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RevisingDevotion:theroleofwoodensculpturesinaffectingpaintingand devotionintheLateMedievalperiodinItaly(XII-XVcentury) DanieleDiLodovico Adissertation Submittedinpartialfulfillmentofthe requirementsforthedegreeof DoctorofPhilosophy UniversityofWashington 2016 ReadingCommittee: StuartLingo,Chair EstelleLingo IvanDrpić ProgramAuthorizedtoOfferDegree ArtHistory ©Copyright2016 DanieleDiLodovico UniversityofWashington Abstract RevisingDevotion:theroleofwoodensculpturesinaffectingpaintingand devotionintheLateMedievalperiodinItaly(XII-XVcentury) DanieleDiLodovico ChairoftheSupervisoryCommittee: ProfessorStuartLingo ArtHistory Thisdissertationoffersareconsiderationofmedievalwoodensculpturesand anewperspectiveforunderstandingtheirroleinaffectingdevotionandpictorial productioninlatemedievalandRenaissanceculture.Mystudyfocusesonthe diffusionanduseofthesculpturesfromthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross throughthedevelopmentoftheanimatedsculpturesofChristfromaround1100to around1560. Historicallytheseobjectshavebeenconsideredprincipallyasdevotional objectsandutilizedtounderstanddevotionalpracticesandceremonies;conversely, Iassertthattheyrepresentedthecatalystofanew,unfilteredexperienceofthe sacredinwhichthelaitywereabletoaccessandshapeapowerfulanddirect relationshipwiththehumansideofChrist,eludingthecontrollingroleofthe Church. Eveniftheiconographyofthesesculpturesdidnotbringanythingnewin comparisonwiththeirpictorialcounterpart,Iarguethattheutilizationofthese sculpturesguaranteedaconnectionwiththedivinethroughphysicalityandthe abilitytocreateaspatialexperienceofthesacred.Thedevotionaluseofthese sculpturescontributedtoanidentificationofthefaithfulwiththescene,which alloweddevoteestobegintostandinforthecharactersintheDescentfromthe Cross.Asaconsequencethefaithfulcreatedadimensioninwhichtheywerereal participantsinthescene,transcendingtimeandspaceratherthancreatingemere reenactmentofthisdramaticmomentofthePassionofChrist.Thedistinctivemedia, qualitiesandadornmentsthatthesesculptureshadendorsedthemtobecomereal infrontofthefaithfulinawaythatwasnotpossibletoreplicatewiththepictorial medium.Thisnewrelationshipwiththesculpturesandthecreationofarealsacred sceneinwhichthefaithfulparticipated,Iargue,greatlyinfluencedthepictorial medium,especiallyintheshifttowardamorenaturalisticrepresentationofthe sacredsceneduringthelaterMiddleAgesandbeginningoftheRenaissance. Painterstranslatedvisuallywhattheyexperiencedinthecontemporarydevotional contextofthisnew,compelling,effectiveandphysicalrelationshipbetween sculpturesandfaithful,becauseoftheirconvictionthatwhattheywitnessedcould beunderstoodtoberealandauthentic,notamererepresentation.Asa consequencesculpturesattainedsuchanimportantroleinpromotingthe experienceofthesacredthatwoodenrepresentationsofthebodyofChristwere treatedandidentifiedasifittheyweretherealhumanbodyofChrist. Acknowledgments This study would not have been possible without the assistance and support of many individuals and institutions. This research was undertaken both in United States and Italy, through museums, libraries, confraternities, Dioceses, churches, archives. Iwouldliketotakethisopportunitytoexpressmydeepestappreciationandesteem to the members of my committee and mentors: Professor Stuart Lingo, Professor EstelleLingoandProfessorIvanDrpić.Theirexpertise,understandingandgenerous guidancemadeitpossibleformetolearncontinuouslyduringtheseyearsofstudy. Because of that I am endlessly grateful and feel very fortunate to have had the chancetoworkwithsuchamazingandrefinedscholarsandgreatpersons. IamhugelyindebtedtoProfessorCorradoFratinibecauseofthepossibilitytoshare withhimtheloveofMedievalartandlife. IwouldliketothankalsoProfessorElvioLunghiforthetimehededicatedtomeand forhishelpinsupportingthisresearch. MythoughtsinthisspecialmomentsgotomydearestfriendDott.ChristianMassari forhisendlesssupportineverymomentofmylifehereasagraduatestudentand becausethepossibilitytolaughevenindifficultmomentsandtoseelifethroughthe lensofirony. IwouldliketothankallthepeoplethatImetduringtheseyears,withwhomIhad compelling and interesting conversations about this topic from which I benefitted for this research. It would be impossible to name all of them, but it is true that I remember all of them and the meaningful and rewarding moments I shared with them. IwanttoexpressmydeepestgratitudetoJillJermynfortheinvaluablesupport,help andfriendshipinthefinalpartofthisproject.ThesamegratitudegoestoSteven Bunnforthegreatamountofhelpandforendlessandenrichingconversations aboutartandmusic. Iwouldliketothankmyparents,mysisterMariaLaura,mybrotherinlawAntonio mynieceIrene,mynephewGiordano,andmygrandparentsEmilio,Leondina,Rivo AntonioandCeciliafortheircontinuingandprecioussupportandpresenceduring mylifeandespeciallytheseyearsofgraduateschool. This“experience”isdedicatedtoDinoandMariaRita. I TableofContents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………...1 TheScholarship………………………………………………………………………………………………….14 CorpusofSculptures…………………………………………………………………………………………..25 StructureoftheDissertation………………………………………………………………………………32 Chapter1 DiffusionandIconographyofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross…………………35 TheDescentfromtheCrossandtherelationshipwiththeBenedictineorder……….49 Chapter2 TheDescentfromtheCrossandMedievalPiety…………………………………………………..68 TheRoleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross……………………………69 TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheliteratureoftheperiod………………………………...95 Chapter3 ThesculptureasthebodyofChrist…………………………………………………………………...121 LayConfraternitiesandthelaicizationofthesacred………………………………………….130 Thelauda,thepictorialproductionandtheimportanceofsculpture………………….145 Sculptureas“real”body……………………………………………………………………………...........154 Chapter4 Theinfluenceofwoodensculptures onthepictorialproductionoftheperiod…………………………………………………………...175 Chapter5 Christas“sculpture”andhisbodilypresenceinpainting…………………………………...246 TheMiraculousCrucifixofSaintGiovanniGualberto………………………………………….258 TheVisionofSaintThomasAquinas…………………………………………………………............264 ThecaseoftherepresentationofStigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena……….266 II Chapter6 PolychromeWoodenCrucifixesinHistoryandHistoriography…………………………..295 ConservationandCriticalReception………………………………………………………………….298 TheDevotionalUseofWoodenSculpturesandQuestionsofIdolatry…………………301 TheuseofimagesintheWest………………………………………………………………………..…303 TheReliquaryofSainteFoy…………………………………………………………………………..….305 TheGeroCrossandMedievalDevotionoftheWoodenCrucifix……………………..…..308 VisualizingChrist…………………………………………………………………………………………......312 CorporealLegitimacy……………………………………………………………………………………….316 TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheDevelopmentofPolychromeSculpturein MedievalCentralItaly………………………………………………………………………………………318 FromDescentfromtheCrosstoAnimatedCrucifix:theSpectatorandthe TransformationoftheRitualExperience…………………………………………………………...327 TheSchiavellationeandaPracticalCasefortheUseofSculpture……………………….332 AlterationsandSubstitutionstoPolychromeSculpture……………………………………..335 Devotion,Art,andMedium:theCaseofLandodiPietro’sCrucifix………………………341 MedievalRenaissance:thepolychromewoodenCrucifixintheQuattrocento……..347 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………….357 III ListofFigures Chapter1 Fig1–HeadofChristfromCurvaCrux,middleofthe11thcentury,Lauvain,Churchof SaintPierre. Fig2-DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo, Tivoli(Rome),Italy. Fig3–DescentfromtheCross:detailfromBronzeDoors,ca.1080;Verona,SanZeno (Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross,fig1pagI). Fig4–StBlasienPsalter,DescentfromtheCross,1230-35;f.93;PrivateCollection (Bober,StBlasienPsalter,frontispiece-Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross,fig6pag III). Fig5–DescentfromtheCross,AngersGospels:DescentfromtheCrossand Entombment,ca.980;Trier,Stadtbibliothek,cod.24,F84b.(Schiller,Iconographyof ChristianArt,Volume2ThePassionofChrist,fig545). Fig6–ScenesofthePassion,11thcentury,Ivoryplaque,Louvre,Paris. Fig7–SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen. Fig8–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo, Tivoli(Rome),Italy. Fig9–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,fresco,Cripta,Basilica,Aquileia,Italy. Fig10–BendettoAntelami,DescentfromtheCross,1178,Duomo,Parma,Italy. Fig11-DescentfromtheCross,AngersGospels:DescentfromtheCrossand Entombment,ca.980;Trier,Stadtbibliothek,cod.24,F84b.(Schiller,Iconographyof ChristianArt,Volume2ThePassionofChrist,fig545). Fig12–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,ChartresCathedral,Chartres,France. Fig13–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo, Tivoli(Rome),Italy. Fig14–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra. Fig15–DescentfromtheCross,13thcentury,fresco,SantaMariadiCastello,Udine. Fig16–HolySepulcher,14thcentury,paintedwood,StMichael’sParishChurch, Cowthorpe,Yorkshire,England. Fig17–SaintBernardembracingChrist,late15thcentury,woodcut,Oeffentliche Kunstsammlung,Basel. CHAPTER#2 Fig1–GeroCross,960-970,paintedwood,Cathedral,Cologne,Germany. IV Fig2–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra. Fig3-SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen. Fig4–BenedettoAntelami,TheDescentfromtheCross,1178,Duomo,Parma. Fig5-VirginandChildinMajesty,1150–1200,French;MadeinAuvergne Walnutwithpaint,tinreliefonaleadwhitegroundandlinen;MetropolitanMuseum ofArt,NewYork. Fig6–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra. Fig7–VirginMary,13thcentury,paintedwood,CathedralofSanLorenzo,Scala (Salerno),Italy. Fig8–JohntheEvangelist,13thcentury,paintedwood,CathedralofSanLorenzo, Scala(Salerno),Italy. Fig9–VirginMary,fromthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,1260-70,Museo ComunalediSanFrancesco,Montone(Perugia). Fig10–DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthefourteenthcentury,MuseodiPalazzo Santi,Cascia(Perugia). Fig11–Detailoffigure16 Fig12–Maestranzadell’Italiacentral,DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe thirteenthcentury,SanMiniatoalTedesco,ConfraternitadellaMisericordia. Fig13–Maestranzadell’Italiacentral,DescentfromtheCross(beforerestoration), firsthalfofthethirteenthcentury,SanMiniatoalTedesco,Confraternitadella Misericordia. Fig14–DeposedChrist,secondhalfofthe13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof SanCatervo,Tolentino(Macerata). Fig15–SaintBevignateandFlagellants,15thcentury,fresco,ApseofChiesadiSanta MariaAssunta,VallodiNera(Perugia). Fig16-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe13thcentury(1211),paintedwood, PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa. Fig17–DeposedChrist,1236,painetdwood,PievediSantaMaria,Roncione(Deruta –Perugia). Fig18–UmbrianSchool,TriumphantChrist,12thcentury,paintedwoodpanel, VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,London. CHAPTER#3 Fig1-DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthe14thcentury,MuseodiPalazzoSanti, Cascia(Perugia). Fig2-DeposedChrist,secondhalfofthe13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof SanCatervo,Tolentino(Macerata). V Fig3–RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi. Fig4–UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,Oratoriodell’Annunziata,nowinthe MuseoDiocesano,Perugia. Fig5–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1277-83,fresco,BasilicaSuperiorediAssisi. Fig6–HansMemling,ScenesfromthePassionofChrist,1470-71,oilonwood, GalleriaSabauda,Torino. Fig7–GiovanniTeutonic,Crucifix,part.Mechanismtomovethetongue,Chiesadi SantaMariadegliAngeli,Pordenone. Fig8-UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,Oratoriodell’Annunziata,nowinthe MuseoDiocesano,Perugia. Fig9-DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthe14thcentury,MuseodiPalazzoSanti, Cascia(Perugia). Fig10–AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury,paintedwood, ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa. Fig11–MestrodellaCrocediGubbio(CorradodaOffida),VirginMaryandchildand Donor,ChiesadiSanDamiano,Assisi(Perugia). Fig12–Cimabue,Crucifix,1287-88,Distemperonwoodpanel,BasilicadiSanta Croce,Florence. Fig13–A–FollowerofGiotto,Crucifix,1295,paintedwood,ChiesadiSant’Andrea, Spello. BMaestrodiSanFrancesco,Crucifix,13thcentury,temperaonwood,lostartwork. Fig14–MaestrodelCrocifissodiVisso,Crucifix,13thcentury,SeminarioVescovile, Foligno(Perugia). Fig15–DetailofFig14 Fig16–Germansculptor,Crucifix,endofthe13thcentury,SS.Domenicoand Giacomo,Bevagna(Perugia). Fig17–Crucifix,1510,Stadtmuseum,Döbeln(Sachsen).GesineundJohannes Taubert,MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen,pag80,fig3. Fig18–Crucifix,13thcentury,paintedwood,SantuariodiSantaMargherita,Cortona. Fig19–Crucifix/AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,Oratoriodi SantaCrocedellaFoce,Gubbio. Fig20-Crucifix/AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,Chiesadi SantaMariaMaggiore,CittàdiCastello. Fig21-UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,paintedwood,Pinacoteca Comunale,Spello. Fig22-VirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist,13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof SanLorenzo,Scala(Salerno),Italy. VI Fig23–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce, Firenze. CHAPTER#4 Fig1–TheNativitySceneatGreccio,fromthelifeofSaintFrancisinAssisi,12921296,fresco,BasilicaSuperioreinAssisi(Perugia). Fig2-St.JeromeCheckingtheStigmataontheBodyofSt.Francis,1292-1296,fresco, BasilicaSuperioreinAssisi(Perugia). Fig3–Giotto,TheLamentationovertheDeadBodyofChrist,1303,1305,fresco, ScrovegniChapel,Padova. Fig4-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe13thcentury(1211),paintedwood, PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa. Fig5-SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen. Fig6–GiottodiMastroStefano(Giottino),LamentationovertheDeadChrist,ca. 1357-59,TemperaonWood,GalleriadegliUffizi,Florence. Fig7–DetailofFig23 Fig8-Cimabue,Crucifix,1287-88,Distemperonwoodpanel,BasilicadiSantaCroce, Florence. Fig9–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1277-80,fresco,BasilicaSuperiorediAssisi. Fig10-A–FollowerofGiotto,Crucifix,1295,paintedwood,ChiesadiSant’Andrea, Spello. Fig11–GiovannidiPaolo,FranciscanSaintLevitatinginfrontofaCrucifix,15th century,temperaonwood,Siena. Fig12–GiovannidiPietrodaNapoli,CrucifixionwithSaintsandDonor,1404-05, Fresco,MuseoNazionalediSanMatteo,Pisa. Fig13–Crucifixion,FirstHalfoftheFifteenthCentury,fresco,CappelladiCiuccio TarlatiMaestrodelVescovado,Cathedral,Arezzo. Fig14–SeneseArtists,FuneraryMonumenttoCinodaPistoia,beginningofthe14th century,Duomo,Pistoia. Fig15–MaestrodelleTempereFrancescane,Crucifixion,14thcentury,Private Collection(BookIlDuecentoeilTrecento,Vol2,pag499). Fig16–PsalterHoursofYolandeofSoissons,PortraitoftheBookOwneratPrayer, MatinsoftheVirgin,1280-90,ThePierpontMorganLibrary,NewYork. Fig17–EnthronedMadonnaandChild,c.1210 Wood,PaintedwithIsetSemipreciousStones,MuseodiPalazzoVenezia,Rome. VII Fig18–GiovannidiPaolo,MadonnaandChildwithTwoAngelsandaDonor,1445, TemperaonWood,TheMetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork. Fig19–JacquesvonBesançon,VitaChristibyLudolphofSaxony,1474,Illuminated Manuscript,CarthusianMonastery,UniversityofGlasgowLibrary,Special CollectionsDepartment,SpCollT.C.L.f10Vol.1,Glasgow. Fig20–Masaccio,HolyTrinity,1427,Fresco,SantaMariaNovella,Florence. Fig21–GiovannidiPaoloCrucifixionwithDonorJacopodiBartolomeo,1455, temperaandgoldleafonpanel.NationalGalleryofAustralia. Fig22-AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury,paintedwood, ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa. Fig23–FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:LamentationovertheDeadChrist,1438, AltePinakothek,Münich. Fig24-FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:MadonnawithChild,Saintsand Crucifixion,about1438-1440,Florence,MuseodiSanMarco. Fig25–DetailofFig40 Fig26–FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:LamentationovertheDeadChrist,1438, AltePinakothek,Münich Fig27–PietroLorenzetti,ManofSorrow,between1340and1345,LindenauMuseum,Altenburg. Fig28–DescentfromtheCross,between12thand13thcentury,paintedwood,Chiesa diSant’AntonioAbate,Pescia. Fig29–GiovanniPisano,Crucifix,1270-80,PaintedWood,Museodell’Operadel Duomo. Fig30-Unknown,St.DominicinPrayerfromDeModoOrandi,13thCenturySpanish copy,15thCenturyVatican,BibliotecaApostolicaVaticanaMSLat.Rossianus3. Fig31–LandodiPietro,Crucifix(Head),1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaint Bernardinoall’Osservanza,Siena. Fig32–BacciodaMontelupo,Crucifix,1502,paintedwood,SantaMariaNovella, Florence. Fig33–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce, Firenze. Fig34–GiovanniTeutonico,Crucifix,beginningofthe16thcentury,SaintCatherine ofAlexandriaChapel,BasilicaInferiore,Assisi. Fig35–RogiervanderWeyden,Lamentation,c.1460-63,OilonPanel,Uffizi Gallery,Florence. Fig36–GiovannidaMilano,ManofSorrow(Pietà),1365,temperaonwood,Galleria dell'Accademia,Firenze. VIII Fig37–LorenzoMonaco,ManofSorrow(Pietà),1404,TemperaonPanel,Galleria dell’Accademia,Florence. Fig38-Giotto,TheLamentationovertheDeadBodyofChrist,1303,1305,fresco, ScrovegniChapel,Padova. Fig39/40-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi. Fig41–CelebrationoftheHolyFriday,ChurchofDivineMercyinPanamaCity, Thursday,March28,2013,Panama. Fig42-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi. Fig43-DescentfromtheCross,between12thand13thcentury,paintedwood,Chiesa diSant’AntonioAbate,Pescia. Fig44-AndreaMantegna,DeadChrist,1475-1478ca.,temperaonCanvas, PinacotecadiBrara,Milano. Fig45-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi. Fig46-CelebrationoftheHolyFriday,ChurchofDivineMercyinPanamaCity, Thursday,March28,2013,Panama. Fig47–Michelangelo,Entombment,1500-01,TemperaonPanel,NationalGallery, London. Fig48-RöttgenPietà,c.1300-25,paintedwood,RheinischesLandesmuseum,Bonn. Fig49-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi. Fig50-Passionskruzifix,unbekannterMeister(um1300);Köln,St.MariaimKapitol CHAPTER#5 Fig1–AlbertoSotio,Crucifixion,1187,CattedralediSantaMariaAssunta,Spoleto, Italy. Fig2–GiuntaPisano,Crucifix,1236,BasilicadiSantaMariadegliAngeli,Assisi. Fig3-Crucifixion,1138.Temperaonwood,300x210cm.Cathedral,Sarzana. Fig4–HolyFaceofLucca,13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedral,Lucca,Italy. Fig5-Tuscanpainter,CrossofSaintGiovanniGualberto,13thcentury,heavily repaintedcross,ChurchofSaintTrinita,Florence. Fig6–GiovannidelBiondo,SaintGiovanniGualbertoandhistoryfromhislife,ca. 1370,paintedwoodpanel,GallerieFiorentine,Florence. Fig7–LorenzodiNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandhisenemybeforetheCrucifix inSanMiniato,endofthe14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,TheMetropolitan MuseumofArt,NewYork. IX Fig8-LorenzodiNiccolò,Crucifix,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSan Domenico,Prato,Italy. Fig9–GiovannidelBiondo,SaintGiovanniGualbertoandhistoryfromhislife,ca. 1370.Paintedwoodpanel,GallerieFiorentine,Florence. Fig10–MaestrodellaPaladiSanNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandEpisodesfrom hislife,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSanMiniatoalMonte,Florence, Italy. Fig11-MaestrodellaPaladiSanNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandEpisodesfrom hislife,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSanMiniatoalMonte,Florence, Italy. Fig12–Sassetta,VisionofSaintThomasAquinas,1423,PinacotecaVaticana,Rome. Fig13–CrucifixofSaintThomasAquinas,13thcentury,SanDomenicoMaggiore, Napoli. Fig14–SantidiTito,VisionofSaintThomasinfrontoftheCrucifix,1593,SanMarco, Florence. Fig15–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherineDictatingherDialogue,1460ca.,tempera ongoldonwood,DetroitInstituteofArt,Detroit. Fig16–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherinereceivingtheCommunion,1460ca., temperaongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork. Fig17-GiovannidiPaolo,TheMysticalMarriageofSaintCatherine,1460ca., temperaongoldonwood. Fig18–GiovannidiPaolo,St.CatherineofSienaBeseechingChristtoResuscitateHer Mother,1460ca.,temperaongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork. Fig19–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmata,1460ca.,tempera ongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork. Fig20-PisanArtist,Crucifix,1150-1200,temperaongoldonwood,Santuario Cateriniano,Siena. Fig21–GiovanniPisano,Crucifix,1280,paintedwood,OperadelDuomodiSiena, Siena. Fig22–Giotto,SaintFrancisReceivingtheStigmata,1320ca.,fresco,BardiChapel, SantaCroce,Florence. Fig23–SeneseArtist,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmata,16thcentury (beginning),MuseodelTesorodellaBasilicadiS.FrancescoeCollezioneF.M. Perkins,Assisi,Italy. Fig24–RutilioManetti,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmatafromtheCrucifix, 1630,SantuarioCasadiSantaCaterina-ChiesadelCrocifisso,Siena. Fig25–ModusOrandiSantiDominici,IlluminatedManuscript.13thCenturySpanish copy,15thCenturyVatican,BibliotecaApostolicaVaticanaMSLat.Rossianus3 Fig26-Crucifix,1100,paintedwood,BasilicadiSantaChiaraAssisi. X Fig27–Giotto?,ThePrayerofSanDamiano,1295-99,fresco,BasilicaSuperiore, Assisi. Fig28–RinaldodaSiena,SaintFrancisandscenesfromhislife,1275,Pinacoteca Nazionale,Siena. Fig29–RinaldodaSiena,SaintFrancisandscenesfromhislife,1275,Pinacoteca Nazionale,Siena. Fig30-GiuntaPisano,Crucifix,1236,BasilicadiSantaMariadegliAngeli,Assisi. Fig31–Giotto,Crucifixion,1300,tempera,SantaMariaNovella,Florence. Fig32–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1287-88,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Florence. Fig33-GiovanniPisano,Crucifixion,1280,paintedwood,OperadelDuomodiSiena, Siena. Fig34–AlbertoSotio,Crucifixion,late12thcentury,temperaoncanvaslaidonpanel, VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,London. Fig35-Cimabue,Crucifixion,1287-88,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Florence. Fig36-Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce, Firenze. Fig37–GiovanniTeutonico,AnimatedSculptureofCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury, polychromewood,BasilicaInferiore,Assisi. Fig38–AnimatedSculptureofCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,paintedwood(poor condition),ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Siena. Fig39–AnimatedSculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,16thcentury,polychromewood, ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Gubbio. CHAPTER#6 Fig1–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,paintedwood,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Firenze. Fig2-FilippoBrunelleschi,Crucifix,ca.1410,paintedwood,SantaMariaNovella, Florence,Italy Fig3-Crucifix,secondhalfof15thcentury,paintedwood,MuseoDiocesano,Cittàdi Castello. Fig4–ReliquaryStatueofSainte-Foy(SaintFaith),late10thtoearly11thcentury withlateradditions,gold,silvergilt,jewels,andcameosoverawoodencore,331/2 inches,Treasury,Sainte-Foy,Conques,France. Fig5-GeroCross,960-970,paintedwood,Cathedral,Cologne,Germany. Fig6–Crucifix,12thcentury,paintedwood,MuseodiArteSacra,Certaldo. Fig7–Crucifix,12thcentury,paintedwood,SaintPierre,Moissac. XI Fig8–Giotto,Crucifix,1290-1300,temperaonwood,SantaMariaNovella,Florence. Fig9-DescentfromtheCross,twelfthcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo, Tivoli(Rome),Italy. Fig10-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthethirteenthcentury(1211),painted wood,PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa. Fig11-DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra. Fig12–RitualoftheSchiavellatione,ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa. Fig13–AnimatedSculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,16thcentury,polychromewood, ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Gubbio. Fig14–LandodiPietro,Crucifix,1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaintBernardino dell’Osservanza,Siena. Fig15-LandodiPietro,Crucifix,1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaintBernardino dell’Osservanza,Siena.(beforebombingduringtheSecondWorldWar). Fig16–LandodiPietro,Crucifix,detailofthelegsandparchment Fig17–LandodiPietro,detailofthesecondparchment. Fig18–LandodiPietro,textdetail. Fig19–LandodiPietro,textdetail. Fig20–DucciodiBuoninsegna,Maestà,1308-11,temperaandgoldonwood, Museodell’OperaMetropoliatanadelDuomo,Siena. Fig21-DucciodiBuoninsegna,Maestà,detail. Fig22-LandodiPietro,text,detail. Fig23-LandodiPietro,text,detail. Fig24–Gabelkreuz,end13thbeginningof14thcentury,paintedwood,St.Mariaim Kapitol,Köln. Fig25–Michelangelo,Crucifix,1493,paintedwood,ChiesadiSantoSpirito, Florence. Fig26–GiulianodaSangallo,Crucifix,1481-82,Firenze,SantissimaAnnunziata. Fig27–FrancescodaSangallo,Crucifix,1520,paintedwood,SantaMariaNuova, Florence. Fig28–AntoniodaSangallotheElder,Crucifix,beginning16thcentury,Cappella dellaCompagniadis.Luca,Vestibolo. Fig29–BenedettodaMaiano,Crucifix,endof15thcentury,paintedwood,Cattedrale diSantaMariadelFiore,Florence XII INTRODUCTION TherapidgrowthoftheMendicantOrders,particularlywiththefoundingof theDominicanOrderin1216andtheFranciscanOrderin1223,andtheriseof variouspenitentialconfraternities—groupsoflaymenandwomenthattogetherreenactedthedifferentmomentsofthePassionofChrist1-resultedinarangeof uniquepracticesthatencourageddevotionandpromotedcharityamongthelaity duringthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturiesincentralItaly.Flagellantspracticed anextrememortificationoftheirownflesh,theLaudesipromotedhymnsthrough singing,andmembersoftheConfraternityoftheRosaryprayedtheentireHoly Rosaryweekly.Theseexamplesreflectsomeofthewiderangeofuniquedevotional practicesthatencourageddevotionandpromotedcharityamongthelaity throughoutItaly—andbeyond—overthesubsequentcenturies.Asaresult,the associatedartisticcommissionsandtheuseofart,bothbyMendicantOrdersandlay confraternities,contributedtothereligious,devotionalandartisticlifeofLate MedievalItaly. Inparticular,carvedandpolychromewoodensculptures,suchasthe CrucifiedChrist,theDeadChrist,andDescentfromtheCrossgroups,were significantbecausetheyreflectthedevotionalpracticesoftheLateMedievalperiod andtheyareindicativeofthechangesinreligiousobservationinwakeofpopular pietyatthetime.Theyweremadenotonlytoprovideanartworkforasacralspace 1BarbaraWisch,andDianeColeAhl.ConfraternitiesandtheVisualArtsinRenaissanceItaly:Ritual, Spectacle,Image.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000),13. 1 thatrepresentedaspecificmomentfromthelifeofChrist,butalsoservedaritual functionandprovidedadistinctexperienceofthesacred.Theywereoftenusedas processionalsculpturesthathadspecificphysicalfeatures,suchasbeingextremely lifelikeorhavingmovablelimbs,thatmadethemuniqueanddifferentiatedthem fromotherkindsofartworkinportrayingandembodyingtheholy. Theintentionofthisdissertationistoreevaluatetheroleofthesesculptures morecompletelywithinthearthistoricaldiscourseanditscriticalperspectives, drawingonamultidisciplinarysetofsources.Traditionallythesesculptureshave beenconsideredmostlyasdevotionalobjectsorasevidenceforotheraspectsofthe devotionalpracticessuchasliturgy,para-liturgicalceremoniesandthe contemporaryliteraryproductionoftheperiod.Conversely,Iarguethatthese sculpturesneedamoredetailedstudyandalargercontextinwhichtheycanbe reconsideredinordertounderstandtheirroleandimportance. Astudythatcanbeconsideredasasuccessfulexampleofthisapproachis SusanVerdiWebster’sArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternities andtheProcessionalSculpturesofHolyWeek(1998),inwhichsheassertsthe technicallyexcellentandsuperbcraftwithwhichtheseobjectsweremade.Her studyanalyzestherelationshipbetweentheSevillianConfraternitiesandthe processionalsculpturesoftheHolyWeekandhowtheseobjectswereutilizedand, aboveall,activatedwhilecarriedinprocessions;especiallybecausethepresenceof thefaithfulduringtheseprocessionswasfundamentalfortheperformanceofthese 2 sculptures.Shehighlightshowthiscraftsmanshipwasspecificallymeantfortheir ritualfunctionsandhowthesecarvedwoodobjectswouldbecomethecatalystofa powerfulandmovingexperienceforthefaithful.2SusanVerdiWebsterpresentsan interestingapproachtoreevaluatethesesculpturesandtheperformativerolein conjunctionwiththepresenceandroleoftheaudienceduringtheprocessionsfor theHolyWeek.Thisstudyprovidesastrongstartingpointfromwhichtoreconsider thesculpturesproducedduringthemedievalperiod. TheDescentfromtheCrossasaniconographicalsubjectwasnotnewinart. Itisknownfrommanuscriptilluminationsandpaintings,forexample.However,in thecontextofLateMedievaldevotion,whichsawtheriseofthemendicantorders andlayconfraternities,life-likeandoftenanimatedsculpturalrepresentationsof ChristnotonlyreflectedchangesoccurringinLateMedievaldevotionalpractices butalsoinfluencedthem.Thisisanaspectthathasbeenundervaluedinscholarship. Inthisstudy,IfocusonhowDescentfromtheCrosssculpturalgroups,inparticular, transformedfrommerelyrepresentingaspecificmomentfromthePassionofChrist intoenactingadimensionofextra-temporalreality.Iarguethatthecreationof thesesculpturesinitiatedapowerfullyaffectivewayofperceivingandlivingthe sacred.TheLateMedievalrelationshipofthefaithfulbeforethebodyofChristin sculpturalformimpactedthewaysthatartworksportrayingmomentsfromthelife ofChristinothermediawereperceived,represented,andsymbolized,aswell.Also, becauseofthefeaturesofthesesculpturesandtheirperformativefunctions,these 2SusanVerdi,Webster,ArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternitiesandthe ProcessionalSculptureofHolyWeek(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),8. 3 objectscreatedunprecedenteddirectaccesstothesacredforgroupsoflaypeople thatdramaticallyimpactedtheexperienceofwhatwasholy.Previously,this relationshipwasonlyaccessibletotheclergy.Thisshiftwasextremelycritical becauseitinfluencedtheartproductionoftheperiodandthewaythefaithful perceivedandapproachedboththelifeofChristandtherepresentationofit. Iarguethattheintrinsicfeaturesofthesesculptures,suchasverisimilitude andlife-sizescale,wereimportantstartingpointsforthebeholders’heightened engagementandself-identificationwiththeobjects.Althoughoftencreatingan emotionalresponsespecificallyduringHolyWeekcelebrations,Iarguethattheir presenceinsidethechurchalreadyexistedasapowerfulmediumfordevotionand identificationthatwouldlastallyearlong,affectingthefaithful’sperceptionofthe sacredandthesacredobject. Asaconsequence,apivotalpointforthisstudy,alongwiththeattentionto theobjectsthemselves,isgoingtobeacarefulconsiderationoftherelationship betweentheviewerandtheimage,especiallyforthosesculptureswhosefunction extendedbeyondstaticdisplaytoinduceaveryactiveresponsebytheirbeholders. DavidFreedberg,inhisstudyThePowerofImages,discussessuchrelationships betweenthebeholderandtheimage,notingthat“suchaviewofresponseis predicatedontheefficacyandtheeffectiveness(imputedorotherwise)ofimages.”3 Boththeclergyandfaithfulfromtheaudienceinteractedwithandanimated thesesculpturesindifferentways,andthemeaningoftheseinteractionshasnever 3DavidFreedberg,ThePowerofImages:StudiesintheHistoryandTheoryofResponse,(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1989),xxii. 4 beenstable.Morespecifically,thisrelationshipchangedthroughtimesandamong thedifferentindividualsthatfoundthemselvesinfrontoftheseobjects. Additionally,becausetheroleofthesesculpturesispredominatelyperformative,we cannotrelyonlyonthesymbolicmeaningofwhattheyrepresent.Instead,theyare theresultofthedifferentandendlesswaysthatclergyandlaypeople,collectivity andindividually,engagedwiththesculpturessymbolically,materially,and,above all,physically.Thepowerofthesesculpturesliesintheircapabilitytoengagethe divinethroughphysicalitywiththeirabilitytoinvolvethebeholderfully;beholders’ interactionswiththesculpturesextendedwellbeyondmerespectatorship. EspeciallyduringtheprocessionofHolyWeek,thecrowdparticipatedontwolevels. “Ononelevel,theyparticipatedasthehistoricalcrowdthatwitnessedtheeventsof Christ’sPassion,andontheotherleveltheiremotionalengagementwithand responsetotheprocessionsdissolvedthedistinctionbetweentheaudienceand event,producingahybridizedstatusinwhichtheyweresimultaneouslyobservers, participants,andprotagonists.”4 Thesesculptureshavethecapabilitytobeontologicallybothinthepastand inthepresent.Theyrepresentahistoricalevent,buttheutilizationofthesculptures transcendsthesimplecategoriesoftimeandplace,andthemerereenactment becomes“reality”andtruth.Inthisspecificcontext,thesculptureswereinasense ‘activated’,andtheymovedthespectatorstowardamoredirectdevotionand 4SusanVerdi,Webster,ArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternitiesandthe ProcessionalSculptureofHolyWeek.(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),165. 5 engagement.Ishowhowthecombinationofthephysicalrealismwiththefunctional useofthesesculpturesmadetheseartworksadistinctivedevotionalartformthat completelydifferentiateditselffrompaintingandotherdevotionalobjects,andat thesametimebecamethemediumtofullyunderstandthecrucialpointsofthe Christianfaith. Thisstudyshowshowsculpture,infact,precededpaintinginthedecisive movetowardincreasingmimeticismduringthelatethirteenthandfourteenth centuries,andhowthecombinationofthemedia(thatis,howsculpturewaspainted andadornedtomakeitaslifelikeaspossible)madeitanall-encompassingartthat wasdeeplycompellingforbeholders. Thisdissertationcontributestothereevaluationofmedievalwooden sculptureinthecontextofthecultureofmedievalart.Manyoftheexamplesbeing consideredareunattributedorbyanonymousartists,whilesomewereexecutedby prominentsculptorssuchasGiovanniPisano,DonatelloandBrunelleschi.Morethe casewiththeformercategorythanthosemadebywell-knownsculptors,thecritical assessmentofmanyoftheseworkshasbeengenerallynegativeor,atbest, overlooked.Whentheyareconsideredonparwiththeaestheticqualityof sculpturesmadeinmarbleorbronze,theexcessiverealismandotheradditions— suchasclothinganddevotionalobjects—areoftencitedascharacteristicsthat renderthem“impure”or“inappropriate”forseriousscholarlyattention.5 5Webster,7-8. 