirmitas
examined
by
many
sexus
argument in Roman law has been
historians,
and
a
consensus
on
the
proper use of the term in Roman society has for the most
part been reached, although an agreement over its roots
within
Roman
usage
has
not.79
Infirmitas
sexus,
and
related ideas such as a woman's inexperience
{imperitia)
and
{ignorantia
her
presumed
ignorance
of
the
law
iuris),80 were Roman concepts tied mainly
to a woman's
physical
This
weakness, not mental
weakness.
clearly seen in the senatusconsultum
Velleianum
Velleianum.
is most
The
sc
attempted to discourage women from acting as
intercessors for others in court, or in simplest terms,
assuming a debt on behalf of someone else.
from the senatusconsultum
79
Ulpian quoted
which stated that legal action
Crook, "Feminine Inadequacy and the Senatusconsultum
Velleianum";
Dixon, "Infirmitas
Sexus:
Womanly Weakness in Roman Law"; Gardner,
"Gender-Role Assumptions in Roman Law."
80
Dixon, "Infirmitas
Sexus:
Womanly Weakness in Roman Law," 357.
not be given against women in these cases because "it is
not
right
that
they
discharge
men's
[virilibus
duties
and be bound by obligations of this kind."81
officiis]
In
the minds of the Roman jurists, the law "brought aid to
women who, because of the weakness of their sex
inbecillitatem],
had been overcome and thwarted by many
incidents of this sort."82
women,
[sexus
whom
apparently
The law was intended to assist
Roman
comparison to themselves.
men
viewed
as
weaker
in
This womanly weakness is more
closely connected to ideas of physical weakness, rather
than mental, since the jurists also clarified that "the
weakness
cunning
that
of
women
[calliditas]
they
were
[infirmitas
,
fully
feminarum],
deserved
aware
help"83
that
women
-
not
their
demonstrating
had
the
mental
capacity necessary to manipulate the law for a purpose
not intended by the lawmakers.
defined
an accepted
The sc
public practice
Velleianum
clearly
of women
that was
grounded in what Romans believed was a woman's naturallygiven weakness in comparison to men.
81
Dig. xvi.l.
Dig. xvi.l. 2. 2.
83
Dig. xvi.l.2.3; Cod. lust,
iv.29.5. Evans-Grubbs writes that
between 212-294, there are twenty imperial rescripts (ten of which
to women) clarifying the intent of the sc Velleianum:
Judith Evans
Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire:
A Sourcebook
on
Marriage,
Divorce
and Widowhood (London and New York: Routledge,
82
2002), 57.
The foundational assumption of infirmitas
that women were weaker than men.
sexus
This argument proves
unable to explain, however, women who certainly
any
conceptions
of
womanly
is
weakness
defied
through
their
actions, and were recognized as such by the (male) Roman
writers of their time.
How does a cultural understanding
of a weaker sex explain prominent women throughout Roman
history who defied both Roman law and understandings of
feminine frailty?84
Velleianum,
the
Even in their explanation of the
jurists
acknowledged
that
women
sc
were
fully capable of purposely misusing the laws intended for
their protection.85
infirmitas
sexus
Much like the argument from custom,
also
fails
to
provide
a
blanket
explanation for the differentiation in punishment between
men and women in the Roman execution of justice, or even
a specific justification in the case of Domitilla.
What might
better address the exile of Domitilla,
and by extension, the trial of Pomponia Graecina, is a
closer examination of all the aspects of her case which
make gender an especially important issue.
At the heart
of both Dio's and Eusebius' accounts about Domitilla lies
84
For example: Fulvia (c.83-40 BC); Livia (58 BC - AD 29); Agrippina
the Younger (15-59); Epicharis (d.65).
85
Dig. xvi.1.2.3; Cod. lust,
iv.29.5.
80
the
issue
trial
of
religion
of Pomponia a s
-
an
this
officially
fact,
practice
very
could
legally
sanctioned
not
the
capable
Romans
different
punishments
because
the
political
system
collapse
from f e m a l e
destabilize the status
religion
was
an
was
a
problem
For
those
intrinsically
to
political
86
and
and
in
Given
upon
less
neglect
for
not
rival
a
a
gender
danger
of
S i n c e women
actions
could
of
The
when
in
part
rejection
it
not
Roman
of
Roman
interfered
positions
public
of
of
duties,
atheism.87
catchword
Atheism
used
which
was
merely
with
political
t i e d t o t h e s t a t e g o d s , was what c o u l d
punishment
charge,
holding
instituted
based
their
law.86
religion
the
have
integral
and
authority,
the
quo.
politics,
practice.
was
office,
culture,
public
in
power.
crime t h a n male crime?
could not hold p o l i t i c a l
only
of
political
of
Roman
relevant
well.
Roman women w e r e n o t
exercising
issue
to
( a l t h o u g h t h a t d o e s n o t mean i t
a
were
lead
serious
defame
could
a
not
Some r e c e n t p u b l i c a t i o n s on Roman r e l i g i o n a r e : James B. Rives,
Religion
in the Roman Empire (Maiden, MA: Blackwell P u b l i s h i n g ,
2007); John Scheid, An Introduction
to Roman Religion
(Bloomington,
IN: I n d i a n a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2003); V a l e r i e M. W a r r i o r , Roman
Religion
(New York: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2006).
87
Adolf von Harnack, "Der Vorwurf des Atheismus i n den d r e i e r s t e n
J a h r h u n d e r t e n , " TUGAL 28, no. 4 (1905): 1 1 .
be used as a political tool) .
In the case of Flavius
Clemens and his wife, the charge of atheism inferred an
incapability
required
of
properly
religious
political
figure
obligations
roles
unable
could
ensuring
of
to
bring
and
exercising
the
figures.
A
political
carry
divine
out
his
religious
punishment
upon
and
instability within the Empire, hence the
aforementioned
reference
as
to
disregarding
the
auspices
a
capital
crime.88
The specific charge of "atheism"
trial
of
Clemens
and
Domitilla
[dcGeoxriTOc;] in the
sheds
light
on
the
connection between it and the meting out of punishment in
accordance
society
superstitio
in
with
the
the
relationship
early
Empire.
between
Roman
gender
and
conceptions
of
and atheism have garnered much attention by
scholars attempting to ascertain how Romans
indentified
themselves within a religious milieu as well as contrary
to those outside of it.89
88
Bauman, The Crimen Maiestatis
Principate,
viii.
89
In a general sense, the Roman
in the Roman Republic
and
Augustan
See: Stephen Benko, "Pagan Criticism of Christianity During the
First Two Centuries A.D.," ANRW 23, no. 2 (1980); Crake, "Early
Christians and Roman Law"; G.E.M. De Ste. Croix, "Why Were the Early
Christians Persecuted?" Past and Present
26 (Nov. 1963); Harnack,
"Der Vorwurf des Atheismus in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten"; L.F.
Janssen, " ' S u p e r s t i t i o ' and the Persecution of the Christians," Vig.
Chr. 33, no. 2 (Jun. 1979); Dale B. Martin, Inventing
Superstition:
understanding of atheism meant a refusal
the
existence
goddesses. 9 0
of
the
plurality
of
to acknowledge
Roman
gods
and
As mentioned e a r l i e r , t h i s charge was levied
against both C h r i s t i a n s and Jews on numerous occasions in
the f i r s t
three centuries.
In the context of the
first
century, atheism was not the fundamental cause of hatred
of the C h r i s t i a n sect by the pagan majority.
numerous
aspects
particularly
the]
Christianity
distasteful,
separateness,
secrecy,
of
aggressive
Jewish o r i g i n s ,
disruption
among
that
which
proselytizing
apocalyptic
of f a m i l i e s . " 9 1
There were
pagans
were:
"atheism,
and
polemic,
expectations,
These numerous
t h a t Romans singled out C h r i s t i a n s and the lack of
century sources which s p e c i f i c a l l y
found
[and
reasons
first-
a t t r i b u t e atheism as
the cause of contention between C h r i s t i a n s and Romans,92
complicate
the
connection
between
atheism
and
From the Hippocratics
to the Christians
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2004); William R. Schoedel, " C h r i s t i a n 'Atheism'
and t h e Peace of t h e Roman Empire," Church History 42, no. 3 (Sep.
1973) ; A.N. Sherwin-White, "The E a r l y P e r s e c u t i o n s and Roman Law
Again," JTS 3 (1952); Sherwin-White, "Why Were t h e E a r l y C h r i s t i a n s
P e r s e c u t e d ? - an Amendment," Past and Present 27 (Apr. 1964); Joseph
J . Walsh, "On C h r i s t i a n A t h e i s m , " Vig. Chr. 45, no. 3 (Sep. 1991);
Robert Louis Wilken, The Christians
as the Romans Saw Them, 2nd ed.
(New Haven, CT: Yale U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2003).
90
A.B. Drachmann, Atheism in Pagan Antiquity
(London & Copenhagen:
Gyldendal, 1922). Drachmann b l u n t l y d e c l a r e s on h i s f i r s t page t h a t
for t h o s e i n a n t i q u i t y , atheism was " t h e p o i n t of view which d e n i e s
t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e a n c i e n t g o d s . "
91
Walsh, "On C h r i s t i a n Atheism," 256.
92
I b i d . : 257.
83
Christianity in the example of Flavia Domitilla and her
husband. 93
The
importance
of
the
charge
of
atheism
is
not
because of its identification as Christianity or Judaism,
but
rather, the
character
account
connection
and position
of
Clemens'
between
the
charge
of Flavius Clemens.
execution
was
and
the
Suetonius'
placed
within
the
context of his passionate criticism against the general
unjust cruelty of Domitian:
Finally his [Domitian's] own cousin Flavius
Clemens, who was a man of despicable laziness
[contemptissimae
inertiae]
,
whose
sons,
who
were still very young, [Domitian] had openly
named his successors, changing their former
names and calling one Vespasian and the other
one Domitian, suddenly on only a slim suspicion
before the end of his consulship was done away
with [by Domitian].94
Although brief, Suetonius' account
ascertaining
the
motivation
against his cousins in 95.
"inertiae"
the
to describe
underlying
atheism,
while
connected
more
reasons
his
to
behind
why
was
political
93
The same could be said of superstitio
against Pomponia Graecina.
94
Suet., Dom. xv.
only
was
attack
use
character may
Clemens
Dio's in
Domitian's
Suetonius'
Clemens'
wife
supplements
of
indicate
executed
for
exiled
-
reasons
understandings
of
gender,
externa
and Christianity
rather
than
failed
to give the legal
execution
to
custom.
because
Domitian's
Suetonius'
he
unjust
It
likely
that
Suetonius
justification behind Clemens'
was
and
is
continuing
evidence
cruelty,95
arbitrary
careful vocabulary
his
of
however,
draws connections
between
gender and the religio-political system of Rome.
inertiae
Translated strictly as "laziness," Clemens'
would seem to indicate a lack of motivation not at all
indicative of a threat to Domitian's claim of imperial
authority.
It
is
unlikely
that
a man
bereft
of
any
ambition would be such a threat to Domitian's reign to
warrant
execution.
In
this
particular
case,
an
insinuation that Clemens, as consul, had demonstrated a
lackadaisical attitude in regard to his religio-political
duties
would
certainly
warrant
the
attention
of
the
imperial government.96
Political life was the masculine
life
only
in
Rome.
connection
society,
95
to
Not
the
political
expected
life
was
did
politics
gendered
also
serve
norms
deeply
of
as
a
Roman
connected
to
For example: Suet., Dom., x; xii.
This definition is alluded to in Elmer Truesdell Merrill,
Essays
in Early Christian
History
(London: MacMillan and Co., Ltd., 1924),
149f., when he suggests "absence of interest in public affairs."
For more on possible renditions of inertiae,
see: Jeffers, "Social
Foundations of Early Christianity at Rome: The Congregations Behind
1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas", 239-40.
96
Rome's
civil
religious
Domitian
may
have
unjustly
cruel
in
at
system
and
culture.
times
appeared
Suetonius'
account,
While
irrational
there
are
and
also
examples of his adherence to and enforcement of religious
obligations,
which
he
seemed
to
have
emphasized
to
a
greater degree than some of his predecessors.
One
obvious
religious
example,
expectations
which
of
stressed
the
early
the
gendered
Empire,
was
Domitian's enforcement of laws concerned with the Vestal
virgins.
Suetonius provided the example of Cornelia, a
chief vestal who violated her vow of chastity, and whom
Domitian had buried alive, while her lovers were beaten
to death with rods
(save one ex-praetor).97
Domitian's
care to "protect the gods from being dishonored"98 gives
insight
into
why
later,
executed for atheism.
in
95,
Flavius
Clemens
was
But if the crime of religious and
political neglect warranted the execution of Clemens, why
did Domitilla not share in her husband's fate?
If
Flavia
Domitilla,
as
wife
Christian or Jewish, her disconnect
97
of
a
consul,
from the
were
religious
Suet., Dom. viii.4. Suetonius explained that the ex-praetor was
spared because he had confessed before the case was settled, and
also because witnesses had failed to give any further information.
98
Suet., Dom. viii.5.
and
political
disruption
segments
to
Roman
of
society
life.
If,
would
bring
little
the
consul
however,
himself were of a "foreign superstition" the connection
between
politics
severely
and
religion
hampered.
punishments
interpreted
of
The
noblemen
as perceived
in
the
Empire
discrepancy
and
-women
potential
could
between
could
be
the
then
instability.
As
be
a
woman, even a noblewoman, she had limited access to the
public realm
(and no recognized authority), so there was
little need to worry about her impact upon the greater
stability of the Empire.
Romans may have understood that
women remained outside the public sphere when it came to
politics, and therefore interpreted their crimes as less
destabilizing
conspiracy,
than a man's.
these
crimes
However, in the cases of
constituted
a
disregard
of
gendered boundaries by the attempt of a woman to usurp
political
authority by assuming the task of removing a
man who exercised legitimate power.
With this act, women
then became just as threatening as their male comradesin-arms.
were
Even in the case of the Vestals, these women
anomalous
in the
sense
that
they were
intimately
connected to the religio-political system, and therefore
very
foreign
to
the
Roman
conception
of
feminine
especially
also
abrogated
their
childbirth,
in
the
sense
that
responsibilities
albeit
Domitilla, because
only
they
of
marriage
temporarily.
a woman's
voluntarily
In
the
none),
her
beliefs
case
of
religious duties were not
intrinsically connected to her political life
had
and
could
stray
from
(since she
the
religio-
political obligations of the state, and pose no real risk
to stability.
However, a consul's life was the state,
and to unfasten himself from the religious segment, while
clinging
to the political, threatened
an unraveling
of
the system that was deemed too important to ignore.
In
a
case
where
religious beliefs
would
have
whereas
center
his
of
humanitas
to
be
wife
consul
inconsistent
permanently
could
political
would
the
be
-
to
exercise
with his civic duty, he
removed
simply
life
wished
from
be moved
Rome.
retained,
In
and
the
scene,
away
from
this
way
any
the
too,
possible
interference on her behalf would be squelched as she now
resided outside the inner circles of Roman policy.
like
Domitilla
lacked
the
opportunity
to
infect
Women
the
religio-political system because they remained outside of
it, whereas men in power, like Clemens, did not.
This
idea is seen in the imperial interpretation of the Julian
treason
law
in
397,
in
which
the
practice
of
not
executing or disinheriting the daughters of traitors was
encouraged because "the sentence ought to be milder in
respect of those who, in view of the weakness of their
sex [infirmitate
sexus],
we are confident are less likely
to attempt anything."99
About this interpretation, Jane
Gardner
remarked:
"It
is
unclear
whether
the
emperors
supposed women to be temperamentally too timid to attempt
rebellion,
or
simply
opportunity."100
presumed
In the
case
of
their
lack
Domitilla,
the
of
latter
seems to be the case.
Flavia
gender,
Domitilla's
and
society.
politics
This
situation
were
interplay
exposes how religion,
inseparable
of
Roman
facets
laws
and
of
Roman
customs
provides evidence of a gendered dichotomy of punishment
in regard to some capital crimes.
The demonstration of
the gendered nature of the religio-political system does
not
cover
every
case
of
capital
punishment
within
the
early Empire, but as Domitilla's exile shows, there are
multiple
factors
integration
of
to
gender
consider
difference
Cod. lust,
ix.8.5.3.
Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen,
106f.
in
in
assessing
the
Rome's
execution
of
justice.
The
religio-political
system
of
Rome
perpetuated an important and impenetrable gender divide
within
the
public
illustrates,
this
sphere.
As
the
divide prevented
case
of
Domitilla
a woman's
religious
deviation from being any true threat to the stability of
the Principate in the first century because it excluded
women from the positions which would have allowed their
misconduct to pose a risk to the societal order.
idea does not negate the concepts of moribus,
or infirmitas
sexus,
This
humanitas
but rather incorporates them in and
with the important position of religion as it concerns
both politics and gender differentiation within Rome.
This
examination
of
the
difference
in
punishment
between Flavia Domitilla and Flavius Clemens informs an
understanding
of
why
Pomponia
before
Domitilla,
court,
rather than an imperial
phrase priscum
found
Graecina,
herself
institutum
in
custom"
could
imply
that
front
one.
this
of
38
years
a
family
Tacitus used
to describe
which Pomponia Graecina endured.101
who
the
family
the
trial
The use of "ancient
private
practice
of
a
family trial was a relic of the past and falling out of
1
T a c , Ann.
xiii.32.
use as it came to be replaced by public trials.102
resorting
examine
to
this
Pomponia's
seemingly
crime
antiguated
is
telling
in
The
tradition
regard
to
to
how
Romans viewed the potential risk of her crime infecting
the
established
subject
to
the
order
of
legal
things.
system
While
just
continued to be under the potestas
as
men,
women
were
many
women
of their fathers, and
the imperial government recognized, to a certain degree,
the
authority
behavior.103
sometimes
of
the
Criminal
assume
concerns.104
family
in
matters
punishing
in which
jurisdiction
criminal
families
included
could
religious
The case of Pomponia Graecina and the action
taken by the imperial government in relation to her crime
give important clues about the connection of gender to
the
religio-political
structure
of
first-century
Roman
society.
The
Pomponia
suspicions
Graecina
about
seem
the
not
religious
to
have
convictions
been
of
threatening
enough to warrant a bypassing of familial authority with
102
See: Anthony J. Marshall, "Roman Ladies on Trial: The Case of
Maesia Sentinum," Phoenix
44, no. 1 (Spring 1990): 53-54.
103
See: Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society
(Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995 [Orig. 1986]), 6-7;
Marshall, "Roman Ladies on Trial: The Case of Maesia Sentinum," 53.
104
Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society,
6-7.: See especially
footnote 6, in which Gardner explains examples which dealt
specifically with religion and inter-familial problems.
the intervention
of justice.
Pomponia
which
Unlike
stood
either
Plautius,
of the state-controlled
in the trial of Flavia
alone
in
judgment.
No
suggest
or
hint
her
was
superstition.
administration
ever
that
suspected
of
Domitilla,
sources
his
survive
husband,
wife's
Aulus
foreign
Furthermore, and perhaps most importantly,
by 57, Plautius had ceased to be at the center of Roman
political
life.
It had been
fourteen
years
since his
conquest of Britain, and ten since his tenure as governor
there
had
political
ended.
life
of
This
Roman
distance
society,
of
in
Plautius
addition
from
to
the
absence of any suspicion of religious departure on his
part, made Pomponia a non-entity in the eyes of Roman law
and order.
to
the
guilty,
The Senate saw fit to refer Pomponia's trial
jurisdiction
Pomponia's
of
her
family,
disconnect
from
because
Roman
even
if
religious
observance stood little chance of impacting the greater
good of the community and the stability attained by the
fusion
of
the
religious
and
political
systems.
Pomponia's trial was an affirmation and reinforcement of
the distinction of gender within Roman society - women
who
violated
the
law,
yet
did
not
transcend
their
gendered
sphere,
were
a problem
too
removed
from
the
religio-political system to pose a threat to order.
Pomponia's trial by her family was more than just
Rome's way of demonstrating
familial
authority.
Much
the historical
like
how
prestige
virginity
was
of
an
enforcement of gender expectations within the Christian
community, the family trial was Rome's way of enforcing
the understanding
of how women could and should
remain
outside the religio-political sphere of imperial culture,
yet were still obligated to operate within the boundaries
established by both culture and law.
what
Rome
political
had
consistently
life
masculine
of
Roman
endeavor.
The trial enforced
asserted:
society
Masculinity
the
was
and
a
could
to her biology
not
assume
the
was
expected
qualities
distinctly
femininity
eyes of the Romans were mutually exclusive.
according
religio-
A woman, who
to be
feminine,
of masculinity
upsetting the balance of nature.
in the
without
In order to carry out
masculine duties, the woman could no longer be considered
a woman by society.
If this were to happen, as in the
case of those women who participated
which
balance
could
upset
would
need
the
to
stability
be
of
restored
in capital
the
and
crimes
Empire,
the
the
women
responsible
properly
condemned
for
acting
outside
the
limits of their gendered sphere.105
Separate but Not Equal:
Conclusions
The
trials
demonstrate
that
of
both
women
were
Pomponia
able
to
and
Domitilla
deviate
from
the
religious realm of the state more easily than men because
their
lives
system,
were
which
not
was
ancient Roman world.
intertwined
inseparable
within
from
the
political
religion
in
the
Failure to fully uphold one's civic
religious duty was more
flexible
in the case of women
because their actions could not immediately
impact the
political stability of the Empire in the same way that
the actions of men could, since women were not part of
official political
authority.
The one exception
proves the rule is the Vestals.106
which
The Vestals were much
entwined within the religio-political system of Rome, and
because so, they were aberrations of the feminine.
contrast
to
social
convention
and
expectation,
In
they
refused to marry or bear children until after the age of
105
This idea is further explored in the next chapter.
See chapter one for an examination of the Vestals as outside the
masculine and feminine of Roman society.
106
thirty.
They stood as examples of the abnormal in order
to enforce what was expected and not expected of women in
general
society.
It
could
be
said
that
in practice,
Vestals were held to the standards of what was expected
of
the masculine
sphere
in
order
to
enforce
what
was
expected of the feminine.
The times during which Pomponia Graecina and Flavia
Domitilla
During
lived
times
of
were
periods
stability
of
the
political
status
stability.
quo
of
gender
relations remained in force and the likelihood that women
could push the boundaries proved minimal.
instability,
greater
religion
however,
role within
women
could
In times of
sometimes
the masculine-dominated
and politics.
When
assume
spheres
this happened,
a
of
even when
women remained within their gendered spheres, the ancient
writers were quick to demonstrate the dangerous precedent
these women had set in regard to the balance of nature.
As
will
be
further
demonstrated
in
the
next
chapter,
stability, or the threat of its undoing, was a powerful
impetus
in
enforcing
or
countermanding
the
understood
roles of each gender within Greco-Roman society.
Gender
permeated all aspects of Roman life, and Christian women
connected to men of power and authority found that they
95
could use this gendered system to the advantage of the
Christian community.
CHAPTER I I I
Gendered C r i s i s :
"UNSEX ME"1
Poppaea, Marcia,
& J u l i a Mamaea
Man i s t h e Head, b u t Woman i s t h e Neck:
Introductions
What d i d
woman t o a c t
it
mean f o r
a man t o
a man,
and a
a s a woman i n t h e e a r l y Roman E m p i r e ?
What
as
attributes
were
e x p e c t e d of
a man and what were f e m i n i n e
a woman?
distinctively
act
This
and
therefore
and e x p e c t e d
of
Romans knew t h a t what made men, men and women,
women was t h e i r b i o l o g y ,
a man o r
masculine
b u t what d e t e r m i n e d who a c t e d
a woman was e x p e c t e d was on a c c o u n t
understanding
stigmatized
by
During t h e f i r s t
what
of
was
gender
was
already
three centuries,
a
of
gender.
reinforced
biological
the i n t e r a c t i o n
or
fact.
between
Taken from Lady Macbeth's famous passage in William S h a k e s p e a r e ' s
"Macbeth", Act I , Scene 5, i n which she a t t e m p t s t o put a s i d e her
f e m i n i n i t y so t h a t she can commit v i o l e n t a c t s t y p i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d
with masculine b e h a v i o r : "Come, you s p i r i t s ; That tend on m o r t a l
t h o u g h t s , unsex me h e r e , And f i l l me from t h e crown t o t h e t o e t o p f u l l Of d i r e s t c r u e l t y ! make t h i c k my blood; Stop up t h e a c c e s s and
passage t o remorse, That no compunctious v i s i t i n g s of n a t u r e Shake
my f e l l purpose, nor keep peace between The e f f e c t and i t ! Come t o
my woman's b r e a s t s , And t a k e my milk for g a l l , you m u r d ' r i n g
m i n i s t e r s , Wherever i n your s i g h t l e s s s u b s t a n c e s You wait on
n a t u r e ' s m i s c h i e f ! Come, t h i c k n i g h t , And p a l l t h e e i n t h e dunnest
smoke of h e l l , That my keen k n i f e see not t h e wound i t makes, Nor
heaven peep through t h e b l a n k e t of t h e dark, To cry 'Hold, h o l d ! ' "
96
as
Christianity
Poppaea
Sabina,
advantage
impact
and
the
imperial
Marcia,
and
government
Julia
of her unique position
Mamaea
of power
the course of the evolving
evolved.
each
took
in order to
relationship
between
the imperial government and the Christian movement.