6 However,itispreciselytheongoingmaintenanceandadditionsmadeto theseworksthatinformmyresearch.Iaminterestedinmorebroadlyconsidering howtheseworksactasaculturalcarrierofmeaning,ratherthanprimarilywithin theiraestheticcontext.ForstyleasaculturalcarrierofmeaningIintendthatthese sculpturesmeantsomethingdeeperthanjustrepresentingtheDescentfromthe Crossinadifferentmedium.Infact,Iarguethattheiconographywasnotnew,and, attimes,drawsuponexistingpaintedexamplesofthismomentfromthePassionof Christ.ThewoodengroupsoftheDescent,however,arenottobeconsideredas replicasofpaintedversionsinthree-dimensionalform.Thesesculptures,through theirdistinctivemedia,qualitiesandadornments,becamerealtothepeoplewho witnessedtheminamannerthatexistingtwo-dimensionalrepresentationsdidnot. Asdevotionalobjects,theyrecreatetherealityoftheoriginalmomentofthe DescentfromtheCrossthroughtherealpresenceoflife-sizesculpture.Drawingon thecriticalnotionofthe“anachronic”lifeoftheobject,theypermittedthebeholder toconnectthepresentmomentofthecelebration,experiencedthroughthe sculpture,withitsoriginalevent.6Iarguethatsubsequentchangestotheworks— includingadornments,damageandwearcausedbytheiractivedevotionaluse,or repaintingandoverpainting—shouldnotbeconsideredasdeteriorationsofan originalstate,butasindicatorsoftheirimportanceandongoingdevotionalfunction. TheDescentfromCrossgroupsand,perhapsevenmorethesubsequentanimated sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatbegantoappeararound1300,areobjectsthat, 6AlexanderNagelandChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.: ZoneBooks;DistributedbyMITPress,2010),7-19. 7 throughtheircontinualdialoguewiththecontemporaryfaithfulinpresentingthe originalmomentoftheDescentfromtheCross,havenecessitatedalterationinorder to“belongtomorethanonehistoricalmoment.”7Inthiscontext,wecanreevaluate theideaofstyleandhowitintertwineswiththefunctionthroughthecenturiesand howthismakestheseartworksuniqueandworthyofinvestigation. IconographicalreadingswithinthedevotionalcontextoftheMiddleAges assistintheevaluationoftheliturgicalfunctionsofthesculptures.Whileprevious scholarshiphasprimarilyfocusedonstyleandiconography,8morerecentworkhas beenbroadeningthediscourseinordertofurtherourunderstandingoftheobjects. Indeedthevery‘style’oftheseworks,ifunderstoodincontext,revealsitselftobea powerfulpointofsignificance,respondingtoandenhancingthecorporeal effectivenessofsculpturesofthesufferingorthedeadChristwhentheyoperateat thecenteroftheHolyWeekprocessionsandthere-enactmentofthemomentsof thePassion.Inthisreading,styleiscritical,butthefocusofanalysisisnolonger aestheticappreciationbutratheritsintersectionwithfunctionandculture.The increasedlifelikenessachievedthroughpolychromerealisminthesesculptures fulfilledthechangingdevotionaldesiresofthefaithful,and,inturn,increasedthe emotionalexperiencesoftheparticipantsinritual.Subsequently,thesculptures becameincreasinglymimeticand“authentic”asaresponsetotheirreceptionin ordertofulfillthemodesofuse.Approachingthesesculpturesinabroader 7Ibidem.,30-31. 8HenkVanOs,TheArtofDevotionintheLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.(Princeton,N.J.: PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),8. 8 perspectivewillallowonetoviewtheminthe“activated”contextthattheywere intendedforandallowthepossibilitytoconsidertheminrelationtocurrent interestsinanthropology,performance,andmateriality.Iwillconsiderthese sculpturesinthewiderart-historicalcontextandshowhowtheycancommunicate toamultiplicityofinterests,whichinturnwilldemonstratethevalidityoffurther investigations. Infact,recentstudiesfocusedonthematerializationofthedivineandthe agencyoftheseobjectsthatrepresentandembodythedivine.AccordingtoCaroline WalkerBynum,“thecapacityofmedievalobjectstorepresentorimitatethedivine didnotrestinmimeticlikeness.”9Whileagreeingwiththisstatement,Iarguethat thegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrosscanbeconsideredasanexceptionofthis aspectofmedievalartproductionandobjects.Thesesculpturesnotonlyfunctionas symbolicrepresentationsofChrist’sPassion,but,becausetheirlikenessguaranteed directaccesstothedivineandthesacredscene,theybecomethelivingbeingsofthe PassionofChristpreciselyduetotheirmimeticism.InhisAnthropologyofImages, HansBeltingconnectspicturesinvariousmediatoourmentalimagesandasa consequencetoourbody.Hewrites:“Themediumisnot‘inthemiddle’between imageandspectator.[…]Imagesareexchangedbetweenusandapictorialmedium inthedoubleactoftransmissionandperception.Themedium,thecarrieror artificialsupport,remains‘outthere,’whiletheimage,amentalconstruct,is 9Bynum,ChristianMateriality,282. 9 negotiatedbetweenusandthemedium.”10Asaconsequence“thehumanbeingis thenaturallocusofimages,alivingorganforimages,asitwere.Notwithstandingall thedevicesthatweusetodaytosendandstoreimages,itiswithinthehumanbeing, andonlywithinthehumanbeing,thatimagesarereceivedandinterpretedina livingsense;thatistosay,inasensethatiseverchanginganddifficulttocontrolno matterhowourmachinesmightseektoenforcecertainnorms.”11Thelocus, accordingtoBelting,isthebody,anditbecomesthe“locusinwhichimagesare generatedandidentified.”12Furthermore,Beltingmakesadistinctionbetweena workofartwhichis“atangibleobjectwithahistory,anobjectthatcanbeclassified, datedandexhibited”,whileanimage“defiessuchattemptsofreification,eventothe extentthatitoftenstraddlestheboundarybetweenphysicalandmentalexistence. Itmightliveinaworkofart,buttheimagedoesnotnecessarilycoincidewiththe workofart.”13HansBelting’stheoryonimagesprovidesaninterestingapproach thatcanbedeepenedandexpandedifappliedtothegroupoftheDescentfromthe Cross.Infact,heconsidersthebodyasamedium.Moreprecisely,itisaliving mediumforhim,onethatiscapableofprocessingimagesandisalsoabletoaddinto thisprocessmemoryandimaginationthatmergeboththephysicalandthemental aspectsoftheimage.Belting’sideasarehelpfulinexplaininghowDescentfromthe Crosssculpturesinquestionultimatelyfunctioned.Therelationshipbetweenthe viewerandtheimagehereisnotonlybasedonwhatisseenandwhattheDescent 10HansBeltingandThomasDunlap,AnAnthropologyofImages:Picture,Medium,Body(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress,2011),36. 11Ibidem.,37. 12Ibidem.,37. 13Ibidem.,2. 10 fromtheCrossstandsfor,butleadsmorepreciselytoanidentificationwiththeholy narrativethatenactsasubstitutivefunction,anactioninwhichthefaithfulbecomes onewiththeimage.Theymergecompletelyintoeachother. Theissueofthepersonalconnectionwiththedivinityrepresentedbyan artworkraisessomequestionsabouttheproblemof“popularpiety”andclerical control.Officiallytheexpression“popularpiety”means“thosediversecultic expressionsofaprivateorcommunitynaturewhich,inthecontextoftheChristian faith,areinspiredpredominantlynotbytheSacredLiturgybutbyformsderiving fromaparticularnationorpeopleorfromtheirculture.”14Thisistheofficialversion offeredbytheVaticanbutifweconsiderthedifferentideasthatscholarsprovided inthestudyofarthistoryinthematterof“popularpiety”,weneedtobeawareof newinsightsandapproachesthatexpandandcomplicatetheunderstandingofthis concept. Firstofall,recentscholarshipismovingfromcleardistinctionsbetween popularandelitereligiontowardsincreasinglyconsideringhowthesocietyasa wholeaimedtoadimensionofappropriationandmanipulationofthesacred.15In general,literatureonlatemedievaldevotiondemonstratesthatscholarsareaware ofthedynamicregardingtheparticipationofthefaithfulindevotionalcontexts,and 14“CongregationfortheDivineWorshipandtheDisciplineoftheSacraments,DirectoryonPopular pietyandtheLiturgy,PrinciplesandGuidelines”, http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/ccdds/documents/rc_con_ccdds_doc_20020513 _vers-direttorio_en.html.(accessedNovember12,2011). 15CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope(New York:ZoneBooks,2011),129-130. 11 addressesapassagefromavisualizationofChrist’ssufferingtoanexperiencethat impliesanemotionalandphysicalengagement.Asaconsequence,inordertobe fullyawareofthedynamicof“popularpiety”affectinglatemedievaldevotional practicesinItalyweneedtoconsiderthisshiftasithasbeenpresentedfrom variousscholarlyperspectives.Thiswillallowadeepercomprehensionofthisnew relationshipwiththesacredestablishedbythefaithfulandwhatkindof contributionwoodensculptureshadinthismoredirectengagementwiththe sacred.16 Seeingisthemostimportantpartofparticipatinginofficialliturgy,17sothe developmentofthedevotionalpracticespromotedbytheuseofthesesculptures meansarepossessionofthesacred,arecuperationofthatdimensionthatimpliesa participationinthereligiousevent.18Thenaturalismandtheheightenedemotion thatisconveyedinthesesculptureshasneverbeenstudiedasmuchasthat 16Alargeamountofliteratureexistson“populardevotion,”seeinparticular:Derbes,Anne.Picturing thePassioninlateMedievalItaly:NarrativePainting,FranciscanIdeologies,andtheLevant (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996).EllenM.Ross,TheGriefofGodImagesofthe SufferingJesusinLateMedievalEngland(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1997).Gertsman,Elina. VisualizingMedievalPerformance:Perspectives,Histories,Contexts(Aldershot,England:Ashgate, 2008).Swanson,R.N.ReligionandDevotioninEurope,c.1215-c.1515(Cambridge[England]: CambridgeUniversityPress,1995).KateCooper,andJeremyGregoryeds.EliteandPopularReligion: PapersReadatthe2004SummerMeetingandthe2005WinterMeetingoftheEcclesiasticalHistory Society(Woodbridge:PublishedfortheEcclesiasticalHistorySocietybytheBoydellPress,2006). Bornstein,DanielEthan.TheBianchiof1399:PopularDevotioninLateMedievalItaly(Ithaca:Cornell UniversityPress,1993).AronI.Gurevich,MedievalPopularCulture:ProblemsofBeliefandPerception (Cambridge[Cambridgeshire]:CambridgeUniversityPress1988).H.W.vanOs,TheArtofDevotionin theLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994).Miri Rubin,CorpusChristi:theEucharistinLateMedievalCulture(Cambridge[England]:Cambridge UniversityPress,1991).Shinners,JohnRaymond.MedievalPopularReligion,1000-1500:aReader (Peterborough,Ont.,Canada:BroadviewPress,1997).Mara,Nerbano.IlTeatrodellaDevozione: ConfraterniteeSpettacolonell'UmbriaMedievale(Perugia:Morlacchi,2006).Enrico,Menestò.Ugolino Nicolini,andFrancescoSantucci.LeFraterniteMedievalidiAssisi:LineeStoricheeTestiStatutari (Assisi:AccademiaproperzianadelSubasio,1989). 17SilvioMaggiani,“LaLiturgiaelaLaudaDrammaticaespressionediliminalità”,inLelaudi drammaticheumbredelleorigini:atti,(Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983),72. 18LuigiAllegri,TeatroeSpettacolonelMedioevo(Bari:Laterza,1988),208. 12 recognizedinthepaintingsmadeduringthesameperiodofmid-Duecento/early Trecento.Instead,arthistorianscreditalloftheperiod’sinnovationstopaintings.A focusedinvestigationoftheveristicnaturalism,size,anddetailsinrelationtothe specificfunctionalandritualcontextinwhichwoodensculpturesoperatedwilllet usunderstandwhytheirvisualfeaturesdevelopedastheydidandtheeffectthis hadonbeholdersandlaypeoplewhointeractedsointenselywithsuchsculptures. Inthisdissertation,insteadofconsideringpaintingsandsculpturesas separaterepresentationsofthePassionofChrist,Iwanttoexploretheconnections andsimilaritiesintheuseofbothmedia.Inthemakingofmedievaldevotion,both greatlycontributedtotheunderstandingofthemysteryofthefaith,andatthesame timedevelopeddifferentwaystoconnectwiththedivine.Whatwasillustratedand contemplatedinpaintingsturnedouttobearealparticipationwithwooden sculptures,avisceralrelationshipwiththesculptureandthuswiththehumanityof Christ.Whatmendicantorderstaughtthroughpaintings,peoplereceivedand appliedwiththeuseanddevotiontowardwoodensculptures.Oftenthesewooden artformsweremadewitharealismthatwasunusualfortheperiod,which demonstrateshowthestylisticinnovationswerestrictlycorrelatedwiththe functionandhowpeoplethoughtaboutthem.Thefactthatrealismplaysapartin thefunctionrequiresthepiecetobestudiedwithanewapproachinwhichboth functionandstylecreateadialoguethatspeaksforthereligiousneedsofpeople. 13 TheScholarship CriticalassessmentoflateMedievalandRenaissancewoodensculpturehas notbeenasrichorilluminatingasthescholarlyattentiongiventopaintingoreven marblesculpture.Frequently,whenthemediumisconsidered,woodensculptureis relegatedintothecategoriesofdevotionalobject,folkartorevenpartofthe liturgicalfurnishing. GiorgioVasari,writinginhisLivesoftheArtists(1550,revisedandexpanded in1568),providesoneearlyrelevantperspectiveonwoodensculpture, emphasizingthelimitationsofthemedium.Notingtheactualpopularityofwooden sculpture[‘thissortoffigureismuchusedintheChristianreligion,seeingthat numberlessmastershaveproducedmanycrucifixesandotherobjects’],heremarks thatexampleslack“thatflesh-likeappearanceandsoftnesstowoodthatcanbe giventometalandtomarbleandtothesculpturedobjectsthatweseeinstucco, wax,orclay.”19 Inthetwentiethcentury,attentionbegantobegiventowoodensculpture, initiatingacursorydiscoursethatneverreachesthesamelevelofcomplexityor articulatedinterpretationsaswithsculpturemadeinothermedia,suchasmarbleor clay.Oneofthescholarswhostartedthestudyandreevaluationofwooden 19GiorgioVasari,LouisaMaclehose,&Brown,G.Baldwin,Vasariontechnique;beingtheintroduction tothethreeartsofdesign,architecture,sculptureandpainting,prefixedtotheLivesofthemost excellentpainters,sculptors,andarchitects(NewYork:DoverPublications,1960),173. 14 sculptureproductionistheItalianarthistorianGézadeFràncovich.20Whileaware ofthisphenomenoninthewholeEurope,hefocusedhisstudyinItalyandespecially intheregionsofLazio,UmbriaandTuscany,inwhichhebelievedintheexistenceof aschoolofsculpturethatelaboratedadistinctivestyle.Healsofocusedonthe identificationoftheiconographyofthemedievalsculpturalproduction. AnotherItalianscholar,EnzoCarli,acknowledged,likeVasari,thediffusionof thepracticeofcreatingwoodensculpturesandhowonlyinshortperiodsoftimeit reachedasortof“artisticquality.”21Carlirecognizedthatdespitethelackofnames linkedtomuchofthesurvivingwoodensculpturesincetheRomanesqueperiod,he wasawareofthehighqualityoftheseworksandthefactthatscholarshipwas largelyabsentonthisparticularartisticproduction.Partlyinfluencingthelackof cohesiveresearchonthesesculpturesistheirwidespreaddiffusion,including frequentlyinsmalltowns,throughouttheItalianpeninsula. Oneofthemostrelevantstudiesonthesubject,andstillakeytextforanyone researchingthisarea,isGesineandJohannes’sarticle“MittelalterlicheKruzifixemit SchwenkbarenArmen.EinBeitragzurVerwendungvonBildwerkeninder Liturgie.”22Publishedin1969,GesineandTaubert’sworkprovidesaninvestigation oftheoriginanduseofCrucifixeswithmovablearms,payingattentiontotheirform 20Amonghisstudy:GézadeFràncovich,SculturaMedievaleinLegno(Tumminelli,Roma:1943).Also “UnGruppodiSculgtureinLegnoUmbro-Marchigiane”inBollettinod'artedelMinisterodella PubblicaiItruzione:NotiziedeiMusei,delleGallerieedeiMonumentid'Italiav.8n.10(Milano Roma:1939).“CrocifissiLigneinelSecoloXIIinItalia”inBollettinod’Arte,v29,(1936). 21CarliEnzo,SculturaLigneaSenese,(Milano-Firenze,ElectaEditrice,1951),9.Seealsoofthesame author:EnzoCarli,LasculturaligneaitalianadalXIIalXVIsecolo(Milano:Electa,1961). 22GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen.EinBeitragzur VerwendungvonBildwerkeninderLiturgie”,inZeitschriftdesDeutschenVereinsfür Kunstwissenschaft23(1969),79-121. 15 andconstruction.Italsodrawsupondocumentssuchaspastoralvisitsinorderto recreatethedynamicoftheceremonyoftheDepositioCrucisduringtheHoly Week.23Furthermore,thetextrepresentsthefirstcatalogofextantexamplesofthis genreofsculptures,whichincludessculpturesfromdifferentcountriesinEurope suchasAustria,Germany,France,Italy,theCzechRepublic,Slovakia,and Switzerland. AnotherstudyistheHolzkruzifixeinFlorenzundinderToskana(1970)by MargritLisner.Lisner’sworkfocusesondates,style,andattributions.Whilethis workprovidesneitherinformationregardingliturgicalusenoranattempttorevise theroleofthesesculpturesinthehistoryofart,herstudystillrepresentsan importantreferenceforstudyinthisfield,inadditiontoprovidingagreatstarting pointforananalysisofthosesculpturesofChristwithmovablearmsinItalyand, morespecifically,Tuscany. Additionally,TanyaJung’sdissertation,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovable ChristSculptures(2006),featuresanapproachnotbasedincataloguing.Instead,she investigatesthecultural,functional,andhistoricalconditionsunderwhichthese sculpturesweremade,aswellashowtheseconditionsalteredovertime, particularlywithintheliturgicalandparaliturgicalcontextsoftheHolyWeek, Easter,andAscensionDay.PhenomenalLivesalsodiscusseshowtheseimages wouldhavefunctionedinthevisualcultureofthetimeandthewaysinwhichtheir usagecreatedadimensionthatsurpassedthesimplyrepresentative,affecting 23Ibidem.,79-121. 16 instead,inaverypotentway,thedevotionofthefaithful.24Sheacknowledgesthat thesesculpturesinparticularneedtobestudiedandanalyzed,beforeanyother consideration,intermsoftheirperformativefunctionandrelationshipwiththe viewer,inawidercontextofpracticeandofreceptionandresponse,asopposedto simplycategorizingthemassculpturesusedfordevotionalpurposesduringthe liturgicalyear. Twootherinterestingcontributionsonthefieldofwoodensculptures, amongothers,andtheirdiffusioninItalyandinEuropearetheworksbyLorenzelli JacopoandPietroandAlbertoVecawithCustodedell’Immagine.SculturaLignea EuropeaXII-XV(1987)andthecatalogoftheexhibitLaDeposizioneLigneain Europa.L’Immagine,IlCultoelaForma(2004).25Thefirststudyrelatestothe diffusionandcatalogofwoodensculpturesintheformoftheCrucifiedChrist,the groupoftheDepositionsandtheVirginandChildnotjustinItalybutalso throughoutEurope.Thesecondisanexhaustiveoverviewofwhatremainsofthe productionandexistenceofthegroupoftheDepositionsinEuropeandtheirrolein theliturgyinthemedievalperiod.Italsoprovidesausefulcatalogoftheextant examplesoftheDescentfromtheCrossinEurope,andthethematiccontributions analyzenumerousissuesrelatingtotheseobjects,suchasthegeographical 24TanyaAnnJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,(Ph.D.Dissertation,University ofMaryland,CollegePark,2006),17-19. 25Jacopo,Lorenzelli,Pietro,LorenzelliandAlbertoVecaandGalleriaLorenzelli.Custode Dell'immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XVSecolo(GalleriaLorenzelli,1987).GiovannaSapori andBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:L'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma(Catalogo regionaledeibeniculturalidell'Umbria.Studieprospettive,2004). 17 distribution,restoration,liturgicaluseandthereligiousmeaningoftheseobjects withinthesocialcontextoftheperiod.26 Themostrecentworkonwoodensculptures,andspecificallyonthewooden Christwithmovablearms,isthePolishscholarKamilKopania’s2010publication, AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligiousCultureoftheLatinMiddle Ages.AtthebeginningofKopania’sbook,henotesthat,particularlyforhisanalysis, thenomenclaturemovablearmsisnotentirelyappropriatebecausetheseobjects couldhave,alongwithmovablearms,alsomovablelegs,head,andtongues.27Asa consequence,theuseofthetermanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristismore appropriatetodesignatetheseobjects,despitethepossibledifferentuseinthe liturgicalcontext..Heclassifiestheseobjectsasbelongingtooneofthreegroups: sculptureswithmovablearms,sculptureswithaninternalmechanismthatallows theheadorthetonguetobemoved,and,finally,sculpturesfeaturingdifferentparts ofthebody(legs,arms,tongue,andhead)whichcanbemovedsimultaneously.28 WhileIembraceKopania’snomenclatureanditsmovetoincludethese differentcategoriesofsculptures,whichwillbepartofmystudyaswell,my 26Alongwiththetwostudiesjustmentionedthereareotherimportantstudiesonwooden sculpturesintherecentyears,especiallyconferencesandexhibitionsthatshowarenewedinterest onthesubject.FrancescaFloresD’Arcais,IlTeatrodelleStatue.GruppiLigneidiDeposizionee AnnunciazionetrailXIIeXIIISecolo(VitaePensiero,Milano:2005),GiovanBattistaFidanza(acura di),SculturaeArredoinLegnofraMarcheeUmbria,AttidelPrimoConvegno,Pergola24/25Ottobre 1997,(Perugia,Quattroemme:1999),GiovanBattistaFidanza(acuradi),L’artedelLegnoinItalia. EsperienzeedIndaginiaConfronto.AttidelConvegno,Pergola10/12Maggio2002(Perugia, Quattroemme:2005),FrancoBoggeroPieroDonati(acuradi),LaSacraSelva.SculturaLigneain LiguriatrailXIIeXVIsecolo,(Ginevra-Milano,Skira:2004),RaffaeleCasciaro,LaSculturaLignea LombardadelRinascimento(Milano:Skira,2000),MariaGiannatiempoLópez,LaCulturaLigneanelle AlteVallidelPotenzaedell’Esino(Milano,FedericoMottaEditore:1999). 27KamilKopania,AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligiousCultureoftheLatin MiddleAges(Warszawa:Wydawn."Neriton",2010),29. 28Ibidem.,240. 18 discussionwillentailadistinctapproachtostudyingthesesculptures.Kamil Kopaniawasabletocatalogagreatnumberofanimatedsculpturesofthecrucified ChristalloverEurope,oratleastwheretheextantexamplesremain,expandingthe researchbyGesineandJohannesTaubert.ThecountriesinwhichKopania cataloguedtheseimagesare:Italy,Spain,Germany,Austria,Switzerland,Portugal, Belgium,theCzechRepublic,Poland,France,andSlovakia.Incountriesdominated byProtestantdenominations,suchasDenmark,Holland,Sweden,Finland,orGreat Britain,hewasunabletolocatesculptures(whichmostlikelywouldhavebeen destroyed),buthewasabletofindevidenceoftheirexistencethroughdocuments.29 Hisstudyshowsclearlythewidediffusionsoftheseartifacts,andhefocusesonthe Easterweekprocessionsanddramatoshowhowthesculptureswereused, particularlyfortheceremoniesoftheDepositio,whentheywouldfunctionas stationarydevotionalobjectsfortherestoftheliturgicalyear. Whilemanyofthesecontributionsfocuslargelyoncatalogingextant examples,otherscholarshipexploringthesubjecttendstotreatwoodensculptures lessasanindependentartobjectthanasaliturgicalanddevotionalpiece.For example,KarlYoung’stwo-volumeDramaoftheMedievalChurch(1933)considers woodensculpturesofChrist,especiallythosewithmovablearms,withinthe dynamicoftheliturgicaldramaoftheChurchduringtheHolyWeekmoreasan elementoftheRomanliturgyandthedramaoftheChurch.Amorerecentstudythat followsasimilarlineofinvestigationisClaudioBernardi’sLaDrammaturgiadella 29Ibidem.,239. 19 SettimanaSanta.30Themainfocusisthestudyoftheritualsandthetheatrical aspectofthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeekfromtheMiddleAgestotoday. Thereis,withoutadoubt,increasedinterestinwoodensculpture,andwe havegreateropportunitiestoknowmoreabouttheobjectsthemselves,their diffusionanduseinreligiouscontexts.However,woodensculptureasatopichas notbeenfullyintegratedintotheoverridingarthistoricaldiscoursethatprivileges paintingoversculpture.Therefore,manyquestionsremainunansweredregarding thedynamicbetweenthetwomedia,theirrepresentationsofChrist’sPassionand theirrelationshipstodevotionalpractice.Eveninmoregeneraldiscussionsonthe historyofimages,woodensculpturedoesnotreachacriticalindependence.Instead, examplesareoftenconsideredasliturgicalobjectsusedtosupportthestudyof otheraspectsofMedievalorRenaissanceart,suchasfrescos,panelpainting,liturgy, dramaanddecorationofchurches.Inadditiontocontextualizingwoodensculpture morefirmlywithinthearthistoricalcontext,Iwilllooktorelatedstudiesoutsideof thefield,includingworkonthehistoryofimages,materiality,religiousvisual cultureandtheanthropologyofimages. IntheaforementionedThePowerofImages,DavidFreedberg’sapproachis basedontheawarenessofaninstinctivereactionviewershavetoimages,and,in theprocess,heestablishesamethodologythathashadanotableimpactonour understandingofart.Movingbeyondtraditionalanalysesofshapeandcolor—a breakmadeinhistreatmentofviewerresponsestoTitian’sVenusofUrbinoin 30ClaudioBernardi,LaDrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSantainItalia(Milano:VitaePensiero,1991). 20 chapterone—Freedbergfrequentlyintegratesimagesfrompopularpiety,including woodencrucifixes,thatarenotoftenpartofarthistoricaldiscussions.31By contextualizingthespecificfunctionsoftheseobjectsandtheirimportancetothe societythatusesthem,hisbookprovidesausefulstartingpointforour understandingofthoseaspectsbeyondtheimmediateaestheticresponsetotheart object.Ultimately,itaidsininformingthepresentstudy’sexaminationoftheroleof woodensculptureswithinthegreaterdiscussionofarthistory. MichaelCamille,inhisTheGothicIdol,focusesontheperceptionofimagesby themedievalspectators,developinganiconologicalapproachthatfocusesonthe poweroftheworksovertheircontent.32AlthoughCamille’sworkonlybrieflycovers woodensculpture,andnotinacontextdirectlybeneficialtothisstudy,hisapproach tofunctionandthereceptionofimageshelpssituatethemwithinthearthistorical discoursewhenappliedtothedevotionalcontextofwoodensculpturesfromthe endofthetwelfthcenturyonwards. Helpfulforbetterunderstandingthecontinuingfunctionandvisualpractice ofreligiousimagery,especiallyastheyapplytopopularpiety,isDavidMorgan’s VisualPiety,AHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages.33Heexplorestopics relatedtohistory,devotionalpracticesandaestheticsofimagerywithintheirsocial realityanduse,demonstratinghowpopularreligiousartcanbeinterpretedthrough thelensofthefunctionalaestheticofthebeholders.Althoughhedoesnotdirectly 31See,forexample,chapter11. 32MichaelCamille,TheGothicIdol:IdeologyandImage-makinginMedievalArt.(CambridgeNewArt HistoryandCriticism.Cambridge;NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989). 33DavidMorgan,VisualPiety:AHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages.(Berkeley:University ofCaliforniaPress,1998). 21 addresswoodensculptures—and,infact,histheoreticalapproachfocusesonmany modernexamplesandontheiractivereceptioninrecenttimes—Morgan’swork contributestoadeeperunderstandingofthesacredanditshistoricalcontexts throughalensofvisualculture,addressingtheeffectsofimagerythatareisoften overlookedinarthistoricalscholarlydebates. Studiesattentivetomaterialityandtheanthropologyoftheimagearealso importanttounderstandingpopularreligioussculpture’slateMedievaland Renaissancecontext.Oneofthemostinfluentialcontributionsinthisveinis CarolineWalkerBynum’sChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedieval Europe.34Shecarefullyhighlightstheperformativeandtransformativepotentialof physicalobjects—consideringexamplesfromhighandlowculturewithoutnotable distinction—exploringtheinvisibilityofGodandhowHerevealshimselfthrough materialobjectssuchaswoodensculptures,thebreadandwineusedforthe Eucharistandalsothebodyofsaintsveneratedasrelics.Specificexamplesof animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristareonlybrieflyaddressed.However, highlightingthattheywerefrequentlyalteredwithnewparts,newcolors,clothesor objectstoembellishthesculptureinordertoadaptthemtothenewsocialtasteand currentreligiousdevotionalpractices,shedemonstratesthatattitudestowardthe bodyfluctuateovertimeandareaffectedbythechangingmaterialqualitiesofthe objectsthemselves.Suchchangeshaveoftenbeenconsideredanegativequalityfor scholarshipevaluatingandclassifyingwoodensculpturesfromanaestheticpointof 34CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope.New York:Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;DistributedbytheMITPress. 22 view.Hercriticalapproachtothemateriallifeoftheseobjectsasitrelatestotheir culturalfunction,however,canbeusedasanimportantstartingpointtoreassess theseobjectswithintheirhistoricalcontext. AlsousefulforanthropologicalstudyofthesesculpturesisAlfredGell’sArt andAgency:anAnthropologicalTheory.35Explainingissuesofagency,Gellclarifies: “evenifGodistheultimateauthorofhisresemblanceintheformofmagnificent structuresandworksofart,itremainsthecasethat,atacriticalpointinthe sequenceofcauses,instruments,andresults,humanagencyisessential.Since,in thisworld,God’spresenceisinherentintheseworksofhumanagency,heisbound tohumanpurposes,thethis-worldlyprosperityandother-worldlysalvationofhis ostensibleservantsratherthantopurposesentirelyhisown.Hisagencyis enmeshedinours,byvirtueofourcapacitytomake(andbe)hissimulacrum.”36 Inthisperspective,woodensculpturescanbeseenasaresultof“human design”andtheirfeaturesasreal“physicalchannelsofaccess”todivinities,an objectificationofaperceivedinnersubjectiveself,projectionsofhuman consciousness.Theanthropologicalstudysucceedsindealingwithwooden sculpturesinadeeperandbroaderway,insteadofsimplyastylisticapproach.The interactionbetweenhumanbeingsanddivinitysignifiestheimportanceofthese objectsandallowsthepossibilitytoreevaluatetheminthebroadercontextthat includesnotonlydevotionalpracticesingeneral,butalsoamorepersonal relationshipwiththedivinityitself. 35AlfredGell,ArtandAgency:anAnthropologicalTheory,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1998) 36Ibidem.,114. 23 ArecentstudyonthissubjectisHansBelting’sAnAnthropologyofImages: Picture,Medium,Body,inwhichthebodyisconsideredasa“livingmedium”ora “locusofimages”,inwhichimagesleaveaninvisibletracethatshapesthememory ofit.37Thesequalitiescanbecomeextremelycomplexifappliedtotheuseof woodensculpturesfordevotionalpurposessincethevisionanduseofthe sculpturesnotonlybringsupapotentialmemoryofthescenerepresented,butalso involvesanactiveparticipationandactualizationofthelastmomentsofthelifeof Christ. Anotherareaofconcernistherelationshipoftheobjectstohistorical descriptionsoftheiruse,especiallyinregardstovernacularperformance.Professor PietroScarpellinihasbeguntodefinetherelationshipbetweenfigurativeartand literaryproductioninthenorthofUmbriabetween1280and1350.38Hedescribes howdifficultitistofindacaseinwhichatextcorrespondstoapaintingorviceversa,aswellastheproblemstiedtoestablishingwhetheracertainideacomesfirst frompaintingsorfromthetexts.Inhisanalysis,however,heprovidessome examplesemphasizingthattheexchangeswerefrequentandcontinuousbetween paintingandLaudeinartinUmbriabetweentheendofthetwelfthandthemiddle ofthefourteenthcentury.39Whilehisapproachisimportanttounderstandthis correspondencebetweenpaintingandtexts,hestilldrawsattentiontothecentrality 37HansBelting,AnAnthropologyofImages:Picture,Medium,Body.(Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press,2011),38. 38PietroScarpellini,“EchidellalaudanellapitturaumbradelXIIeXIVsecolo”,inLeLaudi DrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:AttidelVConvegnodiStudio,Viterbo,22-23-24-25Maggio1980, (Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983),166. 39Ibid.,168. 24 ofpaintingoverwoodensculpturesinordertohaveanexplanationofthecultureof thelateMedievalreligioussociety.Iwanttoextendthisresearchtothestudyof woodensculpturesandconsiderhowclosethelaudaaretotheseartobjectsin comparisontopainting.Infact,thereisaninteractionbetweenthetextinthelauda andtheactions(boththeatricalandliturgical)inwhichwoodensculpturesare involvedthatneedstobestudiedmorecarefully.Theconnectionbetweenthe literarysourcesandtheartworkssupportstheideaadvancedbefore,inwhichthe styleofthesewoodensculpturesisstrictlyconnectedtothereligiousneedsof laymenandfaithful.Oncewethinkaboutthesurvivingimagesandthecontextsin whichtheywereused,wemustalsoconsiderallthose“countlessstories,miracles, legendsinwhichthoseimagesaresaidtomove,speak,weep,strikeoutandeat.”40 CorpusofSculptures Forthisstudy,Iwanttoconcentrateonthosepolychromesculpturesthat wereusedforthecelebrationoftheHolyWeek,thegroupoftheDescentfromthe CrossandtheAnimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Ifollowtheir chronologicaldevelopmentinthemakingofdevotionduringtheLateMedieval periodinItaly.Ichosetofocusonthesesculpturesbecausetheirusedoesnotimply solelydevotion,butalsoparticipationanddirectcontact.Infact,itisstillpossibleto seethemtodaycarriedinprocessions,suchaswiththeexampleofthewooden 40Freedberg,291. 25 depositionofVicopisano(fig1),ortheChristwithmovablearmsintheriteof Scavigliazione(literallyreferringtothepullingoutofthenails,thetermdescribes theenactmentofdetachingChristfromtheCrossandthefollowingvenerationofhis bodybythefaithful)41inthechurchofSanRufinoinAssisi(fig2).Evenifthe examplesofthesesculpturesarefoundanddiscoveredmostlyincentralItaly,a completeunderstandingoftheirfunctionandtheartisticandreligiousvalueof theseobjectsrequiresonetogobeyondthegeographicalgeneralizationsandlook closelyatavarietyofindividualdynamics,contextsandconditions.42Eachcase presentsitsownuniquesituation,eachoneofwhichmightdifferintermsofthe space,time,religiousbackground,andsocialenvironment.Moreover,thestudycan provideabroaderpictureofthestateofmedievalwoodensculptureovertime. Thesepolychromesculpturesrepresentanartisticexampleofstyleandiconography inaspecificplaceandtime. AllofthesculpturesexaminedwerecarvedinwoodcommonlyfoundinItaly, andquestionsofhowthematerialitselfinfluencesthenaturalisticrepresentations arecentraltothediscussionathand.Theseissuesofmatterextendinmydiscussion totheintersectionofmaterialityandsymbolicform.43Theverydynamicproperties oftheseobjectspermitthemtobeapproachedinavarietyofways,anditis necessarytopayattentiontoeachobject’sindividualcontextandtheirdiverse 41PaolaMercurelliSalari,AdolfoBroegg,“IlRitodellaScavigliazionenellaCattedralediAssisi, (Assisi:EditriceMinerva,2006),9. 42PietroScarpellini,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLignea:daunaMostraaunaSumma”,inIl teatrodellestatue(Milano:V&P,2005),30. 43SeeChristinaNeilson,“CarvingLife:theMeaningofWoodinEarlyModernEuropeanSculpture”in TheMatterofArt:Materials,Practices,CulturalLogics,c.1250-1750,edAnderson,C.,Dunlop,Anne,& Smith,PamelaH.(ManchesterUniversityPress,2015). 26 patrons,includingconfraternities,mendicantorders,orbishopsresponsibleof sanctuaries.Theroleoftheartists(acombinedeffortofsculptors,woodcarvers, andpainters)wasimportanttoeachwork’sstyle.However,andaboveall,thestyle istheresultoftheneedsofthespectatorsthatinteractwiththesesculptures,either inchurchorwhentheyareactivatedintheprocessionorsacredtheater.Thestudy oflaudeispivotalforthecomprehensionoftheroleofthemovableChristandhow theseaffectedtheaccessibilityofthelaymentothesacred;eventhoughithasnot yetbeennotedwhetherthelaudausedduringtheHolyFridayinAssisiwasthe developmentofanewlay(religious)liturgyorsimplythetranslationforlaymenof thereligiousliturgyoftheDeposition.44Asamatteroffact,theanalysisofthelauda anditsrelationshipwiththeliturgyduringthecelebrationoftheHolyFridayis strictlylinkedtotheuseofwoodsculptures,whichwillgreatlycontributetoclarify theroleoftheseartobjectsinlateMedievalandRenaissancereligioussociety. Auniqueaspectofthisgenreofstatuesisthattheyarestillinuseduringthe contemporarypracticeofthecelebrationofHolyFriday.Insomecases,especially withtheolderexamplessuchastheChristwithmovablearmspreservedinthe MuseumofCascia,theyweresubstitutedwithanothersculpture,usuallyadead Christthatgenerallycoveredthesamefunction.Inothercases,however,suchasthe ChristwithmovablearmsinthechurchofSaintFrancisinLeonessa(Lazio),the ritualofScavigliazioneisstillperformedduringHolyWeekusingthesamesculpture withwhichtheconfraternitystartedtocelebratethisrite.Similarly,the 44Bernardi,2005,82. 27 ScavigliazioneandsubsequentprocessionthroughthestreetsofAssisistillfollows itsoriginalarrangement.45Thestudyofthechangesandcontinuitiesoftheserituals thatstartedintheMiddleAgesandcontinuetodayinsomepartsofItaly46isa significantsegmentandpotentialdevelopmentofthisresearch.Thefactthatsome ritualsarestillpracticeddoesnotmeanthatnothinghaschangedovertime.Onthe contrary,thechangesarelikelysubstantialifnotradical.Withacareful examination,Iwillbeabletoevaluatetheroleoftheseobjectsasahistorical testimonybeginningintheMiddleAgesandcontinuingtotoday.Iwillshowhowthe “culturalstyle”ofthesesculpturesreflectsarealismthatremainspowerful,despite theamountoftimethathaspassed.Thewoodensculpturesoftherepresentationof Christ,usedduringthecelebrationoftheHolyFriday,representauniqueartistic creationthatembodiesdifferentmeaningsandroles.Notwithstandingthedominant “official”historyofartthatcommonlyclassifiesthesesculpturesasamereobjectsof populardevotion,anddespitethefactthatthematerialitselfhasbeenhighly susceptibletodamageovertime,thesewoodenstatueshadasignificantroleinthe social,artistic,andreligiouscontextoflatemedievalItaly.Theyarenotsimply devotionalobjects.Theyembodyadeepermeaningthattouchesdifferentavenues oflatemedievalsociety.Amultidisciplinaryapproachispivotaltounderstanding thecomplexityoftheseobjects.Theystandatthecrossroadsofdifferentdisciplines wherearthistoryintersectsandcombineswithhistory,religioushistory, anthropologyandtheater. 45MercurelliSalari,21. 46Bernardi,2005,83. 28 ThecorpusofsculpturesIamdealingwithspecificallyrelatestoexamples presentinItaly,andtheyinvolvethecategoryofthegroupoftheDescentfromthe CrossandtheAnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Therearethirty-three examplesoftheDescentfromtheCrosssurvivinginvariouslevelsofpreservation andnumberoffigures,mostlyspreadaroundcentralItaly.47Thecatalogof sculpturesoftheAnimatedCrucifiedChristpresentssixty-fourextantexamples.48 Mostofthesesculpturesareingoodcondition,butfrequentlysomefiguresfromthe originalDescentgroupsaremissing.ThesculptureofChristis,insomecases,the onlyfigureleft,andattimestheseworkswerelatermodifiedfordevotional purposes.Forexamplesinwhichamechanismallowingthearmstomovewas addedtoaChristfigurefromaDescentgroup,thesculptureisincludedinthe DescentfromtheCrosscatalogsincethatwasitsinitialfunction.Moreover, restorationshavebroughtmanyofthesesculpturesbacktotheiroriginalsplendor, highlightingtheircontinualchangeandadaptationsfordifferentreligiousand devotionalcontexts. ThecatalogoftheDescentgroup,however,isnotfullyrepresentativeoftheir historicalusageanddistribution,whichinitiallysuggestsamoreunusualgeographic diffusionoftheobjectsthanarevisedreadingprovidesuswith.Thatis,mostofthe 47GiovannaSaporiandBrunoToscano,“Proposteperunordinamentodimaterialieproblemi”inLa DeposizioneLigneainEuropa:L'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,ed.GiovannaSaporiandBruno Toscano(Catalogoregionaledeibeniculturalidell'Umbria.Studieprospettive,2004),18-19. 48KamilKopania,AnimatedSculptures,260-273.However,thelistcanbeexpanded.InfactasIwas workingonthisstudy,IwasabletoidentifynewsculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChristthat werenevertakenintoaccountbythescholarshipofthefield.Forexamplethereisoneofthese sculptureintheChurchofSaintFrancisinAsissiandothersintheUmbriancitiesofGubbioandCittà diCastello. 29 extantexamplesarefoundinscatteredaroundsmallertownsinsteadofinlarger cities.Ithasbeensuggestedthatthisdistributionwasinfluencedbytheavailability ofthewooditself.49However,IwilldemonstratethattheDescentfromtheCross sculptureswereactuallymoreoftentheproductsofurbancentersthansmaller towns,andasaconsequenceitislegitimatetobelievethattheyweremore numerousthantheexistingsampletodaysuggests.Therefore,whatremainsisjusta smallselectionoftheoriginalandmorespreadoutproduction. Therearedocuments,forexample,thatattesttothefrequentpresenceof thesesculpturesinbiggercitieseventhoughtheyaremissingtoday.Vasari’sLives, forone,atteststothishistory.HedescribesanexampleoftheDescentfromthe CrossthatusedtobeatthePieveofSantaMariainArezzo.Eventhoughthereisno longeratraceofthiswoodengroupoftheDescent,Vasariwritesoffourfiguresthat werepartofaDescentfromtheCrossinthisarea.50Iofferanalternative explanationofthelackofthesegroupsfromurbancenterstoday:thesculpturesin biggercitiesandmajorcentersweremoresusceptibletochangingdevotional climates,andtheeffectsofCounterReformationbeingparticularlyharmfultotheir survivability.Theywereremovedfromchurchesordestroyedbecausetheydidnot alignwiththeneworderspromotedbytheChurch,51andthistendencyseemsto havebeenmoreforcefullyundertakeninthebiggercitiesthaninthesmalltownsof theItalianpeninsula. 49CarliEnzo,Mostradellaanticasculturaligneasenese:PalazzoPubblicodiSiena(Firenze:Electa, 1949)7. 50GiorgioVasari,“LeVitede’piùeccellentipittoriscultoriedarchitettorinelleredazionidel1550e 1568”(Milano,1962),291. 51Sapori,Toscano,27. 30 AsfortheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,scholarshipsofarhas beenabletocatalogsixty-fourexamplesthroughoutItaly.52Iamawarethatthis typologyofsculpturewasspreadoutindifferentcountriesinEurope,butremain herefocusedonthecentralItaliancorpus.53Eveninthiscase,theextantexamplesof animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristrepresentasmallernumberthanthe potentialoriginalnumber.ThereareanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist knownfromhistoricalsourcessuchasinventoryofChurches,confraternitiesand sacristies.54WhilepursuingthisresearchIwasabletocatalogmoreexamplesof animatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist,additionsofwhichtothecorpuswillbe lefttofurtherprojects. 52Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,273. 53Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,seethecatalogofMedievalAnimatedSculpturesofChrist,pag246- 287. 54InformationoftheStatutiofConfraternitiesandhistoricalsourcescanbefoundin:AngelaMaria Terruggia,“InQualeMomentoiDisciplinatihannodatoinizioalloroteatro?”inIlmovimentodei disciplinatinelsettimocentenariodalsuoinizio(Perugia,1260);convegnointernazionale:Perugia,2528settembre1960.[Spoleto]:(ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),434-459.ElvioLunghi,La PassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento.Foligno:Edizioni OrfiniNumeister,2000.ElvioLunghi,“LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo.”InL'Umbrianel XIIISecolo.EditedbyEnricoMenestò.299-331.Spoleto:FondazioneCentroItalianodiStudisull'Alto Medioevo2010.ClaudioBernardi,“DevozionieRappresentazionidiCristoneltardoMedioevo,”in CiviltàBresciana,volVIII,no.2,1999,6-17.ClaudioBernardi,LadrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSanta inItalia.Milano:Vitaepensiero,1991.ClaudioBernardi“LaDeposizionediCristoneiTeatridella Pietà”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVsecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi.1518.Milano:F.Motta,2000. 31 StructureoftheDissertation InthefollowingchaptersIconstructareevaluationofthestudyandtherole ofwoodenmedievalsculptures,focusingthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross andtheanimatedsculpturesofChristandmyintentionistoprovideadifferent readingofthesesculpturesinaffectingthedevotionandtheartproductionofthe period. Chapter1offersanoverviewofthecorpusofsculptures,thedevelopment anddiffusionoftheiconographyoftheDescentfromthecross,andtheoriginofthe sculpturalgroupsandtheconnectionwiththeBenedictineorder. InChapter2,Ireconsidertheroleofthesculptureandtheideaof approachingitbeyondtheconsiderationofasimpledevotionalobject.Iarguethat theroleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross,despiteits iconographicalsimilaritieswiththepaintedversion,hadadifferentimpactin affectingdevotionduringthelatemedievalperiod.Infact,alongwiththeuseofthe laude(vernacularsacredsong),theypromotedanidentificationwiththescenethat ledtoasubstitutionofthecharactersofthisgroup,theVirginMary,Johnthe Evangelist,JosephofArimatheaandNicodemusbythefaithful.Thisactionof substitutioncreatednotonlyareenactmentofthesceneduringthecelebrationsof theHolyFriday,butratherarealparticipationthatwouldtranscendtimeandspace. Chapter3focusesonhowthesculptedrepresentationofthecrucifiedChrist wouldcometobeperceivedastherealbodyofChristandhowlaitywereableto 32 attainaprivilegedaccesstothesacredthroughtheuseandinteractionwiththese sculptures. InChapter4Iwillexploretheroleoftheuseofwoodensculpturesfor devotionalpurposesandarguethatitinfluencedthepictorialmediumduringthe sameperiod.Thisdiscussionpromotesascholarlyrevisionandredefinitionofthe roleandcontributionoftheseobjectsintheproductionofmedievalart. Chapter5discussesthedevelopmentassertedinthepreviouschapters.I examinehowthesculpturesofthecrucifiedChristweretreatedandperceivedas therealbodyofChristbythefaithful.Whenweseeacrucifixinthepictorial productionduringtheMiddleAges,Iarguethatwhatisrepresentedisnotasmucha realbody,butratherthewoodenrepresentationofthebodyofChristthatwasseen andtreatedastherealbodyofChrist.Iwanttodemonstratehowthecrucified Christdepictedduringthemedievalperiodwouldconnecttheviewertothe sculpturalrepresentationofthecrucifiedChrist,simulacrumoftherealpresence andbodyofChrist. Inthefinalchapter6,IdiscusshowthewoodengroupoftheDescentfrom theCrossandtheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristeludedtheproblemof idolatrybecauseofspecificfeaturesandtherelationshipestablishedwiththe faithful.Despitethepresenceofcasesinwhichthesesculptureshadacavityto containarelic(asaconsequencetheywouldworkas“container”fortherelic),from theinitialproductionoftheseobjectstheywereconsideredasrealparticipantsand theywerenotmeanttoholdrelics.ThisisespeciallytrueofthegroupoftheDescent 33 fromtheCross.Asaconsequence,theyweretreatedasrealpeopleandfaithfulwere abletoidentifythemselveswiththemand“who”theyadorewasnotthesculpture butratherthe“person”thatthesesculptureswouldbecome.Atthesametimethese sculptureswerelookedatwithskepticismbytheecclesiasticalinstitutionbecause ofthefearandtheriskofidolatrybythefaithful.Thisveryinterestingrelationship wastheresultofacombinationofadevotionaldynamicbetweenthepopularpiety andthesesculpturesbecauseoftheircapabilitytoembodyandsatisfytheneedof thefaithfulintheconnectionwiththe“body”ofChrist. TheChurchestablishedofficiallythe“presenceofChrist”intheEucharistand thedevoteesexperiencedasenseofthispresencealsoindifferentmaterialsand objectssuchasforexampleiconsandsculptures.AtthesametimeIarguethatthe Churchseemstotoleratethepeculiarrelationshipthatthefaithfulhadwiththese sculptures,evenifitcouldhavebeendefinedas“idolatrous,”becauseofthe particular,effectiveandpowerfulcapabilityoftheseobjectstopersonifyand representtheincarnationandbodilypresenceofChristthatallowedadeeperand physicalconnectionbetweenthefaithfulandtheobject. 34 Chapter1 DiffusionandIconographyofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross ThediffusionofthethemeoftheDescentfromtheCrossanditsiconography hasbeenalreadysubjectofstudybyarthistorians,atthesametimeboththe woodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossandthefollowinganimatedwooden sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristhavenotbeenconsideredasmuchastheir pictorialcounterpart.Thischapterfocusesonthediffusionofthethemeofthe DescentfromtheCross,itsiconography,andsomeconsiderationsofitsorigin, relationship,andpossiblelinkwiththeBenedictineorder. BoththeDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimatedwoodensculpturesofthe crucifiedChristwereutilizedduringHolyFridaycelebrations.Theyservedthe doublefunctionofrepresentingChristasbothcrucifiedanddead,mainlyduetoa mechanismthatallowedmovementinasculpture’sarms.Currentstudyofthese figuresisstrictlylimitedtoextantexamples.Woodensculpturesrepresentingthe DescentfromtheCrossarepreservedinfourEuropeancountries:Belgium,France, Italy,andSpain.Italy,particularlycentralItaly,haspreservedthemajorityofthese woodensculptures,whichareusuallyfoundinsmalltownsandareconsidered relativelylessimportantthanthosefoundinlargercitiesinthesamearea.Thesame canbesaidforanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist:theyarespread 35 throughoutEurope,butthemajorityoftheextantexamplesarepreservedinItaly. Thischapterwillshowthegeographicaldistributionofextantwoodensculpturesin ItalyandtheirconnectionswithpreviousiconographicalexamplesoftheDescent fromtheCross. ThegeographicaldistributionofthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosscan beconsideredunusual,inaway.Theextantexamplessurvivedinsmalltownsand villages,mostlyinthecenterofItalyratherthaninbigcities.Thiscouldhavebeen theresultofadifferentrelationshipwiththewoodengroupingeneral,butaboveall anexclusionorindependencefromthechangesthataffectedlargercities.Another reasonisthattheexistenceofthesegroupscentersaroundthenatureofthewood itself,whichwaseasiertofindinItaly,likeintherestofEurope,thanmarble. Woodwasadesirablematerialwithwhichtocreatethesesculptures becauseitallowedamorenaturalisticrepresentationofthereligioussubjects.1 However,thisinterpretationdoesnotcorrelatewiththehistoricaldiffusionofthese objects.Thoughthemajorityofthemnolongerexist,DescentfromtheCross sculptureswereproducedbothinsmallandlargecities,thusitisprobablethatthe extantcollectionisonlyaminimalpartoftheoriginalandmorespreadout production.Historicaldocumentationilluminatesthediffusionofthesesculpturesin 1EnzoCarli,MostradellaAnticaSculturaLigneaSenese:PalazzoPubblicodiSiena(Firenze:Electa, 1949),7. 36 largercities,thoughtheynolongerexist.OnesuchdocumentationisinVasari’s Lives,inwhichhedescribesanexampleoftheDescentfromtheCrossinthePieveof SantaMariainArezzo.2Thedisappearanceofthisandotherwoodengroupsofthe Descent,particularlyinmajorcentersandlargecities,canbeexplainedbytwo events:achangeinthedevotionalclimate,andtheactionsoftheCounter Reformation.Thesesculptureswereremovedfromchurchesordestroyedbecause theydidnotmatchthepracticalityoftheneworderpromotedbytheChurch;3this actionwasmoreforcefullyundertakeninthelargercitiesthaninthesmalltownsof theItalianpeninsula. Unfortunately,wehaveonlyageneralaccountofthediffusionofthese woodengroups;basedontheknowledgewehaveoftheiroriginswecanonly looselylinkthemtodiocesesorBenedictinecentersintheItalianterritory.4 Consideringthemediumitself,itsculturaluse,anditseasytransportability,scholars wereabletodistinguishandestablishtheoriginallocationsofonlyafewofthese sculptures,whileotherlocationscanonlybeassumed.Today,therearethirty-three woodengroupsofDescentfromtheCross;theyaredividedbetweencitiesinwhich therewasadiocese,suchGubbio,SanSepolcro,Tivoli,orVolterra,insmallcities 2GiorgioVasari,LeVitede’piùEccellentiPittoriScultoriedArchitettorinelleRedazionidel1550e 1568(Milano,1962),291. 3Sapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,la Forma,(Perugia,Electa:2004),27. 4Ibidem,24. 37 suchasBarga,Pescia,Vicopisano,andCascia,orinverysmallcommunitiessuchas Roccatamburo.5Theconfirmedandassumedlocationsofthesegroupsinclude cathedrals,pieves,localparishchurches,BenedictineandAugustinianchurches,and oratoriesbelongingtoconfraternities.Thesediverselocationsshowthevarietyof contextsinwhichthesesculptureswereutilizedandthecapillarydiffusionofthem inthecenterofItaly. TheoldestextantexampleofaDeposedChristthatwouldhavebeenpartofa groupoftheDescentfromtheCrossistheCurvaCruxfromLouvain,datingbackto themiddleoftheeleventhcentury(Fig1).TheDeposedChristfromPisa(Fig2)is theonlyoneinItalythatcanbedatedbacktoaroundthetwelfthcentury,anditis alsotheonlyoneinItalythatreflectsastylisticinfluencefromNorthernEurope.6 Theextantexamples,however,arefarfewerthanwhathasbeenlostthroughoutthe centuries.Accordingtorecentstudies,itseemsalmostimpossibletofully understandtheeventslinkedtothedevelopmentoftheseartworks.Yetitisstill importanttoconsidersurvivingexamplesandtoinvestigatehowwoodengroupsof theDescentfromtheCrossaffecteddevotioninlateMedievalandEarlyRenaissance art.Scholarshipoftenconcentratestooheavilyonthestylisticfeaturesoftheseart objectsandtheirprobableiconographicoriginswithoutattemptingtounderstand 5Ibidem.,19. 6GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano. (Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),62. 38 andcontextualizetheirroleinadevotionalcontext,inawaythatcanemancipate themfromthestatusofdevotionalobjects.Thoughthereisalackofprimary sourcesthatwouldfacilitateadifferentanalysisandapproachtostudyingthe DescentfromtheCross,scholarshavedevelopedaplausibleconnectionbetween thesesculpturesandtheSacreRappresentazioni,theatricalsacredrepresentations thatdevelopedinItalyduringthethirteenthcentury. ItisimportanttonotethattheDescentfromtheCrossisathemethathas beenrepresentedwidelyinart,evenifthetopicalliteraturedoesnotprovidethe accuracy,specificity,andvarietyofdetailthatwefindinothertypesofart production.Infact,thereareonlyafewdetailsabouttheactualscenerecordedby thefourEvangelistsintheirGospels.Luke,Mark,andMatthewprovideanessential accountofthemomentoftheDescentfromtheCross;theymentionJosephof ArimatheaasthedisciplewhoaskedPilateforthebodyofChristandhelpedforhis burial.John,however,istheonlyonewhoalsomentionsNicodemus;thelatteris oftenartisticallyrepresentedtobeatthesceneoftheDescentfromtheCross7.Some 7“TheGospelaccordingtoJohn”TheBurialofChrist, http://www.utoronto.ca/religion/synopsis/meta-4g.htm EvenifJohnistheonlyonewhomentionedNicodemusalongwithJosephofArimathea,thewayhe described the burial is very simple and similar to the other Evangelists. “After this Joseph of Arimathe'a,whowasadiscipleofJesus,butsecretly,forfearoftheJews,askedPilatethathemight take away the body of Jesus, and Pilate gave him leave. So he came and took away his body. 19.39 Nicodemusalso,whohadatfirstcometohimbynight,camebringingamixtureofmyrrhandaloes, aboutahundredpounds'weight.19.40TheytookthebodyofJesus,andbounditinlinenclothswith thespices,asistheburialcustomoftheJews”.19.41 39 apocryphalsourcesliketheActaPilati8andtheGospelsofNicodemusprovideother informationabouttheDescentfromtheCross,butonlyintheGospelofNicodemus andtheGospelofJohnisNicodemuspresentandpartoftheevent.Onlyinthis formertextistheVirginMarypresentfortheburialofherSon.Despitethepresence ofbothJosephofArimatheaandNicodemus,alongsidetheVirginMaryandJohnthe Evangelist,JosephofArimatheahasanhonorableroleinthePassionbecausehe embracesthebodyofChrist.Inlateraccountssuchasthethirteenth-centurywriting ofSaintBonaventura,theimportanceofJosephofArimatheaisrecognized.9The presenceofthesedifferentcharactersisimportantnotonlybecauseoftheir contributiontohistoricalaccuracy,butalsobecausetheyprovidethefaithfulwith thechancetoaccessthebodyofChristduringthedevotionaldevelopmentsinthe thirteenthcentury. 8GeorgeSlutered,TheActaPilati,ImportantTestimonyofPontiusPilateRecentlyDiscovered,Being HisOfficialreporttotheEmperorTiberiusConcerningtheCrucifixionofChrist(ShelbyvilleInd:M.B. Robins,PublisherandPrinter,1879),67-68. 9IsaRagusaandRosalieB.Green,MeditationsontheLifeofChrist:AnIllustratedManuscriptofthe FourteenthCentury(Paris:BibliotèqueNationale,1961),341–342.“Twoladdersareplacedonthe oppositesidesofthecross.Josephascendstheladderplacedontherightsideandtriestoextractthe nailfromHishand.Butthisisdifficult,becausethelong,heavynailisfixedfirmlyintothewood;and itdoesnotseempossibletodoitwithoutgreatpressureonthehandoftheLord.Yetitisnotbrutal, becauseheactsfaithfully;andtheLordacceptseverything.Thenailpulledout,Johnmakesasignto Josephtoextendthesaidnailtohim,inorderthattheVirginmaynotnoticeit.Afterwards NicodemusextractstheothernailfromthelefthandandsimilarlygivesittoJohn.Nicodemus descendsandcomestothenailsinthefeet.JospehsupportedthebodyoftheLord;happyindeedis thisJoseph,whohasdeservedthustoembracethebodyoftheLord!ThentheLadyrespectfully receivesthehangingrighthandandplacesitagainsthercheck,gasuponitandkissesitwiththe heavytearsandsorrowfulsighs”. 40 Beforeitwasrepresentedinart,theDescentfromtheCrosswasmostlikely considered as a sequence of moments that carefully described the action of the complete Deposition.This term, from the Latin depositio, usually implies the act of burial as well. In relation to Christ, however, this term signifies the moments in whichChristwastakendownfromtheCross,afterwardsknownastheDescentfrom the Cross. The iconography of the Descent from the Cross has been considered according to its composition and its progression. The image progresses from the image of Christ with both arms attached to the cross while Joseph of Arimathea is embracinghisbodyandNicodemus,theVirginMary,andJohntheEvangeliststand aside (Fig 3), to the version in which Joseph is passing the body of Christ to the VirginMaryformourningbeforetheburial.(Fig4)10 TheoldestsurvivingexampleoftherepresentationoftheDescentfromthe Crossisinailluminatedmanuscriptdatedtothesecondhalfoftheninthcentury.11 10ElizabethC.Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross:ItsRelationtotheExtra-Liturgical"Depositio" Drama.(NewYork:GarlandPub:1978),2,providesadetailedaccountofthisiconographical progressivechangeintherepresentationoftheDescentfromtheCross.Sheargueshowamore traditionalversiondevelopedintheEastwasfollowedbyamoretheatricalandelaborateversionin whichthebodywasfreedfromthenails.Despiteitisimpossibletolinkeverywesternexamplewith acorrespondenteasternsource,thispatternhasbeengenerallyacceptedandithasbeenthestarting pointinordertostudythesubject. 11ÉmileMâle,ReligiousArtinFrance.TheTwelfthCentury.AStudyoftheOriginsofMedieval Iconography(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress:1978),106.Florence,BibliotecaMedicea Laurenziana,Greek,CodexofAngers.Bibl.Municipale.Cod.24.Fol.8Conv.Soppr.160,f.213v.p. TheliteratureontheiconographyoftheDescentfromtheCrossisextensive.Seealso:.Parker,The DescentfromtheCross,1978.GertrudSchiller,IconographyofChristianart.(1stAmericaned) Greenwich,Conn.:NewYorkGraphicSociety,1971.Schälicke,Bernd.“DieIkonographieder monumentalenKreuzabnahmegruppendesMittelaltersinSpanien”Ph.DDiss.FUBerlin,1975. 41 (Fig5).Allfivecharactersappearinthisminiature:theVirginMaryholdsthehand ofherson,JosephofArimatheasustainsthebodyofChrist,andNicodemusdetaches Christ’sotherhandfromthecross.JohntheEvangelistisrepresentedaslookingup andcontemplatingthescene.Therenderingofthesefivereligiousfiguresinthefirst visualdepictionofthiseventsetastandardforfollowingdepictionsoftheDescent fromtheCross. Anothermodelthatcanbeconsideredamongtheearliestrepresentationsof the iconography of the Descent from the Cross in Western Europe comes from an eleventh-centuryivoryplateoriginatingmostprobablyinMetz,inLorreine(Fig6). Theimage’sstylereflectsaninfluencebyByzantinemodelsanddepictsacomplete illustrationofthePassionofChrist.12ThisimageestablishestheByzantineoriginof the iconography and its subsequent diffusion throughout the West in the form of miniatures, 13 as well as a general correspondence of iconographical variants betweentheEastandtheWest. The Descent from the Cross has been represented in a variety of contexts usingdifferentmedia.Thereareexamplesinpaintedwoodpanels(Fig7),sculpted wood(Fig 8 – Tivoli),fresco(Fig 9),marble(Fig 10),illuminatedmanuscript(Fig GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma, Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004. 12Jean-RenéGaborit,“LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizioneinFranciadalXalXIVsecolo” inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno Toscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),449. 13Mâle,ReligiousArt,108. 42 11) and also stained glass (Fig 12). As a moment that follows the Crucifixion, the DescentfromtheCrossisfrequentlyrepresentedinoneofthescenesofthelifeof ChristintheMedievalhistoriatedpaintedcrossesanddepictsthevaryinglevelsof physical and psychological involvement of the scene’s participants. In some cases thescenewasinsertedintothenarrativeofthemajorPassioncycle.Scholarshave distinguishedbetweenrepresentationsoftheDescentthatarepartofanarrationof the Passion of Christ, and those in which the Descent has a particular relevance insidethechurchinreferencetoitssingularpositionorthemonumentalcharacter oftheartworkitself.14 HansBelting,whileawarethatthesegroupshavenotbeenstudiedproperly accordingtotheirliturgicaluse,nonethelessdividedtheiconographyoftheDescent fromtheCrossintotwocategories.Thefirstistheritualdeposition,whichutilizesa symbolicrepresentationandisstaticinitsorganization.Anexampleofthiskindof Descent from the Cross is the group in Tivoli (Fig 13). This category includes the symbolictranspositionoftheactionitselfduringthismomentoftheDescentfrom theCross.ItsorganizationincludesChrist,whoisnailedonthecrossbyhisfeetand hisarmsopeninagestureofembrace,whilethesurroundingfiguresarearranged symmetrically. Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea are attempting to release the body of Christ while the Virgin and John wait to receive his body. The strict 14Gaborit,LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizione,452. 43 symmetrical arrangement and conventional gestures convert the historical action intoaritualactthatmeritssymbolicinterpretation.15 The second category, which involves a slight deviation from the ritual depositionand observed schema, is the Descent from the Cross in the cathedral in Volterra(Fig14).ThisDescentisanexampleofscenicdeposition,whichprovidesan attempt of the ensemble in motion to follow what is represented in painting or a mosaicofthesamesubject(Fig15–DescentfromUdine–fixpowerpoint).Inthe Descent from the Cross in Volterra, Joseph of Arimathea is very close to Christ, holdinghisbodywhileNicodemuspullsthenailsoutofhisfeet;theVirginMaryand JohntheEvangelistholdthehandsofChristintheactofreceivinghisbody.16These two categories represent the variation of the wooden sculpted version of the DescentfromtheCross. BeforeHansBelting’swork,CamilloPierattiniprovidedasortofclarification anddistinctiontotheiconographyoftheDescentfromtheCross.Heconsideredthe schiodaturaorschiavamento,theactionofpullingthenailsfromthecrossinwhich Christissupportedbyacordaroundhisbody,assimilartothegroupsinVolterraor Vicopisano.Thefirstcategoryofthesewoodengroupsismoreproperlyconsidered asDescentsfromtheCross,inwhichChristisrepresentedfrontallywithstretched 15GèzaDeFrancovich,“ARomanesqueSchoolofWoodCarversinCentralItaly”inArtBulletinVol19, n.11(March1937),31.HansBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAntiche ImmaginidellaPassione(NuovaAlfaEditoriale:Bologna:1986),169. 16Belting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,170. 44 armsreadytoembracethefaithful.Examplesofthiskindoficonographyincludethe groupsinTivoli,Norcia,andPescia(eventhoughthegroupofPesciapresentsacord that supports Christ). 17 Beyond this slight variation, the iconography does not changeduringthetimethesesculptedgroupswereproduced.Bothcases,however, despite the difference in the iconography, symbolize the gestures that are performedinthetheSacreRappresentazioni. Scholarship on the wooden group of the Descent from the Cross focuses primarilyonitsiconography,style,anddiffusionthroughoutEurope,particularlyin Italy,Spain,andFrance.However,littlehasbeensaidabouttheusesandeffectsof these sculptures and their development. The reason is primarily due to a lack of specific information and documentation that would allow a clear and supported understandingoftheliturgicaluseofthesewoodengroups,eitherbythechurchor bythelaity.Goingbeyondanalyzingiconographyandstyle,myaimistoreevaluate the function of the wooden groups of the Descent from the Cross, as well as animated sculptures of the crucified Christ,and thusilluminate the important role they held in devotional life in the late Medieval period and their affect on contemporarypictorialproduction. 17CamilloPierattini,“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttieMemorie dellaSocietàTiburtinadiStoriaeArte”,Vol56,(1983),141-208. 45 One aspect that will be considered in the reevaluation of the Descent is the extra liturgical Deposition drama. Since its beginning in the tenth century, the Deposition rite was practiced throughout Europe.18It was never included in the Roman liturgy, even though artworks and texts attest that it was performed regularly throughout Europe. This ritual was frequently organized at a local level, and in some cases laypeople had the chance to participate directly in these ceremonies through the form of processions.19The earliest preserved record of a DepositionritecomesfromtheMonasticAgreementofMonksandNunsofEngland, in which instructions were provided regarding the Adoration of the Cross and the Deposition.20 During these Deposition rituals, the clergy occasionally used a life-size woodensculptureofChristinsteadofacrossorthehost.21Theuseofthehostwas more common in European countries north of the Alps such as Germany. Spanish 18AmyKnightPowell,Depositions:ScenesfromthelateMedievalChurchandtheModernMuseum (ZoneBooks:NewYork,2012),45. 19Ibidem.,45. 20“NowsinceonthatdaywesolemnizetheburialoftheBodyofourSaviour,ifanyoneshouldcareor thinkfittofollowinabecomingmannercertainreligiousmeninapracticeworthytobeimitatedfor thestrengtheningofthefaithofunlearnedcommonpersonsandneophytes,wehavedecreedthis only:onthatpartofthealtarwherethereisspaceforitthereshallbearepresentationasitwereofa sepulcher,hungaboutwithacurtain,inwhichtheholyCross,whenithasbeenvenerated,shallbe placedinthefollowingmanner:thedeaconswhocarriedtheCrossbeforeshallcomeforwardand, havingwrappedtheCrossinanapkintherewhereitwasvenerated,theyshallbearitthence,singing theantiphonsInpeace,intheselfsame;Heshalldwell;andMyfleshshallrestinhope,totheplaceof thesepulcher.WhentheyhavelaidtheCrosstherein,inimitationasitwereoftheburialoftheBody ofourLordJesusChrist,theyshallsingtheantiphonAftertheLordwasburied”inTheMonastic AgreementoftheMonksandNunsoftheEnglishNation,trans.ThomasSymons(NewYork:Oxford UniversityPress,1953),44-45.AsquotedinPowell,Depositions:Scenes47. 21Powell,DepositionsScenes,47. 46 and Italian rituals, however, more frequently used wooden life-size groups of sculpturesrepresentingtheDescentfromtheCrossforthesekindsofcelebrations. Italy’sinclinationtowardtheuseofsculpturesconsiderablyaffectedthedevotional relationship between the object and its viewer, promoting a direct identification betweentheviewerandthesculpturesinthescene. In this research I would like to stretch our understanding of the wooden groupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucified Christ,particularlythewaytheycreatedandaffecteddevotionallifeinlateMedieval andEarlyRenaissanceItaly. Theatricalized liturgical ceremonies were first incorporated into the ceremonies of the Holy Week, particularly Pascal Triduum, around the seventh century,whiletheDepositioandElevatioCrucisdevelopedaroundthetenthcentury. InKarlYoung’sstudyTheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,hearguesthattheremight have been connections between the official liturgy and the extra-liturgical ceremonials.22Though the clergy controlled these ceremonies, which went beyond theatricalreenactments,thefaithfulwereinvitedtoexitthechurchduringthemost important moments of these celebrations. This choice emphasized the distance 22KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),115.“Resemblance betweentheliturgicalreservationfromtheHolyThursdaytoGoodFridayandtheextra-liturgical dramaticceremonialsarenotdifficulttodiscern.Thechest,ortabernacle,inwhichthereservedhost isplacedhasaparallelinthesepulchruminsomeversionofthedramaticceremonials.” 47 betweentheclergyandthefaithful,andenhancedtheprestigeoftheclergythrough theirroleinthiscrucialevent. It was common throughout Europe to exclude the faithful from the crucial momentsofthecelebrationoftheDepositioCrucis.Thiswasinordertoheightenits accuracy in replicating the original scene since very few people participated the burialofChrist.Inaddition,theabsenceofthefaithfulatthemomentoftheburial contributed further to the celebration’s status as a ceremony rather than just a play.23At the beginning of the development of these rituals, a cross or a host was typically used as the embodiment of Christ for his burial. Later in time, a wooden sculpture of the dead Christ was occasionally used and placed in a symbolic representationoftheHolySepulcherinJerusalem(Fig16).Thisuseofananimated sculptureoftheCrucifiedChristdidnotaffecttheritualitselfbutgreatlyheightened 23 Kamil Kopania, Animated Sculptures of the Crucified Christ in the Religious Culture of the Latin Middle Ages, (Warszawa: Wydawn: Neriton, 2010), 133. Kamil Kopania in his study quoted the contributions of Father Zenon Modzelewski, Estetyka średniowiecznego dramatu liturgicznego. Cykl Wielkiego Tygodnia w Polsce, 1964 and Julian Lewański, Średniowieczne gatunki dramatyczno-teatralne, 1966. Especially Julian Lewański underlines the different features of such ceremonies. He noted how the faithful both initiate and at the same time are absent from the presentation of the Depositio Crucis. He also distinguishes three categories of participation: the laypeople who watch the scene and are aware of what is happening, and somehow participate in the ritual just through their presence. The second type of participation involves the clergy, who, knowing Latin can fully understand the ceremony in its different meaning. The third category includes the part of the clergy that actually performs the ceremony, such as the bishop, the canon college, the prelates, and the singers. They represent the highest rank in the hierarchy of the clergy and the most educated as well. 48 therealismoftheceremony.Thisnewformofrealismisessentialforanalyzingthe powerofthesesculptures. TheDescentfromtheCrossandtherelationshipwiththeBenedictineorder Thefactthatseveralextantexamplesofthesesculptureshavebeenfoundin a Benedictine environment24 testifies to the possible connection between these wooden groups and the Benedictine order. While the connection between the Descent from the Cross and the Benedictine religious order might become evident whenconsideringtheritualoftheDepositioCrucisintheBenedictineorderaround Europe, a Benedictine origin of these group sculpturesis not established. Scholars havepositedanassociationbetweentheuseofthewoodandtheBenedictinesdue tothefactthatwoodavoidedanykindofsplendor orlavishnesswhenusedinart andwasthusachoicematerialfortheorder,especiallytheCistercians.25TheRuleof SaintBenedictitselfconsideredcraftactivitiestobeanimportantandappropriate 24GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano. (Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),19.Intheirarticlethereisacensusandamapofthe distributionofthesewoodenDescentsfromthecrossinItaly. 