The
daughter
of Titus Ollius,2 Poppaea
not from humble origins.
and
Roman
intrigue,
noblemen
Poppaea
until
Sabina
was
Through her influence, beauty,
married
and
she married
divorced
Emperor
important
Nero
in
62. 3
The depictions of Poppaea paint a mixed picture of her
character, yet they all agree on her physical beauty and
Nero's passion for her.
light not
powerful
Accounts of her character shed
only on how or why
man
in
the
she influenced
Empire,
but
also
the most
demonstrate
conceptions of gender within first-century Roman society
and how those
propaganda
by
conceptions
the
ancient
could
be used
historians
as a tool of
as well
as
those
vying for political power.
Poppaea
met
an
early
death.
The
sources
on her
death agree that, whether intentional or not, the cause
2
Tactius explains that Poppaea took her name from her maternal
grandfather, Poppaeus Sabinus, rather than her father, because of
her grandfather's illustrious reputation and also on account of her
father's friendship with Sejanus. T a c , Ann. xiii.45.
3
Although she was his mistress beginning around 58.
was
that
Nero
kicked
Poppaea
while
she was pregnant.4
While accounts of the death of Poppaea are consistent,
there was debate over Nero's intentions among the ancient
historians, and there continues to be debate today.5
The
slightly varied accounts of Poppaea's death are important
because they demonstrate the ancient historians' use of
gender as a normative tool for elite society.
Poppaea Sabina may seem out of place for this study,
for she was not a Christian, nor did she seem to show any
favor
to
the
Christian
movement
(quite
the
opposite,
actually).
However, the purpose of this inquiry is the
examination
of
gender
and
Christianity
policy toward the Christian movement.
upon
imperial
Poppaea, while not
a Christian herself, may have influenced imperial policy
toward the Christians more than any Christian woman in
the
first
within
the
two
centuries.
ancient
The descriptions
sources
reveal
independent yet dominant over Nero.
and power within
husband
4
allows
the imperial
some
a
woman
Poppaea
who
was
Poppaea's character
government
conclusions
of
vis-a-vis
to be drawn
about
her
her
Cass. Dio lxxii.28.1; Suet., Ner. xxxv.3; T a c , Ann. xvi. 6.
See: Roland Mayer, "What Caused Poppaea's Death," Historia
31, no.
2 (1982); Walter Ameling, "Tyrannen und Schwangere Frauen,"
Historia
35, no. 4 (1986).
5
influence over Nero's policies concerning both Christians
and Jews.
an
Poppaea's relationship to the emperor provides
interesting
antithesis
to
Marcia,
a
second-century
woman who wielded power in a similar fashion, yet in a
very different direction.
Not
much
is
known
of
Marcia
but
that
she
was
a
freedwoman,6 and therefore of a different class entirely
from Poppaea Sabina and Julia Mamaea.
in his early fourth-century History
of Emperor Commodus
wealthy
and
Christianity.7
prominent
Eusebius mentioned
that during the reign
(r. 180 - 192), whole households of
influential
Romans
had
converted
to
There is little evidence that any of the
Christians
ear of the emperor
to whom Eusebius
referred
or the wherewithal
had the
to intervene on
behalf of the Church in imperial policy.
Nevertheless,
there was one woman whose proximity to Commodus allowed
her the freedom to exert
influence
protecting
community
6
the
Christian
for the purpose
in
Rome.
of
Marcia
Marcia's status as a freedwoman is taken from her name (Marcia
Aurelia Ceionia Demetriade) as well as the reference in the Epit.
de
Caes. xvii.5 which refers to her as generis
libertini.
See also the
footnote of C.R. Whittaker in the Loeb Classical
Library
for
Herodian, i.16.
7
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
v.21.
100
became
the
concubine
of
Commodus
sometime
around
182,
8
a f t e r t h e e x e c u t i o n of h e r p r e v i o u s l o v e r , Q u a d r a t u s ,
and
then
of
the
concubine,
the
later
her
emperor. 9
husband,
With Marcia
Eclectus,
as
the
a
emperor's
C h r i s t i a n s i n Rome reaped t h e b e n e f i t s
inside
the
walls
demonstrated
political
Marcia
in
of
Babylon's
further
instability
to
move
servant
of having an a l l y
fortress.
detail
below,
As
will
Rome's
eventual
under Commodus opened t h e way
beyond
the
political
and
of
imperial
matters
-
including
for
gendered
b o u n d a r i e s of Roman c u l t u r e and e x e r t her i n f l u e n c e
variety
be
the
in a
eventual
a s s a s s i n a t i o n of t h e emperor.
Daughter of J u l i a Maesa and J u l i u s A v i t u s , s i s t e r of
Julia
Soaemias,
and J u l i a
the
Domna,
intricacies
and n i e c e
Julia
of
of
Emperor
Septimius
Severus
A v i t a Mamaea was no s t r a n g e r
imperial
life.10
Forming
a
to
virtual
This d a t e i s taken from E a r n e s t Cary, t h e Loeb t r a n s l a t o r of
Cassius Dio ( l x x i i i . 4 . 6 - 7 ) .
9
Cass. Dio, l x x i i i . 4 . 6 - 7 . Marcia may have a c t u a l l y been Commodus'
concubine b e f o r e t h e e x e c u t i o n of her husband (6 \ikv m l xov Ko^H-OSou
npoKouoq, n 8e 71OCM.(XKTI eyeveto Kod xov EKXEKTO\) ^.exa xama yv\r\.) . This v i o l a t e d
t h e custom and law, however, t h i s u s u a l l y d i d not s t o p most emperors
from p r o c e e d i n g with t h e i r i n t e n d e d p l a n s . For a b r i e f examination
of t h e i n t e r s e c t i o n between law and s o c i a l s t a t u s , s e e : P e t e r
Garnsey, Social Status and Legal Privilege
in the Roman Empire
(Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970). In a d d i t i o n , t h i s emphasis
on Commodus' s c o f f i n g of l e g a l custom and t r a d i t i o n i s no doubt p a r t
of t h e l i t e r a r y n a r r a t i v e on h i s unmanliness and inadequacy as a
r u l e r (see my d i s c u s s i o n on t h i s b e l o w ) .
10
Cass. Dio l x x i x . 3 0 . 2 - 4 .
101
triumvirate of power behind the throne, Julia Mamaea, her
sister
Soaemias,
and
her
mother
Maesa,
controlled
the
throne of the Empire from 218 to 235 and embodied to the
fullest extent the idea of a ruling Roman empress.
Severan
women
demonstrated
the
ultimate
The
exercise
of
gendered power during a time of crisis.
Exerting their
influence
under
Elagabalus
then
young
the
enjoyed
the
virtual
emasculated
Alexander
autonomy
emperor
Severus,
of
rule
their imperial male relatives.
the
behind
Severan
the
and
women
robes
of
In the end, Julia Mamaea
met an untimely death, when, as the ancients record, her
abandonment of traditional femininity proved too much for
the soldiers to accept, and she and her son, Alexander,
were murdered in their tent in 235.
Much like Poppaea Sabina, Julia Mamaea may seem out
of place for this study, for no reliable sources indicate
she
held
a
preference
for
Christianity.
Eusebius refers to her as a religious woman
However,
(Geoaepeaxatri
yuvri) and mentions a meeting she called between herself
and
the
renowned
Christian
scholar,
Origen.11
Paulus
Orosius claims she was indeed a Christian, but he is a
11
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
vi.21; Jer., De vir.
ill.
liv.
late source, and he mentions it only in passing.12
102
As
will be examined further, Mamaea's own personal beliefs
are
but
a
fraction
relationship
between
of
the
the
evidence
imperial
demonstrating
government
and
a
the
state of the Church in the early third century.
Poppaea, Marcia and Mamaea demonstrate the ability
of women
to
protecting
exert
their
religious
influence
groups.
for
Looking
the
purpose
back
on
of
these
women, Roman writers interpreted the actions of all three
through the lens of gender.
They described these women
in similar fashion because they demonstrated the extent
to which
women
could
gendered
sphere,
bend
while
their
culturally-constructed
remaining
within
it.
The
understanding of how these women did what they did begins
with recognizing the precise relationship each of these
women had with her respective emperor.
For Poppaea and
Marcia, the relationship was sexual, and they dealt with
their lovers on a somewhat equal footing in relation to
age
and
wielded
perceived
her power
insinuate,
treaded
feminine
a
12
-
Orosius, Historiae
abilities.
over her
a
thin
line which
adversum
Julia
young
line
son, who,
between
became more
paganos
Mamaea,
vii.18.
however,
historians
masculine
delineated
and
as he
matured.
While
influence
Poppaea
through
the
Marcia
legitimate
the
authority
Severan
of
their
women
ruled
Julia
directly
through the guise of the legitimate
of their
and
extended
lovers,
authority
Mamaea,
and
sons, and because
103
their
masculine
of this, a brief
examination of the relationship between Poppaea and Nero,
and
Marcia
and Commodus
must
be done
separately
from
examining Mamaea's relationship with Alexander.
Mistresses and Concubines and Wives, Oh My!:
Defining Terms of Relationships
The
Marcia
precise
to
their
implications
imperial
Through
relationship
regarding
policies
these
respective
two
their
regarding
women,
of
Poppaea
emperors
one
and
had
important
to
influence
Christian
movement.
abilities
the
Sabina
encounters
concepts of mistress, concubine, and wife.
the
Roman
In the Roman
legal system, concubinage (concubina) was recognized as a
position
virtually
analogous
to that
of a legal wife13
while a mistress, in a strict sense meaning a woman with
13
Beryl Rawson, "Roman Concubinage and Other De Facto Marriages,"
TAPA 104 (1974): 288.
104
whom a man could have sexual relations while also married
to another woman, was neither legal nor honorable.14
When Nero met Poppaea Sabina, she was still married
to
Rufrius
Crispinus,
an
equestrian
who
commanded
the
Praetorian Guard under Emperor Claudius, or to M. Salvius
Otho - the stories differ in the sources.
fact
that
enamored
Poppaea
with
was married,
her.15
Nero,
Nero
however,
became
would
Despite the
completely
not
marry
Poppaea because he was married to Claudia Octavia16 and
his mother Agrippina the Younger was against a divorce as
well as the ascendancy of Poppaea to empress.17
It was
not long though, before Poppaea became the mistress of
Nero and then his wife
shortly
after his divorce
from
Octavia.
There were two competing s t o r i e s for how Poppaea and
Nero became eventual husband and wife.
The f i r s t
supported by Dio,
and Tactius
the Histories),
Plutarch,
Suetonius,
story,
(in
r e l a t e d t h a t the a f f a i r between Nero and
14
Some examples of t h e L a t i n used for t h e s e women would be scortum
or paelex - both of which could be t r a n s l a t e d as h a r l o t or
prostitute.
For a b r i e f survey on t h e Roman u n d e r s t a n d i n g of
m i s t r e s s and concubine, s e e : J.A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 90
B.C. - A.D. 212 ( I t h a c a , NY: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967), e s p .
ch. 4; Rawson, "Roman Concubinage and Other De Facto M a r r i a g e s . "
15
16
17
Plut., Galb. xix.2.
Daughter of Emperor Claudius and step-sister to Nero.
Plut., Galb. xix.2.
105
Poppaea began early, and after her divorce from Rufrius
Crispinus,
she
married
Otho
as
relationship with the emperor.18
a
cover
for
her
In the other version,
Otho had been married to Poppaea first, and his boasting
over her beauty and charms aroused the interest of the
emperor,
who
Lusitania.19
basic
then
relocated
Otho
to
be
governor
of
Regardless of the competing versions, the
framework
is
consistent
in
them
all:
Poppaea's
relationship to Nero was first as an adulterous mistress,
and then as wife, twelve days after Nero's divorce from
the empress Octavia.20
The shift from mistress to wife requires particular
attention
used
by
in
the
mistress.21
marriage
this
case,
ancient
especially
historians
Describing
to Nero, the
the
sources
to
the
terminology
for
Poppaea's
events
after
are
by
Tacitus
and
Suetonius
in their
In her time
as mistress, however, the vocabulary varies.
used
as
Poppaea's
consistent
account of Poppaea as wife of the emperor.
role
provide
The terms
valuable
information on the intentions of the two historians and
18
Cass. Dio lxi.ll; Plut., Galb. xix.2,4; Suetonius, Otho iii.1-2;
T a c , Hist. i.13.
19
T a c , Ann. xiii.46.
20
Suet., Wer. xxxv.4.
21
See chapter one for information on the concept of marriage within
Roman society.
their estimation of Poppaea's character.
Suetonius
uses
interpreted
however,
as
uses
the
amicam,22
Latin
"mistress"
in
which
this
is
context.
scortum,23
principale
106
In his account,
easily
Tacitus,
most
directly
translated as "chief harlot."
the
The difference
in their terms may be connected to
difference
the
authors.24
in
Suetonius'
intended
purpose
purpose
of
mentioning
relationship to Nero before their marriage
purely
informational.
His
use
of
of
the
two
Poppaea's
seems to be
"mistress"
simply
emphasizes the seguence of events and places the murder
of Nero's mother into in the timeline in regard to the
goings-on of Poppaea and Otho.
Tacitus' purpose, on the
other hand, may have been to demonstrate his distaste for
Nero,
Otho,
immoral,
and
Poppaea,
tyrannical,
and
all
of whom
conducting
he
described
themselves
inconsistent with their gendered boundaries.
as
in ways
Tacitus may
have used a more derogatory term for Poppaea in order to
interpret the fall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty in line
22
Suet., Otho iii. 1.
T a c , Hist.
i.13.
24
Cass. Dio lxii.13.1 is the only other source which mentions
Poppaea's status as mistress, but the term used, 7taXA,aKeux, is used
for a variety of relational terms, and is dependent upon its
context. For example, see its use with Marcia immediately
following.
23
107
with
his
beliefs
concerning
the
masculine and feminine power.25
of gender
was
foundational
proper
exercise
of
For Tacitus, the balance
to a stable
and
productive
society, and the confusion of gender roles was indicative
of a rule in conflict with nature.
was
Marcia's
official
that
concubine.
of
relationship
There
to Emperor
are
five
mention Marcia as a concubine of Commodus.
Commodus
sources
that
Four of these
sources are in Greek26 and one is in Latin.27
The term
concubina
Marcia's
is
relationship
used
to
in
the
Commodus,
Latin
and
source
the
Greek
for
equivalent
of
KaXkaKExa is used by the other four sources.
This
Commodus
distinction
is
concubine
of
important.
enabled
surreptitiously
therefore empress.
Marcia's
her
than
Marcia's
to
if
conduct
she
were
relationship
legal
status
her
business
a
legal
to
as
wife
a
more
and
While a public figure, and one who
had the power and opportunity to influence the emperor,
Marcia
was
still
social
status,
only
Marcia
25
a
freedwoman.
was
not
capable
Because
of
of
her
exercising
Francesca Santoro L'Hoir, "Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of
Power," CW 88, no. 1 (Sep.-Oct. 1994).
26
Cass. Dio, lxxiii.4.7; Hdn. i.16.4; Hippol., Haer. ix.12.10; Zos.,
Historia
27
Nova i.7.
SHA Comm. xi.9, xvii.1-2.
108
authority that was accepted or even seen as threatening
While some historians28 viewed her
by the ruling elite.
influence over Commodus as disruptive or inappropriate,
others viewed her as the sober-minded influence against
Commodus' more disturbing behavior.29
In short, Marcia
was seen as an insignificant sexual partner of Commodus
with no ability to personally disrupt state business to
any great degree.
Marcia
was able
to conduct
an
empress
whenever she was in the presence of the emperor.
At the
same time, she was freed
intrinsic
to societal
herself
as
from some of the
expectations
constraints
of noblewomen.
For
instance, Herodian remarked that Marcia "was treated just
like a legal wife with all the honors due to an empress
apart
from
standing,
the
fire."30
sacred
gender,
and
legal
Marcia's
status
lower
placed
her
social
on
the
margins of a society which distinguished ability and role
according to these criteria.
able
to
create
her own
Because of this, Marcia was
sphere
- a
socially-recognized
limitation which regulated her existence in society.
The
uniqueness
the
28
29
30
of
Marcia's
SHA, Comm. v i i i . 7 , x i . 9 ; Epit.
Hdn. i . 1 6 . 4 ; i . 1 7 . 5 .
Hdn. i . 1 6 . 4 .
position
de Caes.
afforded
xvii.5.
her
109
opportunity to pursue a more involved role in the Roman
Christian
community
as
well
as
a
relationship with the Bishop of Rome.
more
personal
More importantly,
in her position, she was able to operate according to the
recognized gender customs of her day and at the same time
stretch them to suit purposes deemed outside the purview
of feminine power.
The
relationships
respective
reasons.
to
emperors
of
are
Poppaea
and
important
Marcia
for
to
two
their
specific
First, the language the ancient historians used
explain
the
connections
emperors was heavily
steeped
of
these
women
in conceptions
to
their
of gender.
Second, the relationships between Poppaea and Marcia and
their emperors reveal that neither their sex nor gender
truly stood in the way of influencing the course of the
imperial
policies.
connected
to the male
Ability
to
exert
authority
sex, but the exertion
was
of power,
while shrouded in masculine terminology, was not.
110
The Son of Mamaea:
Gendered Language in the Relationship between Alexander
and Julia Mamaea
The
Severus
relationship
and
his
attention.
appointment
between
mother
Julia
Julia
Mamaea
the
emperor
Mamaea
had
Alexander
deserves
engineered
special
Alexander's
as Caesar under his cousin Elagabalus, and
with the help of her mother, Julia Maesa, eventually the
throne itself in the assassination of the emperor and his
mother.
Herodian presented
Julia Mamaea's role in her
son's reign as the natural triumph of the masculine over
the
feminine.31
Alexander
and
his
mother
together
embodied the masculine, while Elagabalus assumed the role
of femininity.
into
This picture, however, dissolved shortly
Alexander's
reign
as
the
now
feminine
Mamaea
attempted to overcome the now fully masculine Alexander.
Because Alexander was only thirteen when he assumed
the throne in 218, his mother and grandmother maintained
control over the affairs of state through the guise of
legitimate
advisors.
authority
of
Alexander
and
his
imperial
After the death of Julia Maesa in 226, Julia
Mamaea continued on her own to dominate Alexander and the
31
Hdn. v.7.1-6.
Ill
governance of the Empire.
Augusta,
mother's
Sources, such as the
Historia
diminish Alexander's status in relation to his
authority
by
referring
to
Mamaeae32 - "Mamaea's Alexander."33
him
as
Alexander
This "son of Mamaea"
title was by no means official, but it demonstrates the
subjection of Alexander to his mother's power.
Early in Alexander's reign, the role of Julia Mamaea
was one of protector34 and the insurer of his ascendancy
into manhood.35
The
historians
portrayed
the
idea
of
women running the affairs of state through Alexander as a
positive change from reign of Elagabalus, and a return to
"moderate
dignified
government."36
In the
accounts
of
Elagabalus, his character as emperor was defined by an
aversion to the vita
modesty.
militaris,
and a rejection of all
Elagabalus' complete disregard for the public
expectation
of
a
masculine
emperor
encouraged
a
reassertion of masculinity upon the throne, which in this
case only came in the person of a boy under the influence
of his mother and grandmother.
32
SHA, Alex.
Sev. iii.l; v.2; SHA, Aurel.
xlii.4; SHA, Car. iii.4.
Literally translated as "Mamaea's Alexander," it is commonly
translated as "son of Mamaea" as it would be translated in common
usage when the son is connected to his father's name for the purpose
of identification.
34
Hdn. v.2-3.
35
Cass. Dio lxxx; Hdn. v.7.1-6.
36
Hdn. vi.1.1.
33
112
As Alexander matured, his duties became more in tune
with the traditional
emperor.
In
230,
expectations
the
Roman
of a masculine
Empire
Artaxerxes, King of the Persians.37
was
Roman
invaded
by
At this point in time
when Alexander's masculine traits should have been most
obvious - a time of war - the domination of Mamaea over
her son took on a negative connotation in the sources.
Because of his education
and upbringing, Alexander may
have been able to position himself as an effective Roman
general in the face of overwhelming enemies.38
Herodian
painted
Alexander
as
an
emperor
However,
"completely
dominated"39 by his mother during the time Rome needed an
emperor-general.
Herodian
explained
that
the
army
recognized the problems associated with having so strong
a
feminine
influence
over
the
first man,
and
so
they
sought to remove Alexander from authority and replace him
with one of their own.40
The depiction of Mamaea's domination over Alexander
by
the
misogyny.
37
Roman
historians
They
attributed
represents
the
more
failure
of
than
simple
Alexander's
Hdn. vi.2.1.
By 235, the Roman Empire had also been invaded by Germanic tribes
in the north.
39
Hdn. vi.1.10.
40
Hdn. vi.8.3.
38
113
The war with the Persians
reign to Mamaea's femininity.
was not a complete Roman victory,41 even though the Roman
army
had
been
successful
Persian incursion.42
in
halting
the
bulk
of
the
Herodian's account demonstrates the
uneasiness with which Romans accepted Mamaea's domination
over her
Herodian
son.
relayed
In his
recounting
a story
of the
Persian war,
of how Alexander
abandoned
a
complete victory by failing to send in his army when it
was
most
possible
opportune
reasons
for
to
do
this,
so.43
Herodian
although
both
gives
two
reasons
are
connected to the idea of Alexander's lack masculinity:
But Alexander caused them to fall by not
leading the army to invade, whether through
fear, in order not to risk his life and limb
for the Roman Empire, or his mother may have
stopped him because of her womanly cowardice
and excessive love for her son.
She used to
blunt his efforts to act bravely [dv8peiav]44,
convincing him it was other people's job to
risk their lives for him, and not his to get
involved in the battle.
It was this which
destroyed the Roman army.45
41
SHA, Alex. Sev. lv-lvii; Aur. V i c , Caes. xxiv.2; and Eutr.,
Breviarium
viii.23 all describe the war as a complete Roman victory,
however, archeology and Herodian's account demonstrate that while
not unsuccessful, Alexander's war was not a stunning victory.
42
Hdn. vi.6.6.
43
Hdn. vi.5.8.
44
A term which refers explicitly to a man. See pp. 118ff for an
examination of this term.
45
Hdn. vi.5.8-9.
114
This
summation
of Mamaea's
influence
over Alexander
is
starkly different from how she was portrayed earlier in
Herodian's account as the purveyor of all things required
for a proper masculine education.46
It was during this war that, in the accounts of the
Roman
historians,
beneficial
Mamaea's
to Alexander's
influence
reign.
ceased
Although
the
to
be
emperor
had now reached an age when he should be running his own
affairs, he was "[c]ompletely
dominated by his mother,
[and] he did exactly as he was told."47
childhood,
the
sources
emphasize
that
Even after his
in
all
things,
Mamaea directed Alexander's decisions, and he was either
unable or unwilling to assert his own masculinity over
and against his mother's influence.48
In 234, Alexander mounted an expedition against the
Germanic tribes.
The historians remark that although the
war was an opportune time for Alexander to demonstrate
the
vita
"everything
militaris,
in
he
accordance
instead
with
his
continued
mother's
to
do
advice."49
Her advice was "to abandon the war against the Germans
46
Hdn.
"manly
47
Hdn.
48
Hdn.
49
SHA,
v.7.1-6. See below for more on Alexander's education in
exercises."
vi.1.10.
vi.1.8-10; vi.5.8-9; SHA, Alex.
Sev. xiv.7; lx.1-2.
Alex.
Sev.
IK.2.
and
return
there."50
power
to the East
in order
to display
her
115
power
The emphasis on Mamaea's desire to display her
is
connected
to
the
traditional
femininity and its "inherent greed."51
notions
of
In the end, the
army grew tired of Mamaea's influence and finally killed
both Alexander and his mother.52
The ultimate summation
of the reign of Alexander and his mother was succinctly
given by Herodian:
So such an end took Alexander (and his mother) ,
after ruling fourteen years, which according to
those he ruled, was blameless and without
bloodshed.
For murder and unjust cruelty were
not part of his being, his inclination was
toward humane and kind behavior.
Indeed,
Alexander's reign would have been completely
successful, but for the blame brought on
himself through his mother's love of money and
her pettiness.53
The verdict was clear: Alexander's ruinous reign was not
on
account
of
himself,
but
rather
Historians
like
Herodian
and
Alexander's
own
masculinity
as
power Mamaea wielded over him.
fully assert his own authority
50
51
52
53
54
of
Aurelius
unable
to
his
mother.54
Victor
saw
overcome
the
Because of his failure to
as first man, Alexander
SHA, Alex.
Sev. lxiii.5.
Hdn. vi.1.8; S52 Hdn. vi.8.3; SHA Alex.
Sev. lxiii.5-6.
Hdn. vi.8.3; SHA Alex. Sev. lxiii.5-6.
Hdn. vi.9.8.
See also SHA, Alex.
Sev. lix.8; Aur. Vict., Caes. xxiv.
joined
the
ranks
of
feminized
Commodus, and Elagabalus.
what
was
intents
in
and
how
men
purposes
like
The proper distinction between
appropriately
demonstrated
emperors
116
Nero,
masculine
like
was
or
feminine
Alexander,
generally
who
for
regarded
is
all
as
a
masculine ruler, came to be despised as feminine because
of
his
inability
to
remove
himself
from
under
the
influence of his mother's feminine power.
Gender is in the Eye of the Beholder:
The Gendered Nature of Power & Authority in Historical
Accounts of the Early Empire
The well-known influence that Poppaea wielded over
Nero forced ancient historians to mention her in their
accounts of him.
Poppaea's seeming lack of respect for
the gendered boundaries
encouraged men
like Tacitus to
comment on her actions through language that was heavily
laden with gender.
Tacitus' language in reference to Poppaea emphasized
the
distinction
acceptable
conducted
Nero,
of
gender
behavior.
herself
In
in
Tacitus'
in a manner
as emperor, held
one's
account,
contrary
the highest
abilities
Poppaea
to her
and most
and
gender.
masculine
117
position in the Empire.
In the ideal of Augustus, each
emperor
was
protector,
Romans.
The imperial office was in name and essence, the
the
patron,
and
position of the first man {princeps),
father
of
all
the one to whom all
men looked for an exemplar of masculinity.
In the case
of Nero, however, he was dominated first by his mother,
and then his wife55 - his unwillingness to overcome their
power combined with his debaucherous lifestyle was proof
of his diminished masculinity.56
Tacitus'
account
of Nero
and
Poppaea may
also be
more than just a summation of disrupted gender roles.
In
addition to portraying Poppaea as a woman "possessed of
all
qualities
character, "57
but
and
one
who
used
her
charms and beauty to attract the eye of the emperor so as
to
"establish
her
ascendancy,"58
Nero as a great tyrant.
Tacitus
characterized
Tacitus' emphasis on Poppaea's
domineering nature and Nero's utter disregard for selfcontrol
and good
governance may have been
in order to
cast Nero (and even Poppaea) in the light of a tyrant
55
par
Examples of Agrippina's domination over Nero: Dio lxi.3-7; T a c ,
Ann. xiii.14. Examples of Poppaea's dominance: T a c , Ann. xiv.6061, 63-65; xv.61.
56
As will be elaborated upon further below, Tacitus held that a man
under the power of a woman was devoid of any masculinity. L'Hoir,
"Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power," 8.
57
T a c , Ann. xiii.45.
58
T a c , Ann. xiii.46.
excellence.
tyrants
The similarities
of old are greater
reasonable.59
Perhaps
between
than
Tacitus'
118
and Greek
Nero
seems
emphasis
historically
on Poppaea's
usurpation of power and Nero's misuse of authority are
meant
to serve
distinctions.
as a
commentary
The confusion
on proper
of gender
gender
roles are
connected to the tyranny of Nero.
In the next century, the ancient historians penned
Commodus as Nero's moral heir.
briefly
in his account
Zosimus mentioned Marcia
of Commodus'
reign
and death:
"Then Commodus the son of Marcus, who was addicted not
only to tyranny but also unnatural
power.
After
he had been
Marcia,
who had taken
murdered
on a manly
Pertinax was chosen to rule."60
subtly
conveyed
what
activities, assumed
by his concubine
[dcvSpeia]
mindset,
In this passage, Zosimus
he saw as the unnaturalness of
Marcia's actions within the predominantly Greek culture
of
the Eastern
Empire.
In its simplest
av8pela means manliness or courage
courage)
59
.
definition,
(specifically a manly-
In fact, in both the Greek and the Latin, the
For a brief study on the correlations between the tyrant Periander
and Nero in regard to lifestyle and the death of their wives, see:
Mayer, "What Caused Poppaea's Death."
60
Zos., Historia
Nova i.7.
119
terms
for
courage
contain
the
root
av8peioc (avip/av8p-) in Greek and virtus
other
words,
to
exhibit
courage
was
of
"man"
itself:
{vir)
in Latin.
In
by
definition
to
exhibit qualities belonging to a man.61
The
cultural
understanding
of
courage
in
its
Hellenic context comes mainly from the teachings of Plato
and
Aristotle.
Aristotelian
categorization
of
terms
drove the understanding of what dv5peioc was and to whom
the term could be a t t r i b u t e d .
This manly courage was a
v i r t u e which could belong only t o men.
Women and slaves
were excluded from the v i r t u e of otv8peia,62 for while they
did have human v i r t u e , i t was d i s t i n c t from the v i r t u e of
free men, because t h e i r s was to function in the role of
obedience r a t h e r than as r u l e r . 6 3
Because the feminine
form
authority"
61
of
the v i r t u e
was "without
(aKupog),64
For a r e c e n t look a t t h e complexity of t h e use of " m a n l i n e s s " i n
a n c i e n t l i t e r a t u r e , s e e : Ralph M. Rosen and Ineke S l u i t e r , e d s . ,
Andreia: Studies
in Manliness and Courage in Classical
Antiquity
(Leiden & Boston: B r i l l , 2003) ; Angela Hobbs, Plato and the Hero:
Courage, Manliness and the Impersonal
Good (Cambridge & New York:
Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2000); Harvey C. Mansfield,
Manliness
(New Haven, CT: Yale U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2006); Walter T. Schmid, On
Manly Courage: A Study of Plato's
Laches (Carbondale & E d w a r d s v i l l e ,
IL: Southern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1992).
62
Marguerite D e s l a u r i e r s , " A r i s t o t l e on Andreia,
Divine and SubHuman V i r t u e s , " i n Andreia: Studies
in Manliness and Courage in
Classical
Antiquity,
ed. Ralph M. Rosen and Ineke S l u i t e r (Leiden &
Boston: B r i l l , 2003), 187.
63
I b i d . , 195.
64
A r i s t . , Pol. i . l 3 . 1 2 6 0 a 2 0 - 2 4 .
women
could
not
properly
display
the
of
120
manly
ruling
men
virtue
courage.
Similarly,
there
were
instances
when
failed to live up to their culturally-understood role of
masculinity.65
The descriptions
of Commodus'
character
and actions in nearly all the sources judge Commodus to
be
wholly
ineffective
as
emperor
debaucherous and unmanly lifestyle.
described
Commodus
as
"base,
because
The Historia
shameless,
lustful" even from his earliest years.66
Commodus'
sexual
biographers.
lifestyle
was
of
also
his
Augusta
cruel,
and
In addition,
disdained
by
his
He is described as being "defiled of mouth...
and debauched"67 - an allusion not only to his specific
sexual
acts,
specifically,
but
his
also
acts
his
of
homosexuality
fellatio),68
on
(or
which
more
the
65
For a brief examination of what Roman nobility understood as
masculine aristocratic behavior, see: Maud W. Gleason, "Elite Male
Identity in the Roman Empire," in Life,
Death,
and Entertainment
in
the Roman Empire,
ed. D.S. Potter and D.J. Mattingly (Ann Arbor, MI:
University of Michigan Press, 1999).
66
SHA, Comm. i.7.
67
SHA, Comm. i.7. Mathew Kuefler translates this passage as "orally
polluted and anally defiled" in order to better convey the
impression of homosexual acts within the original Latin. See:
Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity,
Gender Ambiguity,
and
Christian
Ideology in Late Antiquity
(Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 2001), 29.
68
The sources mention or allude to both fellatio and pederasty; both
of these acts are connected to issues of virility, because the
descriptions of Commodus' pederasty within the Historia
Augusta
imply that he is not the dominant male, but rather the passive
Historia
Augusta
comments
in
further
detail.
69
121
An
accusation of f e l l a t i o , such as was also made against the
emperors Nero70 and Elagabalus, 7 1 was dependent upon the
c u l t u r a l understanding of v i r i l i t y and i t s connection to
t r u e manliness.
For Romans, v i r i l i t y was the
expression of masculinity.
In the sexual a c t , men were
expected to be the b e n e f i c i a r i e s of pleasure
- rooted in the Latin vir),
servile
Roman
or servus
male
chose
inconsequential,
sex
virile
(rooted in the Latin
- of a slave) .
for
(the
while the p a r t n e r was the
instrument of t h a t pleasure
servilis
ultimate
was,
The p a r t n e r t h a t a
for
the
most
part,
so long as the c i t i z e n male was not the
passive agent of a n o t h e r ' s pleasure. 7 2
This understanding
of
socially
virility
within
the
framework
of
accepted
masculine and feminine behavior i s key for
understanding
the
Commodus and
overly
sexual
Elagabalus'
eagerness
illustrations
inability
to
to
govern.
engage in behavior
of
Nero,
Nero
and Commodus'
unbefitting
of
a male
(feminine) p a r t n e r .
See K u e f l e r ' s a r g u m e n t i n r e l a t i o n t o
Elagabalus: Ibid., 88-91.
69
For e x a m p l e : SHA, Coram, v . 1 1 , x . 8 - 9 .
70
T a c , Ann. x i v . 6 0 .
See a l s o : P a u l Veyne, " H o m o s e x u a l i t y i n
A n c i e n t Rome," i n Western
Sexuality:
Practice
and Precept
in Past
and Present
Times,
e d . P h i l i p p e A r i e s and Andre B e j i n (Oxford & New
York: B a s i l B l a c k w e l l L t d , 1 9 8 5 ) , 3 0 f .
71
SHA, Heliogab.
x x x i . 6 : E l a g a b a l u s p r e f e r r e d men who were " b e n e
vasatorum [ w e l l - h u n g ] . "
72
Veyne, " H o m o s e x u a l i t y i n A n c i e n t Rome," 3 0 .
Roman
citizen
natures.
associated
The
each
of
imperial biographers
them
used
with
servile
this
image of
servility as an image of femininity, and thus failure.
The
sources
present
the
emperor
Alexander
as
the
converse to Elagabalus who was the successor to emperors
like Nero and Commodus in all things base and unbecoming
of a masculine
leader.
historians
not
did
Because
connect
of this contrast, the
Alexander's
masculinity
to
images of sexuality in the same way as they portrayed the
overtly sexual emperors, Nero and Commodus.
above,
Alexander
was
not
relegated
to
As examined
the
ranks
of
feminized emperors because of his debaucherous lifestyle,
but rather on account of his inability to overcome the
power and influence of his mother - a trait which Nero
shared until his matricide in 59.
While Alexander never
seemed to have carried on in any kind of homosexual or
perceived feminine form of sexual conduct, his mother's
domination of him left him just as emasculated as Nero
and Commodus in the eyes of the army - the embodiment of
masculinity.
power
long
Alexander became
after
servile
he had matured
to his mother's
to the point
when he
should have been the dominant force in that relationship.
Although
the
relationship
between Alexander
and
Mamaea
was devoid of any sexual connotation, the construction of
the relationship between
sexual
the virile and
in nature, can nevertheless
situation.
be
servile, while
applied
in this
Alexander allowed his mother to continue the
pursuit of her power and pleasure at the expense of his
own inherent
right to rule independently as first man,
and to assert his role as ruler over and against her role
as one who obeys.73
It is not only biological
sex or
sexual conduct which defined a person's gender in Roman
society, but also the perception of his or her ability to
remain
within
the
expected
boundaries
of
the
defined
gender of masculine or feminine.
Hadrian
serves
as
illustrate
how
independent
constructions
an
homosexuality
interesting
and
virility
example
to
could
be
within the Roman mind.
Even
more than Nero and Commodus, Hadrian is associated with a
long-term homosexual relationship.
Antinous, the young
male lover of Hadrian, accompanied the emperor on many of
his travels until Antinous' untimely death in the Nile
River in 130.74
73
Shortly after Antinous' death, Hadrian
See pages 131-134 for a fuller explanation of the nature of
femininity as one of obedience.
74
There is disagreement within the sources as to whether Antinous
died by an accidental drowning or for the purpose of being a willing
b u i l t a c i t y i n h i s memory,
75
124
and e l e v a t e d Antinous t o t h e
rank of god. 7 6
Modern h i s t o r i a n s count Hadrian as one of
Rome's
Good
"Five
Emperors," 7 7
the
ancient
sources recounting the l i f e
of Hadrian a r e not
entirely
favorable.
Hadrian's
It
was
A n t i n o u s , however,
not
however,
relationship
t h a t drew t h e i r e of h i s
to
biographers.
The a n c i e n t h i s t o r i a n s p r e s e n t e d Hadrian i n much t h e same
way as Nero and Commodus authority
with
not
as
as
someone who wielded
an i n d i v i d u a l
and on account
of
man,
a woman.
but
in
conjunction
Because of
this,
a n c i e n t h i s t o r i a n s d e s c r i b e d some of H a d r i a n ' s a c t i o n s
gendered
terms
which p o r t r a y e d
the
emperor
as
Two examples
emasculated
instability
instrumental
him
the
in
feminine
and i n a d e q u a t e i n h i s r o l e as a m a s c u l i n e l e a d e r a t
b e g i n n i n g of h i s
his
the
reign.
demonstrate
in
an
i n t h e Empire.
how H a d r i a n ' s
effort
to
explain
Plotina,
Trajan's
biographers
perceived
wife,
was
i n s e c u r i n g t h e t h r o n e for Hadrian upon t h e
s a c r i f i c e on b e h a l f of t h e e m p e r o r ' s l i f e : Cass. Dio l x i x . 1 1 . 2 - 3 ;
SHA, Hadr. x i v . 5 - 7 .
75
A n t i n o p o l i s , t h e r u i n s of which a r e near t h e modern-day c i t y of
Sheikh ' I b a d a , Egypt.
76
Cass. Dio l x i x . 1 1 . 2 - 4 ; SHA, Hadr. x i v . 5 - 7 .
77
The f i v e c o n s e c u t i v e r e i g n s of Nerva (96-98), Trajan (98-117),
Hadrian (117-138), Antoninus Pius (138-161), and Marcus A u r e l i u s
(161-180), which saw t h e l o n g e s t c o n t i n u e d p e r i o d of s t a b i l i t y s i n c e
t h e u n r e s t of t h e second c e n t u r y BC.
125
death of her husband in 117.
78
Hadrian's securing of the
throne as heir to Trajan was successful only on account
of Plotina, who, according to Dio, had been in love with
Hadrian.79
Plotina
did
not
live
long
into
Hadrian's
reign, and so her influence upon the affairs of state was
limited to his ascendancy to the throne.
In addition to
having assumed power with the help of Plotina, Hadrian
also upset the traditional balance between his personal
life and the life of the
Hadrian
overemphasized
state.
the
Later
importance
in his reign,
of
his
private
relationship with Antinous to the overall stability and
security
of
the
intersecting
good
his
through
aroused
private
his
concerns
historians.
Empire.
Hadrian's
relationship
declaration
about
his
of
insistence
with
the
Antinous'
virility
by
the
of
public
divinity
ancient
Because Hadrian's ability to rule is by no
means seen as inadequate as that of Nero or Commodus, the
ancient
historians
relaying
that
upon Antinous' death, Hadrian "wept like a woman."80
The
insinuation
78
is
that
only
hinted
Hadrian's
at
it by
relationship
to Antinous
SHA, Hadr. i v . 1 0 & v i . l ; C a s s . Dio l x i x . l & l x i x . 1 0 . 3 - 4 .
C a s s . Dio, l x i x . l .
80
SHA, Hadr. xiv.5: "Antinoum suum, deum per Nilum navigat,
perdidit, quem muliebriter flevit."
79
126
demonstrated an inability to maintain the virile persona
required
to
effectively
relationship
with
govern
Antinous
the
was
Empire.
by
Hadrian's
itself
not
a
demonstration of a lack of virility, but rather, it was
the
crossover
with
the
between
affairs
Hadrian's
of
public
personal
indiscretions
administration
that
the
ancient historians found unacceptable.81
Hadrian's
combined
with
Hadrian's
that
to
Because
his
dependence
relationship
image within
Hadrian
order
early
wrote
clarify
Hadrian's
to
Plotina's
Antinous
the histories
his
any
upon
to
autobiography,
rumors
concerning
actions
were
impacted
such a degree
own
personal
power
perhaps
his
not
in
person.82
dangerous
enough to cause the political instability that Nero's and
Commodus' lifestyles did, the reaction of the Roman elite
was relegated to rumor and their recordings in history,
rather than rebellion or assassination.
The conflict between the political and the personal
was
also
Alexander.
81
the primary
problem
with Nero, Commodus, and
As in Hadrian's case, the primary crisis was
This situation is quite similar to the case of Domitilla in the
previous chapter
82
Both Dio and the Historia
Augusta
make references to Hadrian's
autobiography: Cass. Dio lxix.11.2; SHA, Hadr. vii.2.
not the homosexual behavior of Nero and Commodus.83
reputation
of
unmanliness
for
both
of
these
127
The
emperors
extended far deeper than their insatiably diverse sexual
appetites.
overcame
Nero and Commodus' own personal indiscretions
their
political
about
personae,
the
future
which
of
in
instigated
unease
the
stability.
Roman citizens were ruled by the free.
turn
Empire's
The
embodiment of the freest citizen of all was the princeps.
To have a princeps who operated as the passive agent of
another's pleasure or whim, was not only emasculating to
the leader, but to those he led as well.
although
not
on
account
of
sexual
Alexander too,
passivity
or
homosexuality, operated as the passive agent of another's
power and pleasure - his mother, Julia Mamaea.
A truly
free man, as embodied within the princeps, was not bound
by any other's will.
In Roman society, a manly life was a combination of
both
military
and
political
experience.84
Commodus
83
For an examination of homosexuality and the perception of
manliness in Roman society see: Craig A. Williams, Roman
Homosexuality:
Ideologies
of Masculinity
in Classical
Antiquity
(Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
84
For further reading consult: Kuefler, The Manly
Eunuch:
Masculinity,
Antiquity,
Gender Ambiguity,
37-55.
and Christian
Ideology
in
Late
succeeded in neither of these two endeavors. 5
Commodus
voluntarily
associated
with
pleasure.86
neglected
ruling
in
his
order
In fact,
responsibilities
to
further
pursue
Part of this pleasure involved his love of
gladiatorial combat, in which he actively participated to
the detriment of his noble rank.87
Commodus' homosexual
lifestyle combined with his abandonment of the masculine
responsibility to rule in order to pursue the
feminine
quality of pleasure and extravagance was not interpreted
as manliness by Romans of the time.88
Commodus was not
the first or last emperor to be forever remembered in the
literature so unmanly as to be judged inadequate to rule,
however, his voluntary emasculation did provide a unique
opportunity
for a reassertion
of the masculine,
albeit
not necessarily in the form of a male.
Zosimus' commentary on Marcia can be interpreted as
a
culturally
understood
(and
justified)
aberration
85
Dio refers to Commodus as the "greatest coward" in lxxiii.13.6.
SHA, Coram, v. 4.
87
Cass. Dio, lxxiii.15-21; SHA, Comm. ii.9.
88
For an examination of extravagant wealth and dress and their
connection to unmanly character, see: Kuefler, The Manly
Eunuch:
86
Masculinity,
Gender Ambiguity,
and Christian
Ideology
in
Late
Antiquity,
59ff. In this passage, Kuefler is writing about
Elagabalus, but the description is applicable to Commodus: "So the
concern about wealth spent on clothing, then, while framed in the
traditional language of effeminacy, was intimately related to
anxiety about the exercise of political power" (59).
of
129
In times of instability,
gender roles in time of crisis.
it was sometimes necessary for women to take on the role
of
protector
or
hero
for
the
good
of
the
community.
Jeremy Mclnerney examined this phenomenon in the context
of
Plutarch's
concluded
descriptions
that
masculinization,
in times
of
Greek
notable
society
women.
permitted
and therefore defeminization,
of crisis
in order
He
to reestablish
the
of women
stability:
"[T]he restoration of order is finally made possible by
the elimination of the female."89
the
very
Hellenized
ancient
Greek
Eastern
Roman
construction,
Zosimus, who lived in
Empire,
av8peia,
a time of relative
to
applied
Marcia,
instability
the
who
intervened
during
under
Commodus.
This application of dcvSpeia to Marcia is more
than an understanding of a woman with manly virtues - it
is
the
complete
masculine.
of manly
replacement
of
the
feminine
by
the
If it was understood to be a simple function
attributes
by
a
woman,
then
the
Greek
term
oa^poyuvoc; (man-woman) would have been more appropriate.90
89
Jeremy Mclnerney, "Plutarch's Manly Women," in Andreia:
Manliness
and Courage in Classical
Antiquity,
Studies
in
ed. Ralph M. Rosen and
Ineke Sluiter (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2003), 334.
The straightforward combination of man (avip/dv8p-) and woman
(yuvn) . As used by Valerius Maximus concerning Maesia of Sentinum's
defense of herself in court: Memorial
Deeds and Sayings
viii.3.1.
90
According
to
Zosimus,
Marcia's
actions
possessed
130
no
feminine q u a l i t i e s w h a t s o e v e r ; t h e y were p u r e l y m a s c u l i n e
and t h e r e f o r e
i n c a p a b l e of b e i n g a t t a c h e d t o any p e r s o n
or o b j e c t which l a c k e d t h i s
Given
the
use
of
quality.
dcv8peia as m a s c u l i n e
(and
thereby
d e s t i n e d t o r u l e ) , how t h e n i s one t o e x p l a i n t h e use of
t h e term for Marcia?
is
simple:
fashion,
because
the
The r e a s o n i n g i n t h e Greek c o n t e x t
Commodus f a i l e d
situation
where none e x i s t e d .
called
for
to
rule
in
a masculine
a manly
response
Marcia assumed t h a t r o l e through t h e
p u r g i n g of h e r feminine v i r t u e s i n favor of t h e m a s c u l i n e
for
With
the
the
purpose
of
reestablishment
remained m a s c u l i n e ,
domestic
reestablishing
order
of
feminine
the
of
order
order,
remained
household
and
stability.
masculine
feminine,
was a g a i n
again
and
reflected
the
in
t h e g r e a t e r o r d e r of s t a t e . 9 1
P l i n y t h e Elder a l s o used t h e term for h e r m a p h r o d i t e : P l i n . , HN
v i i . 3 . 3 4 . For more on t h e s p e c i f i c q u a l i t i e s of avSpoyuvoq i n a n c i e n t
w r i t i n g s , s e e : Anthony J . M a r s h a l l , "Roman Ladies on T r i a l : The Case
of Maesia Sentinum," Phoenix 44, no. 1 (Spring 1990); Wayne A.
Meeks, "The Image of Androgyne: Some Uses of a Symbol i n E a r l i e s t
C h r i s t i a n i t y , " H i s t o r y of Religions
13, no. 3 (Feb. 1974).
91
This i s one of Mclnerney's c o n c l u s i o n s i n h i s examination of
P l u t a r c h ' s t r e a t m e n t of women: t h e sphere of i n f l u e n c e a p p r o p r i a t e
for women i n Greek c u l t u r e was a r e f l e c t i o n of a masculine
conception of o r d e r e x t e n d i n g from t h e household t o t h e s t a t e .
I
b e l i e v e t h i s argument, with a l i t t l e tweaking, i s e x a c t l y what
Zosimus i n t e n d e d t o convey ( i n t e n t i o n a l l y or not) through h i s
d e s c r i p t i o n of Marcia. See Mclnerney, " P l u t a r c h ' s Manly Women,"
341f.
131
While
Marcia's
the
analysis
actions
context,
the
Hellenized,92
is
Roman
was not
of
Zosimus'
understandable
world,
the
commentary
within
although
Greek world.
a
on
Greek
extensively
Was
the
Greek
conception of gender and virtue the same as the Roman?
In the monograph on Pertinax within the Historia
Augusta,
there is an exchange between the newly acclaimed Emperor
Pertinax and the consul, Falco:
When Pertinax had returned thanks to Laetus,
the consul Falco said, "We understand what sort
of emperor you will be from this: that we see
Laetus and Marcia, the instruments of Commodus'
crimes behind you."
Pertinax replied to him,
"You are young, Consul, and do not understand
the necessity of obedience [parendi]
.
They
obeyed [paruerunt] Commodus in the beginning,
but against their will, and as soon as they had
an opportunity, they showed what had always
been their desire."93
The
author
of
the
Historia
Augusta,
rather
than
explaining away Marcia's actions as an aberration of her
gender,
attributed
Praetorian
obedience
Prefect, while
to
both
Marcia
also mentioning
desires to act against Commodus.
and
their
the
innate
Because both Laetus and
Marcia possessed the same qualities, both are praised by
92
This is especially true in regard to the Roman world in which
Zosimus lived and wrote.
93
SHA, Pert.
v. 2.
1
Pertinax
(as well as virtually the entire populace) 94 for
The Historia
their deeds.
{pareo)95,
obedience
Marcia because
Augusta
rather
the author
than
attributed an act of
bravery
(virtus)
sought to emphasize
fulfillment as a good Roman woman.
to
Marcia's
As a woman, Marcia
would have been under the power of another man, and like
the Praetorian Prefect, Laetus, she was under the power
of the princeps.
The Historia
Augusta
Pertinax
an
acceptable
remained
obedient
until
conveyed through the words of
image
of
a
it became
Roman
woman:
imperative
against an imbalance in the natural order.
to
she
react
The Romans
attempted to enforce a clear distinction of gender roles
within
society,
including
a
cultural
understanding
of
what was expected of those in higher station in regard to
their
gender.
connections
The
Historia
Augusta
and
Zosimus
between Marcia's participation
assassination
and
the
masculinity
of
drew
in Commodus'
such
an
act.
Zosimus bluntly attributed the absence of femininity and
Marcia's usurpation of masculinity with his use of the
term dvSpeia.
94
95
The Historia
Augusta
more
subtly
SHA, Comm. xvii.4; xviii.lff.
The Latin pareo can also be translated "to submit."
drew a
133
connection between the obedience of Marcia and that of
Laetus - associating them both to honorable service under
the reign of Commodus, and then with the act of regicide
in order to realign the natural order.96
Although with
much more detail, the accounts of Dio and Herodian also
imparted
this
Greco-Roman
association
of the
masculine
with the reassertion of gender balance.