25PietroScarpellini,“LaDeposizionedallaCroceLigneenell’ItaliaCentrale:OsservazionieIpotesi”in LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano. (Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),345. 49 method of work at the cloister,26which suggests a similarity to the process of buildingthescupltures.Thisemphasisonthematerialofwoodisimportantbecause itmightlink,atleastconceptually,theproductionofthesewoodensculpturestothe Benedictineorder. ThelinkbetweentheCisterciansandthedevelopment—andmore specificallytheiconography—oftheDescentfromtheCrosscomesfromtheLifeof SaintBernardofClairvaux.WhileSaintBernardwasprayinginadorationinfrontof thecross,“Rushtotheembrace!Hewhilenailedtothewoodofthecross,offers himselfwithstretchedarmstothelovingforamutualembrace,”27hewasembraced byChrist,reinforcingtheideaofacorporalconnectionwithChristandhissuffering (Fig17).Thismiraculousmomentreflected“Bernard’simmensecontributionina developingtheologycenteredonChrist’ssacrificeontheCross."28Inoneofhis Sententiae,SaintBernardtalksofthe“crossofChrist—notthatwoodencrosson whichhehung,butthecrossofcharityonwhich,thenasnow,hewasoutstretched asiftoembraceuswithhisextended,lovingarms.”29Thoughthissentenceis 26L.HerbertKessler,“OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory”TheArtBulletinno.2(1988),180. 27HansBelting,“L’ArteeilsuoPubblico”(Bologna:NuovaAlfaEditoriale,1986),87.“Cristoseparatis bracchisacornibuscrucis,videbatureundemDeifamulumamplectantemacastringeresibi” 28JamesFrance,MedievalImagesofSaintBernardofClairvaux(Kalamazoo:CistercianPublications, 2006),180. 29“Quattuorsintcrucesdiversameritorumstipendiaexpectantes.PrimaestcruxChristi,nonlinqua illainquaperpebdit,sedcruxcaritatisinquaettuncetnuncextensusquasiademplexandosnos amorisbrachiisexpansis”,TranslationisfromBernard,andMaureenM.O'Brien,“Bernardof Clairvaux:theParables&theSentences”(Kalamazoo,Mich:CistercianPublications:2000),181. 50 reportedtobefromoneofSaintBernard’ssermons,wedonotknowthecontextor thespecificreference,thuswearenotabletolinkthissermonspecificallywiththe GroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross,sinceitcouldhavealsobeensimplyacrucifix interpretedthroughthespiritualinvolvementandintimateexperienceoftheSaint. SaintBernard’sembracedrewattentiontoChrist’sparticipationinour humanity.Inhisotherworks,SaintBernardremindshisreadersofthepassionof Christandthegreatsufferingheenduredforallofhumanity.30Thethemespresent inSaintBernard’svisionarealsoprovidedbythetwelfth-centurypseudobernardine hymnoflamentation,Planctusantenescia,indicatingthattheideaandthegestureof theembracewasconnectednotonlytothelife,experience,andvisionofSaint Bernard,butwasalsosomethingthatbelongedtothepublicdomainofdevotional practice.TheemphasisontouchinSaintBernard’sembracecanbeseeninthe productionofwoodensculptures.Infact,theSaintmentionsacrossinhisvision, notapainting;thus,thereisaphysicalbodypresentalongwithagestureof embracerepresentedbythesculptureofChristonthecrossandSaintBernard himself. However,determiningtherelationshipbetweentheBenedictineorder— specificallytheCistercians—andtheDescentfromtheCrossismorecomplicated thansimplyhighlightingthefactthatsomeoftheextantexamplesofthesewooden 30France,MedievalImages,183. 51 groupsareinBenedictineenvironmentsaswellasSaintBernard’samplexus.For nowwecanonlyassumetheconnectionbetweentheDescentfromtheCrossand theBenedictinesorder,accordingtoextantexamplesandtheimportanceofthe ImitatioChristiintheliturgyofthedifferentbranchesoftheBenedictineorder,such astheCisterciansortheCamaldolese.31Infact,whilethereisthesuggestionthat SaintBernard’svisioncouldhaveaffectedthepromotionofthewoodenDescent fromtheCrossinBourgogne,nodocumenthasbeenfoundthatwouldtestifytothe presenceofoneofthesewoodenDescentsinanyoftheCistercianabbeys. Alternatively,SaintBernard’sprayercouldhavebeenstimulatedbyoneofthese groupsofsculptureswhilehewastravelingtopromotethesecondCrusade.32 Infact,ElvioLunghihassuggestedareverseexplanation:thatSaintBernard ofClairvaux’svisioninfrontofacrucifixcouldhavebeenstimulatedby contemplationinfrontofoneofthegroupsoftheDescent,whichhemighthave 31Peter-DamianBelisle“OverviewofCamaldoleseHistoryandSpirituality”inThePrivilegeofLove. CamaldoleseBenedictineSpirituality”edbyPeter-DamianBelisle,O.S.B.Cam.(Collegeville:The LiturgicalPress,2002),15 32ElvioLunghi,“ConsiderazioniedIpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell’UmbriatrailXIIeil XIIISecolo”,InUmbriaeMarcheinEtàRomanica:ArtieTecnicheaConfrontotraXIeXIIISecolo. EditedbyEnricaNeriLusanna,(Todi:Ediart,2014),4.ProfessorLunghisupportstheideathatSaint BernardwasstimulatedinhisprayerstohavethevisionofChristandhisembraceafterseeingoneof theseDescentsfromtheCrossinFrancewhilegoingaroundandsupportingtheSecondCrusadewith hissermons.ThisideaisalsovalidatedconsideringthatmysticalvisionsoccurredduringtheMiddle AgesinfrontofsculpturalrepresentationofChrist. 52 encounteredinoneofthechurcheshevisitedwhiletravelingtosupporttheSecond Crusadein1147.33 ThishypothesisissupportedbythefactthatthereisawoodenChristthat wasoriginallyapartofagroupoftheDescentfromtheCross(Fig18)inPisa.This sculpturehasadirectconnectiontotheartproductioninFrance(Burgundy),anda documentexiststhatimpliesthatthesculpturewasacquiredduringtheCrusades, mostlikelythesecond(1147-49)orthird(1188-92)crusade.34Thus,eitherthe existenceorchronologyoftherealgroupoftheDescentfromtheCrosscorresponds withthepossibilitythatSaintBernardcouldhaveseenandbeeninspiredbyoneof thesegroupsforhismysticalvision.Thisisplausibleespeciallybecauseitisnotthe firstexampleofanartworkaffectingandstimulatingamysticalvision.35The physicalgestureaswell,whichshowsChristintheactofembracingthefaithful, correspondswiththecorporealrelationshipofthemysticalencounterbetween SaintBernardandChrist.Specificallyforthiscase,theiconographyofChristasa partofthegroupoftheDescentthatoriginallycomesfromtheFrenchregionof 33ElvioLunghi“ConsiderazioniedIpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell'UmbriatrailXIIeil XIIIsecolo”inUmbriaeMarcheinetàromanica:artietecnicheaconfrontotraXIeXIIIsecolo. Convegno"Testiecontesti,artietecnicheaconfrontoinUmbriaenelleMarcheinetàromanica",and EnricaNeriLusanna.(Ediart,Todi,2013),4. 34AntoninoCaleca“IgruppiToscani”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,la FormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),327. 35DuringtheMedievalperiodthereareseveralexamplesinwhichanimage,eitherasculptureora painting,stimulatedamysticalvisionoracontactwithGod.ThemostfamousexampleisSaint FrancisandthepaintedCrossinSanDamiano,butalsoCatherineofSiena,SaintThomasAquinas, SaintAngelaofFoligno,GiacomodaBevagna,VannadaOrvieto,SaintGiovanniGualberto. 53 BourgognerepresentsChriststillattachedtothecrossbytheleftarm,whilethe rightarmisdetachedandmovingdownwardintheactofvirtuallyreceivingthe faithful. SaintBernard’sunderstandingoftherelationshipbetweenhumannature andartcanhelpclarifywhethertheDescentfromtheCrossmighthaveoriginated eitherinaCistercianenvironmentorinamoregeneralBenedictineone.Hemakesa distinctioninhisSermonsfortheSeasonsbetweenthesoulandthebody,notingthat visibleandmaterialobjectswerenecessaryforboththesoulandthebody.He makesthecorrelationbetweentheactofartisticcreationandhumannatureitself. Inoneofhissermons,heasserts: “Godformedmanoftheslimeoftheearth, andbreathedintohisfacethebreathof life”(Gen.2:7)OhwhatanArtist,whata Compounderofthingsdiverse,atWhosecommand theslimeoftheearthandthespirit oflifearethusintimatelyweddedtogether! Theslimeindeedhadalreadyreceivedexistence, When‘inthebeginningGodcreated 54 heavenandearth.’(Gen.1:7)Butthespirit hadacreationpropertoitself.Itwasnot producedincommonwithotherthings.Neither wasitcreatedinthebodilymass,but infusedintoitinasingularandexcellentmanner.”36 Saint Bernard acknowledged the importance of the artist and his act of creation, particularlytheartist’sabilitytoinfuselifeintoinertmaterial.Theartist’smastery and good intentions provide the intelligibility of the work of art.37The Saint also recognizedthatthesouliscapableofknowledgeonlythroughabodilyexperience withintheorderofnature.38InhisSermonoftheSeason,heunderlined: “For‘thethingsaremade,’(rom1:20) thatis,thosecorporealandvisiblethings, cannotenterintoourknowledgeexcept throughtheavenuesofourbodilysenses. Thehumansoul,therefore,spiritualcreature 36Bernard’sSermonsfortheSeasons,1:390-91(SecondSermonforChristmasDay)inKilianHufgard O.S.U.,“SaintBernardofClairvaux,ATheoryofArtFormulatedFromHisWritingandIllustratedin Twelfth-CenturyWorksofArt”(Queenston–Ontario:TheEdwinMellenPress,1989),57. 37Ibidem.,57. 38Ibidem.,57. 55 thoughshebe,hasneedofabody,as withoutthehelpofthisshecouldnever acquirethatsciencewhich,likealadder, enableshertomountuptothosehigher realities,inthecontemplationofwhichshe findsherhappiness.”39 Thus,theimportanceofartistwofold;itservesboththespiritandthebodyofman. Intheactofcreation,theartistimitatestheCreatorinproducingtheopportunityto regain paradise through an object.40Saint Bernard, being aware of the spiritual purposesandbeautyofart,placestheprocessofartproductionandtheartobject itselfinhighregard. In his Apologia, which has been historically considered a unique and important document of the Medieval understanding and attitude toward art, he argues that art is a distraction to monks in the cloisters.41He writes specifically aboutthedangerofbeingdistractedbyartwithinthemonastery.Itisimportantto notethatSaintBernarddistinguishesbetweenartforthelaypersonandanartfor the monks. In his critique of art created for the layperson, his most important consideration is the function of the art rather than its audience, specifically the 39Ibidem.,58. 40Ibidem.,61. 41ConradRudolph,“Bernard’sofClairvaux’sApologiaasDescriptionofCluny,andtheControversy overMonasticArt,”Gesta,no.27(1988):129. 56 pilgrimage art at pilgrimage monasteries,.42He criticizes the opulence of art and howartisticintentionwasoccasionallyboundtotheliturgyinordertoattractmore money.43 His criticism of monastic art, on the other hand, refers specifically to the dangerofdistractionawayfromtheaimtowardsomethingthatcannotembodiedby materiality; because art is material, it distracts monks from focusing on their spiritual development. In his Apologia, he asks a series of accusatory questions in order to investigate the nature of art:“…Tell me, priests, what is gold doing in the holyplace?...Whatisthatridiculousmonstrositydoing?...Whatarefilthyapesdoing there?” 44 Saint Bernard is convinced that the spirit, since it belongs to an otherworldlyrealm,doesnotneedworldlythings. HehadastrongsenseofloveanddevotiontowardtheCrucifixionofChrist, and it was a focal point of his religious life. He believed that artwork was not necessary in order to feel this love, and that art would indeed only serve as a 42ConradRudolph,TheThingsofGreaterImportance,BernardofClairvaux’sApologiaandtheAttitude TowardMedievalArt(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1990),19. 43“Moneyissownwithsuchskillthatitmaybemultiplied.Itisexpendedsothatitmaybeincreased, andpouringitoutproducesabundance.Thereasonisthattheverysightofthesecostlybut wonderfulillusionsinflamesmenmoretogivethattopray.Inthiswaswealthisderivedfrom wealth,inthiswasmoneyattractsmoney,becausebyIknownotwhatlaw,whereverthemoreriches areseen,therethemorewillinglyareofferingmade.Eyesarefixedonrelicscoveredwithgoldand pursesareopened.Thethoroughlybeautifulimageofsomemaleorfemalesaintisexhibitedandthe saintisbelievedtobemoreholythemorehighlycoloredtheimageis.Peoplerushtokissit[and] theyareinvitedtodonate(Apologia28),”inConradRudolph,TheThingsofGraterImportance, BernardofClairvaux’sApologiaandtheAttitudeTowardMedievalArt(Philadelphia:Universityof PennsylvaniaPress,1990),21. 44Ibidem.,115. 57 distraction away from Christ. His writings reflect an effort to connect both the intellectualandemotionalsidesofhisunderstandingofChrist’ssufferingandlove.45 However,otheraspectsmusttobeevaluatedtoassertthisconnectionbetweenthe originofthesewoodengroupsandtheirdevelopmentanddiffusioninaBenedictine context. In particular, we must consider the rituality of these sculptures and how it connects the wooden Depositions from the Cross to the Benedictines. The Deposition Rite was common in Europe since the tenth century, especially in Germany and England, and was related to the reform of the Benedictine monasteries.Mostlikelytheritedevelopedinamonasticcontextbeforespreading tonon-monasticchurches.46Thiscanpartiallyilluminatetheimplicationsoftherole oftheBenedictinesindevelopingthefunctionoftheDescentfromtheCross. BenedictinesintheItalianpeninsula,especiallythoseinMontecassino,were exposedtothenewiconographyofChristinwhichhewasrepresentedexpressing sufferingandhumanessencewhilehewasdeadonthecrossasearlyasthefirsthalf oftheeleventhcentury.ThisnewwayofrepresentingChristwastheresultof Byzantineinfluence,whichwasmadepossiblebythecloserelationshipbetween ByzantiumandMontecassinoandalsobythedisconnectionbetweenthesouthof 45SandroSticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,ItsOriginandDevelopment(Albany:StateUniversityPress, 1970),43. 46Powell,Depositions,46. 58 Italyandthenorthernpartofthepeninsuladuetoavarietyofpolitical, geographical,andracialreasons.47TherelationshipbetweenByzantinecultureand Montecassinowassolidifiedatthebeginningoftheeleventhcenturybecause DesideriusfromBenevento,whowaslaterelectedasPopeVictorIII,wasalsoabbot ofMontecassinofrom1058until1086.48Desideriouswasresponsibleforthe reconstructionofthemonastery,andheimportedmanyworksfromByzantium. Moreimportantly,heassembledGreekartiststoworkwithmosaics,metalwork, andilluminatedmanuscripts.49Asaresult,newartisticideasarrivedin Montecassinothroughtheseilluminatedmanuscripts,whichwerealsousedalong withmusicandillustratedpictures.OnesuchexampleistheExultedrolls:“The peculiarfeatureoftherollisthatthepicturesareinreversetothetext,soasthe deaconchantedandunrolledthescroll,theillustrationsoftheunrolledportionhe hadjustreadwouldfalloverthebackoftheambobeforehim,thusdisplayingthem rightsideupinfrontofthecongregation.”50Theintentionofusinganilluminated scrollforliturgicalpurposeswasbasedalsoonthesymbolicandperformative 47Sticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,45. 48Ibidem.,45. 49Ibidem.,45. 50Ibidem.,45. 59 valuesthatthescrollcouldexpress,consideringalsotheprestigeofthemedium itselfasthecarrierofthecultureoftheancientworld.51 ThroughthisexposuretotheByzantineculturalmilieu,theBenedictinesin MontecassinoshowedaChristocentricattitudethatwaslaterenhancedbythe writingsandexperienceofSaintBernard.IthasalsobeensuggestedthatSaint Bernard’swritingandspiritualexperiencesaffectedthedevotiontowardthe PassionofChristandpromotedadramaticrepresentationofthePassionitself,52 whichwouldjustifytheproductionofoneoftheoldestPassionplaysintheWest foundintheBenedictineenvironmentofMontecassino.Thisworkwasproducedin themiddleofthetwelfthcenturyintheabbeyofMontecassinobyananonymous playwrightwhowasprobablyamonk.53Consideringthecomplexityofthestructure andthelanguage,thisplaywasmeanttobeperformedratherthanjustread. However,thereisnoevidencethatthisplaywaseverperformedattheMonasteryof Montecassinoorinotherlocations;wecanonlysupposeitwas.54 51NinoZchomelidse,Art,Ritual,andCivicIdentityinMedievalSouthernItaly(ThePennsylvaniaState UniversityPress,Pennsylvania,2014),34-71.Particularlyforthissituationthescrolladdedalso symbolicandiconographicsignificanceofthemediumasthecarrierofthecultureoftheancient world.Inadditiontothattheideaofaddingimagestothetext,itaddedaperformativevalue 52Sticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,43. 53RobertEdward,TheMontecassinoPassionandthePoeticsofMedievalDrama(Berkley:University ofCaliforniaPress,1977),1. 54MelodySueOwens,“TheMontecassinoPassionPlay:TheatreinaMonasticCommunity”(PhDdiss. UniversityofCalifornia,Berkley,1987),5. 60 RobertEdwardswroteastudyabouttheMontecassinoPassionPlayandits roleinMedievaldrama,inwhichhestressesitsdifferencesfrompreviousand subsequentformsanditsrelationshipwiththevisualarts.Besidesthedirect Benedictineconnection,ithasbeenhighlightedhowthisPassionPlaywasproduced duringthe“goldenage”oftheMontecassinomonastery,whichoccurredwhilethe abbotDesideriuswasrulingandrebuildingtheMonastery.Thereisasectionof Edwards’studydevotedtotherelationshipbetweeniconographicalsourcesand visualimagesinordertoelicitmeaning.Hesuggeststhatthereisaconnection betweenthedramaandbookillustrationproduction,andthattheplaycouldhave beenacounterparttotheminiaturecycle.AccordingtoEdwards,themostevident connectionbetweendramaandartwasfoundinthemanuscriptoftheplayitself.He arguesthat“themanuscriptleavesroomfortwelveminiatures,”andthoughthey wereneverexecuted,theywouldhavemostlikelyfollowedthosedepictedinthe monastery.55Inaddition,Gospelaccountscouldhaveprovidedanoutlineforthe progressionofscenes,andthedialogueservedasavisualsourceforthescenes.56 ItisimportanttonotethatinaBenedictineenvironment,especiallyoneas importantasMontecassino,thecreationofaPassionPlaywasinfluencedprimarily byilluminatedmanuscriptsratherthanbyimagesoftheDescentfromtheCross. 55Edward,TheMontecassinoPassion,96. 56Ibidem.,95. 61 OnereasonforthisphenomenonistheBenedictinereligiousorderitself. Benedictinemonasticismwasconsideredinsomecasesthe“highestorder”ofthe contemplativelife;57thecoreoftheirmonasticismwas“itscommitmenttothe pursuitofreligiousperfectionandattheheartofthat[…]wasalargemeasureof asceticism,meaningdenialofthefleshandtheworld.”58Thisasceticattitudeandits concentrationinmonasticlifedoesnotalignwiththemainandsupposeduseofthe woodenDescentfromtheCross,theatricaluse. Thesesculptures’theatricaluseentailstheirconstantdisplayduringspecific religiousholidaysortheirdynamicinteractionswithstructures,objects,andactors duringtheliturgicalyear.59Byclaimingtobetheprimaryreligiousorderin Christiansociety,Benedictinesbelievedandactedinaheavenlyandworld-denying rule.60Theyhadrichchurches,rituals,andartwithinthewallsoftheirmonastery, yettheirliturgyandspiritualitydidnotallowforanytheatricaldimensions.They particularlyrejectedtheuseofsculpturesforpubliccelebrationsandforrituals directlyinvolvingthefaithful.ThewoodensculpturesoftheDescentwereused specificallyforthistypeofpubliccelebrationandrituals. 57JohnVanEngen,”CrisisofCenobitismReconsidered:BenedictineMonasticismintheYears1050- 1150,”Speculum,no2(1986):269. 58Ibidem.,285. 59ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”inIlTeatrodelleStatue,GruppiLigneidi DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetrailXIIeilXIIISecolo,”edFrancescaFloresD’Arcais(Milano:Vita& Pensiero,2003),69. 60VanEngen,CrisisofCenobitism,289. 62 Benedictineshadcontactwiththelaycommunityandalsowiththehigh ranksofsociety,suchasprincesandkings,buttheirrolewastoserveas intercessorstothedivine,andtheyconsideredthemselvestobe“society’sspiritual warriors.”61TheywereinchargeofhousingimportantmedievalrelicssuchasSaintFoyatConques,Saint-BenoîtatFleury,andSaintMadeleineatVézeleyintheir monasteries.Theywereawareofthespiritualpowerassociatedwithrelics,62and wereincontactandassistedwiththearrivalofmanypilgrimsvisitingtheholy placeswheretherelicsweredisplayed.Theyproclaimedthemselvestobethe intercessorsbetweenpilgrimsandtheholyremainsofthesaints,butdespite frequentcontactwiththelaity,theirvigilantandspiritualrolewasnotasactiveand interactiveaswemightconsider,forexample,theFranciscans. Theirart-relatedmaterialprosperity,aspreviouslymentioned,wasatarget ofSaintBernard’sApologiabecauseofthepossibledistractionofthemonksfrom theirspiritualdutiestowardGod.SaintBernardhimselfrecognizestheimportance ofartanditspreciousspiritualrolebutcriticizesthelavishnessofsomeobjects, particularlythepresenceofgoldforspiritualmatters.Whilepilgrimageartbecame increasinglyimportanttomaintainahighlevelofincomeforthemonastery,Saint Bernardcondemnsthisexplicitmanipulationofartalongwiththeavariceofsome 61Ibidem.,293. 62Ibidem.,296 63 monks;63itistheremunerativepowerthatheopposes,notthespiritualpoweror thepresenceoftheartworkwithintheliturgy.Dealingwithartandartworkswasan importantpartoftheBenedictinecommunity,andtheywereeasilyexposedto preciousmaterialaswell. ThedocumentsoftheRegularisConcordia,datedaround965-975and developedinaBenedictineenvironment,notethattheVisitatioSepulchri,which involvestheritualsoftheElevatioandDepositioinwhichasculptureofChristor plaincrosscouldhavebeenused,wasusedintheEnglishAbbeyofDurham.Itis unclearwhetheritwasonlyacrossoriftherewasalsoafigureofChrist,butwe knowthatin1593asculptureofChristwasusedinDurham.64Itispossiblethat woodensculpturescouldhavebeenusedinHolyFridaycelebrationssincetheEarly MiddleAges,especiallyforthedramaticreenactmentoftheDepositioandElevatio, andwithafullreenactmentoftheDescentfromtheCrossaswell.65However,the monasticlifeoftheBenedictines,theirroleinthemedievalreligiouscontext,and theliturgicalaspectsoftheirorder,contrastwithconnectingthedevelopmentofthe woodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossdirectlywiththeBenedictines. WhenSaintBernardcriticizesthepossibilityofdistractionforthemonks,he referstoadimensioninwhichtherewassupposedtobeardentdevotionanda 63ConradRudolph,TheThings,195. 64KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch–VolI(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),137. 65MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:alcuneConsiderazioni”inSculturaLignea –Lucca1200–1425edbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte),35. 64 personalrelationshipwithGodwithinthereligiousorder.EventhoughCistercian artwaspureandsimpleaccordingtothewillanddirectionofSaintBernard,his concernoverthepotentialdistractionofartappliestomonksaswellaslaypeople alltogetherinonereligiouscommunity.Thus,whenSaintBernardtalksaboutarthe discussesthesituationwithintheabbeysaswellbecauseCistercians,asanorder, hada“strictdesireofsolitudeforalloftheirabbeysandprohibitedgeneralaccess totheirchurches.”66Therefore,Iarguethatdespitetheinterestingpossible connection,itwillbedifficulttolinkthedevelopmentofthewoodenDescentfrom theCrossanditsusageinvolvingthewholecommunitytoareligiousorderthat prefersmeditationandsolitudeinreachingGod. ThefactthatsomeoftheDescentsfromtheCrosswerefoundincathedrals andparishchurchesmaylinktheexistenceanduseofthesewoodengroup sculpturestotheseplaces.Infact,thediffusionofcathedralsseemstocorrespond chronologicallywiththeproductionofthewoodenDescentfromtheCross.The SpoletoCathedral,originallybuiltinthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcenturyand renovatedthroughouttime,isanexampleofRomanesquearchitecture.Inhis pastoralvisittotheCathedralin1712,GiacintoLascarismentionedwithaccurate 66JeanLeclerq,BernardofClairvauxandtheCisterciansSpirit(Kalamazoo:Michigan,1976),18. 65 detailtheexistenceofawoodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossinthechapel knownas“CappelladelleImmagini.”67 InItalyoverall,thesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosscanbe foundinboththeBenedictinecontextandalsoincathedrals,parishes,orAugustine churches.TheBenedictineinfluenceonthestructureoftheliturgy,inrelationtothe ritualoftheDepositioCrucis,isnotsimilarlyseenonthecreationanduseofwooden groupsoftheDescentfromtheCross.Onepossiblehypothesis,withoutrelyingso strictlyondistributionnumbers,68isthatthewoodengroupsoftheDescentfrom theCrosscouldhavebeenproducedinaBenedictineenvironment,mostlyfor displayoradoration,whileothersthatwerefoundinCathedrals,Pievis,or Augustinianchurchesarethosethatcouldhavebeenutilizedforliturgicalandritual purposesdirectlyandactivelyinvolvingthefaithful.Thishypothesis,alongwithan analysisofthefunctionofthesewoodensculpturesinaffectingmedievaldevotion 67A.D.S., Visita Lascaris, 1712-1715; for the transcription see Trascrizioni edited by di L. Andreani, R. Chiovelli, P. Mercurelli Salari, in La Cattedrale di Spoleto (nota 2), p. 495. “La seconda cappella si chiama volgarmente Cappella delle Immagini. Ha un altare proveduto decentemente di suppllettili sagre, nel di cui frontespicio vi è una croce di legno di rilievo, nella quale è dipinta la imagine dell SS. Crocifisso ed a’ lati di detta croce vi sono le imagini della Beata Vergine e di San Giovani come pure le statue di loegno di rilievo di Nicodemo e Gioseppe d’Arimatea in atto di deporre dalla croce il Crocefisso. In quest’altare vi sono le armi della città di Spoleto con la seguente iscrizione intagliata nel marmo…..”. 68GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati, 2004),19.AccordingtothechartinthisstudyabouttheDescentfromtheCrossinEurope,the originalcertifiedlocationoftheextantDescentfromtheCrossis:fourfromCathedrals,threefrom Parishchurch,andsevenfromBenedictineChurches.TheremainingDescentsarecataloged accordingtoaprobableoriginallocation:onefromCathedrals,twofromparishchurches,threefrom Benedictineschurches,threefromAugustinianchurches,andtwofromConfraternities. 66 andpictorialproductionofthelateMedievalperiod,willbethesubjectofthe followingchapter. 67 Chapter2 TheDescentfromtheCrossandMedievalPiety One of the problems in studying the wooden groups of the Descent fromtheCross,andmedievalwoodensculptureingeneral,isthateasyandgeneral “categories”wereappliedhistoricallythatpreventedthemfromcriticalobservation. Theywereconsideredmere“devotionalobjects,”downgradedbecauseoftheuseof perishablewoodandoftentimesrepeatedlyrepainted,thusconsidered“peasantlike andcrudeinworkmanship.”1Theseopinionsenduringlyandnegativelylabeledthe wooden groups and adversely affected their study. Therefore, despite the lack of primary sources and the small number of extant examples in comparison to the original production, several aspects need to be reevaluated that can affect our understanding of the devotional context of late Medieval and early Renaissance Italy,and,aboveall,canreevaluatetheseartworks’positioninthehistoryofartof thirteenth-centuryItaly.Thischapterwilldealwiththeimportanceofthesculpted versionoficonographyoftheDescentfromthecrossanditsrelationshipwiththe devotionalliteratureoftheperiod. 1 Géza De Francovich, A Romanesque School of Wood Carvers in Central Italy, “The Art Bulletin”, Vol. 19, No. 1 (1937), 46. 68 TheRoleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross Thephysicalworldwasconsideredtobeasortofacontinuationofthe supernaturalworldintheMiddleAges;materialsplayedanimportantpartin medievalcosmology,asdidartproductionitself.2Aswiththemajorityofmedieval art,weneedtokeepinmindthattheproductionofsomeobjectswasanartistic responsetoaliturgicalordevotionalneed.Sincethebeginningofitsproductionin themedievalWest,artwasmeanttoeducate.StGregorytheGreatsummarizedthe didacticroleoftheimages: Onethingistheadorationofanimage,anotherthingistolearnwhat toadorefromthestoryrenderedbytheimage.Forwhatthe Scripturesteachthosewhoread,thissameimageshowstothosewho cannotreadbutsee;becauseiniteventheignorantseewhomthey oughttofollow,intheimagethosewhodonotknowlettersareable toread.3 Aboutsevenhundredyearslater,SaintThomasAquinasreiteratedasimilar sentiment: 2HerbertKessler,OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory,“TheArtBulletin”,Vol.70,N.2(1988),172. 3StGregory,Ep.XI:13(P.L.,77cols.1128,1129),asquotedinRingbom,Sixten.IcontoNarrative:the RiseoftheDramaticClose-UpinFifteenth-CenturyDevotionalPainting(Doornspijk,Dovaco Publishers,1984),11. 69 TheimagesofChristandthesaintsweremadeforthreereasons:first, fortheinstructionoftheunlettered,whoaretaughtbytheseimages asiftheywerebooks;secondly,sothatthemysteryoftheincarnation andtheexampleofsaintsmayremainthebetterinourmemory,when theyarepresenteddailytooureyes;thirdly,sothatafeelingof devotionmaybeexcited,whichcanbearousedmoresuccessfullyby thingsseenthanheard.4 ThesestatementssupportedtheChristiantheorytowardimagesandjustified,at leastintheWest,theirproductionanduse.Atthesametime,theliturgyaffectedthe receptionofByzantineiconographyfromtheEast,whichwasadaptedtothe Westerndevotionalcontextthroughtheadjustmentoficonpanelsasaltarpiecesor devotionalimages.5Inordertounderstandartisticimages,itispivotaltoconsider thefundamentalreasonsfortheircreationanduse.Historically,bothSaintGregory theGreatandSaintThomasAquinasrefertoimages,particularlypaintedimages, yettheydonotreferspecificallytosculptures.Thisismostlikelyduetoageneral restraintaroundsculpturesonaccountoftheimpendingriskofidolatry.However, woodensculptures,especiallyintheformoftheCrucifixion,appearasearlyasthe 4ThomasAquinas,SummaTheologica,SecundaSecundae,III,175-76,asquotedinCatherineKing “Effigies:humananddivine”inSiena,FlorenceandPadua;Art,SocietyandReligion1280–1400(New Haven,Conn:YaleUniversityPressinassociationwiththeOpenUniversity,1995),126. 5Kessler,OntheStateofMedievalArt,174. 70 Carolingianera.AbeautifulexampleistheGeroCross(Fig1),evenifitwasmade duringtheOttonianperiod. PaintedrepresentationsoftheDescentfromtheCross(seeChapter1) existedfarbeforetheoldestextantexamplesofthewoodensculpturalversion.Yet ratherthanviewingacompetitionbetweenthetwomedia,weshouldinsteadseek tounderstandhowtheyrelatetotheirreligiouscontexts,particularlytheirrolesin shapingdevotioninthelateMedievalperiodandinRenaissanceart.Insomecases, especiallyinFrance,theDescentoftheCrosswasrepresentedontheentrancedoor ofCathedralsorinotherprominentpositionsasiftheyhadthesamefunctionasthe representationoftheCrucifixion.6TheDescentfromtheCross,despiteitsuseina ritualcontext,hadaprivilegedspaceeveninasymbolicdimension,andwas comparedtoaswellasabletosubstitutetherepresentationoftheCrucifixion.This couldbeduetothefactthattheDescentcouldhavebeenconsideredasthe beginningoftheResurrectionprocess,whichwouldstressthehumanityofChristin adirectyetdifferentwaythanthesufferingoftheCrucifixion.7 6GaboritJean-René,“LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizioneinFranciadalXalXIVSecolo” inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno Toscano(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),453. 7RobertDidier,“UneDescentedeCroixSculptéeMosaneduXIsiècle.AproposduChristde l’Ancienne“CurvaCrux’deLouvain”,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,la FormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),423448. 71 Itisimportanttounderstandthechangingpatternsofspiritualityduringthe lateMedievalperiodanditsevolutiontowardamoreelaborateandvisceral relationshipbetweentheobjects,theviewer,andreligioussociety.Whilewehave onlyfewprimarysources,invaluableCounterReformationPastoralVisitscanbe usedretroactivelytounderstandsculpturesmadeduringtheMiddleAges. Additionally,wecanrelyontheobjectsthemselvesandtheirchangesthroughout time,eithericonographicallyorinrelationtotheiruse,toprovideevidenceofthe impacttheyhadnotonlywithinadevotionalcontextbutalsotoarthistory. Oneofthemostresearchedandwell-knownaspectsofmedievalpietyisthe developmentofdevotiontowardthesufferingChristandtheneedforthelaityto approachandexperienceChrist’shumanityinanemphaticway.Thischangein relationtothehumanityofChristaffectedseveralaspectsofmedievalreligious society:theartproductionaswellastheliturgyandreligiousliterature.Whilethis studycannotcoverthesedifferentaspectswithexhaustiveattention,Iwillkeep theminmindinordertosupportthisreevaluationofthemedievalwoodenDescent fromtheCross. ThisconcentrationonthehumanityandPassionofChristwasnotnewor uniquetotheMiddleAges.TextsintheGreekEastmentionChrist’shumanitysince 72 thesecondcentury,andWesterntextssincethesixthcentury.8Yetitisn’tuntilthe eleventhandtwelfthcenturiesthatPassionliturgyshowsanewinteresttowardthis crucialmomentofChrist’slife,whichinvolvedanewreadingoftheBibleinorderto supportandprovidean“authoritativetestimonytoHishumanityandsuffering.”9 BernardofClairvauxisaprominentexampleofhowthePassionfigureandthe sufferingofChristattractedmanytheologicalandmysticalinterpretations.10Once therewasageneralinterestinthehumanityofChrist,devotionallifewas consequentlyaffectedinallitsaspects.However,whilethereareartistic reproductionsofthedifferentstagesofthePassionofChrist,especiallythelast momentssuchastheCrucifixion,DescentfromtheCrossandEntombmentin differentmediaandindifferentperiods,thereisnotacorrespondingequivalent interestbyscholarshipandhistoriography,particularlytosculpture. Thefirstissuerelatedtotheseobjectsisthatatacertainpointthewooden groupoftheDescentfromtheCrossbegantoappearinchurches(Fig 2).Thiswas not a new subject, yet the subject was suddenly being produced through a new 8JamesH.Marrow,PassionIconographyinNorthernEuropeanArtoftheLateMiddleAgesandEarly Renaissance,AStudyoftheTransformationofSacredMetaphorintoDescriptiveNarrative(Kortrijk: VanGhemmertPublishingCompany,1979),7. 9Ibidem.,191. 10Belting,TheImageanditsPublic,172. 73 medium. Therefore, we must investigate how this new way of representing the subject changed and affected piety, as well as the viewer’s relationship with the subject itself, its use, and the surrounding liturgy. An important aspect of these wooden groups is that they are independent in the church space. They cannot be classified as monumental sculptures, or as contemporary examples of sculptures, eitherCrucifixionsortheVirginMaryenthronedwithChild,whichareattachedto either the cross or the throne. Rather, the wooden sculptures of the Descent from the Cross acquired a more autonomous identity, possessing their own physical space. 11 Since Gregory the Great’s letter that supported the use of images for religiouspurposes,oneofthemaincharacteristicsofmedievalreligiousimageswas theirreminiscenceaboutBiblestoriesandtheGospels,specificallythosededicated tothePassionofChrist.12Onthisaccount,itispivotaltorecognizetheintentbehind the production of images and their ability to affect the viewer and facilitate this processofmeditation.Inotherwords,thewoodenDescentfromtheCrosssolidified and added another more complex level to the relationship between object and viewer. 11GiovanniRomano,“Conclusioni”,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma edGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),498-499. 12CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII Secolo)(Milano:Vitaepensiero,2008),145. 