Dio
presented
conspirators,
and
unsuccessfully
Herodian's
Marcia
one
a
through
attempted
history,
as
to
Marcia
confidant
whom
poison
the
of
the
conspirators
Commodus.97
discovered
death
In
warrants
signed by Commodus containing her and Laetus' names.98
reaction,
listed
Marcia
and
them.
Zosimus
informed
plotted
In much
the
the
presented
two
others
names
were
of
Commodus
with
Historia
Augusta
and
assassination
same way
Marcia
as
the
a
woman
whose
In
who
had
assumed
masculine identity in order to murder her lover, Dio and
Herodian
demonstrated
feminine
to
reassert
the natural
96
the
that
masculine
order
the
was
subjugation
necessary
of things.
in
of
order
the
to
Like a puppet,
SHA, Comm. xvii.2 mentions that Laetus and Marcia worked together
to first poison Commodus, and then after that failed, they enlisted
the help of an athlete to strangle him.
97
Cass. Dio, lxxii.22.4.
98
Hdn. i.16-17.
Dio' s Marcia was able to act only through the actions of
the men involved.
The male conspirators administered the
poison through Marcia - the third person plural for 8i8coM-i
(to give) is used for the action."
Upon the discovery of
the death warrants, Herodian quoted Marcia:
U
A drunkard
shall not get the better of a sober woman."100
Through
these words, Marcia's femininity was asserted, and then
in her actions it was affirmed as she then relied on the
male
conspirators
to
carry
out
the
task
by
taking
advantage of her close relationship with the emperor.101
Although not overtly attributing masculine qualities to
Marcia, Dio and Herodian both asserted the same premise
as
Zosimus:
masculine
in
the
feminine
order
to
bring
must
be
about
overcome
the
by
natural
the
order,
which had been lost under a feminine emperor.
Alexander Severus succeeded an emperor very similar
in actions and lifestyle to Nero and Commodus.
Roman
association
Elagabalus
abandoned
99
was
his
the
of
men
epitome
masculinity.
with
the
vita
of
an
emperor
To
ensure
the
In the
militaris,
who
had
continued
C a s s . D i o , l x x i i . 2 2 . 4 : ((xxpnocKOV 5itx xf|<; Mocpiciac; ev Kpeaov (toeioii; ocuxco
e'8coKav.
100
Hdn. i . 1 7 . 5 .
101
Hdn. i . 1 7 . 8 .
influence
and
power
of the
Severan women,
Julia
135
Maesa
convinced Elagabalus to appoint his cousin, Alexander as
his Caesar and successor in 221. 102
and
Mamaea
teachers
placed
who
Alexander
"trained
him
in
Once appointed, Maesa
under
the
the
tutelage
exercises
of
of
self-
control, introducing him to wrestling schools and manlyexercises [xoiq avSpwv yu^vocaioic]... and both a Latin and Greek
education."103
In other words, an education in everything
that was contrary to Elagabalus' lifestyle and behavior.
The phrase "manly exercises" deserves brief special
attention.
Herodian used a slightly varied term almost
immediately after recounting that Elagabalus had become
furious at what he saw as the corruption of his cousin.
Elagabalus
brought
"[r]idiculous
charges
against
them
[the teachers], that they were corrupting his adopted son
by not
teaching
allowing
him
him
to dance
prudence
dcv8pa)v 8i8acKOVX£C] . "104
statements
embodied
103
104
is
was
Hdn. v.7.5.
Hdn. v.7.6.
the
go
in
[aa>(j)povi£ovxec] and
At
the
insinuation
contrary
or
to
what
heart
that
the
a
frenzy,
manly
of
both
but
arts
[xoc
of
these
what
Elagabalus
Romans
considered
masculine,
and
it would
be through Alexander
that
the
throne would return to the ideal of first man of Rome.
The
Historia
Augusta
between
Elagabalus
clothing
Elagabalus
as
a
especially
the
act
emphasized
woman
and
in
of
the
difference
Alexander,
describing
comparison.105
cross-dressing,
in
Clothing,
was
a
powerful
image of gender corruption - corruption that was thought
to
infect
other
aspects
Alexander
embodied
the
femininity
in
by
authority
existed
decoration."106
Maesa
and
dress
in
Very
Mamaea
of
rule
antithesis
declaring
manliness
simply,
were
imperial
that
well.
Elagabalus'
"the
imperial
[virtute],
Herodian
preparing
of
as
was
Alexander
not
saying
to
in
that
"act
as
Roman as possible"107 - for to be Roman was to be a man.
Despite the immersion of Alexander into everything that
was masculine, he failed to fully emerge as the idealized
princeps.
This was not, however, on account of Mamaea's
assumption of the masculine into herself, but rather the
105
SHA, Heliogab.
xxiii.3-5;xxvi.1-2; Alex.
Sev. xl-xli;. For more
on the idea of cross-dressing and transvestitism and their
connection to femininity, see: Kuefler, The Manly
Eunuch:
Masculinity,
Antiquity,
106
Gender Ambiguity,
55-61.
and Christian
Ideology
in
Late
SHA, Alex.
Sev. xxxiii.3.
Robert L. Cleve, "Severus Alexander and the Severan Women" (Ph.D.
diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1982), 150. It should
be noted, however, that Cleve fails to fully consider the underlying
gendered tone of Herodian's wording.
107
137
perception that her own femininity continued to consume
all that Alexander was and could have been.
Roman
boys,
mother
Alexander
until
he
was
was
under
old
the
enough
Like all
tutelage
to
of
take
on
his
the
paterfamilias.
responsibilities of manhood and become a
However, Herodian claimed that Alexander never achieved
full manhood in the eyes of the Romans, because Mamaea's
femininity
had
prevented
it
and
forced
him
to
remain
forever a boy.108
Unlike Zosimus' account of Marcia, which cast Marcia
in
the
light
of
replacing
her
own
femininity
with
masculinity in order to bring order and stability to the
state, the ancient historians painted Julia Mamaea as the
ultimate feminine who, through her womanliness, brought
the illusion of order until she was brought down by the
army.
The
femininity
clearly
shown
in
Dio's
of
the
account
Severan
of
the
women
is
battle
most
which
brought on the end of Macrinus' reign and the beginning
of Elagabalus' .
Led by a eunuch named Gannys and the
young Elagabalus, the forces under their command achieved
victory
through
expectations.
108
Hdn. vi.9.5.
the
reinforcement
of
In his retelling, Dio records:
gendered
138
Now in the battle Gannys made haste to occupy
the pass in front of the village and skillfully
positioned his troops, despite the fact he was
without military experience and had lived in
luxury.
But fortune is of such great help in
all things that it shows favor to the ignorant.
However, his army made a weak fight, and if
Maesa and Soaemias (for they were with the boy)
had not leapt down from their chariots and into
the fleeing men restraining them from further
flight with their lamentations, and had not the
boy drawing a sword, the one girded to his
side, been seen by them on his horse about to
charge the enemy in a maneuver that seemed
divinely inspired, they would not have stood
their ground.
Even so they would have turned
back, if Macrinus had not fled after seeing
them offer resistance.109
Mamaea does not figure prominently in this story, but she
may
have
been
present
since
she
was
part
of
the
conspiracy to overthrow Macrinus which set together out
from the camp shortly before.110
In this account, three
aspects deserve special attention: first, the leader of
Elagabalus' army was a eunuch; second, the Severan women
halted the retreat through their lamentations; and third,
Elagabalus, still a boy, rallied his troops by displaying
the actions of a manly general.
109
Cass. Dio lxxix.38.3-4.
This is evident by the fact that Macrinus had the Senate condemn
not only Elagabalus, his mother Julia Soaemias and grandmother Julia
Maesa, but also Alexander Severus and his mother Julia Mamaea (Cass.
Dio lxxix.38.1); see also: Cleve, "Severus Alexander and the Severan
Women", 102-03.
110
Eunuchs,
gender
but
division
because
of
of
of
their
biological
gender
rejection
sex,
within
Roman
of
not
demonstrated
society
139
only
that
was
concretely defined as only male and female.
the
not
as
No longer
men, and certainly not women, eunuchs were a category of
"other."111
to
a
In Roman culture, the castration of a man led
loss
of
"virility
masculinity."112
[av8peioc] ,
In relation
role in the battle described
expected gendered sphere.
in
a
moral
and
which
is
to
say,
to Dio's account, Gannys'
above was outside
of his
Since he was "[ujnmanly both
anatomical
sense,"113
Dio
could
not
attribute true masculine qualities to the eunuch.
good fortune
Even
[xvjcn] could not ascribe true manliness to
the eunuch's efforts in battle, and only the intervention
of the
Severan women
kept the army
from
fleeing
after
Gannys had made a weak fight and failed to turn the tide
in favor of Elagabalus.114
For Dio, false masculinity had
failed and only the proper exercise of traditional gender
roles would ensure the safety and survival of the Empire.
111
Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity,
Christian
Ideology in Late Antiquity,
32.
112
Gender Ambiguity,
and
Ibid, quoting from Oribasius, Collectio
medica 22.2.14.
Ibid., 35.
114
For more on the concept of masculinity and military life (vita
militaris)
see my first chapter and: Ibid., 37ff & 275ff.
113
The second and t h i r d
connected.
At
the
battle,
masculine presence.
had
only
women.
one
there
chariots
of
the
affirmation
imperial
that
and
the
Severan
restrained
that
definitive
the
the
of t h e i r
womanly
but
rather
contrast
to
sources,
Elagabalus
instance,
men
Severan
leapt
through
rather
how
through
own f e m i n i n i t y .
emotion. 1 1 5
but
would be
women
This
womanly
he
would
mounted h i s
expected
from
Dio a t t r i b u t e d
the
the
be
horse
first
victory
turn
the
- an
not
the
natural
expression
manly
persuasion.
later
their
The Severan women
tears
was
from
assertion
Maesa and Soaemias h e l p e d
battle,
(avSpsioc) ,
115
no
connection,
h e l d back t h e s o l d i e r s with t h e i r
as
was
account
I t was not through t h e u n n a t u r a l
of m a s c u l i n i t y
of
Dio's
Led by a eunuch and a boy, t h e army
other
presence
lamentations.
tide
of
I t was a t t h e moment when t h e army most needed a
masculine
their
aspects
140
are
In
portrayed
courage
complete
in
the
and exuded dcvSpeia
man.
of
So i n
Elagabalus
this
and
For more on t h e concepts of gender and emotional r e s t r a i n t , s e e :
P e t e r R.L. Brown, The Body and Society:
Men, Women and Sexual
Renunciation
in Early Christianity
(New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y
P r e s s , 1988), 12ff; Robert A. R a s t e r , Emotion, Restraint,
and
Community in Ancient Rome (Oxford & New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y
P r e s s , 2005); Hans van Wees, "A Brief H i s t o r y of T e a r s : Gender
D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in Archaic G r e e c e , " i n When Men Were Men:
Masculinity,
Power and Identity
in Classical
Antiquity,
ed. Lin
Foxhall and John Salmon (New York: Routledge, 1998).
his forces to the traditional assertion of gender roles
within
Roman
therefore
society.
a
Dio was
staunch
a strict moralist
supporter
of
an
and
established
construction of gender identity and division within Roman
society.116
Because of his aversion to the confusion of
gender roles, Dio included the role of the Severan women
and
Elagabalus
within
his
History.
It
was
not
with
reluctance that Dio recorded the actions of those at the
battle,117 but rather this story conveyed precisely what
Dio had intended - women as feminine and men as masculine
is
what
proper
brings
roles
order
of the
and
stability
Severan women
to
and
society.
Elagabalus
The
were
emphasized and praised, as the cowardice of Macrinus was
scorned.
Even
Edward
Gibbon
recognized
the
gendered
nature of Dio's account:
Antoninus [Elagabalus] himself, who, in the
rest of his life, never acted like a man, in
this important crisis of his fate approved
himself a hero, mounted his horse, and, at the
head of his rallied troops, charged sword in
hand among the thickest of enemy; whilst the
eunuch Gannys, whose occupations had been
confined to female cares and the soft luxury of
Asia, displayed the talents of an able and
116
See: Cleve, "Severus Alexander and the Severan Women", 102ff;
Fergus Millar, A Study of Cassius
Dio (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1964).
117
As Robert Cleve implies in Cleve, "Severus Alexander and the
Severan Women", 102.
142
experienced
general... Macrinus
might
have
obtained the victory, had he not betrayed his
own cause by a shameful and precipitate flight.
His cowardice served only to protract his life
a few days, and to stamp deserved ignominy on
his misfortunes.118
Here, for one brief moment of Elagabalus' performance in
the
spotlight,
he
stood
out
as
the
masculine
representation of the princeps; the embodiment of first
man, leading the army to victory against a usurper who
had shown his true cowardly nature in the face of Roman
manliness.
This picture of Elagabalus was short-lived,
however, as even Dio referred to him almost immediately
after as the "False Antoninus."119
In
returned
masculine
the
end,
peace
to
Rome,
not
by the
and
harmony
through
the
were
temporarily
assumption
feminine, as with Marcia, but
affirmation
of
the
traditional
of
the
rather
through
the
order
of
things.
Alexander's reign which followed Elagabalus' as
a return again to natural order, was ended as well on
account
Mamaea's
of
misaligned
femininity,
encouraged,
was,
in
gendered
which
the
the
end,
boundaries.
ancients
seen
as
the
Julia
admired
and
reason
for
Edward Gibbon, The Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire,
3 vols.
(New York: Everyman's Library, 1993 [Orig. 1776-1788]), Vol I, 160.
119
Cass. Dio, lxxx.
143
As noted above,
Alexander's downfall by the historians.
it was Mamaea's
brought
about
feminine dominance
his
assassination
over Alexander
by
the
army.
that
As
an
admirer of Alexander, Herodian had to explain why such a
contrast to Elagabalus would have been overthrown by the
army, and his answer explicitly condemned the emperor's
mother,
who,
through
stunted
the
emperor's
her
womanly
ability
influence
to
fully
and
power,
exercise
his
on
either
the
Marcia
or
masculine role as first man.120
Tacitus
actions
or
was
not
perceived
able
to
comment
masculinity
of
Julia
Mamaea, because he had died in the early second century.
A Tacitean interpretation of Marcia and Julia Mamaea can
be asserted, however, in the light of Tacitus' summation
of Poppaea.
All three women conducted themselves in a
manner contrary to the Roman understanding of gender.
By
taking on the role of ruler through their influence over
Nero,
Mamaea
Commodus,
each
made
and
Alexander,
women
out
of
Poppaea,
their
men.
Marcia,
The
and
three
emperors were feminine because each allowed himself to be
dominated by a woman - a dux
explored
120
this
concept
Hdn. vi.8.3; vi.9.5;
femina.
Francesca
in Tactius' Annals
L'Hoir
demonstrating
Tacitus' linguistic skills in asserting that the women of
the Julio-Claudian emperors appropriated masculine power
for
themselves
dux
femina
strictly
This
to
masculine
{femina),122
of dux,
and
against
good
of gender association.121
naturalness
term
over
emphasize
power
of
the
order
and
the
Tacitus used the
usurpation
{dux)
leader
of
by
a
the
woman
thereby attributing femininity to the concept
femina.123
while at the same time masculinity to
was
an
especially
preposterous
Tacitus' Roman readers, since dux
concept; she was more
for
would, in most cases,
refer to a male military commander.
monstrous
construction
A dux
than
just
femina
was a
a masculine
woman, "she was an aberration—an unnatural woman."124
Much like Zosimus on Marcia, and Dio and Herodian on
the Severan women, Tacitus interpreted Poppaea's life and
actions
in gendered
political
words
history
in
terms
of Rome.
connection
with
within
The
his narrative
selection
explicit
of
social
on the
specific
concepts
illuminates the understanding of traditional gender norms
within
121
122
123
124
the
Roman
Empire.
Furthermore,
the
L ' H o i r , " T a c i t u s and Women's U s u r p a t i o n of P o w e r , " 2 5 .
I b i d . : 6.
I b i d . : 8.
Ibid. : 23.
use
of
145
gendered words also conveys an understanding of ancient
forms of political commentary.
Tacitus' overemphasis on
the lifestyle of Nero conjures
images of tyrants past,
confining
example
the
of
emperor
to
unprecedented
Poppaea,
Marcia,
emperors
is well
and
be
forever
tyranny.
Mamaea
documented
The
upon
and
remembered
as
an
influence
of
their
provides
respective
an
excellent
source for examining the use of gendered terms used by
the
Roman
historians
for the purpose
of asserting
and
defending the construction of gender in the Empire.
Power and Boundaries:
Gender and the Ability to Influence Imperial Policy
Poppaea, Marcia,
their
limitations
and
while
Mamaea
exuding
were
able
a great
to
deal
observe
of power
over their respective emperors.
The histories of these
three
are
women
are
what
they
because
of
the
interpretation of their actions by later male historians.
Poppaea, Marcia, and Mamaea's influence necessitated an
explanation by historians as to how an emperor could be
so
easily
coerced
by
a
mere
woman.
Was
the
susceptibility of the emperors to these women's counsel a
cause of or reaction to these women?
And what can be
146
further said concerning the perceptions of incompetence,
instability, and moral depravity associated with Nero and
Commodus
in
this
regard?
Alexander
proves
to
be
an
exceptional case, since he is portrayed in the sources as
the polar opposite of morally depraved emperors such as
his
cousin
Elagabalus.
However,
as
will
be
explored
below, Dio's personal beliefs and account of the Severan
women reveal how Romans attempted to explain what they
saw as an aberration of expected gender roles.
There is no doubt among the sources that Nero was
infatuated with Poppaea and allowed her certain liberties
as well as influence because of his love for her and her
beauty.
Attention to beauty looms large in descriptions
of Poppaea.
Her beauty was so well known that she was
credited with introducing the practice of bathing in milk
to stave off wrinkles,125 and even a style of cosmetics
was later termed "Poppaean. "126
wherever
she
went127
and
her
Extravagance followed her
obsession
with
physical
appearance was so great that after looking in the mirror
125
J u v . , v i . 4 62.
Cass. Dio, l x i i . 2 8 . 1 ; P l i n . , HN x x v i i i . 1 8 3 .
127
Two sources c i t e t h a t she had shoes of gold made for t h e mules
t h a t drew h e r : C a s s . Dio, l x i i . 2 8 . 1 ; P l i n . , ffl x x x . 1 4 .
126
147
128
one day, she prayed for death before her beauty faded.
Her second husband, Marcus Salvius Otho, was said to have
gained
fame
and prestige
only
through
such a beautiful and dignified woman.129
his marriage
to
On account of
her beauty and intrigue, she quickly caught the eye of
Nero.
With her beauty and Nero's love, Poppaea was able to
manipulate
her husband
into acquiring what
suited her.
Her sway over Nero impacted both the Jews and Christians
during
times that threatened
Empire.
Poppaea
their
emerges as the
standing within the
first empress to have
influenced imperial policies toward Christianity, albeit
not
always
community.
in
the
best
interests
of
the
Christian
An interpretation of the sources on Poppaea
through the lens of Rome's conception of gender elicits
important information not only on how and why Poppaea did
what she did, but also on the complexity of how she is
remembered by the historians who wrote on her activities
and motivations.
The
imagery
evoked
by
the
characterizations
of
Poppaea Sabina creates a dichotomy of interpretation of
128
129
Cass. Dio, l x i i . 2 8 . 1 ; T a c , Ann. x i i i . 4 5 .
P l u t . , Galb. x i x . 2 .
who
Poppaea
these
actually
images
perception
capable
of
were
was
and
created.
Poppaea
of adding
that
to what
On
one
connotes
or preserving
purpose
side
there
positive
some
some
is
a
qualities
integrity
reign of Nero; to this end, the accounts
of
to the
of Josephus,
Plutarch, and, to some degree, Tacitus agree.
The other
side of the debate conjures images of a woman destined to
dominate
her
feminine
intrigue
gender
roles;
husband
and
through
Dio
demonstrate
the
Cassius
her
overthrow
and
Tacitus
of
cruelty
and
traditional
emerge
as
the
vain
and
staunchest purveyors of this thinking.
Dio
selfish
painted
woman
a
picture
obsessed
of
with
Poppaea
her
own
as
a
beauty.130
In
addition, Dio recounted that Poppaea was responsible for
Nero's
murder
of
his
mother,
Agrippina:
"Sabina
on
learning of this persuaded Nero to get rid of his mother,
alleging
that
she
was
plotting
against
him."131
The
"this" to which Dio refers, is mentioned in the previous
paragraph about Agrippina:
As if it were not enough that there were
stories that she [Agrippina] had seduced her
uncle
Claudius
with
her
trickery,
licentiousness, glances, and kisses, she then
130
131
Cass. Dio l x i i . 2 8 . 1 .
Cass. Dio l x i i . 1 2 . 1 .
149
applied her efforts to enslaving Nero in a
similar
way.
Whether
this
indeed
truly
happened or whether to fit her character it was
invented, I do not know; but I say what
everyone is saying, that Nero had a mistress
who looked like Agrippina of whom he was very
affectionate, and when he played with her and
showed her off, he would say that he wanted
intercourse with his mother.132
Connecting these two passages from Dio, one can decipher
the underlying
theme of the Hellenic
interpretation
of
gender norms.
Dio not only drew attention to Poppaea's
ability to emasculate Nero by imposing her own masculine
nature
to
{dux
lead
femina),
but
he
also
emphasized
Nero's failure as a leader by adding the sexual taboo of
incest
to Nero's crimes.
Under Roman
incest was a grave moral sin [nefas]
law and
.133
custom,
Nero was guilty
of this immorality and therefore outside the law of the
gods and man.
Dio
Nero.
attributed
After
the
further
death
nefarious
of
sexual
Poppaea,
Nero
deeds
to
was
so
distraught, that upon learning of a woman who resembled
Poppaea, he
sent
for her and
kept her by his side.134
This alone would not have aroused too much disgust among
132
Cass. Dio lxii.11.4
For a summary of incest within the laws of Roman marriage, see:
Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage:
Iusti
Coniuges
from the Time of
Cicero
to the Time of Ulpian
(Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1991), esp. 37-39.
134
Cass. Dio lxii.28.2.
133
the public.
However,
after
this
woman, Nero
150
found a
young boy who also resembled Poppaea in appearance, whom
he called Sporus, and had him castrated and then treated
"in
every
way
like
wife."135
a
Dio
highlighted
the
complexity of this "marriage," pointing out that Nero was
at the time also "married" to a man named Pythagoras, who
performed the role of husband to the emperor while Sporus
was to be the replacement for Nero's wife.136
Nero's very
public display of his homosexuality - going so far as to
perform marriage ceremonies - conveyed the servility of
the
emperor,
associated
princeps.
with
rather
the
than
vita
the
militaris
virility
and
the
and
ocv8peia
office
of
The accounts of Commodus and Elagabalus over a
century later further elucidated the problems of such a
lifestyle for an emperor.
Dio used Nero's sexual practices as evidence of the
emperor's inability to rule as a man should rule - he was
dominated by women, and his sexual appetite was beyond
what
135
136
was
expected
and
Cass. Dio l x i i . 2 8 . 2 - 3 .
Cass. Dio l x i i . 1 3 . 1 - 2 .
lawful
for a virile
(masculine)
man.
The public displays of Nero's lack of masculinity
connected to his debaucherous lifestyle demonstrated to
the
populace
that
Nero
was
allowing
his
personal
pleasures to spill out over his public responsibilities,
including a duty to exude the qualities of a just and
sensible ruler.
Much as in the case of Commodus explored
above, Nero's failure to assuage the public's fear of an
emasculated emperor under the power of his mother or wife
only accelerated his removal from the throne.
Tacitus,
however, while also harsh on the memories of both Nero
and Poppaea, had a slightly alternate interpretation of
the legacy of Nero.
Annals
The description of Poppaea found in Tacitus'
demonstrates
the
two
sides
of
the
empress
in
a
very
succinct manner:
She was a woman of all advantages except an
honest spirit.
As one might expect, her
mother, surpassing all the beautiful women of
her day, had given her equal fame and looks;
her wealth to the distinction of her birth.
Her conversation was courteous, her nature not
harsh:
she
paraded
modesty
and
enjoyed
playfulness; she rarely went out in public, and
then with her face partly covered, so as not to
satisfy the one looking, or rather because it
was so becoming of her.
She never used her
As will be elaborated upon further below, Tacitus held that a man
under the power of a woman was devoid of any masculinity. For more
on this, see: L'Hoir, "Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power."
152
fame sparingly, she did not distinguish between
husbands and adulterers; but not vulnerable to
her own or another's faults, where profit was
present, there she transferred her desire.138
Tacitus' account of the two sides of Poppaea's character
is unique.
The other accounts mentioning her are either
exclusively
negative
lifestyle,
influence,
or
positive
about
or actions.
her
In this
character,
account
of
Poppaea, Tacitus balanced each quality behavior with its
opposite.
In
his
examination
of
Otho's
usurpation
of
the
throne during "Year of the Four Emperors,"139 Tacitus said
that astrologers had convinced Otho the stars were in his
favor to rebel and take the throne from Galba.140
Tacitus
described the astrologers as "a race of men untrustworthy
by the powerful, deceitful to the hopeful, who in our
state
will
Immediately
always
be
forbidden
and
after Tacitus' condemnation
restrained."141
of astrologers,
he associated Poppaea with the same group that had urged
1J8
Tac, Ann.
xm.45.
139
Upon the death of Nero in 68: Galba (Jun 68 - Jan 69), Otho (Jan
69 - Apr 69), Vitellius (Apr 69 - Dec 69), and Vespasian (69 - 79).
140
141
Tac, Hist.
1.22.
T a c , Hist.
1.22; for more on astrology within Rome, see:
Frederick H. Cramer, Astrology
m Roman Law and
Politics
(Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1954); Ramsay
MacMullen, Enemies
of the Roman Order:
Treason,
Unrest,
and
Alienation
m the Empire
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1966), esp. ch. 4.
153
Otho to act: "Many of these astrologers, the worst tools
for
an
imperial
plans..."142
behavior
memory
in
spouse,
supported
Poppaea's
secret
After commenting earlier on Poppaea' s deviant
(as he
saw
association
it) , Tacitus
with
not
then
only
resurrected
the
her
untrustworthy
advisors, the astrologers, but also of Otho.
The main
purpose of this passage may well have been an attempt to
kill four birds with one stone.
Tacitus presented Otho
in a negative light because of his affiliation with the
astrologers, whom he tagged as un-Roman.
Associated with
these un-Roman astrologers was also Poppaea, who was the
wife
Nero.
and
feminine
influence
first
over
Otho
and
then
In one swift motion, Tacitus subtly laid the claim
that Otho, Nero, Poppaea and the astrologers were all unRoman: the astrologers because of their foreignness and
deceit; Poppaea because of her association with them as
well as her usurpation of masculine authority
(which he
had condemned earlier); Otho because of his association
with the astrologers as well, and his association with
Poppaea;
and
Nero,
because
of
his
emasculation
by
Poppaea.
This apparent side comment unfolds into a much
broader condemnation of Nero, Poppaea and Otho as unRoman
142
Tac. , Hist. i.22.
154
because of their associations with things which Tacitus
argued
were
completely
importantly,
the
unRoman
upsetting
-
of
astrology
and
more
traditional
gendered
of the historians
to write
boundaries.
Josephus, the earliest
about
Poppaea,
compliments
historian
of
was
the
mentioned
by
far
the
empress.
the
most
The
favor
of
generous
in
first-century
Nero
that
his
Jewish
Poppaea
enjoyed in addition to her use of influence to benefit
the Jewish people.
In his Life,
Josephus told the story
of Jewish priests who had built a wall onto the Temple in
order to obscure King Agrippa' s view into the interior.
After
ignoring
priests,
a command
including
to disassemble
Josephus, were
sent
procurator Felix to appear before Nero.
"Through him
[Aliturus]143
the wall,
the
to Rome by
the
Josephus wrote:
I was introduced
to Poppaea,
Caesar's wife, and I took the earliest opportunity to ask
her to free the priests.
Having
received
large
gifts
from Poppaea in addition to this favor, I returned to my
own country."144
143
The relationship between
Josephus and
A Jewish actor whom Josephus had befriended in Puteoli, and who
was a favorite of Nero. He is mentioned just before the meeting
between Poppaea and Josephus.
144
Josephus, Vit.
16.
Poppaea
story
is much
in
his
clearer
Jewish
in
Josephus'
Antiquities:
retelling
"Nero,
of the
after
the
hearing, not only agreed with what they [the priests] had
done, but also agreed to leave the building as it was.
This was done for his wife Poppaea, who was a worshipper
of
God
Jews."145
[GeoaePtig]
and
requested
these
favors
for
the
How does 9eooepSi<; fit into the understanding the
relationship between Poppaea and Josephus (or all Jews)?
The
interpretation
of
Poppaea's
motivation
for
assisting Josephus during his visit to Rome hangs on the
translation of OEOOEPTIC.
©eoaePr^ is a compound word: the
combination of Qeoc, (god) and ae|3o|i(xi (feel awe; worship) .
Most literally, Beoaepric; means: worshipper of a god or very
religious, but the interpretation of BeoaePtiQ may go beyond
its literal translation.146
Because of Poppaea's apparent
relationship to Josephus and the Jews in this passage, it
would not be irrational to conclude that Poppaea was a
Jewish
proselyte,
and
to
translate
GeoaeP^
as
such.
145
Josephus, AJ xx. 195.
The authors of the three major translations of Josephus'
Antiquities
all translate Qzoatfiryc, differently: William Whiston, ed.,
The Works of Josephus,
16th ed. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson
Publishers, Inc., 1987): "a religious woman"; Louis H. Feldman, ed.,
146
Josephus:
Jewish
Antiquities,
Books Xviii-Xx,
vol. 433, Lcl
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965) : "worshipper of
God"; Paul L. Maier, ed., Josephus:
The Essential
Writings
(Grand
Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1988): "sympathetic to the Jews."
However, GeooePriq by i t s e l f
has n o t h i n g t o do with
Judaism
or t h e Jewish God; i t was a word used t o d e s c r i b e anyone
who was i n any s e n s e devout or r e l i g i o u s . 1 4 7
In f a c t ,
if
Josephus had wanted t o emphasize t h e s t a t u s of Poppaea as
a proselyte
have
or even a God-Fearer,
used
God). 1 4 8
the
term,
he would most
(|)o3o'U|U£VOi TOV Geov
Placed w i t h i n i t s
context
(those
likely
who
of t h e o t h e r
fear
account
of Josephus as w e l l as o t h e r Roman h i s t o r i e s , however,
is
more
probable
sympathizer:
teaching
of
she
that
Poppaea
recognized
monotheism,
was
and
in
fact
appreciated
although
she
was
it
a
Jewish
the
Jewish
not
a
Jewish
proselyte.149
One
could
certainly
argue
that
Poppaea
was
s y m p a t h e t i c t o t h e Jews only because of h e r fondness
Josephus,
acquainted.
as
a
Jewish
147
with
whom
she
had
just
recently
for
become
And p e r h a p s Josephus merely i n s e r t e d 0eocepT|c;
compliment
to
priests
from
a
religious
prison.
woman who helped
Her
possible
save
affiliation
For a very h e l p f u l summary on t h e use of Geooepiiq, s e e : Louis H.
Feldman, "Jewish ' S y m p a t h i z e r s ' i n C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e and
I n s c r i p t i o n s , " TAPA 81 (1950). I t s only use i n t h e C h r i s t i a n
S c r i p t u r e s i s i n John 9 : 3 1 , as a g e n e r i c r e f e r e n c e t o t h o s e who
worship or c a l l upon God.
148
As used i n Acts 13:16 & 26.
149
A p r o s e l y t e would have been a G e n t i l e who a t t e n d e d synagogue and
p r a c t i c e d t h e Jewish f a i t h .
Poppaea's b u r i a l wishes i n T a c , Ann.
x v i . 6 c o n t r a d i c t t h e wishes of a follower of Judaism.
with
Judaism,
regardless
however,
of
what
does
her
not
alter
motivations
the
were,
influence shielded Jews from imperial harm.
wished to or not, Poppaea became
fact
157
that
Poppaea's
Whether she
a protectress
of the
Jewish people - at least in the eyes of Josephus.
Alongside
Josephus,
Plutarch
also
supported
the
perception of Poppaea as a woman with positive influence
and
intentions.
Plutarch
was
the
second
earliest
historian who wrote directly about Poppaea and had little
in words to say of Poppaea's character.
concentrated
his
short
biography
of
While Josephus
Poppaea
on
her
ability to add dignity and justice to the reign of her
husband,
Plutarch's account presents
Poppaea both as a
woman capable of using her beauty to her advantage, and
also as a victim of imperial masculine behavior over and
against her more temperate character.
Plutarch described
Poppaea's
second husband, Otho,
as a man corrupted by luxury and the pursuit of pleasure,
whose
only
marriage.150
150
great
attribute
was
Poppaea's
hand
in
In his account of Galba, Plutarch detailed
Plut., Galb. xix.2. By the time that Plutarch is describing,
Poppaea and Crispinus had already been divorced and Poppaea was
already dead. On Otho's less than reputable behavior, see also:
T a c , Hist, i.13; Cass. Dio lxii.ll.
158
what
he
saw
as
the
moral
corruption
within
the
relationship between Nero, Otho, and Poppaea:
Nero was in love with Poppaea while she was
still with Crispinus, but since he respected
his wife and feared his mother, he used Otho to
make advances toward her....
But at any rate
Otho
first
seduced
Poppaea
himself
and
corrupted her with hopes of Nero's love, and
convinced her to leave her husband.
However,
after she had become his wife, he was not
pleased to share her, and was unwilling to give
Nero a share, but Poppaea herself was not
grieved, they say, at their rivalry.
For she
would shut out Nero, it is said, even in the
absence of Otho, either to keep his pleasure in
her from fading away, or, as some say, she did
not want to be weighed down in marriage to the
Emperor, but was not against being his lover,
out of pure sexual indulgence.151
In this short passage, Nero and Otho were the actors upon
Poppaea.
It was
not
until
she
was
corrupted
by
the
circumstances that Poppaea engaged in any actions of her
own.
In
product
Plutarch's
of
malleable
her
and
account,
environment
easily
-
molded
Poppaea
her
was
feminine
into
a
very much
nature
a
was
disreputable
personality on account of the men involved.
Even
if
one
takes
Plutarch's
insinuation
of
Poppaea's feminine naivete into mind, there is confusion
over the proper attribution of masculine and feminine in
151
Plut., Galb.
xix.2, 4-5.
the relationship between Nero and Poppaea.
159
In Plutarch's
account, Nero was a sort of conglomeration of feminine
and masculine qualities.
He pursued
and conquered his
desire, Poppaea, although she first married Otho, carried
on a sexual affair and then eventually married Nero.
Yet
at
his
the
same
mother.
time, Nero
was
under
the
control
of
He feared the wrath and displeasure his mother
would afflict upon him if he should divorce Octavia and
marry Poppaea.
Shortly thereafter, during their affair,
Nero fell under the power of Poppaea, who convinced him
to kill his mother and divorce Octavia, after which, they
were
wed
twelve
days
after
his
divorce.152
wife, Poppaea continued to dominate Nero.153
not
appear
to have been
emperor after all.
a helpless
victim
While
his
Poppaea does
of a manly
Based solely on Plutarch's account,
Poppaea emerges as a woman who feigned feminine fragility
in the face of two feminine men, and once victorious in
her marriage to the emperor, reasserted her own manlyfemininity in order to attain what she wished through the
152
For a deeper understanding on the motivations of Nero in his
relationship with his mother, Poppaea and others during this time,
see: Robert S. Rogers, "Heirs and Rivals to Nero," TAPA 86 (1955).
153
T a c , Ann. xiv. 60-61, 63-65; xv.61.
160
power
of
Tacitus'
the
emperor
-
or
so
one
could
assert
from
Annals:
And Poppaea received access [to Nero] first by
flattering words and cunning, pretending that
she was too weak to resist her passion and had
been captured by Nero's beauty; then as Nero's
love grew strong, turning to arrogance.154
Whether the sources on Poppaea agreed or disagreed on her
character, they most certainly agreed on her ability to
influence Nero in his imperial duties.
Of everything
Nero,
the
event
that transpired
that
had
the
during
greatest
the reign of
impact
upon
Christianity was the Great Fire of Rome in 64.
The blame
attributed
questions
to
the Christian movement
invites
about the possible involvement of Poppaea because of her
close affiliation with Judaism.
caught fire.
In 64, the city of Rome
The sources that mention the Fire of Rome
vary on the extent of the fire's damage; nevertheless,
the fire was severe enough to render many homeless and to
rouse
the
action.155
minority
T a c , Ann.
T a c , Ann.
population
In
sect
the
of
to
end,
call
Nero
Judaism
upon
placed
called
xiii.46.
xv.38-41; Cass. Dio lxii.16-18.
the
the
emperor
blame
for
upon
Christians,
a
and
thenceforth,
Christians
have
made
use
of
the
161
term
"Neronian P e r s e c u t i o n . "
Although Poppaea was never implicated by the sources
in any sort of connection to t h i s i n c i d e n t , i s i t at a l l
inconceivable t h a t a woman with at l e a s t some f a m i l i a r i t y
with
Judaism 156
sect
to
against
Nero
could
in
his
have mentioned
quest
to
blaming the emperor?
persuade
the
populace
capable of such an
If Poppaea's i n t e r e s t was deep enough, she no doubt
knew of
the d i f f e r e n t
friendship
with
parties
Josephus might
within
have
toward the p a r t y of the Pharisees. 1 5 7
it
irreconcilable
The Poppaea who emerges
from the sources was a woman fully
act.
an
was through Poppaea's
influence
Judaism,
inclined
and her
her
more
On the other hand,
that
Nero
Gessius Florus as Procurator of Judaea in 64. 158
appointed
Florus'
corruption and lawless exercise of power pushed the Jews
The Great F i r e o c c u r r e d i n t h e same year as J o s e p h u s ' v i s i t t o
Rome. H. S t . J . Thackeray, i n h i s Loeb t r a n s l a t i o n of Josephus'
Vita, p l a c e s t h e v i s i t of Josephus t o Rome i n 61, r a t h e r than 64.
The year 61 i s u n l i k e l y , however, s i n c e Josephus mentioned t h a t he
had j u s t t u r n e d t w e n t y - s e v e n , which would be 64, s i n c e h i s b i r t h was
i n 37. Furthermore, i n r e c o u n t i n g of t h e v i s i t i n Vita 16, Josephus
c a l l e d Poppaea t h e wife (yuvoaia) of Nero, which was not t h e case
u n t i l 62.
157
The s e c t of which Josephus was a member. The P h a r i s e e s were not
on t h e b e s t of terms with e i t h e r t h e Sadducees or t h e C h r i s t i a n s
(Nazarenes).
158
Josephus, AJ xx. 252.
to revolt in 66.
Antiquities,
his
Poppaea
162
According to Josephus' timeline in
159
this
had met
and
event
helped
occurred
shortly
Josephus.
This
after
being
the
case, Poppaea was either ignorant of Florus' incompetence
and
greed,
people
and
or
he
their
truly
did
relations
not
with
understand
the
the
Empire.
Jewish
Perhaps
Josephus' attribution of BeooepT^ upon Poppaea was more on
account
of her
immediate
action
of assisting
the
Jews
because of her new friendship with Josephus, rather than
on her understanding of and adherence to Judaism.
While
it
is
inconclusive
whether
Poppaea
assisted
the Jews on account of her friendship with Josephus or
her own personal religious convictions, it is irrefutable
that
her
freedom
direct
of
the
intervention
priests
in
and
integrity of the Jewish Temple.
the
the
case
ensured
protection
of
the
the
Josephus' summation of
Poppaea was no doubt heavily colored by his own short and
personal experience with her in this particular incident.
Of
all
empress,
159
those
who
Josephus
recorded
seems
to
the
be
life
and
deeds
the
only
one
of
the
who
had
Josephus, AJ xx.252; Josephus, BJ ii. 277-283; T a c , Hist. v.10.
163
a c t u a l l y met h e r i n t h e f l e s h .
t o mention
Poppaea's
deviant
T a c i t u s was t h e
behavior
and t h e
first
first
160
to
c a s t h e r i n t h e mold of a woman o b s e s s e d w i t h power and
c a p a b l e of
continuing the unnatural
after his mother's death.161
of
Poppaea
as
a
e x p l a i n e d by h i s
usurper
dominance over
This gendered
can,
of
interpretation
course,
s u b t l e polemic a g a i n s t
Nero
be
easily
the exercise
of
l e g i t i m a t e m a s c u l i n e a u t h o r i t y by a woman.
Marcia s t a n d s out among some of t h e o t h e r
women
in
churchmen
least
one
Haeresium,
this
in
study
Rome i s
reliable
because
her
connection
documented with
source.
Hippolytus
In
mentioned
his
Christian
to
specificity
Refutatio
Marcia
actual
in
at
Omnium
in
his
condemnation of C a l l i s t u s :
But a f t e r a t i m e , t h e r e b e i n g i n t h a t p l a c e
[ S a r d i n i a ] o t h e r m a r t y r s , Marcia, b e i n g a Godl o v i n g woman and a concubine of Commodus, and
having wished t o do some good work, summoned
b e f o r e h e r t h e b l e s s e d V i c t o r , who was a b i s h o p
of t h e Church a t t h a t t i m e , and asked him what
m a r t y r s were i n Sardinia;... Then Marcia, having
o b t a i n e d h e r r e q u e s t from Commodus, gave t h e
l e t t e r of freedom t o a c e r t a i n H y a c i n t h u s , an
e l d e r l y eunuch. 1 6 2
160
Of a l l t h o s e who wrote on or merely r e f e r e n c e d Poppaea, T a c i t u s i s
t h e f o u r t h t o d e s c r i b e her i n such a manner. Those who wrote b e f o r e
him were: P l i n . , HN x x v i i i . 1 8 3 ; xxx.140, Josephus, AJ x x . 1 9 5 ; Vit.
x v i , and P l u t . , Galb. x i x . 2 - 5 .
161
And even b e f o r e , as Dio claimed she was t h e one who encouraged t h e
a s s a s s i n a t i o n of A g r i p p i n a .
162
H i p p o l . , Haer. i x . 1 2 . 1 0 - 1 1 .
According to Hippolytus, not only did Marcia summon the
Bishop of Rome for a personal visit, but she also used
her influence over the emperor to secure the release of
Christian prisoners in Sardinia.
This passage raises two
important questions: First, what was the likelihood that
a
woman
in
an
intimate
relationship
with
the
emperor
could call upon and meet the leader of a minor religious
sect; and second, would Marcia have been able to convince
Commodus to grant her wish of freeing the prisoners from
Sardinia?
The first question can be placed into the context of
Marcia's legal and social status examined above.
enjoyed
close
immense
influence
association
emperor
who
may
with
have
and
power
Commodus.
been
in
by
Women
contact
Marcia
virtue
of
her
close
to
the
with
Christian
leaders before the fourth century are not improbable, and
the third century provides another important example for
this study.
During the reign of Alexander Severus (222-
235) , Origen is said to have met with the empress Julia
Mamaea,163 and perhaps
163
Euseb., Hist. eccl.
around the same time, Hippolytus
vi.21.3.
corresponded
with
"a
certain
queen."
164
empress, Marcia, as a concubine, did not
command political power.
165
an
Unlike
automatically
Much like the case of Domitilla
examined in the previous chapter, Marcia remained outside
the political sphere and was therefore freer to engage in
activities
which
would
have
placed
men
in
the
same
situation into serious jeopardy.
The
answer
influencing
to
whether
Commodus'
deconstructing
sources.
the
Some
interpretation
while
as
others
language
of
of
are
will
the
can
and
was
be
tone
sources
Marcia's
not.
Marcia
inferred
in
are
the
the
image
in
with
of
of
by
available
kind
relationship
While
capable
their
Commodus
Marcia
as
manipulative or controlling comes through in some degree
in nearly
completely
described
164
all the sources, the
smitten
Marcia
with
as
her
fact that Commodus was
is
Commodus'
prominent.
"favorite,"165
Herodian
and
Dio
For more on this, see my discussion below, as well as: Brown, The
Body and Society:
Men, Women and Sexual
Renunciation
in
Early
Christianity,
151f; Christian K.J. von Bunsen, Hippolytus
and His
Age, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854),
276.
165
Hdn., i.4.
166
claimed that because of Commodus' love for her, she was
able to do anything she wanted.166
Some of the sources gave unflattering
for
Commodus'
love
for
Marcia,
who
explanations
showered
him
with
flattery167 and vulgar sexual attraction168 which allowed
her to gain control of his mind.169
In all, the sources
are in general agreement that Marcia was able to use her
beauty, charm, and position as concubine to influence and
direct the attentions of the emperor, much in the same
way Poppaea had done in the previous century.
Dio gave
an example of how Marcia used her power: "The tradition
is that she was a supporter of the Christians and did
many good things for them."170
over
Commodus
and
affection
These attributions of sway
for
Christianity
lend
credence to the opportunity for Marcia to act on behalf
of the Christian community in Rome.
As
maintain
concubine
to
contact
with
the
the
emperor,
Bishop
Marcia
of
Rome
was
able
and
use
to
her
status and gender to position herself as protectress of
166
C a s s . D i o , l x x i i i . 4 . 7 : "...axe icai 7tapa tw Ko|U|u6§a> Ttav 8woc|a.evTi."
Commodus' passion for Marcia is also mentioned in SHA, Comm. xi.9.
167
SHA, Comm. v i i i . 6 .
168
169
170
Epit.
Epit.
de Caes.,
de Caes.,
C a s s . Dio,
xvii.5
xvii.5
lxxiii.4.7.
167
the Christian community there.
her
to
maintain
Commodus,
through
Christian
Church
a
close
which
with
she
eyes
Marcia's gender allowed
sexual
was
and
relationship
able
ears
to
with
provide
the
within
the
deep
recesses of the imperial government.
Marcia's eyes and ears were used not only for the
Church,
however.
Praetorian
In
Prefect,
Commodus.171
192,
Q.
Marcia
Aemilius
conspired
Laetus,
the
murdered
Marcia proved to be influential not only for
the benefit of helping her Christian
for
and
with
guiding
the
course
of
imperial
friends, but also
succession.
In
addition, with her success in securing the freedom of the
Christian
future
prisoners
in
Pope Callistus
patroness who used
Sardinia,
I, Marcia
society's
which
acted
included
the
in a role of a
expectations
of gender to
protect a minority group.172
Marcia's patronage was not especially unique, given
some early examples of female patrons in the first two
171
Cass. Dio, lxxiii.22.4-6; Epit.
de Caes.,
xvii.5; SHA, Comm.
xvii.1-2; Hdn., i.17.1-11; Zos., Historia
Nova i.7.
172
Marcia's role is similar to later stories of Jewish women who used
their gender to obtain the freedom of family and friends in Nazi
Germany. See: Marion A. Kaplan, Between Dignity
and Despair:
Jewish
Life
in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
168
centuries.
173
Her r o l e as p r o t e c t r e s s , however, was q u i t e
unique and r a t h e r
ironic.
While the C h r i s t i a n
maintained a s t r i c t l y male e c c l e s i a s t i c a l
well
as
an
understanding
vessel," 1 7 4
the
Roman
protection
of
a
woman
qualities
generally
protector.
The
protection
afforded
the
qualities
woman
by
hierarchy,
as
the
relied
upon
whom
needed
to
they
in
a
Rome
woman
with
a
benefited
who
as
"weaker
Christians
associated
Church
q u a l i t i e s of a man.175
of
church
the
assume
masculine
from
the
exhibited
the
The f a i l u r e of Commodus to exude
Roman society
expected
of
its
princeps
disrupted the gender hierarchy and forced a woman to take
on male r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s in p r o t e c t i n g the C h r i s t i a n s .
Eusebius described the s t a t e of C h r i s t i a n i t y a t the
beginning
of
the
third
century
as
a
time
"[w]hen
173
Some examples of e a r l y p a t r o n e s s e s of t h e C h r i s t i a n movement can
be deduced from c o n t e x t , but t h e i r numbers p a l e i n comparison t o t h e
t h i r d and f o u r t h c e n t u r i e s . I am i n c l u d i n g i n my l i s t women who
opened t h e i r homes for t h e use as e a r l y c h u r c h e s . P o s s i b l e examples
from t h e S c r i p t u r e s a r e : Lydia (Acts 1 6 ) ; Phoebe (Romans 1 6 ) ; P r i s c a
(Romans 1 6 ) ; Chloe can be i n f e r r e d from 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1:11; Nympha
(Colossians 4 ) ; Apphia (Philemon 1 ) .
174
1 Peter 3:7.
175
Marion Kaplan makes a similar observation when she notes that
women assumed masculine roles in their attempt to getting their
husbands and fathers released from prison. The irony was that while
the Nazis attempted to enforce strict gender guidelines for society
they in turn disrupted the gender hierarchy of the Jews, forcing
women to take on male responsibilities in protecting the home and
family.
Nazi
See: Kaplan, Between Dignity
Germany,
esp. ch. 2.
and Despair:
Jewish
Life
in
[Septimius] Severus was stirring up persecution
the
churches."176
By
the
reign
against
of Alexander
Severus,
beginning in 222, the relationship of the Church to the
imperial government appears to have taken a turn for the
better.
During
purported
meeting
and Mamaea.
the
reign
between
of
the
Alexander,
Christian
there
writer
was
a
Origen,
Eusebius wrote:
The emperor's mother, Mamaea by name, was a
religious woman [Qeoae^eaxd%r\ yuvn] if ever there
was one, and when Origen's fame had reached
everywhere, including her own ears, she was
eager to be honored with the sight of the man
and to test his understanding of divine things
which was the wonder of all.
She was then
staying in Antioch, and sent a military escort
to bring him to her; he stayed with her for
some time showing her many things for the glory
of the Lord and the excellence of divine
teaching, he then hurried back to his customary
duties.177
Paulus
reign
Orosius, writing
of
Alexander,
about
wrote:
two
"his
centuries
after
[Alexander's]
the
mother
Mamaea, a Christian, made it her business to hear from
the presbyter Origen."178
Despite Orosius' claim, it is
unlikely that Mamaea was indeed a Christian.
The term
used
possible
by
Eusebius,
GeoaePeoxaxri,
suggests
interpretation of Mamaea's interest in Origen.
176
177
178
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi. 1.
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi.21.
Oros. , Historiae
adversum paganos
vii.18.7.
a
170
Very similar to the term 0EOOEPTIC, which Josephus had
used
in
describing
understood
within
Poppaea,
its
Geoaepecrcaxri
context.