74 TheDescentfromtheCrossshowsthesupremeinstanceofthemortalityof Christ.ChrististakendownfromthecrossbyNicodemusandJosephofArimathea, andaccordingtotheGospelonlytheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistassistedin this dramatic moment. While the faithful can only visually experience the death of ChristintheCrucifixionthrougheitherpaintingsorsculptures,theDescentfromthe Cross offers the faithful a chance to embrace this mortality, to be part of it and experienceitviscerallyduetothelifesizeandmedium,asopposedtothedistance fromwhichtheycouldrelatetothepaintedorsculptedCrucifixion. More than the painted (Fig 3) or sculpted versions such as the Descent by BenedettoAntelami(Fig4),thewoodensculptedDescentsfromtheCrossprovided symbolicandphysicalaccesstothisdramaticmomentofthePassion.Thisisdueto their independent setting in the church space, their life size dimension, and their presentation of the gesture of Christ, with open arms, ready to be symbolically embraced. The moment represented either in painting (fresco or illuminated manuscript) or sculpture (other than wood) is the same; neither change the conceptual role of the representation. Instead, the wooden sculpture adds, along with the holiness of the representation, an interactive dimension that had an innovative impact on medieval devotion. Moreover, the Descents from the Cross were not the only wooden sculptures produced and used during this period: the 75 representationoftheVirginMaryenthronedwithChildandtheCrucifixionofChrist were in use since the Carolingian revival of classical and Byzantine forms. These sculptural productions were considered to have the same function as the secular portraits and, following the Byzantine idea and representation of the prototype, were not considered idolatrous.13The tridimensional form, which more effectively represented the presence of Christ or the Virgin Mary, also guaranteed an easier transcendentexperience.Themediumofthesculptureitselfcompletelymanifested the presence of the prototypes within the realm of the faithful; the role of these objectsasintermediariesbetweentheearthlyworldandthedivinedimensionwasa widespreadandwellknownconditionbehindtheirproduction.14 TheDescentfromtheCrossmighthavefollowedthesameconceptualpathat thebeginningoftheirproduction,butthesubject,size,staging,anduseinthelater periodallshowadifferentdimensionfromtheprecedingsculpturalproductionof theCrucifixionandtheVirginMaryenthroned.Infact,theVirginMaryenthroned with Child was developed after the so called sedes sapientiae (Fig 5), a representationoftheVirginandChildthat,despitethesculpturalmedium,showsan authoritativeaurathatdoesnotalloworsuggestacompassionaterelationshipwith 13IleneH.Forsyth,TheThroneofWisdom;WoodSculpturesoftheMadonnainRomanesqueFrance (Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),91. 14Ibidem.,91. 76 the viewer. As for the Crucifixion, despite the fact that we find a range of representations from the triumphant Christ to the suffering Christ or the dead Christ,itisimportanttonotethevirtualdistancethatseparatesthebodyofChrist from the faithful, making it conceptually inaccessible to them15. Even if Christ is represented as dead on the cross, he and his body are still unreachable, inviting more of a contemplative relationship than a bodily connection. However, the Descent from the Cross allows a crucial accessibility to the body of Christ in the moment during which his humanity is best expressed, the powerless moment of death. The presence of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea provides the physical accesstothespaceinwhichtheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistareclosetothe bodyofChrist.TheroleandpresenceofbothNicodemusandJospehofArimathea wereclosetothatoneofordinarylaypeople.NicodemusandJosephorArimathea offeredthemselvesasanactofpietyandfaithtoChrist,throughwhomordinarylay people could see themselves, facilitating the closeness and access to the body of Christ. Therefore,thewoodenDescentfromtheCrossneedstobeseeninadifferent perspectivethanotherwoodensculptures.TheDepositionrite,whetheritincludes 15AsregardsofthechangeoficonographyinwoodensculpturesfromtheChristusTriumphanttothe ChristusPatiensandVirginenthronedwithChildinEuropesee:JacopoLorenzelli,PietroLorenzelli andVeca,Alberto,andGalleriaLorenzelli.CustodeDell'immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XV Secolo.GalleriaLorenzelli,1987. 77 these wooden groups or not, has never been officially approved in the liturgy of Rome,16 which allows different local religious and lay communities to shape it according to their devotional desires or circumstances. This indirectly shows the power of the ritual itself and its capability to affect devotion during the late Medievalperiod. Scholarship generally addresses these wooden groups of the Descent from the Cross from an iconographical perspective and tries to understand the artists responsiblefortheseobjects.Oneargumentisthattheproductionanduseofthese objectslastedonlyaboutninetyyears;thereaftertheywereconsideredtoooldtobe usedornolongerappropriatelyadaptabletothedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.17 Conversely, I propose that the scene of the Descent from the Cross was still used conceptually; however, the physicalsculptures of the group were later substituted with real people who reenacted the scene. This was possible because of the independentphysicalspacetheyoccupiedaswellasthedimensionsofthestatues. Infact,alltheDescentfromtheCrosssculptureswerelife-size,accordingtoextant 16AmyPowell,Depositions:ScenesfromtheLateMedievalChurchandtheModernMuseum(NewYork: ZoneBooks,2012),81. 17BrunoToscano,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLignea:daunaMostraadunaSumma”inIl TeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIISecolo:Attidel Convegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesano FondazioneS.Ambrogio,UniversitàCattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais (Milano:V&P.,2005),9-20. 78 examples.Thusthefaithfulwereabletointeractnotonlywiththetridimensionality of the sculptures, but also with an object that was of the same size. Additionally, when the group of the Descent was dismissed in order to first keep the single sculptureofChrist,andlatertheanimatedChristwithmovablearms,thisallowed an even greater sense of likeness and presence, and it contributed to the viewer’s furtheridentificationwiththebodyofChrist. One important aspect that deserves further attention to better understand the role and impact of the wooden sculptures is their human-like size. All the characters in these groups (Fig 6) were life-size, and according to the iconographical typologies, they combine the presentation of the moment of the Descent.Atthesametime,theyinvitethefaithfultoembracethebodyofChrist,as suggestedbythegestureoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist.Furthermore, thelife-sizedimensionofthegroupsfacilitateanidentificationwithChristandthus encourageadeeperparticipationintherite. TheVirginMary(Fig7)fromthegroupoftheDescentintheCathedralofSan Lorenzo in Scala (Salerno, Italy, second half of the thirteenth century), is shown receiving the hand of Christ. In addition to the size and gesture, the miraculous preservation of the painting demonstrates the high level of likeness that these sculptures were able to achieve. Similarly to paintings, the sad expression of the 79 sculptedVirginMarywasatooltoillustratehowtoemotionallyparticipateinfront ofthedeadbodyofChrist.Yetwithsculpturethegesturecouldbecomereal,andit couldbesharedwiththosethatassistedinthescene.JohntheEvangelist(Fig8)is another example of the ability of these sculptures to embody a real physical presence beyond their tridimensional essence. John the Evangelist, despite the “imperfections”ofsculptureoftheperiodincomparisontothecanonofperfection typical of the Renaissance, reaches a level of expressivity that was exceptional for the period.18In addition, the sculpted face of Christ is the result of an attentive observationoftheanatomyofthebody.Especiallyintherenderingofthebeard,the details of Christ’s image show an attention to the body that cannot be overlooked. While the extant examples of the Descent show a range of styles, they have one constantelement:theintenttopresentthescenesothatitcombinestheembodied symbolic meaning with a realistic representation which makes these figures accessibletothefaithful. The Descent from the Cross, in its dynamic essence, is an example of how medieval art reflects aspects such as, among others, extraliturgical rituals and 18FilippoTrevisani“LaVergine,SanGiovanniEvangelista,ScalaSalerno,CattedralediSanLorenzo” inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno Toscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),141-148. 18CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII Secolo)(Milano:Vitaepensiero,2008),143. 80 participation,thatarenotstrictlyreligiousorsymbolical,butinsteadaretheresult of a collective will and proper aesthetic that reflects the individual and social devotionalneed. Anotheraspectthatstressestherealismandhumanityofthesculptureisthe renderingofveinsonthebodyoftheDeposedChrist,nowpreservedattheCastello SforzescoinMilan(Fig9).Additionally,theDeposedChristfromCascia(Italy)(Fig 10),nowpreservedintheMuseoofPalazzoSantiastheonlysurvivingfigurefroma group of the Descent, has pubic hair painted above the loincloth (Fig 11). This sculpturedatesaroundthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury;itcouldhavebeen repaintedduringthetime,orthepubichaircouldhavebeenalateradditiontothe original creation. What is interesting, however, is that such a sculpture could be alteredbyaddingaveryspecificandimportantdetailbecausethesolepurposeof thesculpturewastocreatearelationshipwiththefaithfulratherthantoembodyan abstractaestheticideal.Whetherornotthepubichairwaspaintedovertheoriginal paint or initially present is not important. What is significant is that these sculptures, conceived earlier than paintings, considered anatomical aspects of the bodyessentialtoensureanidentificationwiththefaithful. The property of paint regarding these sculptures has been studied with mixedapproaches.Thoughweconsidertheseobjectsassculptures,theywerealso 81 remodeled with plaster and other materials and were, above all, painted. One property that downgraded these sculptures and negatively affected our understandingofthemisthattheywereoftenrepaintedovertheiroriginallayerof color in order to hide any signs of wear. From the perspective of restorers, this became a limitation; once a wooden sculpture is brought into a studio to be restored,thecleaningandthepreservationoftheoriginalcolorisoftenagoalofthe process. In addition, scholars judged the rediscovery of the original color as essentialtotheconservationandunderstandingofthesculpture. Nowisnotthemomentortheplacetoanalyzethedifferenttheoriesabout restorationorthebestactionstotakeonthesubjectofcolorsorpreservation.My pointisthatthenegativescholarlyopiniontowardtherecoloringandalterationof theoriginaltoneofcolors,especiallyincomparisonwiththe“beauty”andpureness of marble sculptures, has affected the study of wooden sculptures. However, it is crucialtounderstandthattheirrepaintingovertimeisasignoftheircapabilityto adaptthemselvestowhatIdefineasthe“devotionaltaste”oftheperiod.Specifically fortheDescentfromtheCross,andlaterfortheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucified Christ, the style was not just a feature of the artwork that reflected the period primarilyasanaesthetictrait,butalsoasaculturalcarrierofmeaning.Inthiscase, itishowthestyleintertwineswiththefunctionofthesculpturesthatmakesthese 82 artworks unique. In this context, the action of repainting the sculptures was not a lackoftaste.Instead,itwasawaytokeepthesesculptures“alive,”andtorevitalize thedialoguewiththefaithfulinordertofacilitateidentificationandparticipation.19 Weneedtorevisehowwelookatthisactionofrenovatingsculptures.Onthe one hand renovation may modify the original essence of the sculpture, and on the otheritshowsthesculpture’scapabilitytoadaptthroughtimeandtobeanactive protagonistofthedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.Thisoccurredwithpaintingina similar way, but for sculpture it centered on the different use and role of these objects.Paintingswerealsomadefrommaterialsthatwerevulnerabletotime;asa consequence they also needed to be restored, freshened, and sometimes even replaced. This was especially common with icons. However, since thirteenthcenturyiconsweretreatedlikerelics,theywerenotimprovedwithover-paintings andalterations.20Theactofrepaintingsculptureswasnotconnectedasstronglyto the perishable nature of the material, but rather to their use and to the visceral relationship between the sculptures, the liturgy, and the faithful. The sculptures 19Bino,DalTrionfoalPianto,16.Theprocessofmakingthesesculptureshasbeenclassifiedas follows:a)unartefice,forseuncollaboratorechepossiamoconsiderareunaspeciedi“formatore”, consegnaillegnosbozzatoecompost.b)ilmaestrolorilavorafinoaraggiungereunlivellodiintaglio funzionaleall’esecuzionedellafasesuccessive;c)lostessoimpanna,ingessa,stuccodorainfogliaoa mecca,applicalaminediargentoodistagno,dipingeacorpooavelaturaoatrattosull’imprimiturao sullelamine. 20AlexanderNagel,andChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:ZoneBooks,2010), 71-73. 83 were repainted to adapt them to the taste of the period and to ensure that the faithful were easily stimulated in the process of identification and worship. An example is the group of the Descent of San Miniato al Tedesco (Fig 12). The restorationofthegroupstartedin1997andbroughtbacktheoriginalstructureand color. The sculptures were heavily altered during a complete remodeling of the wholegroup,thelastofwhichwasdatedonthenineteenthcentury.21(Fig 13)For thesculpturesoftheDescentfromtheCross,thesealterationsinvolvednotonlythe paintingofthesculptures,butalsomodificationoftheirstructure.Thefactthatthey were repainted indicates the adaptation of the sculptures to the visual context in which they were activated. It also confirms the importance of understanding use andfunctionofthesculpturestofullycomprehendthem. Thefunctionalityofthesesculptureswasonlyoneaspectthataffectedthese sculptures and their liturgical use. The case of the Deposed Christ from the CattedralediSanCatervoinTolentino(Macerata)(Fig14)offersanexampleofthe roleofthesesculpturesandthemodificationtheyunderwentduetotheirliturgical use. This particular sculpture of the Deposed Christ has been repainted over the original color and structurally modified in order to satisfy changing ritual needs. 21BurresiMariagiulia,AntoninoCaleca,“SacrePassioni:ilCristoDepostodelDuomodiPisaele DeposizionidiVolterra,VicopisanoeSanMiniato”inSacrepassioni:SculturaligneaaPisadalXIIal XVsecolo.edMariaGiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta,2000),43. 84 The sculpture was modified from the Crucified Christ with fixed open arms to the DeposedChristwithopenarmsintheactofbeingreceivedbytheVirginMary,John the Evangelist and, metaphorically, the faithful. It was then transformed into the DeadChrist,witharmsstretchedparalleltothebodysoitwaseasiertouseforthe Passion celebration and rituals during Holy Week, in which it was carried in its deathbed through the town. The sculpture, made during the second half of the thirteenthcentury,wasmodifiedatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury.Despite the large amount of time between when it was made and the moment of its modification, the sculpture worked as an active agent during the interim period, a presence that needed to be modified according to the devotional needs of the faithful and, specifically in this case, the Confraternity of the Dead Christ.22This could be because these sculptures were made to satisfy a specific ceremonial use, onethatentailsthecapabilitytoprovideboththesymbolicandbodilypresenceof Christ, rather than serving just as devotional objects. This is an intrinsic characteristic of multiple sculptures that needs to be reevaluated. The fact that a crucifiedChristmadeduringthethirteenthcenturywasmodifiedatthebeginningof 22BrunoBruni,“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa, L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbri Associati,2004),219. 85 the twentieth century demonstrates its potential to renew itself throughout time ratherthanexistasasimpleproductoftheperiodinwhichitwasmade. ClearlytheritualityoftheMiddleAgeshaschangedthroughtime;thepointis not to analyze the faithfulness of the original ritual, nor is the argument that the ritual in which the faithful assist and participate today is the result of something unchanged through time. The point is to realize that, despite the changes that occurred throughout the centuries, these sculptures were (and in some cases still are)used,venerated,andrespectedasatruepresenceandlikenessofChrist.These woodensculpturesachievedalikenessthatwasadaptedtothetasteanddevotional needs of the time, yet remained unchanged in their essence and aesthetic. These sculptures,onceactivated,gainedthesameauraandroleforwhichtheyweremade: representingandembodyingthetruepresenceofChrist. Weneedtoconsiderthattheverisimilitudeofthesesculptures,whilebeinga specificandimportanttraitoftheseobjects,wouldhavealsobeenenhancedbythe use of the sculptures during the procession shifting the likeness into the realm of mimesis.23 According to documentation and to the style of the existing examples, aroundthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcenturythewoodengroupsoftheDescent from the Cross stopped being produced because their iconography no longer 23SusanVerdiWebster,ArtandritualinGolden-AgeSpain:Sevillianconfraternitiesandthe processionalsculptureofHolyWeek(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),167. 86 reflected the devotional context of the period and was no longer functional to the narrative of the scene. This is due to the development of new ways of living the Passion of Christ, promoted particularly by the mendicant orders and lay confraternities. They held performances in both public and private spheres that expressed the Passion through chants, processions, passion plays, public penance, and the recitation of laude.24Even though the wooden groups of the Descent from theCrossstoppedbeingproduced,sothatwhatwestudytodayistheremainderofa largerproductionthatoccurredbetweenthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,there is more that needs to be deeply analyzed in order to offer new interpretations of thesewoodengroups. In general, the production of wooden sculptures, and sculpture as a whole, wasmorecommonintheWest,especiallybecauseofthestrongerinfluenceofLatin culture,incomparisontotheEast.25Theriskofidolatrywasfirstovercomebythe useofsculpturesthatalsofunctionedasreliquariesandalsofromthepositionthat theWesttakenincomparisontotheEast.TheWestwasmoreconcernedwiththe 24ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”,inIlteatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidi DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:AttidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella Deposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesanoFondazioneS.Ambrogio,Università CattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais(Milano:V&P.,2005),78. 25MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.RiflessionisullaSculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,in Sculturalignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte, 1995),1. 87 problemofidolatryandheresyratherthanthenatureofimagesandtheviolationof theSecondCommandment.26Infact,theWestwasinterestedandinvolvedmoreon thefunctionofimagesandtheappropriatewayofworshippingtheseimages.27The sculpturewasthecontaineroftherelic,andatthesametimetherelicwouldjustify its container, the human shaped sculpture. Since sculptures, especially wooden sculptures,wereincreasinglyproducedthroughouttime,therewasnolongeraneed for the presence of relics, and sculptures instead began to exist independently, providingthe“real”presenceofthesubjectrepresented. The first sculptures made without being linked to a relic were Crucifixes, followedbytheVirginenthronedwithChild.Inthisline,theDescentfromtheCross representedapeculiarcase.BesidesrepresentingaspecificmomentofthePassion ofChrist,oneobviouslydifferentthantheCrucifixion,thewoodensculptedversion 26BeateFrickeandAndrewGriebeler,FallenIdols,RisenSaints:SainteFoyofConquesandtheRevival ofMonumentalSculptureinMedievalArt,StudiesinthevisualculturesoftheMiddleAges;v.7, (Turnhout,Belgium:Grafikon),266. ThearticlewrittenbyEllertDahl“HeavenlyImages.TheStatueofSainte-FoyofConquesandthe SignificationoftheMedievalCult-ImageintheWest”offersalsoaninterestingexplanationoftheuse oftridimensionalimagesfordevotionaluseintheWest.Dahlexplainstherelationshipbetweenthe statuethathousedthesaint’srelicandthesaintactivefromHeaven.Heusedprimarysourcesin ordertoexplainandjustifytheuseofacertainkindofmaterialandthelikenessofthesculpture itself.SeeEllertDahl“HeavenlyImages.TheStatueofSainte-FoyofConquesandtheSignificationof theMedievalCult-ImageintheWest”inActaArcaeologiametAtriumHistoriamPertinentia,(Vol8, 1978),175-191.AlsoforthestudyorrelicsandrelicvenerationseeMartinaBagnoli,Cleveland MuseumofArt,andBritishMuseum,TreasuresofHeaven:Saints,Relics,andDevotioninMedieval Europe.Cleveland,Ohio]Baltimore:London:NewHaven[Conn.]:ClevelandMuseumofArt;Walters ArtMuseum;TheBritishMuseum;YaleUniversityPress,2010. 27BeateFricke,FallenIdols,266. 88 of the Descent represented a crucial moment in the relationship between images and the faithful. The use of these sculptures involves not only their display and contemplation, but also their combination with the recitation of liturgical texts, sacred hymns, or laude. This created a dimension of compassionate participation that corresponded with the life-size dimensions and setting of these sculptures. Previous scholarship has already recognized that images, either sculptures or paintings, were in strict symbiosis with religious texts. Yet one underestimation is thatthisrelationshipisfrequentlyconsideredtobestatic,particularlyinrelationto the wooden Descent from the Cross. Existing scholarship argues that these sculptureswereusedduringreadingsofdevotionaltextsandalsoinotherliturgical or paraliturgical situations. It has also been agreed upon that once the liturgy changed,thesegroupsweredismissed. Infact,sincethewoodenDescentfromtheCross’smostpeculiarfeatures– theirdimension,color,andtheirattempttonaturalisticallyrepresentthismoment of the Passion of Christ – allowed a participation that went farther than just identification,theywerenotdismissedasobsoletewhentheystoppedbeingused.It could be argued that this process alone was one of substitution.28Through the 28Theuseofthiswordneedssomeclarifications.ThescholarsAlexanderNagelandChristopher WoodhaveusedthetermsubstitutioninthebookAnachronicRenaissance.InChapter3oftheirbook, theyexplaintheterm:“Toperceiveanartifactinsubstitutionaltermswastounderstanditas 89 liturgyandthesculpturalmedium,thefaithfulwereabletoidentifythemselvesas bystanders and participate physically, even though these were primarily visual approaches to the celebration of the Descent and the burial. This relationship also changed as a consequence of the major religious changes during the thirteenth century: not only the development of mendicant orders such as Dominicans and Franciscans,butalsotheFourthCounciloftheLateranin1215.Theestablishment of the dogma of the Transubstantiation placed a great emphasis on the bodily manifestationandpresenceofChrist.IntheTransubstantiation:“Thebloodandthe bodyofChristaretrulycontainedinthesacramentofthealtarundertheformsof breadandwine.Thebreadischangedbydivinepowerintothebody,andthewine belongingtomorethanonehistoricalmomentsimultaneously.Theartifactwasconnectedtoits unknowablepointoforiginbyanunreconstructiblechainofreplicas.[…]Whereasunderthe performativeorauthorialtheoryoforiginsagivensequenceofworksisviewedperspectivally,each onewithadifferentappearance,underthesubstitutionaltheorydifferentobjectsstackuponeontop ofanotherwithoutrecessionandwithoutalteration”(30).AccordingtoNagelandWood,arthasthe capabilitytoescapeandbelongtotime.Infact,theprincipleofsubstitutionimpliesthatanimagehas avaluethatdoesnotdependonanykindofconnectionwiththelocation,interaction,and performance.ThewayIfirstusedthetermsubstitutionhadthemorecommonmeaning,inthiscase referringtothefaithfulsubstituting,orreplacing,thesculptureswiththemselves.AtthesametimeI arguethatwecanapplyNagelandWood’stheoryforthiscaseaswellfromaconceptualpointof view.Infact,whileitisnotpossibletoapplythetermsubstitutiontotheartworkperse,considering thatalongwiththewoodenChristrealpeopleareinvolved,atthesametime,thecelebrationsofthe PassionofChristimpliesmorethanjustareenactment.Thesesculptureswereconsideredasthereal bodyofChrist,andthesecelebrationswouldbecometherealPassionofChristwiththecapabilityto transcendthetime.SowhileNagelandWoodappliedtheconceptofsubstitutiontotheimage,Iargue thatwecanapplytheconceptofsubstitutiontoboththeimagesandrealpeoplefortheuseof woodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross. 90 intotheblood,sothattorealizethemysteryoftheunitywemayreceiveofhim.”29 Atthesametime,thethirteenthcenturysawthedevelopmentofanaturalism30that particularlyaffectedsculpture.SaintThomasmentionsAristotle’sbookonPhysics, his idea of “ars imitatur naturam,” that involved awareness of a naturalistic representation. These concepts can be applied to other sculptural production as well, but what is relevant for the study of the wooden Descents from the Cross is thattheycanbeconsideredasactivecatalystsofthisnaturalism,identification,and relationshipwiththeartobjectinabroaderdevotionalcontext. ThedogmaofTransubstantiation,andlaterthepreachingoftheMendicant orders,stressedthehumansideofChristsointenselythatitpushedthefaithfulto comeclosertothebodyofChrist,representedbythesculptedChristintheDescent. ThepositionofChristintheDescent,particularlyhisneedtobetakendownfrom thecross,allowedthisphysicalunion;hispowerlessnessanddeathshowthepeak ofhishumanity.TherecitationoftheLaudeorotherliturgicaltextsemotionally supplementedthisphysicalapproach.Additionally,the1260outbreakofthe FlagellantmovementintheItaliancityofPerugia(Fig15)alsostressedtheideaof 29JohnShinners,eds.,MedievalPopularReligion,1000-1500(Peterborough,Ont.,Canada;Orchard Park,NY:BroadviewPress,1997)8. 30MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.RiflessionisullaSculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,in Sculturalignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte, 1995),2. 91 thebodyasamediumthroughwhichtocontactChristandseekredemption.Under theinfluenceofthesedevotionalevents,andespeciallyafterthediffusionofthe flagellantmovement,thefaithfulstartedtogatherinlayconfraternitiesinwhich theywereencouragedtoimitatethelifeofChristandempathizewiththe reenactmentandcelebrationofthePassionofChrist. The Descent from the Cross (Fig 16) reflected these devotional needs by actingasarepresentationoftherealmomentoftheDescent.Infact,thegroupwas the first step in accessing the identification that allowed for the process of substitution. This is supported by the fact that at a certain point they stopped producing other figures of the Descent from the Cross and kept only the figure of Christ that could serve the whole year as a crucified Christ. One example is the Christ from Roncione, now in the Galleria Nazionale of Perugia (Fig 17). This sculpture is the only character left of an original group of the Descent from the Cross. There are other examples, such as the one from Roncione31, that show this change to be a result of the devotional need and rituality of the period. This 31ThereareotherexamplesinwhichtheonlysurvivingfigureisChrist.Acompletelistofthese sculpturescanbefoundintheRiepilogodeiGruppiLigneiItalianidiDeposizioniSupersititiininLa DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano. (Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),773-785.TheDesposedChrist,atleastforthosethat areinItalycanbefoundin:L’Aquila,MuseoNazionaled’Abruzzo,fromBarga(nearLucca),Capriolo (Brescia),Cascia(Pg),CingoliMacerata,Gubbio(Pg),Iesi(Ancona),Mercogliano(Avellino),Pisa, Prato,Recanati(Macerata)Rimini,Sansepolcro(Arezzo),SanSeverinoMarche(Macerata)Tolentino (Macerata),PrivateCollcetioninItaly,Milano. 92 reduction of figures occurred because the faithful substituted themselves for the figures around Christ in the reenactment and celebration of the Passion of Christ, starting a new devotional dimension to the relationship with the art object. The wooden sculpture of the Descent from the Cross served as a catalyst of this new devotionalchangethataffectedmedievalpietyanditscorrelationwithartobjects. Infact,theyservednotonlyastherepresentationoftheDescentbutwereinfactthe centerofalargerritualthatstillneedstobescrutinizedcarefullyinordertofully understandthefunctionandtheemotionalimpactofthesesculptures. The ritual of the Descent and the Burial of Christ, especially when consideringthesubstitutionofothercharacterswithrealpeople,impliesashiftin the use of what we might consider sacredspace.As I previously mentioned, in the celebrations of the burial within the Benedictine order, a cross, a host, or in some cases a sculpture was used at the specific moment of the actual burial. While the faithful were kept at distance throughout the celebration, in this specific moment they were asked to leave the church entirely. This was in respect to historical truthfulness,sinceonlytheVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist,Nicodemus,andJoseph ofArimatheawerepresentatthemomentoftheburial.Atthesametime,italsoheld a political dimension: the Benedictine officiating the ritual put themselves on a differentlevelfromthefaithful,indirectlyreinforcingtheestablishedhierarchy. 93 With the use of wooden sculpture of the Descent from the Cross, this hierarchy began to change and eventually reverse. This was because the wooden Descent from the Cross’s life-size dimension promoted a sense of presence and participation, or a physical identification, for the viewer. Another aspect that has beenunderestimatedislinkedtotheuseofthesculpture.Iarguedbeforehandhow thesewoodengroupswereinstalledsomewhereeitherinsideordirectlyoutsidethe church. This implies an extension of the sacred space to include the churchyard ratherthanjusttheinsideofthechurch,whichalloweddirectaccesstothesacred scenethatwouldbecomeevenmoredirectwithfurtherdevelopmentoftherituals linkedtotheDescentfromtheCross.Becauseofthis,wecanconsidertheDescentas asortofindirectsuggestiontoparticipateinthescene,emotionallyatfirstandthen physically. In fact, it has been said that during the ritual of the Descent in which thesesculptureswereinvolved,aprocessionalchant,knownasLamentumVirginis, wasuttered.32ThePlanctusMariae,anothersongorpoemrelatedtothesufferingof theVirginMary,couldhavebeenusedalongwiththeDepositioniconography;one 32BrunoToscano,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLingea:daunaMostraaduna“Summa”inIl TeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:Attidel Convegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesano FondazioneS.Ambrogio,UniversitàCattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais (Milano:V&P.,2005),15. 94 ofthewell-knownexamplesofthisisinCividale.33AccordingtoanalogousPlanctus, this would have been performed during the Adoration of the Cross, and it would have been necessary to have an inanimate figure of Christ to assist with the developmentofthedramaticaction.34 TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheliteratureoftheperiod Devotionaltexts,whichbelongedtotheofficialliturgyoftheChurchbutwere not purely authoritative, were used along with painted or sculpted images and, importantly, with the wooden groups of the Descent from the Cross. One relevant aspect of the use of these devotional texts and songs is that they used vernacular languagesothefaithfulcouldunderstandandparticipateintheseceremonies.This isimportantbecauseitmarkedtheendoftheclergyormonasticorderperforming therecitalthatallowedthesettingandactionastheonlychannelsofaccessforthe faithful. The text now became part of the ritual for lay people as well, providing a deeperandaffectiveparticipationduringceremonies.Thisconsequentlyenhanced the role of the sculptures as well, as the element that was able to combine these liturgicalandperformativeaspectsalltogether. 33KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),512-513. 34Ibidem.,513. 95 At first, the laudewere just sung rather than staged or performed, but this wasanimportantfirststepthatprovideddirectaccessandamajoractiverolefor laybrotherhoods.Ithadachiefroleindevelopingandspreadingpopulardevotion for the Passion of Christ. While there are no documents that testify to the ways in whichthewoodenDescentfromtheCross,thelaude,andtheSacreRappresentazioni influenced each other, it is known that they had a common geographical or chronologicaloriginandwereconnectedbyattentiontothesamesubject.Overall,it is clear that the liturgy of the visitatio sepulchri in monastic contexts, developed from previous models, was the starting point of a new devotional dimension that waselaboratedthroughart,literature,andtheater. Onlylaterdidinformationexistthatlinkedtheactivityoflaybrotherhoods to the use of the sculpted Descent from the Cross. For example, the group of San Miniato al Tedesco belonged to the Arciconfraternita in the same city, and the DescentoftheCrossgroupfromTivoliwastakenaroundinprocessionbyamember of the lay brotherhood while they sang verses of the Passion of Christ and the ‘Miserere.’” 35 According to Belting, the use and liturgical development of these 35GiovanniCarloCrocchiante,L'IstoriadelleChiesedellaCitta'diTivoli(Roma:StamperiadiG. Mainardi,1726),42-46.OntheDescentfromtheCrossofTivoliseealso:GézadeFrancovich,“A RomanesqueSchoolofWoodCarversinCentralItaly”TheArtBulletinVol19,No.1(Mar.,1937)5-57. Pierattini,Camillo.“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttieMemoriedella SocietàTiburtinadiStoriaeArte.”56,(1983),141-205. 