In
can
its
be
most
best
basic
definition, the term has a generic connotation of being
religious.
It is not specifically Christian, in much the
same way that GeooepTi? is not specifically Jewish in the
context
Orosius'
of
Poppaea
claim
that
Sabina.
Mamaea
comment in his History
the Christian movement.
While
was
not
as
precise
a Christian,
as
Eusebius'
connected Mamaea more closely to
In his recounting of the end of
Alexander's reign, Eusebius wrote:
After
reigning
thirteen
years,
the
Roman
emperor Alexander died and was succeeded by
Maximinus.
Hostile to the house of Alexander,
since it consisted
for the most part of
believers, he started a persecution and ordered
only the leaders of the church to be put to
death as being responsible for the teaching of
the Gospel.179
Alone, this comment by Eusebius would seem to imply some
kind of preference for the Christian faith by Alexander
and his mother.
Lampridius brings Eusebius' account and
his use of the term BeooePeoxdcxri into context.
He writes
that Alexander "respected the privileges of the Jews and
179
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi.28.
allowed
the
Christians
Historia
Augusta
to
exist
171
The
unmolested."180
goes on to demonstrate
that Alexander
had an interest not only in Christianity, but in religion
in general.181
the
images
"Christ,
Alexander erected temples that contained
of
the
Abraham,
character."182
deified
Orpheus,
Because
religion,
Christianity
position
politically
of
Mamaea's
in
and
others
this
general
found
itself
under
Alexander and Mamaea.183
interpret
emperors
the
in
addition
of
for
through
things
all
the
a
influence
religious
tolerance
for
of
on
purposes,
Alexander,
encouraged
all
far
protective
in
better
eye
of
This is perhaps the best way to
practical
image
same
interest
the
treatment
Christianity during the reign of her son.
was,
the
to
beliefs,
an
running
her
including
Since Mamaea
the
interest
environment
of
of
Empire
in
all
relative
Christianity
and
Judaism.
180
SHA, Alex.
Sev.
xxii.4.
Some e x a m p l e s of C h r i s t i a n i t y ' s s t a t u s u n d e r A l e x a n d e r s e e : SHA,
Alex.
Sev. x x i i . 4 ; x x i x . 2 ; x l i i i . 6 - 7 ; x l v . 7 ; x l i x . 6 ; l i . 7 .
182
SHA, Alex.
Sev.
xxix.2.
183
SHA, Alex.
Sev. xliii.6-7 explains that Alexander wished to build
a temple to Christ, however, this does not mean Christianity held
any kind of favored position, since Lampridius then mentions that
Hadrian had wished to do the same; an emperor who is never connected
to any devotion of Christian belief.
181
172
This idea of a relative tolerance
for all beliefs
may explain Julia Mamaea's meeting with Origen, as well
as
the
vague
certain queen
reference
to
Hippolytus'
[paoiA,i8a] . "184
letter
"to
The simplest explanation of
the identity of this certain queen is Julia Mamaea.
interest
in
Christianity,
attention
of
writers.
Severina
this
things
religious,
would
one
There
is
the
also
by Hippolytus
unknown
Severan
historians
to
the
diminutive
form
early
carved
has
Severa
garnered
Church's
of
most
a
connected
queen"
would
named
imply
the
prolific
letter
into a marble
been
Her
specifically,
have
a mention
"certain
of
including
undoubtedly
of
a
to
a
slab, and
by
later
above.
The
young
girl,
a
rather than someone of Mamaea's age, and so one theory
connects
the
Severus.185
two
letters
However,
to
this
a
daughter
explanation
of
is
Alexander
needlessly
complicated, and it is more likely that Julia Mamaea, who
had
already
demonstrated
an
interest
in
Christianity
would have been the intended recipient (whether actual or
honorary) of Hippolytus' letter.
The letter's content is
an explanation of Christ's resurrection, and may be an
184
185
H i p p o l . , Sermonum Fragmenta i i i .
Bunsen, Hippolytus
and His Age, Vol I , 27 6.
173
Regardless
answer to a question by the unknown Severina.
of to whom the letter was intended, it serves as another
possible example demonstrating that the Christians during
Alexander's
reign
enjoyed
the imperial throne.
was markedly
a peculiar
relationship
with
The peace during this short period
different
from
what
they
had
experienced
under either Septimius Severus beforehand, or Maximinus
Thrax
thereafter.
surmised
from
The
Mamaea's
cause
for
interest
this
in
change
can
religion,
and
be
her
influence over Alexander.
Although spanning the course of three centuries, the
accounts
of
women who
physical
Marcia,
shared
similarities
beauty,
individual
motivations.
Josephus,
Victor,
Poppaea,
Poppaea,
Marcia,
in her
Mamaea
reveal
three
and differences
in their
character,
personal
through
through
and Mamaea,
and
her
her
and
assistance
assistance
interest
to
to
Bishop
in Origen, became
protectresses through the manipulation of gender roles in
relation to their respective emperors.
and
Mamaea
provided
through
whom
stability
Without
the perceived
stable
and
Poppaea, Marcia,
examples
order
femininity
could
of
be
masculinity
projected.
of Nero and Commodus,
which created an environment of uncertainty, Poppaea and
Marcia
would
not
have
been
able
to
assert
their
174
own
conveyance of masculinity into action on behalf the Jews
and Christians as well as other issues in which they took
interest.
If not
for Alexander's
age, Julia Maraaea's
ability to increase and maintain her power throughout his
reign might have come to naught.
women took advantage
of their
able
the
to
manipulate
religious
careful
However, because these
circumstances, they were
course
of
movements
within
the
machinations
within
their
events
Empire,
concerning
through
established
the
gendered
boundaries.
Gendered Legacies Across the Centuries:
Conclusions
Poppaea, Marcia, and Mamaea all had influence over
their respective emperors, and all three took advantage
of that privilege.
the
intentions
of
It is impossible to know for certain
each
of
these
women,
especially
regard to the survival of the Christian Church.
in
Poppaea
and Mamaea were less connected to Judaism or Christianity
than Marcia was to the Christian community in Rome, and
yet
each
course
of
wielded
influence
Christian
which
history.
greatly
However,
impacted
the
regardless
of
their
religious
intentions
or
motivations,
175
three
all
women demonstrated that the gendered boundaries of Roman
culture could be utilized in a manner unnecessary for a
man, yet profoundly profitable for a woman.
Gendered
language
permeated
Poppaea's actions and personality.
the
accounts
about
Mostly on account of
Tacitus, who was the first to address Poppaea in great
detail, Poppaea's portrait in the annals of history has
been limited with the stigma of a usurper of masculine
authority and a corrupter of good morals and good sense.
Josephus' kindly portrayal of Poppaea as a benefactor and
protectress of the Jewish people is a nice counterbalance
to Tacitus, but it was, however, only a brief mention in
a
very
long
history.
In
addition,
while
Poppaea
was
indeed a protectress of the Jews, she was unlikely a Jew
herself.
Whatever
one
may
wish
to
say
about
the
personality or motivations of Poppaea, one can certainly
not disregard her influence over Nero and her ability to
push against the Roman understanding of gendered spaces.
Poppaea
wielded
influence
comparable
to
that
of
an
imperial advisor without ever leaving the confines of an
empress' palace.
176
Unlike
influence
Poppaea, Marcia
imperial
was
policy.
not
able
Instead,
to
change
because
of
or
her
gender and Christianity, she was able to take advantage
of her position and protect the Church without the use of
imperial
policy.
Marcia's
rank,
gender,
and
personal
abilities allowed her to circumvent the political process
and
take
up
community
a
in
traditional
role
Rome
as
-
protectress
a
understanding
role
of
of
which
what
was
the
Christian
transcended
the
expected
the
of
feminine within both Roman and Christian cultures, while
also
remaining
well
within
those
gendered
boundaries.
Marcia neither created nor violated any laws because it
was
not
necessary.
The
uncertainty
and
instability
connected with Commodus' reign created an environment in
which
Marcia
fortunate
could
situation
operate
without
for
Church
the
impairment
which
-
a
resurfaced
again, and to a much greater degree, in the midst of the
Third Century Crisis.
Just before the Empire was plunged into that crisis,
the
Severan
women
demonstrated
that
ideas
of
gendered
boundaries could be blurred in the face of an unexpected
and unwanted emasculation of the first man.
blatant
disregard
for what
Romans
Elagabalus'
considered
masculine
behavior
for
the
princeps
cost
him
his
life,
and
177
on
account of the maneuverings of his grandmother and aunt,
provided the way for his antithesis to ascend the throne.
With high hopes for Alexander the boy to become Alexander
the
man,
the
maturation
Mamaea.
as
army
they
and
Senate
tolerated
the
eagerly
rule
awaited
of
his
his
mother,
In the end, Mamaea found herself as not only a
protectress of religious tolerance, but also of her own
son.
Given
the
accepted
division
of
gender
culture, however, her role as protectress
in
Roman
of Alexander
was short lived because her control had failed to allow
his ascendancy into manhood in the eyes of the army.
The
end
the
of
the
Severans
Church
as well,
became
more
proved
as the
stringent
to be problematic
laxity
in the
of
later
religious
part
of
for
regulation
the
third
century.
As seen in the previous chapter in the examples of
Pomponia Graecina and Domitilla, stability, or the threat
of its undoing, was a powerful impetus in enforcing or
countermanding the understood roles of each gender within
Greco-Roman society.
In the case of Poppaea, the Empire
was still new and had emerged
from the stable rule of
Claudius, whose predecessor had disrupted constancy and
178
reveled
in
Because
rule,
of
men
extravagance,
Claudius'
and
constructed
immorality,
return
women
to
dignified
conformed
conceptions
of
cruelty.186
and
and
to
their
gender.
The
durable
sociallylack
of
volatility brought no need for a woman to break free of
her mold of femininity and assume the masculine role.
In
much the same way, there was little reason to debate the
proper duties of the masculine
and feminine during the
time of Marcia at the end of the second century because
those
on
the
interior
of
the
Empire
witnessed
unprecedented prosperity and peace during what has been
termed
the Golden Age of Rome.187
effectively,
stability
governed
within
and protected
political
The men, who
ruled
the populace.
life provided
an
The
atmosphere
conducive to stability between genders within society.
The reigns of Nero and Commodus, while not at the
degree of calamity that befell Rome in the third century,
were not interpreted by the ancient historians as steady
and archetypal examples of how an emperor was to conduct
himself,
disorder,
186
and
therefore,
gender
disorder
in
the
emerged.
midst
of
After
political
Elagabalus,
Claudius (r. 41 - 54) was proclaimed emperor after the
assassination of Caligula (r. 37 - 41).
187
The reign of the Five Good Emperors (96-180) described above.
179
Alexander was a return to the traditional expectations of
masculine-enforced
stability
and
order.
However,
in
order to bring about this positive change, the feminine
Elagabalus
had
to
be
removed
by
someone
exuding the masculine qualities he lacked.
capable
of
The solution
was Alexander, albeit he was too young to truly embody
the Roman ideal of princeps.
role
through
the
masculinity.
image
of
Julia Mamaea assumed this
her
son
and
potential
his
When Alexander became old enough to assume
the role of princeps independently, the failure of Mamaea
to relinquish her unsavory dominance over the masculine
became problematic
for the stability of the Empire, in
the opinion of the Roman historians.
The response was
the elimination of both by the institution which was the
epitome of masculinity - the army.
To
the
Romans,
masculinity to order.
emperors
within
the
femininity
was
equal
to
tyranny;
The emphasized femininity of some
sources
elucidates
not
only
what
Roman society considered to be feminine nature, but also
the propagandistic motivations of the Roman historians.
The
perceived
lack
of
stability
on
account
of
the
reigning emperors in each case drew the public eye away
from
the
activities
of
the
women
examined
in
this
chapter,
allowing
them
to
constructed limitations.
in most
cases
step
outside
their
180
socially
It is only after the fact (and
long after the
fact) that their
actions
were reflected upon and then interpreted by the ancient
historians
within
gender-specific
Mamaea
are three
attempted
male
the
expectations.
examples
to explain
and female
confines
of how
of
the
Poppaea,
the
divisions
Marcia,
Roman
of
and
historians
and defend the distinctiveness
of
in an imperial culture that, in their
eyes, failed to uphold the traditional balance.
CHAPTER IV
'THEY WILL BE YOUR SUPERIORS'
Conclusions
Survey a l l t h e laws with which your
forefathers
restrained
womanly
license
and
made
them
s u b j e c t t o t h e i r husbands; even with a l l t h e s e
b o n d s you c a n b a r e l y c o n t r o l t h e m .
What o f
this?
I f you s u p p o r t them t o s e i z e t h e s e bonds
one
by
one
and wrench
themselves
free
and
finally
to
be p l a c e d
on p a r i t y
with
their
h u s b a n d s , do you t h i n k t h a t you w i l l be a b l e t o
e n d u r e them?
As s o o n a s t h e y b e g i n t o b e y o u r
e q u a l s , t h e y w i l l be your s u p e r i o r s . 1
The
women
political
examined
equals
connected.
It
nonetheless
able
None
of
authority
these
in
to
could
to
the
be
a
work
men
argued,
assume
women
(although
this
with
exercised
1
could
by
whom
however,
superior
case
were
that
positions
legitimate
be
made
no
they
they
of
means
were
were
power.
political
for
Julia
The response of M. P o r t i u s Cato t o t h e r e q u e s t t o r e p e a l t h e Oppian
Law i n 195 BC. Recorded i n Livy, Ab Urbe Condita x x x i v . 3 . 1 - 3 :
"Recensete omnia m u l i e b r i a i u r a quibus l i c e n t i a m earum a d l i g a v e r i n t
maiores v e s t r y p e r quaeque eas s u b i e c e r i n t v i r i s ; quibus omnibus
c o n s t r i c t a s v i x tamen c o n t i n e r e p o t e s t i s . Quid? Si c a r p e r e s i n g u l a
e t e x t o r q u e r e e t e x a e q u a r i ad extremum v i r i s p a t i e m i n i , t o l e r a b i l e s
vobis eas fore c r e d i t i s ? Extemplo, simul p a r e s e s s e c o e p e r i n t ,
superiores erunt."
181
182
Mamaea). 2
What
these
women
demonstrated
was
that,
because of the gendered spheres constructed and enforced
within imperial society, they did not have to become the
equals of men in order to exercise power.
on
the
surface
to
religio-political
be
gendered
What appeared
limitations
within
the
system of imperial Rome could in fact
be manipulated into opportunities of influence and power
during
times
of
instability
or
crisis.
The
influence
which these women wielded was unique to their position
and gender.
No Christian man would have been able to be
so intimately connected to the emperor and exercise the
influence
that
these
women
did.
Men
of
power
and
authority in imperial Rome were too intricately connected
to
the
civil
surreptitiously
full
force
of
religion
to
for
Church
the
imperial
law
Clemens demonstrated
in
strongly
what
delineated
95.
have
-
been
without
as
the
able
to
attracting
case
of
the
acceptable
the
Flavius
Gendered boundaries
was
work
which
social
behavior of men and women within the public sphere were
encouraged and enforced not only by men, who appeared to
2
Cleve argues that the Severan women did not merely exercise power
through the authority of the men connected to them, but rather they
exercised legitimate political authority. He is in the minority
opinion: Robert L. Cleve, "Severus Alexander and the Severan Women"
(Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1982).
be
the
greatest
beneficiaries
traditions, but also by women.
of
such
laws
183
and
Some women, such as those
examined in this work, discovered the benefits of power
that women could wield because of their exclusion
from
the religio-political system.
Authority
was
a
strictly
within imperial Roman society.
av8peioc and virtus
masculine
construction
Masculine terms such as
demonstrated the underlying connection
between the construction of gender and language.
It was
not the purpose of this study to examine in depth why
Roman
society
without
developed
providing
a
these
strictly masculine
feminine
alternative
terms
(or
incorporating the feminine within the masculine words).
Regardless of how or why these terms came about, by the
time of the early Empire, they nonetheless reflected what
had become
an
Roman society.
inherent mark
of gender
division
within
Although "gender history" as a field of
modern historical interpretation is still relatively new,
writers since the ancient period have recognized gender
as an important element in historical discourse.
When these women appeared to exceed the boundaries
of their
gendered
sphere, the memory
of their
actions
184
were forever penned as contrary to the forces of nature.
The ancient historians and writers saw an undisputed link
between
the
gendered
When emperors
norms
and historical
exuded the qualities
manhood, the Empire
flourished.
consequence.
and expectations
When emperors
of
failed,
and women attempted to fill the void, disaster followed,
even
when
temporary
the
actions
of
the
women
brought
about
return to what the historians understood
a
was
the natural order - as in the cases of Marcia and Julia
Mamaea.
The application of gender to politics as they relate
to
stability
is
a
recurrent
examined in this study.
theme
among
the
women
Men were to be masculine to be
true men; women were to be feminine to be true women.
Since men were the rulers in the Roman Empire, when they
failed to successfully display masculine qualities, they
were considered ill-qualified for their leadership role.
In
order
emperor,
to
the
remedy
masculine
the
situation
had
to
of
remove
reassert the masculinity of his office.
capable
of
removing
the
feminine
an
the
effeminate
emperor
and
If a woman were
emperor,
her
classification could not be the same as his; it would be
confusing for a man who was considered feminine
(bad) to
185
be removed by a feminine woman, for they shared the same
gender category - the hero cannot be of the same quality
as the villain.
So it followed that a feminine emperor
could only be displaced by a masculine force, hence the
attribution
of
masculinity
to
the
woman
capable
of
carrying out such a task.
The
simplest
interpretation
of
the
Roman
construction of gender roles, in regard to the specific
instances of Nero, Commodus, Elagabalus, and Alexander,
is
that
connote
masculine
specific
male and female
Greek
and
feminine
connection
did
not
to physical
necessarily
reflections
(although Tacitus might disagree).
understanding
of masculine
as one who
rules
of
The
and
feminine as one who obeys is theoretically a construction
which
woman.
exists outside
of the biological
However, the construction
sex of man and
of gendered
concepts
was developed along biological lines: men were masculine,
women
were
feminine
-
according to the Romans.
or
at
least
should
The questions which
and which the Roman historians
be,
remained
sought to answer, were:
what did it mean to be masculine?
to be feminine?
they
And what did it mean
186
When
described
women
intervened,
their
womanliness
the
as
ancient
being
historians
consumed
by
the
masculine qualities necessary to accomplish their task.
Femininity
remained
absent
from
the
construction of the ideal ruler or leader.
respectful
Even in the
case of Alexander, while Mamaea was not portrayed in the
same masculine
nonetheless
language as Poppaea and Marcia, she was
an
impediment
to
the
proper
exercise
of
masculinity by the princeps - who the Romans began to see
as a boy unable to take his proper role of man.
Because
of this, a change in leadership was necessary in order to
stabilize
the
proper
balance
between
gender
and
good
governance.
One major conclusion can be drawn from the gendered
language and interpretations that the ancient historians
used.
As
government
gender
the
and
relationship
the
expectations
Christianity
Christian
did
in order
created gendered norms.
not.
to avoid
between
community
Women
did
the
imperial
evolved,
not
the dominance
flee
the
to
of male-
As seen in examples of marriage
and virginity, Christianity continued the enforcement of
similar gendered
spheres: women were expected to marry
and bear children, while men continued to publicly direct
187
the affairs of state and religion.
Even women who made
vows of perpetual virginity were called brides of Christ
and
were
expected
to
bear
celestial
children
through
their religious devotion.
Until the adoption of Christianity by the emperors
in the fourth century, the Church partially depended on
the Roman
against
construction
imperial
of gender
harassment.
to provide
Although
these
a defense
gendered
boundaries and the effectiveness of a woman's
influence
was
religious
dependent
upon
the
political
and
environment in which they existed, Christianity survived,
in part, because
norms.
of the
enforcement
of these
gendered
EPILOGUE
"POWER IS LIKE BEING A LADY"1
Otacilia, Cornelia Salonina, & Eutropia
Identity Crisis?:
Introductions and Limited Sources
Poppaea
Sabina,
Marcia,
and
Julia
Mamaea
had
demonstrated that in a crisis which placed the gendered
boundaries
in
demonstrate
masculine
question,
women,
femininity,
roles
of
could
who
were
assume
the princeps.
and
After
expected
preserve
the
to
the
reign
of
Alexander, the Empire was plunged into the Third Century
Crisis.
From
235
to
285,
the
Empire
experienced
a
torrent of political, economic, military, and religious
instabilities
exemplified
by
the
ascension
of
roughly
fifty emperors, of whom only twenty-two were officially
recognized by the Senate.
During the centuries before,
the gender crises under the emperors Nero, Commodus, and
Alexander
were
catalysts
for
the
assertion
of
the
masculine expectation of the princeps by the women most
closely associated with those emperors.
1
During the Third
This phrase is taken from a quote by Baroness Margaret Thatcher,
"Power is like being a lady. If you have to tell people you are,
you aren't."
188
Century
Crisis,
unrelated
cases.
to
the
the
heart
of
masculinity
of
the
instability
the
emperor
in
189
was
most
However, the political turmoil may have allowed
certain women close to both the emperor and the Christian
movement
to influence
political
instability
attention
of
the
establishments.
policy
toward
that
engrossed
military,
Two
the
imperial policies because
women
and
political,
may
Christians
have
diverted
and
impacted
through
the
of the
the
religious
imperial
assertion
of
ordered gendered boundaries during a time of uncertainty
and disorder in the political arena.
Cornelia
Salonina were Christian
Otacilia Severa and
empresses who had the
opportunities to take advantage of their gender to attain
a significant influence through means unavailable to most
men.
In examining the possible influence these two women
had
over
their
husbands
and
the
religio-political
policies of the imperial government, it is difficult to
ascertain their personal effectiveness.
Since neither of
these two women left behind any writing of her own, and
because, compared to the women thus far examined, much
less
has
been
preserved
on
these
two
empresses
by
contemporary sources, the conclusions reached can only be
based
on
indirect
evidence.
190
connecting
Nevertheless,
these women to their actual and probable actions can shed
much
light
gender
on
and
understanding
its
boundaries
crisis and peace.
the
Roman
within
construction
times
of
of
political
As will also be further explored and
specifically demonstrated in the case of a third woman,
Eutropia,
who
is
examined
at
the
chapter, these gendered limitations
conclusion
of
this
fluctuated with the
perceived stability of the Empire.
Marcia Otacilia Severa was the wife of the emperor
Philip I the Arab
(r. 244-249) and the mother of Philip
II, who co-ruled with his father from 247.
Not much is
known of Otacilia's background, but it is assumed she was
of
the
Severan
passing
mentioned
family,
reference
that
in
after
primarily
Eusebius'
Philip's
on
the
basis
Historia.2
ascension,
of
a
Zosimus
he
placed
an
officer named Severianus as commander of the troops in
Moesia and Macedonia.3
Severianus was either Otacilia's
brother or father, a fact which supports Eusebius' claim
2
Euseb., Hist,
Severa.
3
Zos., Historia
eccl.
vi.36.
Nova i.19.
Eusebius refers to Philip and his wife,
191
that she was of the Severan family.4
associated
Otacilia's
husband
Eusebius directly
Philip with
Christianity,
although not to the extent that the later historians, who
had built on his history, would.
Julia Cornelia Salonina was the wife, daughter-inand mother of emperors.5
law,
Her husband, Gallienus (r.
260-268) began his rule as co-emperor with his father,
Valerian
(r. 253-260) in 254.
That same year, Salonina
was elevated to the titles of Augusta and Mater
[Mother of the Camps]. 6
been
connected
with
Castrorum
Like Otacilia, Salonina has long
Christianity
and
has
enjoyed
a
special place in early Christian literature.
Saints Philip and Gallienus?:
Philip's & Gallienus' Associations with Christianity
During the reigns of the Philips and Gallienus, the
Christians enjoyed relative peace in their
to
4
the
imperial
government.
The
apparent
relationship
tranquility
Zosimus' term is KT|8£(UII<;, a term used for a connection by marriage,
and can be a brother-in-law or father-in-law.
5
Wife of Gallienus (r. 260-268); daughter-in-law of Valerian (r.253260); mother of the Caesars, Valerianus, Saloninus, and Marinianus.
6
Not much is known about the title, but it was especially employed
by the Severan dynasty, no doubt to connect itself to the loyalty of
the army. For more, see: Barbara Levick, Julia
Domna:
Syrian
Empress,
ed. Ronnie Ancona and Sarah Pomeroy, Women of the Ancient
World (New York: Routledge, 2007), 42ff.
192
enjoyed by the Christian movement during these reigns is
notable because the sources indicate that the tolerance
was
in
marked
contrast
regimes.
Christians
harassment
during
to
the
enjoyed
these
previous
freedom
reigns
because
or
following
from
imperial
the
imperial
governments of the Philips and Gallienus chose either to
purposely
ignore
the
movement
persecution already in progress.
relationship
imperial
state
between
government
of
connecting
the
the
can
Church
it
to
to
be
is
actively
halt
Some insight about the
Christian
during
what
or
community
surmised
by
and
the
examining
the
these
specific
known
about
reigns
the
and
imperial
household.
Given the tumult of the Third Century Crisis, it is
not
surprising
that
there
empresses during this time.
the
possible
influence
is
little
written
on
the
However, with great caution,
Otacilia
and
Salonina
had
upon
their respective emperors can be deduced, as well as an
understanding
of
how
this
influence
protected
the
Christian movement during unprecedented times of social,
political, and economic upheaval.