96 groups could have started at the beginning of the thirteenth century in different contexts: examples of this include the PlanctusoftheVirginor the Lamentation of Mary.36In the final part of the PlanctusAnteNescia,there is a strophe that can be interpreted as the physical union between Christ and the faithful, recalling the typicalgestureoftheDescentfromtheCross:37 Flete,Sionfilie,tantegrategratie; iuvenisangustiesibisuntdelicie provestrisoffensis. Inamplexusruite,dumpendetinstipite; mutuisamplexibusseparatamantibus brachiispotensis.38 We note a symbiotic development between the literary genre related to devotion of the Passion of Christ and the use of artworks suited for this ritual, especially the Descent from the Cross. TheLaudesidellaBeataVergineMaria,who devotedthemselvestopraisingtheVirginMary,wereconstitutedin1183,andthe Ordine dei Serviti di Maria in 1233; both were established in the same period in HansBelting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,177. 36Belting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,177. 37Ibidem.,177. 38“Weep,OdaughtersofSion,thankfulforsuchgrace,(thehardshipsoftheyoungmanareforhim delights)foryouroffences.Rushintohisembraceswhilehehangsonthetree;withcaressesgivenin exchangeheprepareshimselfforhisloverswithoutstretchedarms”asinKarlYoung,TheDramaof theMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),498. 97 whichwecanchronologicallylocatetheearliestexamplesofwoodenDescentfrom the Cross. While this literary production started when these sculptures were produced(or,wecanassume,viceversa)themostrelevantthingtohighlightisthat the same PlanctusAnteNesciawas one of the first examples that contributed to a more realistic representation of compassio. 39 This realistic representation of affectivepietyandparticipation inthePassionofChristis strikinglysimilartothe aesthetic embodied by the wooden sculptures of the Descent from the Cross, in which the simple image of one of the moments of the Passion becomes a real presencetowhichthefaithfulwereabletoidentify,emotionallyandphysically. It has been proven that these hymns and laude were used for devotional purposes,howeveritisnotclearhowtheywereusedduringthecelebrationsofthe Passion.Theycouldhavebeenusedeitherinanecclesiasticalrite,inacelebration that took place in an oratory, or even during processions.40 The most important aspect in the impossibility of fully understanding a single role of these different elements is to realize the dynamics of the religious context during the thirteenth century. The religious changes during the thirteenth century were the result of a largerspiritualcontextinwhichtheChurchitself,especiallythroughtheactionsof 39Th.Meier,“DieGestaltMariensimgeistlichenSchauspieldesdeutschenMittelalters”(Berlin,1959), 153.AsquotedinBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico,87. 40Belting,L'arteeilSuoPubblico,180. 98 the Mendicant Orders, Franciscans, and Dominicans, wanted and elicited a more sympatheticparticipationwiththesufferingandhumanityofChrist.Thegrowthof new confraternities of laudesi, disciplianti, and flagellants expanded and amplified thecurrentrepertoryofdevotionalperformancessuchaschants,laude,processions, paraliturgies, and public dramatic representation. 41 Simultaneously, the developmentofreligioustheater,whichpeakedinthethirteenthcentury,integrated perfectlywithotherdevotionalperformancesofthetime. TheselaudefocusedatfirstonthesorrowoftheVirginMaryandlateralso onthenarrationofthePassionofChrist.Physicalitywasalwaysoneofthepeculiar traitsoftheselaude,especiallythroughtheuseofthevolgare,thevernacular.They were meant to shape a devotion that was independent from the ecclesiastical institution.SincethebeginningoftheuseofthesewoodenDescentsfromtheCross, there was a shift toward the use of volgare and a participation that involved the whole ritual. We see a phenomenon that moves from the official liturgy of the Depositio Crucis inside the church to a celebration that moves outside and away fromtheuseofLatinandtheexclusionofthefaithfulfromthecrucialmomentsof thecelebrationoftheburial.ThewoodenDescentsfromtheCrossarethevehicles that embodied these changes. The life-size dimensions, the likeness to Christ, the 41ClaudioBernardi,"TheatrumPietatis:Images,Devotion,andLayDrama".Mediaevalia:An InterdisciplinaryJournalofMedievalStudiesWorldwide.27(1),2006.9. 99 coloring, and the setting all allowed the faithful to be part of the ritual. These sculptures represented thetransition from liturgical didacticism to a dimension of realityandidentification.Thelayconfraternitieswereactivelyresponsibleforthis actofappropriation,inwhichthelaudesharedtheactionandfeelingrepresentedin thesewoodenDescentswiththepublic. Attempts to find a connection between the laude and the art production between the twelfth and the thirteenth century do exist. 42 However, while interesting in their ideas and approaches, the studies are based mostly on the relationship between the laude and pictorial production. Pietro Scarpellini acknowledged that the pictorial production, and specifically the iconography of Christ,wastheresultofanelaboratedprocessthatstartedinUmbria,especiallyin Assisi, and involved not only other sources from the art world, such as influences from the French-Gothic, Byzantine, or Florentine art world, but also the new religious fervor promoted by the Franciscans.43Without a doubt, the diffusion of images anticipated the literary religious production; even if they did not influence each other directly, they might have come from a similar devotional environment. While there could have been a connection between texts and images—it is known 42SeePietroScarpellini,“EchidellaLaudanellaPitturaUmbradelXIIeXIVSecolo”Convegnodi StudiosulTeatroMedioevale.LeLaudiDrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:Atti,(Viterbo:Agnesotti, 1983),165-176. 43Scarpellini,“EchidellaLaudanellaPitturaUmbra,173. 100 that confraternities would sing or recite laude in front of painted altarpieces or frescoes—thetotalexclusionofsculptureswhenconsideringthedevelopmentand useoflaudeinthelatemedievalreligiouscontextrenderstheargumentincomplete andunconvincing. Infact,thetextsofsomeofthelaudeprovideadescriptionofanactionthat caneasilybelinkedtoeithertheliturgicalorparaliturgicaldevotionalact,creatinga common bond for the interpretation of the Passion of Christ among writers, sculptors, and actors of SacreRappresentazioni.The passage from the Laudario di Cortona“Vienne,cormio,andiamoneallaCroce!”44isaclearreferencetotheaction ofgoingaroundthecrossthatreflectsonandreferstotheritualoftheDescentfrom theCross.ThedescriptionoftheLaudapassedonthroughtheLaudari(collectionof Laude) from the Confraternity in Perugia added a more graphic description of the drama surrounding the death of Christ and included details that are close to the ritualoftheDescent,particularlytheactionofJosephofArimathea.45ThereisJohn thatannouncestheuseoftheladder: “Theybringanironladder;maybetheywanttocome 44PieroCudini,PoesiaItalianadelDuecento,(Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987),267. 45PierattiniCamillo,“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttiememorie dellaSocietàTiburtinadiStoriaed’Arte,(56),1983,180. 101 andhelpyoutakeChristdownfromtheCross.”46 ThenNicodemus: “Webroughtthetools, Pushalloftheotherpeopleaside Andleaveonlythosewhoareweeping/lamenting Allowusthewaythrough Sothatwecantakeoutthenails AndtakeHimdownfromthecross.”47 TheVirginMaryanswers: “Ican’twaituntilthattime SothatIcantouchhimalittle Thepaininmyheartisfullofsuffering Thatthepainaches Come,Joseph,nowhurryup Andplacehiminmyarms.”48 46PieroCudini,PoesiaItalianadelTrecento,(Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987),206.Herethe originaltext“scalaportanoeferrea;forsevoglionosovvenireeatedonarsostengoelevarIesùdel legno” 47Ibidem.,206.“Recatoavemoeiferramenta,Onn’altragentecacciavia,Solremangachilamenta, Piacciaveanoiedarlavia,enoiqui’chiovemosferramo,edellacrocemoellevamo”. 48Ibidem.,206.“Nonmeparvederquill’ura,ch’unpocopossaalmentoccare,tantohoelcuorepien delangura,chededolorvorriapasmare:or,Iosep,ort’abevaccia,epòllomefraglieimieibraccia” 102 JosephofArimathea: “OhMaria,nowtakecomfort Thatanailhasbeenremovedfromonehand Asifthisgreatanguishisneededtotake Youclosertothedeath Takealittlecomfortfromit Thatyoucanbeonhissideandclosertohim.”49 Nicodemus: “OhLord,Iamnotdeserving Totouchyousomuch! ButIwanttotakeyoudownfromthecross Andpulloutthenails Inordertocomfortyourmother Becauseshefeelssomuchpain Get,ohmother,theotherhand ThatNicodemusisgivingyou Hehasbeensofarawayfromus Andnowlet’senjoyhispresence 49Ibidem.,206,“OMaria,ortheconforta,ch’unamanoèscavigliata;besognotefacomoamorta,sìse’ sutaangustiata,satisfatteunpocod’essa,epiùualatoaluiet’appressa”. 103 Hughimwithtendernessandbefast.”50 Thelauda,alongwiththedrama’spresentationofdespairatthedeathofChrist, carefullydescribesthemomentoftheschiavellazione(themomentinwhichJoseph ofArimatheapullsthenailsoutfromthecross)andthemomentoftheDescent. Thedialogicalaspectofthelaudacarefullyreflectsboththeritualandthe actionofthewoodengroupoftheDescent.Evenifwearenotcertainofthe connectionandrelationshipbetweentextandart,especiallyregardingthewooden DescentfromtheCross,itisstillpossibletomakefruitfulassumptions.Thelaude, alongwiththewoodenDescentfromtheCross,weremeanttobeexperiencedina collectivedimension,andsomeelementsofbothimplyadirectconnection.Infact, thelaudeincludedescriptionsoftheactionoftakingChristdownfromtheCrossin additiontothesufferingoftheVirginMaryandthedialoguebetweenher,Johnthe Evangelist,Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea.Therealisticdimensionofthis religiousliteraryworkentailsapsychologicalandphysicalparticipation,andthusis similartotheDescentfromtheCross. Anothersimilarityisthedialogicalformusedinthelaudeandits counterpart,thevisualdialogueamongthefiguresoftheDescent.Thesymmetryof 50Ibidem.,207,“OSignore,iononso’degno,mepar,tantodetoccare!Mapurlevared’estolegnoIote vogliosconficcare,perconsolarquistatuamate,chetantepenecihaportate.Receve,madre,l’altra manochegiàteporgeNicodemo.Tanton’èsutolontano.Ormaiedeluinesaziemo.Lievaeibracciae nonsielenta”. 104 thegesturesofthecharactersthatarepartofthegroupoftheDescentchangethe perceptionofthehistoricalmomentintoaritualact,thatneedsasymbolic approach,51withoutthepotentialofexpressingandembodyingtheideaofanaction. Incontrast,Iarguethattheirpotentiallayintheirliturgicalrole,intheirabilitytobe activatedbythepresenceofthefaithfuleitherwithlaudeorotherreligioushymns. IfthefiguresoftheDescentfromtheCrossweresimplyastaticpresence,the substitutionbythefaithfulandthereplacementofthecharactersaroundthecross withrealpeoplewouldnothaveoccurred.ThewoodenDescentsfromtheCross wereapowerfulandeffectivewayofrepresentingthePassion,whichinfluenced variousaspectsofmedievaldevotionandbecauseoftheirliturgicalusetheycould haveinfluencedthedifferentlayersofthereligioussocietyduringthemedieval periodaswell. Theexhibitionandtheadorationofthissubjectstemmedfromthediffusion oficonsproducedintheEastthroughouttheItalianpeninsula,52astheiconography wasaffectedbyEasternartistsinfluencedbytheCrusades.53Alsotheabilityofthe WoodenDescentsfromtheCrosstocatalyzedifferentaspectsofdevotioninthe 51Belting,L’arteeilSuoPubblico,170. 52CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII secolo),(Milano:VitaePensiero,2008),225. 53MarigiuliaBurresi,AntoninoCaleca,“SacrePassioni:ilCristoDepostodelDuomodiPisaele DeposizionidiVolterra,VicopisanoeSanMiniato”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIal XVSecolo,(Milano:F.Motta,2000),24-43. 105 MiddleAges,toaffectthewayoflife,andtorepresentthismomentofthelifeof Christinadifferentway,mustbefurtherconsidered. ThepotentialrelationshipbetweentheDescentandthelaudeisnotpossible toprovewithcertainty.YetIbelieveitisstillpossibletoassumepossibilitiesand derivesuppositionsfromtheavailabledata.Forexample,oneofthemostfamous hymnsandliturgicalchantsdedicatedtothemourningoftheVirginMaryisthe PlanctusAnteNescia,inwhichtheVirginMaryfirstcriesabouttheagonyofherson andimplorestherestitutionofhisbody;54thisbecameareferenceforthelater LamentationsofMary.Oneofthecharacteristicsofthesehymns,andespeciallythe PlanctusAnteNescia,wastheattentiongiventothebodilyaspectoftherelationship betweenmotherandson.Accordingtothebookoftheofficiinthecathedralof Toulouse(datedfromthethirteenthcentury),thereareinstructionsregardingthe recitationorsingingofthePlanctusthatinvolvecoveringthepulpitwithwhite clothesinordertohidethecantorsfromthefaithful,sothatthelatterwould thereforebeinducedtocrymoreeasily.55Theemotionalimpactoftheplanctuswas veryeffectiveandcanbecomparedtotheeffect,althoughdifferentinnature, 54Bino,DalTrionfoalPianto,235. 55Young,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,vol2,698.“ItaPlanctusdiciturincathedrapredicatorii, etdebetessecopertaetcircumncintadecortinisalbispraedictacathedradfinem,quoddicentessive cantantespraedictumPlanctumnonpossintvideriagentibus,necipsivideantgentes,utsecurius possintcantaresinetimore,quiafortevidendogentesturbarentur”. 106 producedbythewoodenDescents.ThefactthatintheDescenttheVirginMaryis representedrealisticallyintheactofcryingshowsanawarenessofthesereligious textsandtheemotionsthatcouldbevisualizedwhilethetextsweresungorrecited. Indeed,theincipitofmanylaudeinvitesthefaithfultoshareMary’ssorrow byhighlightingheractofcrying.Forexample,inoneofthemostcommonlaude amongtheDisciplinati,usuallysungorrecitedinquintadomenicaquadragesima,56it says:“CometotheCrosstoseemyloveandcryoutloudmygreatpain.”57TheVirgin Mary’sweepingwasimportantinintroducingthenarrationorrepresentationofthe PassionofChristandinexposingthefaithfultothedramaofthemoment.Along withthedimensionofcompassion,therewasanothermorepersonaldimension,in whichtheVirginMary’scryingbecamethemodelthatthefaithfulsoughttoemulate inordertofullyexperiencecontritionandcontemplatethemartyrdomofChrist.58 Thefactthat,chronologically,theDescentfromtheCrossanticipatedthe productionoflaude,andconsideringtheconnectionandthesimilarsympathetic devotionpromotedbyboththewoodenDescentandthelaudethemselves,Iwould arguethatthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossinfluencedtheproductionofthe laude. 56CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto,396.Trans:“Veniteallacroceavedereilmi’amoreepiangetiad altavoceilmiograndolore.” 57Ibidem.,396. 58Ibidem.,398. 107 Duringtheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,theartisticpictorialproductionof theCrucifixionofChrist,andespeciallytherepresentationoftheVirginMarycrying atthebottomofpaintedcrosses(Fig18),enabledthedevelopmentofthethemeof theCompassio.AlongwiththecontemplationofthedeathofChrist,thistheme addedtheadditionalemotionalelementoftheuniversalhumansufferingofthe VirginMarylosingherson.59ThepictorialrepresentationoftheCrucifixionhasbeen usedasadirectandreciprocalreferenceforliteraryproduction,andforthe understandinganddevelopmentofthepopulardevotiontowardtheVirginMary. Withoutadoubt,thepaintedcrosshadasubstantialandimportantrole,considering itsmassdiffusionespeciallyaroundthecenterofItaly. WhilethethemeoftheCompassiostartedtospreadaroundthetenthand eleventhcenturies,itwasnotuntilthediffusionoflaudeandtheSacre RappresentazionithattheroleoftheVirginMarybecamemoreprominentand centralalongwithChrist’sposition.60BothSacreRappresentazioniandlaude developedchronologicallyafterthediffusionofthewoodenDescentfromtheCross, andtheyshareanimportantaspect.Allthreeofthesesacredartworkscontaina 59SticcaSandro,ThePlanctusMariaeintheDramaticTraditionoftheMiddleAges.(Athens:University ofGeorgiaPress,1988),119-120. 60Ibidem.,121. 108 dimensionthatcombinestheatricalrepresentation,liturgy,anddevotionaldrama.61 Inthisprocessofdevelopment,IbelievethatthewoodenDescentsfromtheCross heldapivotalroleinaffectingtheSacreRappresentazioniandthelaude,andbecame asortofaturningpointofdevotionduringtheMedievalperiod. Particularlyduringthetenthandeleventh-centurydiffusionofthesculpted woodencrosses,thereisapassagefromthehieraticaldimensionoftheliturgyto theintroductionoftherealpresenceofChrist.62ThewoodenDescentfromthe Crossallowedthedramatobecomepartofeverydaylife,makingitaccessibletothe faithfulanddemandingthattheyempathizeonalevelbeyondremembranceand contemplation.Instead,itgavethemtheopportunitytosee,tohear,toparticipate, andtobecomefullypartofthescene.Thewoodengroupembodiesthepresence andspurstheidentificationthatenablesresponsibleparticipation.Thewooden Descentnotonlydisplaysthetruth,butalsorepresentsthetruth.Duringthetenth andeleventhcenturies,thewoodensculptures,andsculpturesingeneral,contained thehosttojustifytheproduction,use,anddisplayoftheseobjects.However,the woodenDescentfromtheCrossinsteadrepresentsanaction,andthepresenceofa 61ClaudioBernardi“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”,80. 62BinoCarla,“LoSpettacolodelDoloreeilTeatrodellaMisericordia”inAtti del Convegno “Sacre Rappresentazioni – Arte, Etica, Vangelo delle Comunità” di Gubbio 9-10 aprile 2010/Cantiano 11 aprile 2010, 133. http://www.laturbacantiano.it/oltre-i-palchi/102-gubbio-2010.html 109 groupofpeopleotherthanjustChrist,theVirginMary,andJohntheEvangelist.The sculpturesrepresentrealpeople;theyarenotreliquaries.Angelsarealso occasionallyrepresented,buttheirsmallersizeincomparisontotheotherfigures addsamiraculousandotherworldlydimensiontotheearthlymomentandaction, withthesamephysicalityandpresenceexpressedbytheotherfigures. AsImentionedbefore,thesettingandtheuseofthewoodenDescentfrom theCrosssanctionedaccesstothesacredsceneandallowedthefaithfulto experienceamomentofthePassioninperson.Slowly,aftertheestablishmentof thesesculpturesandtheirutilizationincelebrationsoutsidethechurchandthe officialliturgy,thesculpturesstoppedbeingproduced,particularlythefigures aroundChrist.Somearguethatthisoccurredbecausetheywentoutoffashion accordingtothedevotionalneedsoftheperiod;however,Ibelievethatthe sculpturesinsteadcreatedthescenarioinwhichtheSacreRappresentazioni developed,inwhichrealactorsalongwithsimulacraperformedscenesfromthe PassionofChrist.TheSacreRappresentazionifollowedthedevotionalaspect establishedbytheuseofthewoodenDescent,andtheybecameindependentsimply bydevelopingtheexistingfunctionsofthelatter.Whilenocontemporary documentscanconfirmthissuggestedtransition,itissupportedbythe developmentofdevotionalaspectsintheMiddleAges,particularlytheuseof 110 sculpturesintheSacreRappresentazionioftheAssumptionofMary,theAscension ofChrist,andintheAnnunciationduringthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.63 SimilartotheSacreRappresentazioni,thelaudeoriginatedfromthe lamentatioVirginisanddevelopedchronologicallyaftertheproductionanduseof thewoodenDescentfromtheCross.Twoofthemainfeaturesofthelaudewerethe detaileddescriptionofthetortureofChristandthematernalsufferingoftheVirgin Mary.ThisattentiontothesufferingoftheVirginMaryandtheearthlymaternal rolesheheld,alongwiththedescriptionofthedistressedbodyofChrist,doesnot stemfromtheGospelaccountsofthePassion.Ifweexaminetheexegeticaltradition oftheNewTestament,theaccountsthatcommentedonthePassionofChristdidnot addanythingnew,butinsteadfurtheredasoberinterpretationofthemoment.64 Thechangesthataccompanythelaudedonotaffecttheiconographyofthese moments,butratherthewaythefaithfulexperiencedthem.Thedialogicalstructure ofthelaudeimpliesadifferentinteractionwiththetext,andconsequentlywiththe sceneitselfinwhichthefaithfulparticipated.Anotheraspectthatisparticulartothe 63MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:AlcuneConsiderazioni”inScultura Lignea:Lucca1200-1425,editedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,1995),35. KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),VolII,245and479480. 64BinoCarla,“LoSpettacolodelDoloreeilTeatrodellaMisericordia”inAtti del Convegno “SACRE RAPPRESENTAZIONI – Arte, Etica, Vangelo delle Comunità” di Gubbio 9-10 aprile 2010/Cantiano 11 aprile 2010, 134. http://www.laturbacantiano.it/oltre-i-palchi/102-gubbio-2010.html. 111 laudeisthestrongphysicalrelationshipbetweentheVirginMaryandherSon.The life-sizedimensions,thenaturalisticdepiction,andtherepresentationoftheVirgin MaryintheactofholdingChrist’shandasheisdetachedfromthecrossprovide accesstothehumanityofChristandthedramaoftheVirginMary. MimesisofthefigureofChristhasalwaysbeenaprimaryaspectof Christianity,thoughtheBible’struemeaningof“toimitate”or“tofollow”is unclear.65Additionally,therepresentationofChristhaschangedthroughouttime accordingtothechurch’smessageanddevotionalneeds.Itisduringthetwelfth centurythattheideaofimitatingChristbecameasignificantpartoflatemedieval spirituality.TheDescentfromtheCrossanditsliturgicaluserenderedthescenean occasiontoexperienceanintenseemotionasaparticipantratherthanjusta spectator.Thisrelationshipbetweentheartobjectanditsuseinliturgicaland paraliturgiucalfunctionsfurtherstressedaconnectionwiththehumansideof ChristandthemotherlyroleoftheVirginMary.Thelaudedevelopedandenhanced therelationshipbetweenthesculpturesoftheDescentandthefaithful.The dialogicalstructureofthelaudegeneratedafurthersenseofactionamongthe sculpturesandadirectdialoguewiththefaithful.However,thiswouldnothave beenpossiblewithoutthecreationanduseofwoodensculpturesthatallowed 65GilesConstable,ThreeStudiesinMedievalReligiousandSocialThought.(NewYork,NY,USA: CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),145. 112 accesstothesacredthatwaspreviouslyprotectedbytheclergyandthereligious orders. OneofthemostfamousauthorsoflaudeistheFranciscanJacoponedaTodi. Fromaformalandtechnicalpointofview,hislaudearenotdifferentfromthose usedbyconfraternitiesduringthecelebrationsofthePassionofChrist,buthisuse oflanguageelevatedhisproductionintoapoeticaldimensionwidelyrecognizedby scholars.66Thecoreofhisspiritualityliesinthemysticalrelationshipwiththe divine,especiallywiththehumanityofChristthroughthemysteryofthedeathand incarnation,andthesufferingoftheVirginMary.67InhisfamousStabatMater,68 despitethemysticalandintimatehymn,thereisasectioninwhichtheperson assistingthesceneinvokestheVirginMaryinordertosufferthesameafflictionshe endures,aswellasadesiretodiewithChristonthecross.69 AttheCrossherstationkeeping,/stoodthemournfulMotherweeping,/closeto Jesustothelast.Throughherheart,Hissorrowsharing,/allHisbitteranguish bearing,/nowatlengththeswordhaspassed./OthouMother!fountoflove!/ 66LinoLeonardi,“L’OperadiJacoponedaTodi”inIacoponedaTodiel'ArteinUmbrianelDuecento (Milano:Skira,2006),39. 67Ibidem.,41. 68EventodayitisnotknownifthehymnwaswrittenbyJacoponedaTodiorSaintBonaventura.R. Bettarini“IacoponedaTodieleLaude”inAntologiadellaPoesiaItalianavolI,(Torino:Einaudi, 1997),283. 69LuciaBattagliaRicci,“AdExercitandumDevotionisAffectum.GliScrittieleImmaginiSacre”in SacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVSecolo,(Milano:F.Motta,2000),20. 113 Touchmyspiritfromabove,/makemyheartwiththineaccord:/HolyMother! piercemethrough,/inmyhearteachwoundrenew/ofmySaviorcrucified: Letme,tomylatestbreath,/WoundedwithHiseverywound,/steepmysoultillit hathswooned,/inHisveryBloodaway;/Betome,OVirgin,nigh.70 ThereligioustextMeditationesVitaeChristi(MeditationsontheLifeof Christ)waswrittenatthebeginningofthefourteenthcenturybytheFranciscan GiovannideCaulibus.PreviouslyattributedtoSaintBonaventura,itwasan extremelypopulardevotionaltext.ItinventednewscenesofthePassionofChrist andprovidedadevelopmentofthecanonicalaccountrelatedtothePassion.71The Meditationeswerewritteninawaythatproducedanaffectiveimpactonthereader, stressingtheurgencyanddramaofthemomentratherthanastrictlyaccurate theology.72Theaffectiveimpactiscrucialparticularlywhendescribingthegriefof theVirginMaryatthemomentofthedepositionfromthecross:“Tuncpendentem 70FrancoSacchetti,andAlbertoChiari,IlLibrodelleRime(Bari:G.Laterza&figli,1936),CCXLVII1, 294-195. OriginalLatinText: StabatMaterdolorosa/iuxtacrucelacrimosa,/dumpendebatFilius. Cuiusanimamgementem,/contristatametdolentem/pertransivitgladius. Eia,Mater,fonsamoris/mesentirevimdoloris/fac,uttecumlugeam. SanctaMater,istudagas,/crucifixifigeplagas/cordimeovalide. Fac,utportemChristimortem, Facmeplagisvulnerari,/facmeCruceinebriari,/etcruoreFilii Flammisneurarsuccensus, 71SticcaSandro,ThePlanctusMariae,123. 72Ibidem.,124. 114 manumdexteramDominasuscepitreverenter,etponitadvultumsuum,intuetur,et osculaturcumlacrymisvalidisetsuspiresdoloris.Evulsoautemclavopedum, paulisperdescenditJoseph,etomnesaccipiuntcorpusDomini,etponuntinterram. Dominasuscipitcaputcumscapulisingremiosuo.”73 ThewrittendescriptionfollowstheactionoftakingChristdownfromthe cross,andinthisaspectmightnotvarywidelyfromitscounterpartinpainting. Whatdoeschange,however,istheintentionofcapturingthehumandimensionof themomentinordertocreateaccesstothesacredscenethroughaparticipationin andsharingofthedrama.OnecharacteristicthatispivotaltotheseMeditationesis thephysicalityofthefeelingsthatwouldnothavebeenconceptuallypossible withoutthecreationofandritualaroundthewoodenDescentfromtheCross. ThewoodenDescentfromtheCrossoffersatrueandphysicalaccesstothe sceneaswellasaspiritualdimension.TheMeditationes,whichdidnotrefertoany oftheparables,offeredadiverseaccountofthePassionfromtheGospelsbyadding newscenes.SincetheseelementslieoutsidetheofficialnarrativeoftheGospels,the MeditationesreflectthewaythewoodenDescentfromtheCrosswaspartofboth 73A.C.Peltier,S.BonaventuraeMeditationesVitaeChristi,inOperaOmnia,14Vol.(Parisiis,1868),II, 609.AsquotedinSticca,ThePlanctusMariae,124.Translation:“Thenshereceivedwithreverence therighthandofChrist,andputitclosetoherface,andlookedatit,andkissitwithheavytears, sighingwithpain.Oncehepulledoutthenailfromthefoot,Josephpasseddownthebodyand everybodytookthebodyofChrist,andtheyputitontheground.TheVirginembracedhisheadand shoulderinherlap.” 115 liturgicalandextraliturgicalrituals,whilecreatingapredominantlyphysicaland emotionaldimensiontodevotion.WecannotknowforcertainthattheMeditationes andthelaudeweredirectlyinspiredbythewoodenDescentsfromtheCross,but consideringtheircontext,theextantsculptures,andinformationweareableto gatherthusfar,wemustbeawareofpossibleconnectionsbetweenliterary productionandthewoodenDescentfromtheCross. Bothsculptureandpaintinghadpivotalfunctionsinpromotingaffective pietyinamedievalculturethatreliedheavilyonimages.Imagesweregenerally madetocorrespondtothemoodofthefaithful,andtheysupposedlyhadthe functiontoarouseadevotionalmood.74AccordingtoHansBelting,therewasa reciprocalrelationshipbetweenthepaintedimageandthebeholder,inwhichthe beholdertriedtoemulatethepersonrepresentedinthedepictedimagewhile simultaneouslyobservingthesametruthfulnessintheimagethathe,asaperson, possessed.75Thisdialoguebetweentheimageandthebeholderhadacentral functioninshapingdevotionandeducatingthefaithfultowardanaffectivepiety. However,comparingthedevotionalrelationshipthebeholderhadwithapainted imagetothatmaintainedwithasculpturecomplicatesthisdialogicalrelationship.In fact,thedevotionalimagesappealedtotheviewerandpromotedapersonal 74HansBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico,66-67. 75Ibidem.,66. 116 dialogue.Whilethiskindofrelationshipbetweenthebeholderandthepainted imagewasrealandeffective,wemustconsiderhowitcomparestotherealismthe faithfulexperiencedinaritualthatutilizedwoodensculptures. Scholarshipoftenutilizesthedevotionalandaestheticrolesofpainting, literature,orthelifeoftheSaintstoincludeandrefertotheexistenceanduseof woodensculptureswithoutfullyanalyzingtheirculticfunctionandthewaythey affectedpiety.Theassociationofwoodensculptureswiththeconfraternities relegatesthisartisticproductiontopopularpietyandemptiesthemofany theologicalorhighdevotionalmeaning.Thisideastripsthemofanyeffectiverolein influencingdevotionduringthethirteenthcentury.However,thewoodenDescent fromtheCrossandtheiruseinritualshadasignificantfunctionthatinfluencedthe devotionandartduringthethirteenthcenturyandintotheRenaissance. Whileitmaybetruethatarelationshipexistedbetweenthelay confraternitiesandthedevotionaluseofthewoodenDescentsfromtheCross,we needtobeawarethatthesesculptureswerebeingproducedfarbeforethe developmentofthelayconfraternities.Thus,whiletheconfraternitiesmayhave usedandreliedonthesesculpturestocelebratetheirrituals,theysimplyabsorbed theliturgy,theceremony,and,aboveall,theunderstandingofthepotentialofthe 117 artworksthatmostlikelydevelopedatthebeginningofthethirteenthcentury,and possiblyevenbefore. Thewaythesesculpturesweremadeproducedanewwayofinteractingwith theartobject,andsetastandardthatallowedconfraternitiestoaccessthesacred laterinthecentury.Thelaude,whichcontributedgreatlytocharacterizing thirteenth-centurydevotionwithaheavyemphasisonthehumanityofChristand thesorrowoftheVirginMary,developedafterthediffusionofthewoodenDescent fromtheCross.TheMeditationesvitaeChristi,whichcameafterthedevelopmentof thewoodenDescent,emphasizedaspectsofthePassionofChristthatreliedon emotionalandconcretedetails,butwithoutfollowingthecanonoftheGospels.The Meditationesfurtherdevelopthemainintentionofthesculptures:toprovidea realisticmomentinwhichimitationisreplacedbyaction,participation,and identification. ExtantexamplesoftheDescenthavebeenfoundnotonlyinsideconvents andchurcheslinkedtotheBenedictineorder,butalsoinCathedralandparish churches.Thus,whilethesesculpturescouldhavebeendevelopedandusedina Benedictineenvironment,theyalsoassumedanimportantcivicroleasapointof referenceforthewholecommunity(seenintheirliturgicalroleintheSacre Rappresentazioniandtheirassociationwithsociety).Theplanctusthataffectedthe 118 productionoflaudehadthesameemotionalresultofarousingdevotionalfeelingas thesculptedDescentfromtheCross.TheuseofthegroupoftheDescentwasalso linkedduringtheHolyWeektochurchCathedrals,anditsoriginwasmoreclosely relatedtotheCanonsRegularsthantoamonasticorder.Asaconsequence,the woodengroupsoftheDescentsbecamemoreopentothecommunity.Theseaspects supporttheindependenceofthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossfromamere monasticorderandacknowledgeitsabilitytobecomethereligioussymboland communityaccesstothesacred.Inbecomingtheaccesspointtothesacredandthe humanityofChristinaritualthatwasforthelaityanddirectlyinvolvedthelaity, theDescentalsoaffectedandsetasortofaparadigmforFranciscanpietyaswell.76 ThissuggeststhatthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossneedstobeseenasan activeagentthatwasabletochangeandpolarizethedevotionalbehaviorofthelate Medievalperiod.ThewoodengroupsoftheDescentwerenotsimpledevotional objectsusedduringspecificliturgyorinotherparaliturgicalcircumstances;they weretheprimaryfactorthataffectedpietyandpromotedthisnewrelationshipwith ChristandthesceneofthePassion.Thiscreatedotherelements,suchasthe 76IwilldiscussandarticulatemoreabouttherelationshipbetweenFranciscansandsculpturelater inthisstudy.TheideaistotracetheliturgicaluseofwoodenDescentfromtheCrosstosomeaspects oftheFranciscanpietyandtheiruseofwoodenanimatedsculpturesofChristduringthecelebrations oftheHolyWeek,andmoregenerallytorevisetherelationshipthatFranciscanshadwithsculpture anditsuseforliturgicalandreligiouspurposes. 119 compositionsofthelaude,thedevelopmentoftheSacreRappresentazioni(which affectedreligioustheateraswell),andasympatheticdevotion,whichinteracted directlywiththesesculpturesandthusamplifiedtheirsacredrolewhilealso remainingemotionallymovingandphysicallyaccessible.Thuswemustconsiderthe DescentfromtheCrossnotjustasadevotionalobject,butasanactivemediumand thefinalresultofotheraspectsofmedievalreligioussociety. 120 Chapter3 ThesculptureasthebodyofChrist Althoughitisbelievedthattheproductionofwoodensculpturesofthe DescentfromtheCrossceasedinthethirteenthcentury,theircomplexitydidnot endthere.OnecanidentifyaprogressionfromthemonumentalDepositions featuringallthecharacterstothesinglesculptureofChristthathasspecific structuralfeatureswhichbegantobeproducedaroundthistime.Thesewooden sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristweremadeinsuchawaythatitwaspossibleto movethearms,typicallybytheclergyorbelievers,tofacilitateeasieruseinthe ritualoftheDescentfromtheCross,andthisprovidedachangefromasymbolic reenactmenttoarealisticone.ArthistoriansrefertothemasCrucifixeswith movablearms. Myintentioninthisstudy,andmorespecificallyinthischapter,istoexpand andreviseourunderstandingsofdevotionandconnectionwiththesacred contemporaneouswiththestatuesusageintheMiddleAgesandtoexaminethe sculptures’shiftingrelationshipwiththepictorialmediuminthedelicatepassage fromtheMedievalperiodtotheRenaissance.Inaddition,otherstudiesthatinvolved theanimatedsculpturesofChrist,oragain,eventheDescentfromtheCross,focus primarilyoniconographyandstyle.Iftheroleofofthestatues'mobilefunctionin 121 ceremonialcontextsismentioned,itisrelegatedsolelytotherealmofthedevotion asstrictlyconnectedtotheritualsoftheHolyWeek. Ibelievethatinordertofullycomprehendtheimportanceoftheseobjects, weneedtogobeyondthestylisticfeaturesandthefactofmateriality,perse.Rather, weneedtoalsofocusontheagencythattheseobjectshadforthefaithfulandthe religioussocietyoftheperiodintheexperienceofthesacred.Studyonthesubject portraysthesekindsofsculpturesintermsofdevotionalobjectsutilizedfor liturgicalreasons(asoccurredintheDescentfromtheCross)andasasortof appendixfortheunderstandingofthetwo-dimensionalrepresentationofChrist(as inmanuscripts,paintedwood,orfrescoes).1 Wheretheseobjectsareconcerned,thereisasingularneedtoconsiderthem withinawidercontextandtomapoutamorecomplexrelationshipbetweenthe statuesandthedifferentfacetsofthereligioussocietyinwhichtheywere immersed.Themostnumerousextantexamplesofanimatedsculpturesofthe crucifiedChristhavebeenfoundinItaly.Theoldestsurvivingsculpturesweremade inthefirsthalfofthefourteenthcentury,andtheyweremostlyusedinliturgical andparaliturgicalperformancesorganizedeitherinsideoroutsidethechurch.2 ThesenewsculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist,particularlythosethathad 1TanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLives,28. 2ElvioLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento (Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,2000)107. 122 armswhichcouldbemoved,weremoreversatilefortheliturgicaldramaofthe Depositioandespeciallyforthemomentoftheentombment,duringwhichthe sculpturewasusuallylaidintoarepresentationoftheholysepulcheroraspacethat symbolicallyrepresentedthesepulcher. IthasbeenmentionedthatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossfoundin cathedrals,Pieves,andBenedictineabbeyswerenotsuitableforconductingthe liturgicaldramaoftheDepositio,especiallyafterthedramatizationofthescene alongwiththeintroductionofadynamicrepresentationofitandnotjustthe presentation.3AccordingtoHansBelting,thegroupoftheDescentwasjusta paradigmofthePassionthatwasnotabletokeepupwiththedevotionalchangeof thethirteenthcenturyafterthepassagefromthesymbolicinterpretationand relationshipwiththePassiontoamorepersonalandintimateparticipation.4 Conversely,IarguethatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossplayedanactive roleinshapingthedevotionintheMedievalperiod,anditwasnotjustasymbolic role.Withoutadoubt,thegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswereatfirstan independentgroupofsculpturesthatchangedovertimeinaccordancewithrituality anddevotionalneeds.Theyweredistinctfromtheanimatedsculpturesofthe CrucifiedChristcategorizedbyKopania.However,thewoodenDescentsfromthe 3HansBelting,andGiorgioCusatelli,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAnticheImmagini dellaPassione(Bologna:NuovaAlfaeditorial,1986)183-184. 