In
describing
the
state
of
imperial
affairs
in
relation to the Church in the mid-third century, Eusebius
wrote:
It is beyond our ability to describe fully in
worthy detail, that before the persecution of
our day, the honor and freedom for the pious
word toward the God of the universe proclaimed
through Christ, was accorded by all men, Greeks
and non-Greeks; and sure signs came from the
rulers who granted
favors to our people,
entrusting them to govern provinces, freeing
them from the agony of sacrificing because of
their friendly opinion.
What is necessary to
say about the imperial houses and of all the
rulers?
Their households - wives and children
and servants - came together to practice openly
the divine word and faith to their face; these
they
regarded
with
prominence
and
more
favorably than their fellow-servants, like the
famous Dorotheus, who surpassed all in his
devotion and faithfulness to them, and was more
highly honored than rulers and governors.
Together with him was the famous Gorgonius and
all those like them who had been deemed worthy
of the same honor because of the word of God;
and each church leader was honored by every
governor and leader. How can one describe the
multitudes that gathered and the masses who in
every city gathered on the famous concourses?
Because they were no longer satisfied with the
old buildings, more spacious churches were
built in all the cities. And as these things
progressed with the times and day by day
increasingly grew in greatness, no envy could
hinder them, nor was any evil spirit able to
slander or prevent them with human schemes, so
long as the divine and heavenly hand was
looking out for and keeping watch over, as a
worthy object, its own people.7
7
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
viii.1.1-6.
194
According
to
survival,
the
peace
prosperity.
and
reigns
of
Eusebius, while
Church
Philip
the
enjoyed
a
Given
the
Arab
Empire
struggled
substantial
what
and
is
known
for
period
of
about
the
Gallienus,
Eusebius'
summation of the Church should not immediately be written
off as embellishment
by an inherently biased
Christian
author.
The son of an Arab sheikh, Philip married Otacilia
probably
some
time
around
2378
and
had
at
least
child, a son, Marcus Julius Philippus Severus.
one
From 242-
244, Philip served as Prefect of Mesopotamia during the
Persian campaign of Gordian III
(r. 238-244), and after
the death
Prefect
of the
co-Praetorian
243, Philip took Timesitheus' place.
III
died,
soldiers.
and
Philip
was
Timesitheus9 in
Soon after, Gordian
proclaimed
Emperor
by
the
Historians then and now still debate the role
Philip played in each of those deaths, if, indeed, any.10
8
Epit.
de Caes. xxvni.3 says Philip II was killed at age 12, which
places his birth at about 237 or 238.
9
An equestrian who was father-in-law to Gordian, and co-Praetorian
Prefect with Philip's brother, Priscus.
10
While many classical authors contend that Philip engineered the
death of Timesitheus and the Emperor Gordian III, others are silent.
Some recent historians have asserted Philip's innocence and proposed
that later pro-Decius and/or pro-Constantine propaganda has
encouraged a negative image of Philip the Arab. For the traditional
view, see Lukas de Blois, Christian Korner and H.A. Pohlsander; for
the revisionists see: John York, Jr. and Yasmme Zahran.
195
Philip's five-year reign is most noted for his overseeing
of
the millennial
celebrations
for
in
Philip
and
his
249,
and
son
were
the
his
celebrations
Philip's
army
family
Philip,
emperor, were put
of
last
major
proclaimed
were
whom
to the
he
ousted
had
sword,
in
248.X1
task
as
Rome
Decius
from
just
and
emperor,
emperor,
power.12
recently
the
These
and
Philip
made
five-year
co-
reign
of the Philippi was ended.13
When describing
the ascension of Philip the Arab in
244, Eusebius wrote:
When after six whole years Gordian brought his
government of the Romans to an end, Philip,
together with his son Philip, took up rule.
Rumor
is
[Kaxe^ei Xoyoc,]14
that
he,
being
a
Christian,
wished
on
the
day
of
the
last
paschal vigil to join with the multitude m the
prayers at the church, but he was not permitted
11
The millennial celebration should have taken place m 247.
However, an invasion of the Danube provinces forced Philip to
postpone the festivities for a year.
12
Lukas de Blois, "The Reign of Philip the Arabian," Talanta 10/11
(1978-1979); Christian Korner, Philippus
Arabs: Em
Soldatenkaiser
in der Tradition
des Antonimsch-Severischen
Prmzipats,
vol. 61,
Untersuchungen
zur antiken
Literatur
und Geschichte
(New York:
Walter de Gruyter, 2002); H.A. Pohlsander, "Philip the Arab and
Christianity," Historia
29, no. 4 (1980); John Marvin Jr. York, "The
Image of Philip the Arab," Historia
21 (1972); York, "Philip the
Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome" (Ph.D. diss., University
of Southern California, 1964); Yasmme Zahran, Philip
the Arab: A
Study m Prejudice
(London: Stacey International, 2001).
13
There is some disagreement among the original sources as to how
the Philippi were actually killed - whether in battle or murdered but it is not of concern in this study.
14
See below for more on the flexibility of this phrase. Similar to
Maier's translation, I have emphasized the usage of Xoyoq in this
context as uncertainty on Eusebius' behalf by utilizing the
translation "rumor."
196
to enter by the one presiding at the time,
until he confessed and joined with those who
were judged to be in sins and were occupying
the place of penitence.
For otherwise, had he
not done so, he would never have been received
because of the many charges against him.
And
it is said that he eagerly obeyed, displaying
by his actions how genuine and pious was his
disposition toward the fear of God.15
This
story
raises
important
questions
about
the
relationship of Philip to the Christian movement as well
as
the
validity
Eusebius'
has
record,
consumed
reign.
of
Eusebius'
a debate
nearly
all
account.
about
Philip's
literature
Because
of
Christianity
concerned
with
his
Four issues are central to this debate: 1) the
accounts of Eusebius and those who followed him; 2) the
letters of Origen; 3) the bones of St. Pontian; and 4)
the persecution of Christians in Alexandria.
The likelihood that a Roman emperor in the mid-third
century
would
openly
embrace
the
Christian
faith
by
publicly confessing his sins to a Christian congregation
is small.
Eusebius' text reveals that the author shared
this skepticism.
Following the first sentence, Eusebius
writes, "tomov Kocxexei Xoyoc, Xpicraocvov..."16
The translation of
this
the
15
16
short
passage
Euseb., Hist. eccl.
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
differs
vi.34.
vi.34.
amongst
three
major
197
In his 1932
English translations of Eusebius' Historia.
translation for the Loeb
Classical
"Kocxexei Xoyoc,"
translated
Williamson,
in
his
as
1965
Library,
"it
is
J.E.L. Oulton
recorded".17
translation
(now
G.A.
the
Penguin
Classic), chose "there is reason to believe";18 while Paul
Maier,
in his
1999 translation
wrote, "word has
it".19
Williamson and Maier's translations are somewhat similar:
they both
imply a sense of uncertainty on the part of
Eusebius - almost a warning about what Eusebius himself
believed
concerning
the
Oulton's translation
credibility
of
claim.20
the
seems to imply the existence of a
definitive historical record - a record which has failed
to
turn
up
in
any
other
pre-Eusebian
source.
Placed
within the context of the Third Century Crisis and his
later
caution
stories
about
the
is understandable.
imperial
couple,
Eusebius'
Later writers, like
Paulus
Orosius, were not as skeptical as Eusebius: "He [Philip]
17
J.E.L. Oulton, ed., Eusebius:
The Ecclesiastical
History,
Volume
II, vol. 265, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000
[Orig. 1932]).
18
G.A. Williamson, ed., Eusebius:
The History
York: Penguin Books, 1989 (Orig. 1965)).
19
Paul L. Maier, ed., Eusebius:
The Church
Kregel Publications, 1999).
of the Church (New
History
(Grand Rapids:
20
As argued in Korner, Philippus
Arabs: Em Soldatenkaiser
in Der
Tradition
Des Antoninisch-Severischen
Prmzipats,
261: "Durch die
Hmweise KOCTEXEI ^oyoi; und Xiyzxai vermerkt Eusebios ausdrucklich und
wiederholt, dass er e m Gerucht wiedergibt."
191
was the first of all the emperors to be a Christian
21
Jerome, too, was sure of Philip's Christianity; however,
he believed Philip II to be the first Christian emperor,
not his father, Philip I.22
Eusebius' account offers more
evidence that connects Philip to the Christian movement
as well, and gives evidence to the notion that perhaps it
was not Philip's Christianity that has earned him mention
in the annals of Christian
legend, but
rather the old
adage of the "good old days."
When introducing the reign of Decius
who
immediately
followed
wrote: "Because of his
Philip
as
(r. 249-251),
emperor,
[Decius'] hostility to Philip, he
began a persecution against the churches."23
explicit
reference
Eusebius
to
Philip's
There is no
Christianity
in
this
sentence; however, there is an insinuation that Philip's
reign
was
connected
to
the
Church.
Even
with
this
implication, Eusebius made no claim that Philip himself
was a Christian, only that Decius persecuted the church
on account
21
of his hatred
toward
Philip.
Furthermore,
Oros. , Historiarum
Adversum
Paganos Libri
VII, vn.20.2; "hie
primus lmperatorum omnium Christianus fuit." Orosius then goes so
far as to claim that during the millennial celebrations in Rome,
Philip did the celebration in honor of Christ and the Church1
22
Jer., De vir.
i l l . liv. The reasons for the inconsistency in
relating Christianity to either Philip I or his son, Philip II, is
explored below beginning on page 202.
23
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi.39.1.
199
Eusebius
used
the ambiguous
phrasing,
prefacing the story of Philip mentioned
History.
God
Kaxe/ei XoyoQ in
earlier
in his
Why would Eusebius, who undoubtedly held that
was using
consummation
the Roman
of
Empire
Christianity's
to bring
triumph,
about the
deliberately
avoid connecting that triumph to Philip the Arab?
would
argue
that
Eusebius
had a "tendency
Some
to omit or
gloss over anything which might detract from the glory of
Constantine as the first Christian emperor."24
However,
there are more probable reasons for Eusebius' reluctance
to brand Philip as the first Christian emperor.
Writing in the late-fifth century, Zosimus, who was
no friend
Historia
to the Christians,
Nova
nation."25
Philip's
as
"a native
He then
sloth,
proceeded
greed,
lust
nepotism, and cronyism.26
poor
treatment
Christianity.27
Philip's
24
York,
Zos.,
26
Zos.,
27
York,
Zahran,
25
of Philip
introduced
Philip
of Arabia,
to give
a
in his
worthless
an account of
for power,
incompetence,
Some have argued that Zosimus'
was in reaction
to Philip's
It is difficult to know for certain if
Christianity
was a
motivation
for Zosimus'
"Philip the Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome", 96.
Historia Nova i.18.
Historia Nova i.19-23.
"Philip the Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome", 89f,
Philip the Arab: A Study in Prejudice, 109f.
summation
of
Christianity
Philip's
is
reign,
neither
especially
explicitly
alluded to within the Historia
since
mentioned
Nova.
200
Philip's
nor
even
The majority
of
Zosimus' account of Philip is devoted to his ineptitude
as
a
ruler,
and
it
is blamed
on
his
Arabian
origin,
rather than his religious convictions.
Zosimus' love of
Decius as the pagan ruler par
is very apparent
within
History
his
understanding
and
Philip's
excellence
forms
a
personal
focal
point
relationship
to
for
the
Church.
As mentioned above, Eusebius' account of Decius was
quite the opposite of Zosimus' and insinuated that Decius
had begun his persecution against Christianity because of
Philip's connection to the Church.28
Shortly after making
this assertion, Eusebius quoted from a letter written by
Bishop
Dionysius
Antioch,
reigns
of
in
which
from
Philip
Alexandria
the
described
to
as
motivation
Philip the Arab.
Euseb., Hist,
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
eccl.
Bishop
Dionysius
Decius
reign that had been kinder to us." 29
embody
to
for
"the
Fabius
of
the
change
of
change
from
These two statements
attributing
Christianity
The dichotomy between
vi.39.1.
vi.41.9.
the
to
the reigns of
201
Philip and Decius, at least in regard to the relationship
between the Church and the imperial government, no doubt
encouraged many Christian writers to look with nostalgia
back
to
the
persecution.30
days
before
the
first
systematic
The comparison of Philip to Decius is key
to understanding
the
later portrayal
of
Philip
by
the
Christian authors who followed Eusebius.
The pagan historian Zosimus demonstrated his bias in
opposite
fashion
to
the
later-Christian
writers
by
emphasizing that even before the end of Philip's reign,
the
after
soldiers
the
recognized
common
effortlessly
good
surpass
that
Decius
better
him
military experience."31
in
than
"both
would
Philip
and
political
look
would
excellence
and
This was no doubt on account of
the fact that Decius was "a man of distinguished family
and rank besides being adorned with every virtue."32
comparison
between
especially
by
relationship
30
the
reigns
Christian
between
the
of
authors,
implies
Christian
This is also argued in: Korner, Philippus
Soldatenkaiser
in der Tradition
Prinzipats,
260-76.
des
31
Philip
and
some
community
Arabs:
Decius,
kind
and
Ein
antoninisch-Severischen
Zos., Historia
Nova i.21.
Zos., Historia
Nova i.21. This pro-Decian history is also
supported by Zonaras, albeit he is not as pro-Decius as Zosimus
32
(Zonar., Epitome
Historiarum
xii.19)
The
of
the
202
imperial family.
that
Philip
Church
and
There is nothing reliable to indicate
personally
imperial
was
the
connection
government, but there
between
the
is, however,
much that lends credence to the idea that there was a
relationship between his wife Otacilia and Christianity.
In recording the list of writings of Origen's later
life, Eusebius claimed that "[a] letter of his [Origen's]
to the emperor Philip himself is extant, another to his
wife, Severa, and various other letters."33
The letters
of Origen
not unique.
Justin
to
the
Martyr,
emperor
and
Melito
empress
of
are
Sardis,
Apolinarius
of
Hierapolis,34 and certainly many others, wrote letters and
treatises
addressed
demonstrating
addressing
to
the
Roman
emperors,
thereby
little else than a Christian practice of
their
works
to
the
sitting
emperors.
The
existence of these letters is not an indication of any
kind
of
intimate
relationship
between
writers and the imperial government.
Origen's
Jerome.
the
The true value of
letters lies in the interpretation
In
his
De
Viris
Illustribus,
Christian
of them by
Jerome
made
a
peculiar statement that Origen "sent letters to Emperor
33
34
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi.36.3.
See: Euseb., Hist. eccl.
iv.18, 26-27.
Philip,
the
Christian,
still
first
and
extant
to
of
his
the
Roman
mother
today."35
rulers
203
become
to
[mater/pir\zr\p] , which
Further
down
the
page,
are
Jerome
remarked: "It is unnecessary, however, to speak of the
cruelty of the persecution, which was raised against the
Christians
under
Decius,
because
he
had
violent
rage
against the religion of Philip, whom he had slain."36
As
stated above, Eusebius claimed that Origen wrote letters
to "to the emperor
Philip himself, and another
[ya\iE%y\] Severa."37
wife
The nouns
for mother
to his
and wife
used by each source are not ambiguous, and therefore, it
is
difficult
to
interpret
them
in
a
fashion
reconciles the two sources with each other.38
there are conjectures
that
can be made based
that
However,
on other
evidence.
After
Philip
his
quickly
proclamation
as
emperor
secured peace with
east and headed to Rome.
the
by
the
Persians
army,
in the
If Philip were a Christian and
since he spent the majority of his reign in Rome, then it
seems logical to assume some kind of relationship between
35
Jer., De vir.
i l l . liv.
Jer., De vir.
i l l . liv.
37
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vi.36.3.
38
As was done in the case with Flavia Domitilla's relationship to
Clemens and to Domitian in chapter two.
36
204
the emperor and the Church in Rome would have existed.
However, aside from a medieval legend, according to which
Philip was baptized by the Pope St. Fabian around
time
of
stands
the
out
millennial
that
hints
celebrations,39
at
any
only
connection
one
story
between
emperor and the Christian community in Rome.
the
the
The account
involves the Roman Bishop Fabian and his effort to move
the
bones
of
his
martyred
predecessor
St.
Pontian.
Pontian was exiled from Rome to Sardinia in 235 where he
later
died.40
Fabian
wished
to
Pontian to Rome, but according
return
the
to Roman
relics
of
law, moving a
grave required an official permit and an animal sacrifice
to
the
gods.41
This
would,
of
course,
problematic for a Christian bishop.
have
proved
Not only would the
bishop have had to attain an official legal document, but
he would also have had to violate foundational principles
of his faith by participating in a pagan sacrifice.
is possible
that
Philip
allowed
the
Pope
to move
It
the
grave without fulfilling the pagan rituals according to
39
ActaSS,
40
Liber
41
St. Fabiano (20 January).
Pontificalis,
xix.2.
York, "Philip the Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome", 10809.
205
the law - hence Philip's continued decline in popularity
among the pagan majority.42
There
however.
is
room
As
there
for
is
a
no
more
feasible
record
of
explanation,
Philip
giving
permission to the see of Rome to move the buried remains
of the martyr Pontian, the argument that permission was
given
is
problematic.
Philip's
permission
was
not
necessary for the action to be completed - only for the
action to be completed legally.
martyrs
and
persecution
the
later
who
refused
The stubbornness of the
leaders
to
during
hand
the
over
Diocletianic
the
Christian
Scriptures, or in some cases replaced them with clever
decoys, are but a few examples of Christian defiance of
secular
authority.
Christians
"obey God rather than men."43
had
been
commanded
to
The simple reasoning that
the returned bones indicate that it must have been done
according to the law is to assume a connection between
the Church and imperial authority that the evidence does
not support.
This relationship is further complicated
by events in Alexandria around the end of Philip's reign.
42
43
ibid.
Acts 5:29.
206
Eusebius preserves a letter written by Dionysius of
Alexandria
Dionysius
to
Fabius,
described
Christians
in
Bishop
firsthand
Alexandria
of
the
in
late
Antioch,
in
persecution
248
or
which
against
early
249.
Dionysius wrote that "it was not with the imperial edict
[of Decius] that the persecution began against us, but it
preceded it by a whole year."44
This incident proves to
be problematic in establishing Philip's reign as a model
of Christian
asserted
integration
that
Christianity
it
is
that
the
in imperial
precisely
is
lacking,
given
because
Christians
singled out for persecution.45
the
rule.
in
Some
of
have
Philip's
Alexandria
were
However, this explanation
many
times
Christians
were
persecuted under the previous pagan emperors.
If
the
persecution
was
as
terrible
as
Dionysius
described, why would Philip, a rumored Christian, or at
least a Christian sympathizer, not carry out punishment
against those who started it?
Indeed, there appears to
be no involvement whatsoever on the part of the emperor either in instigating the persecution, or in dealing with
its
44
45
aftermath.
One
could
argue
that
the
millennial
Euseb., Hist, eccl.,
vi.41.1.
York, "Philip the Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome", 73-
74; Zahran, Philip
the Arab: A Study
in Prejudice,
123.
207
celebrations or the revolt of Pacatianus in Moesia kept
the emperor too busy.
celebration
ensuring
would
order
in
However, it is unlikely that the
have
his
prevented
realm
-
as
the
emperor
Philip
had
from
already
postponed the games which were to occur the year before,
thanks to an invasion of the Danube provinces.46
As for
the Pacatianus rebellion, Philip remained at Rome, having
dispatched Decius instead.47
Furthermore, throughout the
five-year reign of Philip, nothing was done to alter the
legal standing of the Christians.48
What then can be said about Philip's connection to
the Christian Church?
When all the evidence is brought
together, Jerome's small reference to Philip may hold the
most
logical
answer
-
an
answer
which,
perhaps
unbeknownst to him, incorporates Roman understandings of
gender
and
culture.
the
religio-political
Jerome
indicated,
system
of
imperial
contrary to Eusebius, that
Origen had written letters to Philip and his mother, not
Philip and his wife.
that
46
Decius
carried
Korner, Philippus
antoninisch-Severischen
Study in Prejudice,
47
Furthermore, Jerome also indicated
out
a
persecution
against
the
Arabs: Ein Soldatenkaiser
in der Tradition
des
Prinzipats,
248; Zahran, Philip the Arab: A
119.
York, "Philip the Arab: The First Christian Emperor of Rome", 75.
Timothy D. Barnes, "Legislation against the Christians," JRS 58,
no. 1 and 2 (1968): 43.
48
Christians
on
religion,49 not
further
account
of
his
a hatred
of
Philip himself.50
evidence
Philip
I
Emperor
and
to
demonstrate
Christianity,
Philip
to
hatred
whom
a
one
Origen
Philip II, son of Philip I.
208
Philip's
for
With no
connection
can
assume
wrote
was
between
that
most
the
likely
Otacilia's Christianity is
not debated, yet she is rarely seen as the impetus behind
the
treatment
of
Christians
husband and son.
during
the
reign
of
her
Like the case with Julia Mamaea and
Alexander, Otacilia may have used the authority of her
son,
and
perhaps
environment
movement
also
conducive
her
to
husband,
growth
in
for
in the Third Century Crisis.
ensuring
the
an
Christian
When Christians
looked back on the reign before the persecutions of the
third century, they saw Philip as a stark contrast to the
first systematic persecution under Decius.
explanation
pined
to
was
to
Philip
attribute
I.
the
However,
attribution of Christianity
The simplest
days
for
which
the
absence
they
of
an
for Philip within Eusebius'
account combined with Jerome's emphasis on the importance
49
J e r . , De vir.
desaeviret..."
ill.
50
eccl.
Euseb.,
Hist.
l i v : "...eo quod i n r e l i g i o n e m P h i l i p p i
vi.39.1:
"oq 5TI TO\J npoq <S>iXmnov e.%0ovq evem...
209
of Philip II, encourages an alternate explanation for the
Philippan Peace of Christianity.
Eusebius was not shy in asserting that things were
peaceful for the most part during the mid-third century
for the Christian movement.
indulge
his
readers
in
He was also not eager to
what
he
understood
to
be
unsubstantiated rumors about the religious convictions of
the Roman emperor Philip I.
Relating these two points,
Eusebius' account, in connection with the later accounts
which
built
off
of
Historia,
his
implies
a
possible
intervention by the empress Otacilia in the policies of
her husband and her son.
Through this connection, the
exercise of gendered boundaries becomes prevalent even in
the absence of gendered language in the sources.
be
surmised
reign
of
Philip,
that
the
but
the
Philips,
more
Church
enjoyed
peace
It can
during
the
not
on
account
of
a
Christian
logically
on
account
of
a
Christian
Otacilia.
Following
Aemilianus
the
Senate
Augustus.
the
deaths
of
Trebonianus
Gallas
and
in 253, Valerian assumed the throne and had
appoint
his
son, Gallienus, Caesar
and co-
The persecution of the Christian Church that
had begun under Decius was reignited during the reign of
210
Valerian.51
Roman
In 260, however, Valerian became the first
emperor
to
be
captured
in
battle
subsequently executed by the Persians.
and
was
From 260 to 268,
the Empire was ruled by Gallienus, who, Eusebius wrote,
"ruled
more
prudently
and
immediately
persecution against us by an edict."52
ended
the
Eusebius recorded
the edict:
The Emperor Caesar Publius Licinius Gallienus
Pius Felix Augustus to Dionysius and Pinnas and
Demetrius and the other bishops.
I have
commanded that the acts of kindness of my
bounty
be
proclaimed
throughout
all
the
universe, in such manner that they
[nonChristians] should withdraw from the places of
[Christian] worship, and therefore you may also
use the decree in my rescript so that no one
may trouble you.
And according to the power
allowed to you to accomplish this, which has
been conceded by me for a long time, and
therefore Aurelius Quirinius, who is my chief
minister, will observe the decree given by me. 53
This edict afforded the Christians freedom to worship and
returned
their
property.
Eusebius
also
provided
In
a
addition
letter
from
to
the
edict,
Dionysius
of
Alexandria to Hermammon and the Church in Egypt in which
51
For some brief accounts on the persecution of Valerian, see:
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
vii.10-12; Christopher J. Haas, "Imperial
Religious Policy and Valerian's Persecution of the Church, A.D. 257260," Church History
52, no. 2 (Jun. 1983); Paul Keresztes, "Two
Edicts of the Emperor Valerian," Vig. Chr. 29, no. 2 (Jun. 1975).
52
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vii.13.
53
Euseb., Hist.
eccl.
vii.13.
he
described
the
reign
of
Gallienus
in
relation
211
to
Christianity:
For
I
see,
that
indeed
those
ungodly
[emperors], once well-known, after not much
time have become nameless, but he who is more
hallowed and filled with more love for God has
passed seven years, and now at this time is
finishing a ninth year, in which we may keep
the festival.54
These
two
sources
indicate
that
Christians
noticed
a
shift in the relationship between the imperial government
and
the
Christian
community.
Begun
by
Gallienus,
Christians experienced freedom from imperial persecution
for the next forty years.
The question which historians must ask in relation
to
this
edict
toleration?"
is:
"Was
Gallienus'
edict
one
of
Given the record of this edict within the
Christian historical tradition, it was more than likely
not an edict of toleration.55
Christian
history,
Lukas
In the greater narrative of
de Blois
correctly
summarized
the reign of Gallienus: "The time of Gallienus was by no
means
54
as great
a turning
point
in the
history
of the
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
vii.23.
Lukas de Blois, The Policy
of the Emperor Gallienus,
ed. J.G.P.