4Ibidem.,183-184. 123 CrossarewheretheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristoriginated,both physicallyandconceptually. ThoughthegroupoftheDescentscouldnotguaranteeadynamicand realisticperformanceoftheritualoftheDepositioandtheEntombment,Ibelieveit wouldbemoreproductivetoidentifytheimportantconnectionsbetweenthe woodengroupoftheDescentsandtheAnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist, ratherthansimplyunderliningtheinabilityoftheDescentstoadaptthemselvesto thedevotionalchangesofthethirteenthcentury.Otherscholarshavementioned thatthereisaconnectionbetweenthegroupoftheDescentandthesinglefigureof theanimatedsculptureofChristandnotedhowthegroupoftheDescentanticipated theproductionoftheanimatedfigureofthecrucifiedChrist.5 Specifically,theadaptationandchangesthatthesesculpturesunderwentwas thesubstitutionofrealpeopleforthecharactersofthesegroups,suchastheVirgin Mary,JohntheEvangelist,Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea.Moresignificantly, becauseoftheirsizeandlikeness,thesculpturesprovidedphysicalaccesstothe sacredscene.Thesesculpturesandtheirliturgicalusesinitiatedwhatwecan discussasameansofaccesstothesacredthatinvolvedboththebodyofChristand theconcretizationofthesacredspace.Onadeeperlevel,theyalsorepresentanew 5BerndSchälicke,DieIkonographiederMonumentalenKreuzabnahmegruppendesMittelaltersin Spanien(Diss.FUBerlin,1975),68-69.AsquotedaswellinKopania,AnimatedSculptures,151. 124 understandingofandmeansofrepresentingthebody,which,asIwillexaminelater inthischapter,willaffecttheRenaissanceaswell. Thefactthattheuseofthesesculptureswasalsoconnectedtotheactivities oflayconfraternitiesthatdevelopedmostnotablyduringthethirteenthcentury demonstratesthatthisuseandexperienceofthesculpturewasnotconfinedtothe realmofthesymbol.6Thesereligiousconfraternitiessungthelaudeinfrontofthese imagesandtheseperformancesoftenacquiredatheatricaldimensionwithdramatic effect.Insomecasesmembershadspecificrolesandbecameactors,substituting themselvesforthecharactersofthewoodengroupoftheDescents.Sincethe beginning,thesesculptureshadascenicandnarrativerolethatinvolvedaction,as opposedtosimplyconstitutingasacredimage.7 Thisisthemostimportantmomentin,andthemostinterestingoutcomeof, usingthewoodenDescentfromtheCrosstochangewaysoflivingthedevotionand participatinginthePassionofChrist.Obviously,thereareotherelementsthat contributedtothesechangesthatwillbeobjectsofdiscussionlaterinthischapter, butthestartingpoint,thedoorofaccessintothesacred,werethesesculptures. Oncethefaithfulsubstitutedthemselvesforthesculpturesinthecelebrationsand reenactmentofthemomentsofthePassionofChrist,webegintowitnessthe 6Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,151. 7MicheleBacci,“Lescultureligneenelfolklorereligioso:alcuneconsiderazioni”inSculturaLignea: Lucca1200-1425(Firenze:Studioperedizioniscelte),34-35. 125 passageofadaptationfromthesculptureoftheDeposedChristtothemoredynamic version:theanimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist. Indeed,somesculpturesofChristfromDescentweremodifiedinorderto fulfillandadapttheimagetotheceremony.ThesesculpturesofChristwerealtered, andthearmsweremodifiedinordertobefunctionalfortheritualoftheDepositio oratleastsothattheycouldbeusedindifferentmomentsofthecelebrationsofthe PassionofChristduringtheHolyWeek.Theoldestexampleinthismodificationis theChristfromtheUmbriancityofCascia,datedatthebeginningofthefourteenth century.(Fig1).Afteranattentivecampaignofrestoration,itwasrealizedthatthis sculpturewasnotactuallyoneoftheearliestexamplesoftheanimatedsculptureof Christ,but,rather,amodifiedsculpturewhichhadoriginallybelongedtoagroupof theDescent.8Anotherexamplethatprovidesevidenceofthisisthesculpturefrom thecathedralchurchofTolentino(Fig2),whichwastransformedfromaCrucified ChristtoaDeposedand,eventually,intoaDeadChristThesculptureisdated aroundthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcentury,andwhilewedonotknowwhen theoriginalstructurewasaltered,weknowthataftertherestorationin1992-1994 8ElvioLunghi,“Cascia(Perugia)MuseodiPalazzoSantiDeposto”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa: l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,editedbySapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano.(Milan:Electa,2004), 276.LunghiLaPassionedegliUmbri,107. 126 thesculpturewasreinstatedastherepresentationofChristthatfollowsthe iconographyoftheDescentfromtheCross.9 Thereisalsoadefinitivemomentinthispassagebetweenstatesinwhichthe maincharacterwasstillastationarysculpture,butlivingpeopleactedtheother parts.10ThepassagefromthegroupoftheDescenttothecreationofindependent sculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist,especiallysincethebeginningofthe fourteenthcentury,showsaboveallthecombinationofthetheatricalaspectsofthe liturgyandthecelebrationsofthePassionofChristwiththeutilizationofa devotionalobjectthatembodiedasacredaura.11Theseanimatedsculpturesof Christembodiedthisprocessofappropriationofthesacredandreflectedtheneeds ofthedevotionalsocietyofthelateMedievalperiod.Atthesametimetheyhave moresignificancetoconsiderintermsofwhattheyrevealaboutnewwaysof experiencingartworkandtheideaofthebody,inawaythataffectedthemakingof artmoregenerallyintheLateMedievalperiodandearlyRenaissanceart. TheuseandfunctionalityofthesculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist fordevotionalpurposesattractedtheattentionofscholarship,leavingthe 9BrunoBruni,“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo,Deposto”inLaDeposizioneLigneain Europa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,editedbySapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano.(Milan:Electa, 2004),219.Thesculpturewasmodifiedatthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturybythelocal ConfraternityoftheDeadChristinordertobeutilizedduringtheritualsoftheHolyWeek. 10Carletti,L.,andC.Giometti.."MedievalWoodSculptureAndItsSettingInArchitecture:StudiesIn SomeChurchesInandAroundPisa."ArchitecturalHistory,(46)2003,37-56. 11ClaudioBernardi,“LaDeposizionediCristoneiTeatridellaPietà”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLignea aPisadalXIIalXVSecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta,2000),17. 127 sculpturesunexaminedwithinthetraditionalcanonofarthistory.Often,theywere consideredastheconsequenceofsomethingelseanddepictedashavingapassive role,ratherthanasplayinganactiveroleinshapingdevotionandart. Duringthemedievalperiod,alongwiththeirdidacticrole,devotionalimages allowedthefaithfulanaccesstothedivine.Thesculpturesarethoughttohave playedthesamerole,buttheirusagesuggeststhattheyhadacquiredadifferent status.Thisisparticularlysignificantinthecaseofanimatedsculpturesofthe crucifiedChrist. Already,thepresenceandpurposeoftheDescentfromtheCross compositionsattractedtheattentionofthefaithfulnotonlytowardthesingle momentofthedepositionofChrist,beingjustthesymbolofit,butalsoenabledan accesstothesacred,thesacredspace,andespeciallytoamateriallyrealdimension ofthesacred,whichthefaithfulthemselveswerepartof.Thiswasaprocessof emanationthatpromotedanatmosphereofbothaweandofinvolvement. ThisprocessofincorporationofthefaithfuldidnotceasewhentheDescents fromtheCrossceasedtobeproduced.Rather,itcontinuedwiththediffusionofthe animatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Obviously,therelationshiptothe artworkandtheconsequencesofthisrelation,intermsofaccesstothesacred,were relatedto,yetdistinctfrom,thoseinvolvedintheDescent. 128 Theselaterworks’concentrationonasinglefigure,ratherthanonagroupof sculptures,indicatesthatthefocusoftheattentionwasspecificallyChristandhis body.FollowinginthetraditionoftheDescentfromtheCross,theanimated sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristwerelife-sizedandthusmoreplausibleinorderto identifyasandpersonifythebodyofChrist. AswiththeDescentfromtheCross,theanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucified Christwereutilizedeitherinliturgicalorparaliturgicalrituals,whichshowsthe complexityoftheseartworksandtheirabilitytoperformindifferentcontexts, despiteadependenceuponandclosenesstooneanother.Scholarshavealready addressed,totheextentthatdrawingexclusivelyupondocumentationallows,the useoftheimagesinliturgicaldrama.12Iarguethatthisapproachisinadequateto provideamorecomprehensiveunderstandingoftheuseoftheanimatedsculptures oftheCrucifiedChrist,asthereareotherpertinentelementstoconsider.Inthis chapter,Iwilldetailotherrelevantfactorswhichaffectedvisualcultureand practicesofdevotionoftheperiodinItaly. 12C.F.Kopania,120-157,LunghiLaPassionedegliUmbri,113-132.ClaudioBernardi,La DrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSantainItalia,2005,GesineandJohannesTaubert,“Mittelalteriche Kruzifixe,1969. 129 LayConfraternitiesandthelaicizationofthesacred Towardtheendofthethirteenthcenturyandthebeginningofthefourteenth centurythereisanincreaseanddiffusionoflayconfraternities.Itisaround1215 thattherewasarisenthenumberofgroupsoffaithfulclassifiedaspenitenti,and thiswasreferredasthemovimentodellaPenitenzadelDuecento.13Before1221they startedtogatherinlocalconfraternitiesandwereinfluencedessentiallybythelife ofSaintFrancis,whenhewaslivingasFriarofPenancebeforefoundingthe mendicantorderoftheFranciscans.14InPerugiain1260therewasalsothe outbreakoftheFlagellanti,bythefriarRanieroFasani,whowasabletoobtain fifteendaysinwhichthefaithfulwereexemptedfromworkinordertodedicate themselvestothepracticeofpenance.15FraRanieroFasaniurgedthefaithfulto participateinthesorrowthatChristunderwentduringhisPassion,andaccordingly flagellationwasthemediumtoexperiencethesamesufferingasChrist.16The purposeofmyworkisnottoprovideasurveyoftheextensiveliteratureonlay 13GillesMesserman“DisciplinatiePenitentinelDuecento”inIlMovimentodeiDisciplinatinelSettimo CentenariodalsuoInizio(Perugia,1260);convegnointernazionale:Perugia,25-28settembre1960, (Spoleto:ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),45. 14Ibidem,46. 15Ansidei,Vincenzo,RegestumReformationumComunisPerusiiabAnno1256adAnnum13001.1. (Perugia:DeputazionediStoriaPatriadell’Umbria,1935),180.“Prop1.Cumipsepotestassit requisitesaquibusdamreligiosis,etspecialiterafraterRaynerio,indicereferiaspropterutilitate Devotionis,quefitcomuniterin…civitateetcomitatuPerusie,siplacet…quodferieindicanturhincad quindecimdies,salvoquod…noninteridcaturofficiumsindicorumetquodquilibetpossitpetere alimenta”.Messerman.,47. 16Meersseman,47. 130 confraternitiesandtheirdiffusionduringtheLateMedievalperiod;however,I wouldliketounderlinesomeaspectsofthesephenomenaastheyrelatetomy arguments. Thediffusionoftheseconfraternitiescontributedtothelaicizationofthe accessofthesacredandconcentrationonthebodyasamediumthroughwhich redemptioncouldbesought.Thesameprocessisobservableintherituality characterizingthepassagefromtheDescentfromtheCrosstotheanimated sculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist.ThebodyofChrist,embodiedinthiscaseby woodenanimatedsculptures,seemstomirrorthespecificneedsofthefaithand faithfulentailedbytheseshifts.Thechangeoftheritualityanduseofthese sculpturesreflectedthesespiritualandreligiousneedsaswell. Amongthosedocumentsfoundregardingtheuseandexistenceofanimated sculpturesofChrist,theoldestarethelauderecordsfoundinthecodex36/4,kept attheSanRufinoCathedralinAssisi(knownalsoasl’illuminati–datednolaterthan theendofthefourteenthcentury).ThiswasalaudaorthecelebrationoftheHoly FridayenactedbytheconfraternityofSantoStefano(disciplinatidiSantoStefano) thatinvolvedtheritualofthescavigliazione,thatisthestagingoftheritualofthe Depositio.Theincipitofthislaudasays:“IstadiciturindieVenerissanctipropter 131 scavigliationemDomininostrilIesuChristi”.17Thefactthatitexplicitlymentionsthe ritualofthescavigliazione(literallypullingoutthenailsfromthecross–Descent fromtheCross)impliestheuseofananimatedsculptureofChristthatmostlikely, inthiscase,hadmovablearms,sothatitwasabletobemovedfromacrucified ChristandfunctionasdeadChrist.ThisriteisstillhappeningtodayintheCathedral ofSanRufinoinAssisi,andwhiletoday’sdramaistheresultofaslowand continuoustransformationfromtheoriginalversion,atthesametimethereferring textisstillthesamethatcomesfromtheConfraternityofSantoStefanoinAssisi fromthethirteenthcentury.Thiscelebrationhadthefunctiontorepresentare,which meansrepresent,makepresent,andtoemulateandparticipateaswell.18 Whilepeoplefromtheconfraternitiesoractorsplayedthepartofother charactersduringtheritualtherearenosignsthatChristwasplayedbyareal person,soitisimpliedthattherolewasoccupiedbyanimage,andmostlikelya sculpture. InthetextitselftherearenopartsassignedtoChrist,soonemayinferthe useofasculpturefromthefactthathedidnotneedtospeak.Infact,duringthe eveningofMaundyThursdayintheCathedralofSanRufinoinAssisi,awooden 17ArchivioCapitolarediSanRufinodiAssisi.FulltextofthelaudainFrancescoSantucci,“Laudadella ScavigliazionedellaFraternitadeiDisciplinatidiS.Stefano.Translation:“Thisissaid(played/read) inthedayoftheHolyFridayfortheriteof“Scavigliazione”ofourLordJesusChrist”. diAssisi."AttiAccademiaProperzianadelSubasioser.6,n.22(1994),pp.243-63. 18PaolaMercurelliSalari,“IlRitodellaScavigliazionenellatradizionediAssisi”inIlRitodella ScavigliazionenellaCattedralediAssisi(EditriceMinerva,Assisi,2006),15. 132 animatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChristisusedfortheriteoftheScavigliazione (Fig3).ThiswasalsoreiteratedbythewrittenconstitutionoftheFraternitadi NostroSignoreGesùCristoCrocifissodiSantoStefano,towhichthelaudario belonged,whichstatesthatitwasmandatorytoperformthelaudededicatedtothe PassionofChristinapublicspaceonthemorningofHolyFriday.19 ThesamekindofritualoftheDepositionexistedinPerugiaaswell,andthisis shownbythesimilaritiesbetweenthelaudainAssisi,theoneinPerugia,andmore preciselythelaudaLXIIoftheconfraternityofSant’Andrea,dated1374.Other documentsmentionoftheuseofcrucifixesutilizedduringthedevotionsforHoly Friday,andtheywerefoundintheinventoryofthevariousconfraternitiesin Perugia.20Forexample,indocumentsthatbelongedtotheSanDomenicoOratory, dated1339,thereisinformationabout:“unacroceeColonnadelaDevotione[…]tre chiuovetortedaicrocifixo[…]unocrocifixograndeactoafarelaDevotione”21 WheretheConfraternityofSantoStefanoisconcerned,therearealso registersattestingthattheconfraternityboughtthewoodnecessarytomakea 19AngelaMariaTerruggia,“InqualeMomentoiDisciplinatihannodatoOriginealloroTeatro?”inIl MovimentodeiDisciplinatinelSettimoCentenariodalsuoInizio(Perugia,1260);Convegno Internazionale:Perugia,25-28Settembre1960,(Spoleto:ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),438. Seenote2:thisinformationcomesfromtheCapitoloVIIIoftheCostituzionedellaFraternitadiSanto Stefano:Assisi,ArchivioCapitolarediSanRufino,ms78,f.6v.,copyoftheoriginalStatutiofthe23 August1327. 20Lunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri,124. 21Lunghi,LapassiondegliUmbri,124.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,48.Translation:“Onecrossand columnfortheDevotion[…]threenailspulledfromthecrucifix[…]onebigcrucifixsuitableforthe Devotion” 133 CrucifixinthecityofBettonainJune1338.Thedocumentalsomentionsthatthe confraternitypaidthesculptorPietrucciodiPiczicheorPicziche:“Inthesameway hespentfivecoinswhenhewenttothecityofBitontoforthesculptedcrucified Christ.InthesamewayhepaidforthemakingofthesculptedcrucifixtoPetruccio diPizzicaandfortwocrownsandthreewingsofangelstheamountofeightlibre andthirteencoins.”22 Othersignificantinformationontheexistenceanduseofwoodensculptures duringtheritualsoftheHolyWeekcomesfromthecityofFolignoinUmbria.We knowthat,atleastduringthefifteenthcentury,thecelebrationsoftheHolyFriday wereabletoinvolvethewholecityandweredividedintothepreaching,the procession,andthesacrarappresentazione(PassionPlay).23Thepreachingusually tookplaceinthemorning,theprocessionearlyintheafternoon,andthesacra rappresentazioneaftersunset. Thisorderchangedduringthefollowingcentury,whenthepreaching componentwasmovedtotheafternoon,aftertheprocessionandbeforethesacra rappresentazione.24Thereislittleinformationavailableabouttheprocessionprior 22CesareCenci,DocumentazionediVitaAssisana,1300-1530,Volumes1-3(EditionesCollegiiS. BonaventuraeadClarasAquas,1975),Vol1,76.CitedafterLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri,124. Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,48.““Item,expendiditquandomisitincivitatemBictoniiprolingno crucifixisculti,quinquesol.Item,solvitprofacturedicticrucifixiPetrutioPicçicheetproduabuscoronis etIIIalisangelorumetagutis,insummaVIIIlib.etXIIIsol.” 23MarioSensi,“FraterniteDisciplinateeSacreRappresentazioniaFolignonelsecoloXV”inBollettino dellaDeputazionediStoriaPatriaperl’Umbria,Vol71,n.2(1974),147. 24Ibidem.,148. 134 tothefifteenthcentury,butaccordingtotheregisteroftherevenuesand expendituresoftheConfraternityofSanFeliciano,weknowofthegrandiosityof andhighparticipationinthiskindofprocession.25Aftertheprocessiontherewas thesacrarappresentazione,andabouthalfwaythroughthefifteenthcenturythe confraternityofSanFelicianoandthatoftheTrinityperformedthesacra rappresentazioneintheirownoratory.26Morespecifically,inrelationtothe animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,thereisadocumentfromtheinventory oftheconfraternityofSanFelicianodated1425inwhichthereisadirectreference tothesacrarappresentazioneandtheritualoftheDescentfromtheCross: “Devozioni‘detempore’espressamentericordatenell’inventariodel1425sono:la devozionedelvenerdìsanto,detta<schiavellatione>daschiavellare,toglierei chiodidalcrocifisso.”27 Anotherinventory,thisonefromtheCathedralinSiena,mentionshow “[…]Onewoodencrucifix,carved,large,itisusedfortheHolyFriday.”28 25Ibidem.,148. 26Ibidem.,150. 27InventariodellaConfraternitadiSanFeliciano–InventarioSagrestia1425,aprile10(Foligno, ArchiviodiStato,Ospedale926,Mscartaceo,privodiguardia),publishedbyMarioSensi,Fraternite Disciplinate,152.Bernardi,LaDrammaturgia,441-442.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,50. Translation:TemporaryDevotionsspecificallymentionedintheinventoryof1425are:thedevotion oftheHolyFriday,called“Schiavellatione”frompullingoutandtakingawaythenailsfromthe crucifix” 28InventariodegliArrediArtisticidell’OperaMetropolitanadiSienadell’Anno1482.Citedafter Taubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,91.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,50.“Unocrucifixodilegno, rilevato,grande,s’adoperailvenerdìSancto.” 135 FromachronicleofthecityofPerugiadated1448thereistherecordofa publicperformanceinwhichananimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChristtookthe placeofaliveactorthatwasplayingtheroleofJesusChrist:29 “On29March,whichwasGoodFriday,thesaidFriarRubertostartedagain hisdailypreachinginthesquare.OntheHolyThursdayhepreachedonCommunion andinvitedthewholepopulationtocomeonGoodFriday;andattheendofthesaid sermononthePassionheperformedthisplay[rappresentazione]:thisis,he 29AlessandroD’Ancona,OriginidelTeatroItalianoLibritrecondueAppendicisullaRappresentazione DrammaticadelContadoToscanoesulTeatroMantovanonelSec.XVI.(Torino:E.Loescher,1891), 280-81.Theoriginaldocumentcomefrom:Perugia,BAP,ms.1022,[cronacadettadelGraziani]. CitedafterMaraNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione:ConfraterniteeSpettacolonell'UmbriaMedievale, (Perugia:Morlacchi,2006),79-80.“Adì29demarzo,chefuelVienardìSanto,recomenzòdittofrate Rubertoapredicareinpiazzaognidì,etelGiovedìSantopredicòdellacomunione,etinvitòtuttoel populoperloVienardìSanto.EtnelfinedelladittapredicadellaPassionefecequista representazione:cioèpredicavaincapodellapiazzafuoradellaportadeS.Lorenzo,doveera ordinatounoterratodellaportaperfinaalcantoneversocasadeCherubinodegliArmanne.Etlì, quandosedevèmostrareelCrucifisso,uscìfuoradeS.LorenzoEliseodeCristofano,barbierede PortaS.Angelo,aguisedeCristonudoconlacroceinspalla,conlacoronadespineintesta,elesuoi carneparevanobattuteeflagellatecomequandoCristofubatutto.Etlìparechiearmatelomenavano acrucifigere,etandaronogiùversolafonteintornoallepersoneeperfinaalrembochodegli Scudellare,eargierosuallaudientiadelCambio,eargieronellaportadeS.Lorenzo,eintraronel dittoterrato;etlì,amezzoalterrato,gliesefeceincontraunaaguisedellaVergeneMariavestita tuttadenegro,piangendoeparlandocordogliosamentequillocheaccadevainsimilemisteriodella passionedeIesuCristo.EtgiontichefuoroalpergholodefrateRuberto,lìstetteunpezoconlacroce inspalla,etsempretuttoelpopulopiangevaegridandomisericordia.Epuoipusenogiùladittacroce epusonceunocrocifissochecestavaprima,edirizarosuladittacroce:etalloralistridedelpopulo fuoroassaimagiori.EaipieidelladictacrocelaNostraDonnacomenzòellamentinsiemeconSan GiovannietMariaMadalenaeMariaSalome,liqualidissenoalcunestantiedellamentodella Passione.EpuoivenneNichodemoeIosephiabArimathia,escavigliaronoelcorpodeIesuCristo, qualeloposenoingremiodellaNostraDonna,epuoilomisenonelmonumento;etsempretuttoel populopiangendoadaltavoce.EtmoltidissenochemaipiùfufattainPeroscialapiùbellaelapiù devotadevotionedequista.Etinquellamanesefecenoseifrate:unofudittoEliseo,qualeerauno stoltogarsone;TomassodeMarchegino;BinochestavaconliPriori;elfigliodeBocchodelBorgode SantoAntonio;emeserRiccieredeFranceschonedeTanolo;etmoltialtriseneeranovestitiprima perlepredichededittofrateRuberto”. 136 preachedatthetopofthesquareoutsidethedoorofSanLorenzowhereaplatform wasprepared[?eraordinateunterrato]fromthedoortothecornertowardsthe houseofCherubinodegliArmanne.Andthere,whenitwastimetoshowthe Crucifix,outofSanLorenzocameEliseodeCristofano,barberattheGateof Sant’Angnolo,representing[aguisade]thenakedChristwiththecrossinhis shoulderandthecrownofthornsonhishead;andhisfleashseemedbeatenand scourged,aswhenChristwasscourged.Andseveralarmedmen[armate]tookhim tobecrucified.Andtheywentdowntowardsthefountain,aroundthecrowd,asfar astheentrancetotheScudellare,andtheyturned[argiero]attheExchange [audienzadelCambio]andreturned[argiero]tothedoorofSanLorenzoandwent ontothesaidplatform[terrato];andthere,inthemiddleoftheplatform,someone [una]wenttowardshiminthegarboftheVirginMarydressedallinblack,weeping andspeakingsorrowfully,aswasdoneinthesimilarplay[misterio]ofthePassion ofJesusChrist;andwhentheyarrivedatthescaffold[?pergolo]ofFriarRoberto,he stoodthereforalongtimewiththecrossonhisshoulder,andallthewhilethe peopleweptandcriedformercy.Thentheyputdownthesaidcrossandtookupa crucifixwhichwasalreadythere,andtheyerectedthesaidcross;andthenthe wailingofthepeoplegrewlouder.Atthefootofsaidcross,OurLadystartedher lamenttogetherwithStJohnandMaryMagdaleneandMarySalome,andtheysaid somestanzasfromthelamentofthePassion.ThencameNicodemusandJosephof 137 Arimathea,andtheyfreedthebodyofChristfromthenails[scavigliarono],putin thelapofOurLady,andthenlaiditinthesepulcher;andthroughoutthepeople continuedtoweeploudly.Andmanysaidthattherehadneverbeenperformedin Perugiaamorebeautifulandpiousplay[devozione]thanthisone.Andonthe morningsixfriarswereprofessed[?sefecero]:onewassaidEliseo,whowasfoolish youth,TomassodeMarchegino,BinowhousedtolivewiththePriors,thesonof BoccodelBorgodeSantoAntonio,andMasterRicieredeFrancesconedeTanolo, andmanyothershadtakenthehabitbefore,becausethesermonsofthesaidFriar Ruberto.”30 “JospehandNicodemusshallriseupandlaytheladderagainstthecross,and JospehshallgouptheladderandtiethebodyofChristtothecrosswithacloth. Thentheyshallturnrightandwiththehammerhitthenailtiptoshowtheyare extractingit.AndassoonastheVirginMaryhearsthatblow,withgreatlamentshe shallscreamoutloud,andJospehshallextractthenailfromtherighthandandwith getsuresofextractingitwithlabor.TheturningtoSt.Johntheyshallsaywhile handingoutthenail(…)Jospehshallextractthe[nail]fromthelefthandandshall giveittoSt.Johnwithouthsayinganythingmore.ThenJospehshallsupportthe bodyandNicodemusshallextractthenailfromthefeetandshallgiveittoSt.John. 30Englishtranslationfrom:Meredith,Peter,andJohnE.Tailby,TheStagingofReligiousDramain EuropeintheLaterMiddleAges:TextsandDocumentsinEnglishTranslation,(Kalamazoo,Mich: MedievalInstitutePublications,WesternMichiganUniversity,1983),248-249.CiteafterKopania, AnimatedSculptures,48-49. 138 Thentheyshallsendthebodydownandeverybodyshallsupportit.TheVirginMary shalltakeitobliquelyandsitwithhershoulderagainstthecrossandherface towardsthecrowds,andshallholdthebodyofherdeadsonlyingobliquelyonher lapofthetwoMaries,oneshallbeononesideoftheVirginandtheotheronthe otherside,facinginthesamedirectionsastheVirginis.JospehandNicodemusshall beneartheheadofChrist.MaryMagdaleneshallbeat[Christ’s]feetandSt.John [shallbe]onthesamesideastheMagdalene.Accordingtoeachone’scustoms, everyoneshallcryalltogetherbeatingthemselves.”31 Inthisdocumentthereisnotadirectreferencetotheuseofananimated sculpture,butconsideringthementiontotheactionofschiavellazione(topullout thenailsfromthebodyofChrist)-eNicodemocavifuoraelchiododipiedi(and 31483manuscriptofVittorioEmanuele’sfundoftheNationalLibraryinRome.CitedafterIlaria Tameni,ThePiety’sTheatre:MobileCrucifixesinHolyFriday’sDepositions,textofspeechatIXColloque SociètèInternationalepourlÉtudeduThéâtreMédiéval–Elx,du9au14d’août2004, http://parnaseo.uv.es/Ars/webelx/Pon%C3%A8ncies%20pdf/Tameni.pdf[accessedonJuly2014]. Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,49.AsimilarcircumstancewasdocumentedinBolognawhereasacra rappresentazionetitledPiantodenostraDonnawasorganized:“YosepheNicodemoselievinosuxoe ponanolescalealacroce,eYosephvadasuxoperlascalaeprimalighiilcorpodeChristoalacrocea traversoconunpanexello.Poivoltisialamandrittaeconlomartellodiaunabottanelapunctadel chiodopermostraredecavarlo.EsubitochelaVergeneMariasantaquellabotta,congranlamento dicaadaltavoce,eYosephstiafermoadascoltarla[…].Yosephcavifuoraelchiododelamandrittae congiestidacavarloperforza.PoivoltisiaSanZohanneedicaliporgendoliilchiodo[…].Yosephcavi quellodelasinestramanoedialoaSanZohannesenzadiraltro.PoiYosephsostengaelcorpoe NicodemocavifuoraelchiododipiediedialoasanZohanne.Po’mandinogiusoilcorpoetuctilo sostengano.LaVergeneMariaelprendaatraversoeponaseasedereinmegioconlespalleapozatea lacroceeilvisovoltoversoilpopuloetengailcorpodelfigliolmortodistesoingremboatraverso. LedueMarie,nestiaunadaunlatodalaVergeneel’altradalaltrolato,volteconlovisocomestala Vergene.YosepheNicodemostianoversoilcapodeChristo.LaMagdalenastiaalipiediesan ZohannedallatodelaMagdalena.Comesonoacuncialiluochisuoi,tuctiinsiemepiangano battandosiconlemani. 139 Nicodemuspulledoutthenailfromthefeet)–wecanreasonablyassumethatthey usedananimatedsculptureforthissacrarappresentazione. Thesedocumentationsareextremelyvaluableforunderstandingthese sculptures’useandthecontextoftheiruse.Whiletheraritywithwhichwecanfind documentationregardingthesesculpturesorthesepublicpassionplaysmight appeartosuggestthattheywerenotworthmention,theywereclearlywellestablishedwithinthedevotionalcontextofthecity,andbyvirtueoftheirpervasive presencewithinthiscontext,theyattainedanormalcythatdidnotrequire documentation.ThisisevidencedbythecaseofPerugiain1448,whichitseemswas particularlysuccessfulfromthepreachingofRobertodaLeccetoarepresentation ofthePassionitselfsingularenoughtomeritattentioninthechronicleofthecity.32 WhatisparticularlyinterestingaboutthesacrarappresentazioneinPerugiaisthata personplayedthepartofJesus:thebarberEliseodiCristofanowentoutfromthe doorofthecathedral“…likethenakedChrist,withthecrossonhisshoulder,with thecrownofthornsinhishead,andhisfleshseembeatenandflagellatedlikeChrist wasbeaten;andtherearemanysoldiersthatpushinghimtothecrucifixion.”33 ThattherewasarealpersonplayingtheroleofJesusisnotable.Sincethe earliestofthosecelebrationslinkedtothePassionofChrist,whilecelebrantsfelt 32Nerbano,IlteatrodellaDevozione,189. 33CronacadettadelGraziani,598.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,189.“aguisade Cristonudoconlacroceinspalla,conlacoronadespineintesta,elesuoicarneparevanobattutee flagellatecomoquandoCristofubattuto;etlìparechiearmatelomenavanoacrucifigere.” 140 comfortablesubstitutingrealpeopleforothercharacters,theyhadalwayskepta sculptureintheroleofChristinordertoavoiddisorientingthefaithfulandrisking theproblemofthefaithfulveneratingapersonduringtheplayortheliturgy. Indeed,eveninthisdevelopmentofthesacrarappresentazioneinPerugia,at themomentofthecrucifixion,asculpturewassubstitutedfortheactor.The substitutionwasmadeafterthebarberEliseodiCristofanomovedclosetothe pulpitofFra’RobertodaLecce,holdingthecrossonhisshoulder—andafterthe audiencewasmovedtotears.Atthispoint,thetorturers“pusenogiùladittacroce,e pusonceunocrucifissochecestavaprima,edrizarosuladittacroce.”34Soinorder toreenactthemomentofthecrucifixionandthedescentfromthecross,asculpture wasstillused,ratherthanalivingactor.Thiscrucifixwaslife-sizeanditwas crucifiedonthesamecrossthattheactorhadcarried.Thisprocedureclearlyhada realandstrongemotionalimpactontheaudienceas,accordingtotheCronaca writtenbyGraziani,oncethecrosswasraisedatthedisplayofthecrucifiedbodyof Christ“alloralistridedelpopulofuoroassaimagiori”(thescreamsofthepopulation wereevenlouder).35Thiscrucifixcouldhavebeensimilartotheoneveneratedin theconfraternityofAnnunziatainPerugia,whichwasflexibleatthejointsand 34Ibidem.,599.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194.Translation:“putdownthe crossandputoveracrucifixthatwasalredythere,andthentheyreisedthecross.” 35Ibidem.,599.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194. 141 featuredrealhairandabeard,aswellashumanintegumentfilledwithcords connectedtoeachother.36(Fig4). Usuallytherewasadifferentiationbetweentheliturgywithintheofficialcult ofthechurchandthesacrerappresentazioni,inwhichanactorwouldperformthe roleofChrist.EventhoughtheywerepartofthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeek,as wasthecasewiththeplayinPerugia,theywerepartofapreachingandtheywere performedinpublicspaces,theserepresentationswererealtheater.37Whatis importantforthisstudyisnottomakeclearthedistinctionsbetweenliturgyand theater,buttoconsidertheroleofsculpturesinthisliminaldimensioninwhichthe devotionaldramaisenacted. Weneedtorevisethestartingpointforstudyoftheseobjects.Theyarenot simplysculpturesorobjectsusedfordevotionandveneration.Theybecomethe realChrist,therealbody,andspiritualandcorporealaccesstothePassionofChrist. Thesesculptureswereabletocatalyzethereligiousandsocialcommunityintoone audience,andthecelebrationsaroundthesesculpturesweresopowerfulthatthe auracreatedcontinuedtoaffectsubsequentrepresentationofreligiousscenesat thebeginningoftheRenaissance. 36SerafinoSiepi,DescrizioneTopologico-IstoricadellaCittàdiPerugia(Perugia:GarbinesiiSanticci, 1822),729.AsquotedinNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194andElvioLunghi“Considerazionied IpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell’UmbriatrailXIIeilXIIISecolo.“Theskinofthis sculpturewastakenfromacadaver(usuallyfromaprisonerorsomeonesentencedtodeath)and adaptedforthesculpture”,8. 37GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,111-112. 142 Scholarsarguepersuasivelythatthesesculpturesarethemeansofaccessto thesacredbythelaityandarticulatehowthisisalsoameansofbringingthesacred intoeverydaylife.38Thefactthatthesesculptureswereabletorepresentand embodytheincarnationofChrist,aswellastobesubstitutedforarealactorduring thepassionplaystogreateffect,asoccurredinPerugia,showsthepowerofthese objectsinactuallyrepresentingrealisticallythebodyofChrist.Ingeneral,atthe coreofChristianitythereisanelementofauthenticitythatisatthebaseofthe presentationandrepresentationofthemysteriesofthefaith,whichdifferentiates itselffromthetheaterandrepresentationofpagannature.39Thetheaterbeforethe diffusionofChristianityprovidedonlyafictiverealityevenwheninvolvedthe pathosofthehumancondition.Thisconceptanddifferencebetweenthepaganand Christiantheaterisexplainedverycarefullyinoneofthepassageoftheconfessions ofSaintAugustine: “Theatricalshows,filledwithdepictionsofmymiseriesandwithtinder formyownfire,completelycarriedmeaway.Whatisitthatmakesa 38DavidMorgan,VisualPiety:aHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages(Berkeley:University ofCaliforniaPress,1988),50-51.LuciaCardone,LorenzoCarletti,“LaDevozioneContinua”inSacre Passioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVsecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta, 2000),239.ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizioniedAnnunciazioni”inIlteatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidi DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:attidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella Deposizione":Milano,15-16maggio2003,MuseoDiocesanoFondazioneS.Ambrogio,Università CattolicadelSacroCuore,(Milano:V&P.,2005),80. 39LeonardoLugaresi,“Traeventoerappresentazione.Perun’interpretazionedellapolemicacontro glispettacolineiprimisecolicristiani,”RivistadiStoriaeLetteraturaReligiosa,9,n.43,(1989),455. 143 manwanttobecomesadinbeholdingmournfulandtragiceventswhich hehimselfwouldnotwillinglyundergo?Yet,ashewatches,hewishes tosuffertheirsorrow;thissorrowishisownpleasure.Whatisthisbut awretchedweaknessofmind?For,thelesssaneapersonisinregardto suchfeelings,themoreheismovedbythesethings;although,whenhe himselfsuffers,itisusuallycalledmisery;whenhesuffersforothers, compassion.But,whatkindofcompassionisinthemake-believethings ofthetheater?Amemberoftheaudienceisnotincitedtogivehelp; rather,heissimplyenticedtofeelsorrow:themoresorrowfulhe becomes,themorehighlydoesheregardtheauthorofthose presentations.Thus,ifthesecalamitouseventsofthemenofold,orof fiction,aresopresentedthatthespectatorisnotmovedtosorrow,he goesawayscornfulandcritical;but,ifhedoesbecomesorrowful,he remains,givingfullattentionandenjoyingit.”40 SaintAugustine’squotestressesthefactthatthespectatoris“enticedtofeel sorrow,themoresorrowfulhebecomes,themorehighlydoesheregardtheauthor ofthosepresentations”whileintheChristianreenactmentofthePassionofChrist 40Augustine,andVernonJ.Bourke.Confessions(Washington:CatholicUniversityofAmericaPress, 2010),Book3Chapter2.2,50.http://site.ebrary.com/id/10383925.AsquotedaswellinLugaresi, TraEventoeRappresentazione,455. 