Best, A.B. Breebaart, and M.F. Jongkees-Vos, vol. VII, Studies of
the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1976), 177-81. Especially this remark: "Had Gallienus issued an
edict of toleration his reign would have been of far greater
significance for the various aspects of Christian life" (180).
55
212
church
as
the
time
of
Commodus
Constantine the Great."56
organization
recognition
laity,
of
of
this
the
the
is
and
the
Severi
or
of
Concerning the nature of the
Christian
distinction
certainly
communities
between
true.
If
and
the
the
clergy
the
policy
and
of
Gallienus was not one of toleration in the sense of the
later centuries, then what was the purpose of his edict?
There are currently two ways of interpreting this edict.
One,
espoused
through
his
by
a
number
prescript,
historians,57
Gallienus
the Christian communities
Empire.
of
officially
holds
that
recognized
as legal entities within the
On the other side, Lukas de Blois argued that
Gallienus' policy simply "acknowledged openly what most
of his predecessors
Christian
had acknowledged
communities
possessed
tacitly: that the
churches
and
cemeteries
of their own and had the use of goods and buildings in
the possession of rich community members."58
Gallienus'
motivations
debated.
A multitude
religious
reasons
sudden
56
57
58
kindness
can
toward
behind
his
decree
can
be
of political, philosophical, and
be
the
used
to
Christian
explain
Gallienus'
communities
Ibid., 179.
See those cited by de Blois: Ibid., 181 (fn 31).
Ibid., 181.
after
his father's capture and execution.
59
213
Connected to any
theory, however, is that nearly, if not all, instances of
popular
uprisings
against
Christian
communities
accompanied by general riots or insurrections.
Blois'
account
of
Gallienus
summarized
the
were
Lukas de
debate
by
conglomerating the different theories into an estimate of
Gallienus' possible motivations:
Gallienus put an end to Valerian's persecution
of the Christians because he wanted to allay a
source of trouble in the empire, because he
wanted
to
win
over
the
large
group
of
Christians in the eastern parts of the empire
from Macrianus60 and because he wanted to
prevent
them
from
becoming
pro-Persian.
Moreover, the persecution of Christians was
ill-suited to his conception of his emperorship
and he may well have feared the vengeance of
the Christian God.61
While this summation of Gallienus' possible motivations
is seemingly all-encompassing
in regard to the multiple
theories which have been offered over the centuries, it
still neglects
one important
aspect
of Gallienus' life
that could well have had some influence over his reign his Christian wife, Cornelia Salonina.
59
Ibid., 181-85.
Macrianus was a usurper who was acclaimed emperor by the army in
Mesopotamia after Valerian's capture by the Persians in 260. He was
defeated by Gallienus in 261.
60
61
Blois, The Policy
of the Emperor Gallienus,
185.
During
the
reigns
of
both
Philip
the
Arab
and
Gallienus, it is undeniable that the Christian communityat-large
enjoyed
a time
of
relative
peace
and
from interference by the imperial government.
argued
that
because
of
the
Third
Century
focus of the emperors was concentrated
freedom
It can be
Crisis,
the
on the economic
and political aspects of imperial rule, and therefore the
Christians seemingly slipped under the radar - avoiding
the
attention
emperor
was
authority
of
the
far
too
and
interpretation
imperial
government
occupied
survival.
neglects
a
in
because
ensuring
However,
commonality
his
this
the
own
narrow
shared
by
both
Philip and Gallienus: both emperors had Christian wives.
The coincidence is too strong to simply ignore, and as
can
be
supported
reasonable
to
by
assume
the
that
sources
these
available,
women
were
it
is
able
to
project an influence over their husbands that ensured an
environment
conducive
to
communities in the Empire.
growth
of
the
Christian
215
She's a Lady:
Femininity and the Exercise of Power in the Third Century
Crisis
The distinctive emphases on the peace and stability
of Christianity during the reigns of Philip the Arab and
Gallienus by Eusebius and other early Christian writers
implies
something
assumption
that
beyond
the
mere
emperor
was
coincidence
Christian.
or
an
This
is
especially true, given the historical tradition that the
wives
of
each
of
these
emperors
were
Christians.
Otacilia Severa and Cornelia Salonina provide interesting
perspectives
into
Century Crisis.
demonstrate
gender
Although
relations
within
the
scant, the sources
Third
available
that these two empresses took advantage
of
their femininity as defined by Roman culture, and through
it, exercised considerable control over imperial policies
concerned with Christianity.
Unlike the women examined
in chapter three, Otacilia and Salonina did not attract
the
ire
spheres
of
and
later
writers
thereby
giving
by
bending
reason
to
their
be
gendered
accused
of
disregarding what was a proper exercise of one's gender.
Instead,
if
each
one
exercised
influence
through
her
emotional attachment to the emperor, then in the eyes of
216
the Romans, these women acted as women ought to act in
order to manipulate their husbands to follow their wills.
There are numerous examples in Roman history where
women
asserted
themselves
over
and
against
a
male-
dominated religio-political system and sealed their fates
in the annals of history
as transgressors
proper behavior for a woman.62
of what was
Then there are numerous
other examples of women who asserted themselves over and
against
a
male-dominated
religio-political
system
and
sealed their fates in the annals of history as paragons
of feminine virtue and honor.63
defiance,
ancient
influence,
historians
to
or
It was not the acts of
seduction
pen
which
indelibly
examples of iniquity within society.
caused
these
the
women
as
Rather, it was how
the historians interpreted the actions of these women as
either
in
accordance
with,
or
in
socially-expected gendered spheres.
Cornelia
Salonina
historians
because
62
as
did
Otacilia
defiance
of,
Otacilia Severa and
did not earn the ire of the
Poppaea,
and
Marcia,
Salonina
their
and
Julia
effectively
ancient
Mamaea,
carried
out
For example: Sempronia (wife of Catiline), Agrippina the Younger,
and Marcia. For more, see: Richard A. Bauman, Women and Politics
in
Ancient
Rome (New York: Routledge, 1992) .
63
For example: the Sabine Women, Lucretia, Verginia, and Livia (wife
of Augustus). See also Bauman cited in the previous footnote.
217
their tasks of Christian patronage within the boundaries
of
what
Empire.
was
expected
of
women
in
the
third-century
The fact that these women lived and operated in
one of the most unstable periods of Roman history also
gave
advantage
to
their
task
at
influencing
imperial
policy.
It is unlikely that Philip I was a Christian, yet
Christians seem to have enjoyed a remarkable peace during
his reign.
Jerome provided a hint as to why with his
emphasis
a Christian
on
empress Otacilia.
Philip
Philip
II and
his mother
the
Assuming Jerome is correct, and it was
II and Otacilia who were the Christians
in the
imperial family, suppositions can be made concerning the
relationship between the Church and imperial
government
as well as the extent to which Otacilia could exercise
the limitations of her gendered sphere for the advantage
of the Christian community.
There are two issues which
connect
imperial
Christianity
to the
family which were
mentioned above, but they must be reexamined in light of
Otacilia's influence: 1) Origen's letter to Otacilia and
a Philip; and 2) the persecutions at Alexandria.
Origen's
letters
to
Otacilia
and
Philip
are
reminiscent of his meeting with Julia Mamaea roughly a
decade or so earlier.
218
Eusebius described Mamaea as a
64
"religious woman" (GeoaePeoxaxTi yuvri) .65
There is no mention
of Otacilia as a religious woman, nor even one directlyclaiming
her
Christianity.
Otacilia's
Christianity
asserted based on the letters of Origen.
of Otacilia's
Christianity,
although
This assertion
based
upon
written evidence, can be affirmed by context.
and
Otacilia
as
the
intended
is
recipients
little
Philip II
of
letters make more sense given that Otacilia's
Origen's
influence
over her own child would be greater than over any other
person.
Besides general
assumptions, Cornelia
and the
Gracchi, Agrippina the Younger and Nero, and the Severan
women
and
their
demonstrative
Roman
of
literature.
children
a mother's
suffice
hold
However,
even
as
over her
if
the
examples
children
letters
in
were
addressed to Philip I, the conclusions remain the same.
Otacilia's
context
of
Christianity
the
can
relative
be
assumed
peace
for
based
the
upon
the
Christians,
Origen's letters recorded by Eusebius and Jerome, and the
Roman understanding of gendered spheres.
64
See chapter 3.
Euseb., Hist,
eccl.
De vir.
i l l . liv.
65
vi.21; Jerome used "religiosam feminam" in his
219
The Christian Church enjoyed some type of imperial
favor during the reign of Philip I and his son.
By the
third century, the Christians were no longer an unknown
entity within the Empire.
For the imperial government to
be
to
completely
oblivious
the
growing
numbers
and
strength of the Church is inconceivable and contrary to
sources
demonstrating
an
increasing
familiarity
imperial authorities through the centuries.66
Christianity
can
be
assumed
because
it
by
Otacilia's
makes
sense,
whereas Philip's can be questioned because it does not.
This explanation, of course, raises the concern that the
reasons for which Philip's Christianity is denied - peace
of the Church, Origen's letters, Eusebius' references Otacilia's
is
demonstrated
affirmed.
thus
far,
the
However,
religious
as
has
been
convictions
of a
noblewoman were of little consequence to the stability of
the religio-political system of the Empire.
The gendered
understanding of religion and politics in Roman society
allowed a certain level of freedom in regard to religion
for empresses, while the emperors' lives were inseparable
from
Third
66
the
religio-political
Century
Crisis, much
system.
In
like
crises
the
As seen in Pliny's letters to Trajan (c.111-113).
addition,
of
the
gender
explored
in
chapter
three,
could
have
provided
220
an
opportunity for women like Otacilia to wield considerable
influence over issues most considered to be disconnected
from the important problems connected to the political,
economic, and military stability of the Empire.
It would
not be until the reign of Decius, and even more so during
the reign of Diocletian, that Christianity shifted from
being
unconnected
to the Crisis, to being
the
problem
which the government believed it had to address.
Regardless
shrewdness,
a
of Otacilia's
woman's
intelligence
ability
to
or political
influence
imperial
policy was always limited to outside forces.
construction
of
gender
created
too many
The Roman
obstacles
for
women to be considered recognized sources of legitimate
power.
This
limitation
is
seen
especially
in
the
incident at Alexandria during the end of Philip's reign.
Dionysius,
the
Bishop
of
Alexandria,
wrote
an
aforementioned letter to Fabius, Bishop of Antioch, about
the persecution of Decius that followed Philip's reign.
In the letter, Dionysius gave clues to the circumstances
surrounding the problems in his city:
It was not with the imperial edict [of January
250] that the persecution began among us, but
preceded it by a whole year, and that prophet
and maker of evils for this city, whoever that
one was, set in motion and stirred up the
heathen multitude
against
us, fanning the
flames of their native superstition.
Provoked
by him and every unholy power, they conceived
that the only pious form of worship was the
thirsting for our blood.67
Two details from Dionysius' letter connect the incident
at Alexandria with Otacilia and her influence during the
reign of her husband and son.
Alexandria
and
First, the persecution in
definitely began during
not
Decius.
Second,
the reign of
the
instigator
Philip
of
the
persecution was not the imperial government.
The imperial
edict to which
Dionysius
referred
is
the one issued by Decius in January 250, which required
all Roman citizens to sacrifice to the gods in an effort
to
appease
Empire.68
them
and
end
As mentioned
the
crises
above, this
afflicting
the
is a stain on the
record of Philip as an emperor who favored, or even just
tolerated
Christians.
demonstrative
gendered
of the
influence
However,
limitations
during
the
this
incident
is
of imperial power and
Third
Century
Crisis.
Philip, like all the emperors during the Third Century
Crisis,
67
68
spent
the majority
of his
reign
Euseb., Hist. eccl.
vi.41.1-2.
Barnes, "Legislation against the Christians," 43f.
attempting
to
consolidate his power and survive long enough to die a
peaceful death.
instability
five
His reign was plagued with unrest and
- two major
attempted
successful.69
usurpations,
also
not
the
of the
last
frontier
of
which
and
was
Given this volatile atmosphere, it is not
surprising that
uprising
invasions
Philip was unable to control a popular
against
the
surprising,
Christians
that
in Alexandria.
Otacilia,
It is
regardless
of
her
level of influence, was unable to have an impact either.
The limitations of Philip and Otacilia in protecting
the
Christian
community
source of the violence.
in
Alexandria
stem
from
the
Dionysius poetically referred to
the instigator of the riot as a prophet who conjured up
evil in the city against the Christians.
Whether he is
referring to an actual person or a demon is not certain.
What matters in this example is that the participants in
the violence against the Christians were the people of
Alexandria,
not
the
government.
During
this
time
of
crisis, Otacilia was no more capable of controlling the
local populations than her husband or son.
provided
69
many
opportunities
for
the
While crises
manipulation
During Philip's reign, there were invasions of Pannonia and
Moesia, as well as five usurpers to the throne: Pacatianus,
Jotapianus, Silbannacus, Sponsianus, and Decius.
of
223
gendered boundaries, they did not create unlimited ones.
The
political
crisis
of
the
third
century
proved
too
great for the empress to protect Christians in all parts
of the Empire, especially places in which Christians made
up a significant minority.
In
addition,
persecution
Alexandria
into
this
better
demonstrates
incident
context.
that
places
The
Decius'
persecution
Decius may have built
perceived popular sentiment and such sentiment
even experienced in the army.
in
off
possibly
This makes the statements
of Eusebius and Jerome more understandable - Decius may
indeed have hated Philip and the Christians.
Because of
the outbreak of popular persecution in Alexandria, Decius
may have sensed a general feeling of hatred against the
minor
religious
group
and
had
seen
the
reign
of
his
predecessor as the cause of the instability connected to
Christianity's
conflict
with
the
pagan
masses.
Connecting Philip to the instability which the Christians
seemed
to
provoke
no
doubt
incited
Decius'
personal
hatred toward Philip, and later-Christian writers built
up
that
hatred
dichotomy
relations.
in
between
an
the
effort
two
in
to
emphasize
regard
to
a
distinct
Church-State
224
Dionysius
but
rather
in
predecessors
more."70
for
described
as
Gallienus
opposition
someone
to
"who
is
as a Christian,
his
third-century
holier
and
loves
God
Other than this brief assertion of his tolerance
Christianity,
there
are
no
branded Gallienus a Christian.
Otacilia,
not
there
are
no
references
made
that
In addition, much like
specific
ancient
references
to
Salonina's Christianity either, although she has always
been counted as a Christian.71
The emphasis on the peace
enjoyed by the Christians, specifically in the halting of
the Decian and Valerian persecutions, in conjunction with
what
is
Gallienus
known
and
possibility
of
concerning
his wife,
the
relationship
lends evidence
Salonina's
Christianity
to
between
support
and
a
the
possible
pro-Christian influence over imperial policy.
Salonina
is
only
referenced
in
relation
to
her
husband, and in all cases the purpose is to demonstrate
that
Salonina
distraction."72
70
was
a
woman
"whom
Gallienus
loved
to
During Gallienus' reign, the Christians
E u s e b . , Hist.
eccl.
v i i . 2 3 : "6 8e oauotepoq KOU 0iXo0ecoTepoq"
A reference which emphasizes the Christianity of Salonina through
coinage: William Smith and Samuel Cheetham, eds., A Dictionary
of
Christian
Antiquities
(Hartford: The J.B. Burr Publishing Co.,
1880), 1274f.
72
SHA, Gallien.
xxi.3 ("quam is perdite dilexit"). This is echoed
in Epit.
de Caes. xxxiii.l; Aur. Vict., Caes. xxxiii.6.
71
acquired
a
reprieve
from
Valerian's
persecution,
and
entered a period of about forty years of r e l a t i v e peace
between the Church and the imperial government.
Although
the sources are not e x p l i c i t , conjecture can be made t h a t
on
account
of
his
love
for
measures to end the suffering
Empire.
This e s p e c i a l l y
Salonina,
Gallienus
took
of the C h r i s t i a n s in h i s
seems probable when taken
in
conjunction with the other p o s s i b l e p o l i t i c a l motivations
mentioned above.
By the reign of Gallienus,
the C h r i s t i a n s may have
numbered s l i g h t l y more than one m i l l i o n ,
or roughly two
percent of the t o t a l population, and they were growing. 73
Two percent of a population i s not a large minority, but
they
had
already
penetrated
the
upper
echelons
society 7 4 and the majority of these C h r i s t i a n s lived
the eastern p a r t of the Empire, where Gallienus
73
of
in
needed
Rodney S t a r k , " R e c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e Rise of C h r i s t i a n i t y : The Role
of Women," Sociology
of Religion
56, no. 3 (Autumn 1995): 229-31;
S t a r k , The Rise of Christianity:
A Sociologist
Reconsiders
History
( P r i n c e t o n , NJ: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1996), 6-7.
Stark
e s t i m a t e s t h e g r o w t h - r a t e of t h e C h r i s t i a n s t o be about 40% per
decade (3.4% per y e a r ) , which i s roughly e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e growth of
Mormonism t o d a y .
74
In a d d i t i o n t o b i s h o p s , p r e s b y t e r s , and deacons, V a l e r i a n ' s e d i c t
of p e r s e c u t i o n i n 258 a l s o s p e c i f i c a l l y t a r g e t e d s e n a t o r s ,
e q u e s t r i a n s , matrons, and i m p e r i a l c i v i l s e r v a n t s . See: W.H.C.
Frend, The Rise of Christianity
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1984), 326f; Haas, " I m p e r i a l R e l i g i o u s P o l i c y and V a l e r i a n ' s
P e r s e c u t i o n of t h e Church, A.D. 257-260"; K e r e s z t e s , "Two E d i c t s of
t h e Emperor V a l e r i a n . "
support in his struggle against the usurper, Macrianus.75
Given this political situation and his previous policies
of appeasing border peoples, Gallienus may have ended the
persecution
Christians
in
order
to
gain
in the East.76
have been very
the
Salonina's
support
of
the
role in this may
similar to Poppaea' s in defense
of the
Jews in Fire of Rome in 64. 77
If Gallienus were looking
for
upper
hand
in his war
may
have
proven
a way
Macrianus,
informing
which
was
to
gain
then
the
Salonina
Gallienus
suffering
policies.
She
may
of
the
at
the
have
Macrianus were to grant
growing
valuable
religious
hands
further
of
his
suggested
concessions
against
in
movement
father' s
that
if
to the Christians,
the Christians would put their support behind the usurper
similar
to
how
the
Palmyrene
Empire
had
granted
concessions to the Jewish community after it had broken
away from the Roman Empire (260-273).78
Otacilia
and
Salonina's
influence
upon
their
respective emperors is purely speculative in the absence
75
Blois, The Policy
of the Emperor Gallienus,
183f.
Ibid., 183; Jean Moreau, La Persecution
Du Christianisme
Dans
L'empire
Romain (Paris: 1956), 104.
77
See chapter 3.
78
Fergus Millar, "Paul of Samosata, Zenobia and Aurelian: The
Church, Local Culture and Political Allegiance in Third-Century
Syria," JRS 61 (1971); Blois, The Policy
of the Emperor
Gallienus,
183.
76
227
of explicit historical evidence.
known about
the enforcement
However, given what is
of gendered
spheres within
Roman society, it is not unlikely that these women were
able
to
sway
their
husbands'
tolerance
toward
the
Christian Church through the means of marital affection.
The physical closeness of both Otacilia and Salonina to
their
husbands
intellectual
could
imply
closeness
a
as
level
well.
of
emotional
Unlike
the
and
women
examined in chapter three, Otacilia and Salonina did not
have
to
assume
qualities
in
what
order
contrary, Otacilia
the
to
and
Romans
considered
reestablish
masculine
stability.
Salonina were
able to
On
the
influence
the policies of their husbands precisely because they had
exercised their femininity in accordance with traditional
Roman expectations.
Roman women's place was the Roman home.
could
square
exercise
and
had
considerably more
more
freedom
opportunities
for
While they
in the public
education
than
their Greek sisters, the primary duty for Roman women was
to enter
into marriage,
for
it
"completed
the
female,
invested her with a social presence, and saved her from
her innate incompetence."79
228
During the instability of the
Third Century Crisis, Christianity
in the eyes of most
emperors was insignificant to the more pressing matters
of
insurrection,
invasion,
and
economic
collapse.
Because of the increasingly unstable political situation,
it is possible that Otacilia and Salonina were able to
wield their influence through the shared affection with
their husbands over a seemingly irrelevant matter in the
Empire.
The
attempts
of
emperors
like
Decius
and
Valerian to eradicate the Christians for the purposes of
ending the crisis had failed, and it was not until the
ascension of Diocletian and the return to stability that
Christianity's
effectively
Decius,
and
elimination
ending
the
seemed
more
instability.
significantly
confirmed
consistent
Beginning
under
with
under
Diocletian,
Christianity was no longer insignificant to the health of
the Empire.
As the Romans Do:
The Continuity of Gendered Spheres in the C h r i s t i a n Era
After the ascension of Diocletian in 285, the Empire
moved toward s t a b i l i t y as i t reorganized and i n t e n s i f i e d
79
Eve D'Ambra, Roman Women (Cambridge & New York: Cambridge
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2007), 12.
See a l s o c h a p t e r two a b o v e .
the role and power of the imperial office.
229
As part of
Diocletian's
Crisis
and
Empire,
he
bring
plan
stability
initiated
what
to end
and
has
the Third
peace
been
back
termed
against the Christians in 303.
Century
to
The
the
Great
Persecution
In the short period of
time between the end of the Third Century Crisis and the
beginning
of
the
Christianization
of
the
Empire
under
Constantine, Christianity suffered under persecution even
though
there
were
Christian
potential influence and power.
Emperor
Maximian
women
in
positions
Eutropia was the wife of
(r. 286-305), 80
and mother
of
Maxentius and Fausta, the wife of Constantine
337).
of
Emperor
(r. 306-
Her husband co-ruled with Diocletian and helped
enforce the policies against the Christians.
The case of Eutropia demonstrates the limitations of
gendered influence when stable society is reasserted and
crisis is ended.
Eutropia's reign as empress was outside
the Third Century Crisis.
attempted
reassert
to
eradicate
Rome's
devotion
Diocletian's policies
the
to
Christian
its
which
movement
traditional
and
civic
religion had ended fifty years of instability, economic
ruin, war, and uncertainty.
80
If Eutropia had attempted to
Maximian also proclaimed himself Augustus again from 307-310.
230
intervene on behalf of the Church in an effort to protect
it from persecution, then would not her efforts have been
interpreted as an attempt to undo the very stability her
husband
helped
combined
establish?
An
with the realization
longer
an
insignificant
Empire
(and perhaps
even
absence
of
instability
that Christianity
institution
within
the problem
was no
the
connected
Roman
to the
instability), prevented Eutropia from taking advantage of
the unique abilities which her gender and position had
afforded to the Christian empresses before her.
Most
of
the
history
concerned
with
Eutropia
concentrates on her activities after the end of the civil
wars and the ascension of Constantine as sole ruler of
the
Empire.
The
most
well
known
story
of
Eutropia
concerns her travels to the Holy Land, where she visited
Mambre81
-
visited
by
the
place
three
where,
strangers.82
in
Genesis,
Eutropia's
Abraham
complaint
was
to
Constantine that the holy site had been defiled by pagan
idolatry prompted Constantine to erect a Christian church
in
11
12
that
place.
Euseb., Vit.
Const.
Genesis 18:1-21.
Thus,
Eutropia
iii.52-53.
affirms
the
proper
231
function of gendered spheres in the budding Christian era
of the Roman Empire.83
Much
like
Helena,
the
mother
of
Constantine,
Eutropia demonstrated the changing role that
femininity
would play in imperial politics in a post-Constantinian
era.
Church
With
no
the beginning
longer
of the Christianization,
required
the
assistance
of
protect it from the hard hand of imperial law.
women
the
to
However,
women in unique positions of power and influence would
now provide a patronage previously unknown to the Church.
Christianity
did
not
attempt
to
alter
the
legal
and
social standing of women from that of previous centuries
within the Roman Empire.
In fact, as was demonstrated in
the Christian ideal of virginity, in most cases Christian
ideology
maintained
and
enforced
traditional gender roles.
longer
feared
Christian
with
were
considered
In an era when Christianity no
government
women
what
reprisal
close
ties
and
to
oppression,
the
imperial
government now exercised power through active patronage
of Christian churches and shrines.
exercise
arouse
83
political
the
Euseb., Vit.
guile
condemnation
Const.
which
of
iii.52-53.
No longer needing to
sometimes
Roman
threatened
writers
seeking
to
to
2
maintain the balance of gendered spheres, Christian women
like Eutropia and Helena publicly asserted their roles of
patronesses for the Christian Church.
These women, who
were excluded from both political and religious roles of
authority,
could
piety.84
As
noblewomen
fulfilled
contributors
wield
power
benefactors
to
both
through their prayers
their
of
the
gender
secular
and
with
and
financial
their
purses
Church,
roles
Christian
as
religious
and
obedient
societies
assistance.
While
changing to become more public, the feminine role within
the Empire was in fact a continuation of what it had been
all along - the production and rearing of children, and
in this new Christian era, both physical and
spiritual
children.
84
For an examination of Christian women as patronesses of the Church
in the post-Constantinian Empire, see: Elizabeth Clark, "Patrons Not
Priests: Gender and Power in Late Ancient Christianity," Gender and
History
2 (1990); Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians
(San
Francisco: Harper & Row Publishers, 1986).
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