144 faithfularespectatorsbutatthesametimetheybecomeparticipantsbecausewhat isrepresentedishappenedforrealandalsothereisnotastagethatseparatesthe mainscenewiththebeholders,butthefaithfulbecomeactors,theyarepartofitand whatishappeningisreal.41Thesculpturalmedium,andespeciallywooden animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,seemstoembodythiselementof authenticitymoststrongly,evenasitisabletosatisfyboththeofficialliturgical necessitiesofthechurchandtheextraliturgicalneedsofthelayconfraternities. Thelauda,thepictorialproductionandtheimportanceofsculpture Forexample,generallywhenscholarshavestudiedtherelationshipbetween theliteratureandartproductionoftheperiod,theyhaveconcentratedonpictorial productionswithoutpayingmuchattentiontothesculpturalproduction.Thelauda wasthereforecomparedorlinkedtopainting—mostoftenfrescosorpanelpainting. ThisisthecaseinItalianscholarPietroScarpellini’scontributiontothesubject,his 1981article“EchidellalaudanellapitturaumbradelXIIeXIVsecolo.”Scarpellini triedtounderstandthedynamicbetweenUmbrianpaintingduringtheperiod betweenthetwelfthandthefourteenthcenturyandlaudeproduction.Inhis argument,hetookthefrescointranseptofthebasilicaSuperioreinAssisiwiththe 41LeonardoLugaresi,TraEventoeRappresentazione,454. 145 CrucifixionbyCimabueasastartingpoint.(Fig5).Theorganizationofthescene paintedbyCimabueshowsadetachmentfromthebyzantinestyleandprovidesa newgrammarofgestures.42Thisnewemotionalinterpretationofthegestureshas beenconnectedbythescholarstotheliturgicaldramaPlanctusMariaefrom Cividale,whichprovided—alongwithatexttobereadaloud—adescriptionofthe gesturestobeperformedduringtherecitation.43 AnexampleistheexpressionofsorrowtowardthePassionofChristbyMary Magdalene:Heresheturnstothemenwitharmsoutstretched–Obrothers–Hereto thewomen–andsisters–whereismyhope?–Hereshebeatsherbreast–Whereis myconsolation?–heresheelevatesherhand–Whereisallsalvation?–herebending herhead,prostratesherselfatthefeetofChrist–OMyMaster?44 KarlYoung’searlystudysupportedtheinitialtheoryabouttheconnectionof thePlanctustotheoriginofthedramaofthePassion.Hethoughtthatthemourning oftheVirginMarywasarticulatedspecificallyforuseinadramaticsetting,andthat, given these parts were meant to be acted, these were the elements allowing the dramatizationofthecelebrationsofthePassion.45 42EugenioBattisti,Cimabue(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1967),50. 43Ibidem.,50. 44Hicvertatseadhominescumbrachiisextensis/Ofratres/Hicadmulieres/etsorores/ubiest spesmea?/Hicpercutiatpectus/Ubiconsolaciomea?/Hicmanuselevet/Ubitotasalus?/Hic, inclinatorcapite,sternatseadpedesChristi/OMAGISTERMI?(thepartinItalicsrefertothe gestures)AsquotedinBattisti,Cimabue,51. 45KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),vol1,538. 146 Morerecently,ontheotherhand,scholarshaveacknowledgedthatthePlanctuswas one of the elements contributing to the development of the drama of the Passion, ratherthanitsbeginning.46TherealfocusoftheHolyWeekandthePlanctuswasa secondary moment within the celebration of the Passion.47As a consequence, the Planctus, the Planctus , despite its importance, did not retain a prominent role within the dynamic of the celebration of the Passion as scholars initially thought. Thisrealizationsuggestsitisunlikelytohavebeenthesolesourceofinspirationfor Cimabue’s Crucifixion. Accordingly, drawing a direct parallel between the two, or moregenerallybetweentextandpainting,wouldnotbeentirelycorrect. If,infact,thePassionsincethetwelfthcentury,aswellasthroughtheMiddle Ages, were the focus of the devotion, and if the Planctuswere not the core of this celebration,whatwouldthestimulusbethatmoldedpietytowardthePassionaswe knowitintheMiddleAges?Obviouslythepictorialmediumplayedamajorrolein spreading the life of Christ, not only as a didactic medium but especially as visual memory utilized to contemplate the life and suffering of Christ. However, the pictorial still lacks something which enabled the dramatic sensibility surrounding the Passion of Christ, which was not only a meditation, but also identification and participation. 46MariaSofiaDeVito,L'OriginedelDrammaLiturgico(Milano:SocietàanonimaeditriceDante Alighieri,1938),160.CitedinSandroSticca,ThePlanctusMariaeintheDramaticTraditionofthe MiddleAges.Athens[Ga.]:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1988),5. 47Ibidem.,7. 147 Otherscholarshavedealtwithsubjectoftryingtounderstandtheconnection between art and drama in this period.48The literature on this relationship varies from arguing the impossibility of proving a reciprocal connection (See Nagler and Sheingorn)betweentherolesofbothartanddrama.49InTheIntertextualityofLate Medieval Art and Drama, Martin Stevens attempts to reconsider the relationship between art and drama by arguing that “its nexus is intertextual, not casual or agentive”.50Inordertomakethiscase,MartinexaminesthePassionpanelbyHans Memling now in the Galleria Sabauda in Turin (Fig 6). Memling’s painting is consideredasanideaofaperformancethatpushedtheviewerinadeconstructive act,presentingthecityastheaterandthetheaterascity.51AccordingtoStevens,the way that the painting stages the Passion becomes a sort of theatrum mundi that involves,atthesametime,theviewerandthespectator.52Theperformanceandthe painting become a specular image of one another, and both the painting and the performance(PassionPlay)becomesthereferenceofeachother. 48MartinStevens,"TheIntertextualityofLateMedievalArtandDrama".NewLiteraryHistory.22(2), 1991:317-337.Otherscholarsthatdealtwiththesubjectare:A.M.Nagler,TheMedievalReligious Stage:ShapesandPhantoms(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1976);CliffordDavidson,Dramaand Art:anIntroductiontotheUseofEvidencefromtheVisualArtsfortheStudyofEarlyDrama (Kalamazoo,Mich:MedievalInstitute,WesternMichiganUniversity,1977);PamelaSheingorn,“Using MedievalArtintheStudyofMedievalDrama,”ResearchOpportunitiesinRenaissanceDrama,22 (1979),101-9. 49CliffordDavidson,DramaandArt:anIntroductiontotheUseofEvidencefromtheVisualArtsforthe StudyofEarlyDrama(Kalamazoo,Mich:MedievalInstitute,WesternMichiganUniversity,1977);as citedinMartinStevens,"TheIntertextualityofLateMedievalArtandDrama".NewLiteraryHistory. 22(2),1991:317. 50Stevens,"TheIntertextuality,318. 51Ibidem.,328. 52Ibidem.,329. 148 While this argument is plausible, it is worth noting that the sculptural mediumisexcludedyetagain.Iwouldargue,however,thatthesculpturalmedium was precisely the channel and the dimension that shaped piety during the Middle Agesandcatalyzedtheliterature,theimages,andcontemporaneousunderstanding of and access to the sacred. The Planctus providing direction for gestures, as I mentioned before, implies that action and a more tridimensional setting were an importantpropertyofthesculpturalmedium.Eitherthisactionwaspartofaliturgy oranextraliturgicalperformance;theremarkablepartistheatmospherethatwould havebeencreatedduringthisenactment,andthefactthatonecoulduseasculpture to embody or represent the characters around the Crucifixion or just Christ as manifestationofthesacred.TheexampleofthePassionPlayinPerugiaisprobably themostdirectexampleofthepowerofthesesculpturesinrepresentingthebodyof ChristindirectsymbiosiswiththerealpersonthatwasactingasChristbeforethe momentoftheCrucifixion. While this was possible for Passion Plays outside the church, where the ceremonial inside the church was concerned, it was not possible for an actor to standinforasculpture(oranimatedsculpture),across,oreventheholyhost.The maindifferenceinthiscasewouldhavebeenthatthefaithfulwouldnothavebeen able(andprobablytheChurchwouldnotpermit)toidentifytheactorwithChrist, while this would have happened with a wooden sculpture, particularly with the 149 animated sculpture of Christ.53On the other hand, this could have happened in paraliturgicalceremonies,suchasthePassionPlayinPerugia,wherebothanactor andasculpturewereutilized,whileafriarwasresponsibleforthepreaching.54 TheuseofanimatedsculpturesintheriteoftheDepositioCrucishasalready been the subject of study. The earliest document to mention the use of these sculpturesduringtheriteoftheDescentfromthecrossisapartofadocumentof the Ordinarium Barkingense (ca. 1363-1367) from the town of Barking near London.55The origin and development of the Holy Week ceremonies date from before the use of these wooden sculptures. In addition, the utilization of wooden simulacrawasacknowledgedsincetheearlyClassicalperiodwhenpagandivinities wereveneratedintemplesbothinthecitiesandthecountryside.56Thus,itisclear that the ceremonies developed before the use of the sculptures, however these objects had been integrated since the eleventh century (the indicative date of the oldestsurvivingDescentfromtheCross).Theuseofthesesculptureswasnotnew, butwasalreadycommonfromtheearlyClassicalperiodonward. 53Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,143-144. 54Seenote29onthischapter. 55DavidFreedberg,ThePowerofImages:StudiesintheHistoryandTheoryofResponse(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1989),286. 56LorenzoCarlettiandCristianoGiometti,“MedievalWoodSculptureandItsSettinginArchitecture: StudiesinSomeChurchesinandaroundPisa”,ArchitecturalHistory,Vol.46,(2003),37.Quote:“The RomanarthistorianLivy,amongothers,indicatesthatthesestatueplayedanimportantrolein sacredceremonies:‘FromthetempleofApollotwowhitecowswereledthroughthePorta Carmentalisintothecity;behindthesetwostatuesincypresswoodofJunoReginawerecarried.’” Therichcorpusofextantmedievalwoodssculptures,togetherwithsomedetailedwrittensources, confirmthesubstantialaffinitybetweenthepaganandChristianworlds. 150 Itshouldbenotedthat,accordingtothesurvivingdocumentsconcerningthe DepositionCrucis,whichmakespecificreferencetotheuseofanimatedsculpturesof thecrucifiedChrist,theutilizationofthesesimulacradidnotaltertheorganization of the ceremony. 57 However, the use of the sculpture added a dimension of authenticitynotonlytothesimplepresenceofChrist,butalsototheauthenticityof theceremonyfromthemomentoftheDescentfromtheCrossuntiltheburial. For example, they were life-size, as was the case for the group of the Descents,buttherewasalsothepossibilitytomovetheirlimbs(usuallythearms), head, or tongue. Considering that these sculptures were made during a period of time that extends from the twelfth until the sixteenth century and that their productioninvolvesdifferentcountriesinWesternEurope,itwouldbeimpossible tocatalogthemaccordingtoanyspecificartisticstyle.Jung’sstudy,ThePhenomenal Lives of Movable Christ Sculptures, which involves sculptures from the southern German-speakingregion,statesthatitwasverydifficult,ifnotimpossible,togroup themaccordingtostyle,bothbecausethestylevariessomuchandbecausealackof properdocumentationpreventsanaccurateaccountingofchronology,geographical distribution,orevenplaceoforigin58.Furthermore,manyoftheseobjectshavebeen altered and transformed through the centuries. Accordingly, she opted to group 57Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,138. 58TanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures(PhDDissertation,Universityof Maryland,2006),16.SeealsoGesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixemith schwenkbarenArmeb.EinBeitragzurVerwendungvonBildwerkenderLiturgia”inZeitschriftdes DeutschenVereinsfürKunstwissenschaft,23,(1969),91. 151 thesesculpturesaccordingtotheirforms,media,andfunctions,consideringthefact thatallwereusedasrealChristduringthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeek.59 AsTanyaJungargues,scholarshipneedstoovercometheconceptthatthese sculptures were only objects utilized within the popular devotion, or just a confirmation of the liturgical or paraliturgical ceremonies, especially as demonstration of what was reported in written text. 60 In fact, the number of sculpturessurpassthenumberofwrittenrecordslinkedtothem.61Evenfortherite of the Depositio, the written records are rare, and certainly rarer than the actual survivingsculptures.Furthermore,thisritualwasneverreportedintheRomanRite. KarlYoungsuggestedthatthiswastheresultoftheextraliturgicalnatureofthese kinds of ceremonials 62 , but further studies on the subject concluded that, particularlyinthecaseoftheriteoftheDepositio,theseceremonialscomefromthe organizationoftheRomanRiteandweresocommonthattheydidnotneedtobe recorded.63 The study of these objects needs to move beyond conceptualizing them as passive elements of the liturgy or just as popular art. Starting from their likeness andtheirperformativefunction,myaimistoexplorewhatkindofrelationshipthey 59Ibidem.,16. 60Ibidem.,3. 61Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,138. 62KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,114. 63KolumbanP.Gschwend,DieDepositionundElevatioCrucisinRaumderalternDiözeseBrixen (Sarnen:1965),60-69.AsquotedinJung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,60. 152 builtwiththeviewerandhowtheyaffectedtheunderstandingofthesacred,aswell as how this expands beyond the moment of the ritual itself. Especially for the animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,asDavidFreedbergstatedinhisstudy The Power of Images, we need to use the relationship between the image and the beholders as a starting point; “this response is predicated on the efficacy and effectiveness (imputed or otherwise) of images. We must consider not only the beholder’ssymptomsandbehavior,butalsotheeffectiveness,efficacy,andvitality ofimagesthemselves;notonlywhatbeholdersdo,butalsowhatimagesappearto do; not only what people do as result of their relationship with imaged form, but alsowhattheyexpectimagedformtoachieve,andwhytheyhavesuchexpectations at all.” 64 This allows us to overcome the simple approach in which style and authorship hold a prominent role and, particularly in the case of these sculptures, havehadadeleteriouseffect.65Firstofall,whilethesesculptureswereinitiallyused withinanestablishedritual,withoutadoubttheycontributedtotheenhancement oftheritualitself,carryingnewmeaningandanoveldevotionalexperience. 64Freedberg,ThePowerofImages,xxii. 65GeorgesDidi-Hubermanhasdiscussedthedifficultyofstylecriticismanddatingforwaxsculptures duetothenatureofthemediumanditspurposeofanduse.Healsostressedthepresenceofa “philosophicalprejudice”infavorofthePlatonicIdea,that-sinceVasariuntilErwinPanofsky- diminishedthevalueandconsiderationofthematerialaspectoftheartworks. “ViscositiesandSurvivals.ArtHistoryPuttotheTestbytheMaterial”inEphemeralBodies:Wax SculptureandtheHumanFigure,editedbyPanzanelli,Roberta.,andSchlosser,Julius.(LosAngeles, Calif.:GettyResearchInstitute,2008),154-169. 153 Sculptureas“real”body The first aspect that I want to begin to explore is how these sculptures presenttheideaofthebody.AsImentionabove,theywerelife-sizedwithmoveable limbs,andinsomecasestheyhadmechanismswhichwouldallowthesculptureto movethetongue(Fig7)orpossessrealhairorbeards.(Fig8)Thiswasnotsimply amatterofpracticalitytofacilitateperformingritesduringtheliturgyoroutsidethe official liturgy, such as passion plays. This was the result of aconnection in which the sculpture was not just the object, but it was able to become the real body of Christ,abletoovercometheboundariesbetweentheimaginaryworldandthereal. The animated sculpture of Christ, now in the Museum of Palazzo Santi in Cascia, was first part of a larger group of the Descent from the Cross. What is striking about this early fourteenth century sculpture is the presence, above the loincloth of Christ, of pubic hair. (Fig 9). Even though it was painted, it demonstratesanattentiontoanatomicaldetailthatwewillbeabletoseemuchlater inpainting.ThecaseofCasciamightbeararecase,butwhatithasincommonwith the other sculptures is an attention to the anatomical details and the realistic depictionit,whichisbothpeculiarandintrinsictotheessenceoftheseobjectsand their devotional use. The fact that faithful would approach them to touch and kiss themasworshippingthebodyofChrist,arealisticrepresentationofabodywould 154 have enhanced and realized this experience. From the creation, use, and modification of the wooden group of the Descent from the Cross up through the animated sculpture of Christ, we observe a process of identification with and participation in the sacred scene and the presence of Christ that does not happen withothermediaorreligiousimages. Thiswasalsoenhancedbythefactthatwood,beingalivingmaterial,could function like a real body and this belief affected the making of the sculpture since the tree was cut down.66Wood, differing from stone and metals, was more noble and pure because of its closeness to the human being. In fact, wood, like humans, lives, suffers, decays and dies, and heartwood was compared to the flesh of the man.67 Eventhepaintingprocessofthesculptureswasnotinterpretedasawayto covertheinnerstructurebutrathertoexpandthevitalaspectsofthematerialand thesculptures.68 The choice of the wood itself was a precise process that corresponded to both a practical function and a symbolic one. The most common wood utilized for 66ChristinaNeilson,“Carvinglife:themeaningofwoodinearlymodernEuropeansculpture”in (2015).Thematterofart:Materials,practices,culturallogics,c.1250-1750(Studiesindesign)edited byAnderson,C.,Dunlop,Anne,&Smith,PamelaH(ManchesterUniversityPress,2015),225. 67MichelPastoureau,“Introducionalasymboliquemedievaldubois,”L’arbre:histoirenaturelleet symboliquedel’arbre,duboisetdufruitauMoyen-Age,(1993):26. 68Neilson,Carvinglife,231. 155 themakingofthesculpturesarethelimewoodandpoplar.69Limewoodguaranteed a more detailed possibility of carving even if it was common the use of plaster to shapetheparticularfeaturesofthesculptures.Iftheywerenotsculptedsometimes twines were used to create some anatomical details such as tendons and veins.70 Once the wooden structure was modeled and a uniform and compact surface was created,colorswereaddedtofinishthesculpture.71 ThesculptureoftheCrucifiedChristwasnotjustasymbolorisolatedimage, but, rather, was right at the center of the religious and social space showing his presence through its bodily features. The corporality of the dead Christ expressed by the animated sculpture of the crucified Christ was the catalyst for the imitatio Christi. These wooden sculptures allowed a further dimension to be added to the contemplation of images which, especially in the Late Middle Ages, came to play a pivotalrole.Thesedevotionalpracticeswereheightenedbythebodilypresenceof Christ in this act of identification, in which the body of the believers became the mirror of these simulacra. Painted images of the passion of Christ played an 69RaffaeleCasciaro,“TecnicaeStile:Idaticoincidono?”,inRiflessionisulRinascimentoScolpito. Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargineallamostradiCamerino5maggio–5novembre2006 ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópezabdRaffaeleCasciaro(Pollenza:TipografiaSanGiuseppe,2006),57. Formoreinformationaboutthematerialusedtomakewoodensculpturesseealso:Sapori,Giovanna, andBrunoToscano.LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma.Milano:Electa, 2004.MichaelBaxandall,TheLimewoodSculptorsofRenaissanceGermany.NewHaven:Yale UniversityPress,1980. 70Ibidem.,59. 71AntoniettaGallone,“L’ArcangeloRaffaeleeTobiolo.Studioanaliticodelcolore”ininRiflessionisul RinascimentoScolpito.Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargineallamostradiCamerino5 maggio–5novembre2006ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópezabdRaffaeleCasciaro(Pollenza:Tipografia SanGiuseppe,2006),64. 156 importantroleduringthelateMedievalperiodinsolicitingdevotionalpracticethat imitatedChrist;alternately,thesculpturesprovidedHisactualpresence,allowinga real participation in his corporeal death and in the last moment of the Passion. Furthermore, sculptures that we find in churches and oratory used by lay confraternitieshadthepowertoexistandbeactivatedinthisliminalrealmbetween sacredandprofane.Thisenabledthemtoprovideaneffectivemeansforrevealing whatwasinvisiblethroughthevisible72,inreferencebothtothepresenceofChrist aswellasinrealisticallyrepresentingsomethingthathappenedinanothertimeand anotherplace.Insomecaseswhenthesculptureswereusedalongwiththesacred hostfortheceremonialsduringtheHolyWeekinbothliturgicalandextraliturgical ceremonies,“thetheologicaldistinctionbetweenimageandsacramentwasfurther elidedandrepresentationandsacredpresencewereautomaticallyconflated.”73 TheChurchsupportedthesignificancethattheseobjectsstartedtoembody, going beyond the symbolic meaning. Beside the ritual use, these sculptures were approachedbythefaithfulandtouchedandkissed.Insomecases,inordertofully represent the moments of the passion of Christ, these sculptures were even anointed.ThisoccurredinthecaseoftheanimatedsculptureofChristintheChurch of Saint Francis in Leonessa (Fig 10); the polychrome fifteenth century sculpture turned black over the years because the wood absorbed the ointment that was 72Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,43. 73Ibidem.,91. 157 appliedtoitduringthecelebrationsoftheHolyFriday.74Whathappenedwiththe sculptureinLeonessashowshowtherelationshipbetweentheconfraternity,orthe faithful more generally, and the sculpture is human-like, and demonstrates how duringtheseceremoniesthesculptures,onceactivated,wouldbecometherealbody of Christ. If we acknowledge this kind of association and treatment as something normal,inherentofthenatureoftheanimatedwoodensculpturesofChrist,intheir capabilitytobetreatedandviewedasarealbody,wewouldbeabletoconnectand better understand what happened in the above- mentioned Passion Play that occurred in Perugia. In fact, the substitution of the sculpture for the actor at the momentoftheCrucifixionwouldnotcreateaproblemofvisualdiscontinuity,even conceptually, because of this visceral association between the sculpture and the physicalessenceofChrist. BeyondthefamousstoryofSaintBernardofClairvauxandhisembracewith Christ while praying in front of a Cross, there are other examples during the Medieval period that show the physical presence of Christ and contact with the believer.ForexampleRupertofDeuzreportsthatheexperiencedanembracewith 74TheMinisteroperiBenieleAttivitàculturalidelLazioforbidtheConfraternitadiSantaCrocein Leonessa,whichisresponsiblefortheriteofScavigliazione,tokeepusingtheointmentbecauseit wouldaffectandruinthewoodofthesculpture.Theconfraternitycomplainedbecausethiswould havealteredtheritual,sotheyworkedoutasolutiontouseadifferentointmentthatstillworksin theceremonial,butatthesametimedoesnotaffectthewoodofthesculpture.Thisshowswhatkind ofrelationshiptheconfraternityandthefaithfulhavetowardtheritualuseofthissculpture.Evenif thecolorofthesculpturefadedaway,thisdidnotaffectthesculpturelookinglikearealperson. 158 Christ where he felt Christ’s tongue in his mouth.75The mystic and visionary nun Margaret Ebner had an even more intimate experience with the representation of Christ,alsointhiscaseawoodensculpture.Accordingtoherdiaryshewouldbring a life-sized wooden sculpture of Christ into her room at night and put it on top of her.76A related instance is the vision of Hadewijch of Antwerp in which, while it seemsthatawoodensculpturewasnotinvolved,itisthecorporealpresencewhich drawsourattention.Afterthemysticalreceptionofthesacraments,shecontinues: “Thereafterhecamehimselftome,andtookmealtogetherinhisarms,andpressed metohim,andallmylimbsfelthiscompletesatisfactionaftermyheart’sdesireand myhumanity.ThiswasoutwardlyenoughandIwasfulfilledinpleasure.Andfora short while I had strength to endure this, after a shorter time I lost that beautiful outward man in his form, and I saw him become nothing and also fade and all dissolve into one so that I could not see him outside not could I distinguish him withinme.Thenitwasatthathourthatwewereonewithoutdifference”77 CaesariusofHeisterbachmentionsinhisworksepisodesthataresimilarto the embrace in Saint Bernard mystical moment. He talks about “the Lord Jesus Christ,[…](whom)appearedvisiblytoanothernunofourorder,whosenameIdo 75Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,95. 76Ibidem.,96. 77Hadewijch,andJozefVanMierloDevisioenen.1,1.(Leuven[u.a.]:Vlaamscheboekenhalle.1924), lines74-88.AsquotedinMarySuydam,“BeguineTextuality:SacredPerformances”inPerformance andtransformation:newapproachestolatemedievalspirituality,editedbySuydam,MaryA.,and JoannaE.Ziegler,(NewYork:St.Martin'sPress,1999),192. 159 not wish to give, at a time when she was grievously tempted, and by his embrace changed all her trouble into the greatest peace.”78Another example provided by Caesarius of Heisterbach is about a monk of Hemmenrode, who was usually involvedinmeditatingoverthePassionofChristwithparticularardor.Onedayfell to his keens and “ […] (Christ) withdrew his most merciful arms from the cross, embracedhisservant,drawinghimtohisbreastasonebeingdeartohim,insignof mutual friendship. He clasped him close; and by that embrace destroyed his strongesttemptation.”79 Whatmattersinthiscase,besidethepeculiarityoftheexample,istoseethe intense physical experience and development of the relationship with the image. AnotherexamplecomesfromtheItalianmysticSaintAngelafromFoligno(1248– 1309).InherMemorialeshedescribeshowduringasermonsheheardhowthenails usedtocrucifyChristhadrippeduphisskinandhowshewantedtoseethetortured body of Christ: “Una volta pensavo al gran dolore che Cristo sostenne sulla croce. Pensavoaqueichiodi,dicuiavevosentitodirecheavevanofattoentraredentronel legno brandelli di carne delle mani e dei piedi. E desideravo vedere della carne di Cristo almeno quell poco che i chiodi avevan così conficcato nel legno; e mi venne allora un così gran dolore per quell tormento di Cristo che non potei tenermi in 78CaesariusofHeisterbach,Dialogus,dist.8,cap16.AsquotedinFreedberg,ThePowerofImages, 306. 79Ibidem.,dist.8,cap13..AsquotedinFreedberg,ThePowerofImages,306.Thisexampleasbeen quotedalsobyTanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,96-97. 160 piedi,mamipiegaisudime,esedetti,eprostrandomi,reclinaiilcaposullebraccia cheavevodistesoperterra.”80 AngelamentionsthenailsthatpiercedthebodyofChristandhowsheheardabout them. She might have referred to a preacher that could have insisted to this particulartraitofthesufferingandPassionofChrist. InsidetheConventofSanDamianoinAssisi,thereisawoodenpanelwhich, infront,representstheVirginandChildand,atthebottom,theportraitofthedonor with a writing that identifies him with Corrado da Offida.81(Fig 11) On the other side there is a crucifixion with Christ perforated by three large nails. Considering thispaintedpanel,weacknowledgethateveninpaintingthenailswererepresented in a dramatic way. During the thirteenth century, the nails represented in the crucifixion were just simple dots that would refer to the nails. This was the case both in paintings and sculptures. (Fig 12) Only later in the thirteenth century did thenailsbecomeamorepredominantandspecificcomponentintherepresentation of the crucifixion of Christ in painting. This transition happened before in 80AngeladaFolignoandGiovanniPozzi,IlLibrodell'Esperienza(Milano:Adelphi,1992),116-117. ElvioLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento (Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,2000),92-94.Translation:“OnceIwasthinkngaboutthegreat painthatChristsuffered(orenduredorbore??)onthecross.Iwasthinkingaboutthosenails,andI heardthatthenailspushedintothewoodshredsofChristfleshfromhandsandfeet.AndIwantedto seeeventhesmallestpieceofthefleshofChristthatthenailsstuckintothewood;andIfeltsucha greatpainforthetormentofChrist,thatIcouldnotstandonmyfeet,butIbentover,andIsat,andI boweddown,Ireclinedmyheadovermystretchedarms.” 81ElvioLunghi,“MisticiUmbri:ParoleeImmagini”inConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella Deposizione",andFrancescaFloresd'Arcais,IlTeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizionee AnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:AttidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione" (Milano:V&P.,2005),146. 161 sculpture.82One of the most famous examples is the representation of theChristus Patiensin Spello and Montefalco in which Saint Francis is positioned at the feet of Christandkissingthem.(Fig13). Inboththepictorialmediumandthesculptedone,wehavethepresenceof thenailsasimportantsymbolofthePassion.However,ifweconsiderotheraspects oftheexperienceofSaintAngelaofFoligno,weraisesomeinterestingevaluations. In fact, according to her Libro dell’Esperienza: “Una volta assistendo ai vespri guardavo la croce; e contemplando il Crocifisso con gli occhi del corpo, all’improvviso l’anima fu accesa da un solo amore, e tutte le membra del corpo sentironounagrandegioia.EvedevoesentivocheCristodentrodimeabbracciva l’anima con quell braccio che era stato inchiodato alla croce […]. E mi diletto di guarderquellamanosegnatadalchiodo,cheeglimiaprementrepronunciaqueste parole:<Eccoquellachetennesumepervoi>.[…]Perquestaragione,quandofu rappresentata la Passione di Cristo sulla piazza di Santa Maria (sarebbe stato un motivodaindurrealpianto),miassalìtalecontentoemirapìcontalepiacereche persi la parolae, sotto il peso di quella gioia inenarrabile, caddi per terra. Allora cercaidiallontanarmidallagente,epergraziamiracolosariusciiadappartarmiun poco. Caddi per terra, persi la parola e l’uso degli arti; mi parve allora che l’anima 82Ibidem.,149. 162 fosse penetrate dentro nel fianco di Cristo. Non c’era in me tristezza, ma gioia indescrivibile.”83 MostlikelyAngelawouldhavebeenabletoexperiencethisindescribablejoy more with a sculpted representation of Christ than a painted one, and it seems, consideringthegraphicrepresentationofthepiercedbodyofChrist,itcouldhave beenasculpturelinkedtotheiconographyoftheCrucifixiDolorosi. AwoodensculptedCrucifix(Fig14)wasfoundinthedepositofthediocesan seminary in Foligno and, given the dating and some physical features, (Fig 15) it waspossibletoassociateitwiththisrecordofthelifeoftheSaintAngelaofFoligno. Another example is the Crucifixi Dolorosi that was found in the Church of San DomenicoinBevagna,veryclosetoFoligno.(Fig16). Accordingtoaccountsofherlife,weareawareofheralsomeditatinginfront ofapaintedfigureoftheSufferingChrist,buttheexperienceshehadinfrontofthe 83AngeladaFolignoandGiovanniPozzi,Illibrodell'Esperienza,135-136.CitedafterLunghi,“Mistici Umbri,148.Translation:“Once,whileIwasassisitngthevespers,IwasstaringattheCross;and whileIwascontemplatingwithmycorporealeyes,suddenlymysoulwasinflamedbyoneonlylove, andallmylimbsfeltagratjoy.AndIsawandfeltthatChristinsidemehuggedmysoulwiththearm thatwasnailedonthecross[…]anditwasadelightformetobeabletoseethathandpiercedbythe nail,thatheopensmewhilehesaysthesewords:“hereitisthatholdmeupforyou”[…]forthis reason,whenitwaspresented(acted–represented???)thePassionofChristonthesquareofSaint Mary(itwouldhavebeenareasontocry),IwasoverwhelmedbysuchcontentmentandIwasswept offbysuchapleasurethatIcouldnottalk,undertheweightofanunattarablejoy,Ifeltdownintothe ground.ThenItriedtowalkawayfromthecrowd,andforamiracleIwasabletofindacalmspace.I feltdown,Icouldnottalkandwalk;IfeltthatmysoulpenetratedintothesideofChrist.Therewas notsadnessinme,butajoybeyondwords.” 163 tridimensional representation of Christ shows a different level of physicality and engagement. InconnectiontothewoodencrucifixinBevagna,thereisalsoaninteresting story. Holy Giacomo da Bevagna, while praying in front of this Crucifix which he himselfhadcommissionedandboughtinPerugia,askedforasignfromChrist.He askedthattheimagebleed,asasignthathewouldhavereachedeternallife.Right afterhisrequestthecrucifixanswered:“Bethisbloodforyouasignandcertainty”.84 Assoonashefinishedtalking,astreamofbloodmixedwithwatersquirtedfromthe woodencrucifixtowardthefaceandthecloakofHolyGiacomodaBevagna.85 As happened for Saint Angela da Foligno, the case of the Holy Giacomo da Bevagnashowsaveryvisceralexampleofphysicalrelationshipwiththesculpture. Eventhoughitistruethathagiographytendstoglorifythedeedsofthecharacters involved,atthesametimetheyusethesocialorphysicalcontextasastartingpoint for the events connected to the life of the holy person. In fact, there are still some sculptures of the animated crucified Christ preserved in which a vessel was connectedtothechestwoundandaffixedtotheback,andwhilethesculpturewas inuse,thewoundwasabletophysicallybleed.86(Fig17).Thisexample,thatcould havebeenadoptedveryeasilyinItalyaswell,istypicalforthisgenreofsculpture.It 84ElvioLunghi,“IgnotoScultoreTedescodelXIIIsecolo–Crocifisso,Bevagna,SanDomenico”in Bassetti,Massimiliano,andBrunoToscano,DalVisibileall'Indicibile:CrocifissiedEsperienzaMisticain AngeladaFoligno,(Spoleto:FondazioneCentroitalianodistudisull'altoMedioevo,2012),171. 85Kopania,AnimatedSculpturesofChrist,170. 86Freedberg,ThePowerofImages,286. 164 marksthekindofphysicaldimensionthesewoodensculpturescouldhavereached, and while impressing the beholder, they could affect and elicit mystical vision as well. A further example is the case of Margherita da Cortona. She used to pray, according to the tradition, in front of a wooden crucifix of the typology of the CrucifixiDolorosi(Fig 18) (knownasmysticalcrucifixesaswell).87Thevisionsthat she had in front of this crucifix trace out very carefully what occurred during a PassionPlay,particularlythecontentoftheLaudariodiCortona.88 TheCrucifixesinfrontofwhichSaintAngelaofFoligno,theHolyGiacomoda Bevagna, or even Santa Margherita da Cortona experienced mystically, the physicality of Christ was not an animated sculpture of Christ, but the standard representationofChristnailedtothecross. TheTaubertssupportedtheideathatanimatedsculpturesofChrist,despite beinginsomecaseofexcellentquality,areoftenoflowerartisticrelevanceandnot meanttobeviewedthroughtheyearinsidethechurches.Theyarguedthatbecause of their movable nature during specific liturgies or paraliturgies, the sculptures 87PavelKalina,"GiovanniPisano,theDominicans,andtheOriginoftheCrucifixiDolorosi".ArtibusEt Historiae.(47),2003,81. 88LauraCortiandRiccardoSpinelli,MargheritadaCortona:unaStoriaEmblematicadiDevozione NarrataperTestieImmagini(Milano:Electa,1998),197-198.AnnaMariaMaetzke,“IlCrocifisso dettodiSantaMargherita,UnCrocifissoGotico-DolorosonellaCittàdiCortona”inLaBellezzadel Sacro:ScultureMedievaliPolicrome(Arezzo:CentroPromozionieServizi,2002),61-65.ElvioLunghi, MisticiUmbri,151. 165 existed only for the reason of theatrical use.89Without a doubt, the possibility to move them and actually use them in specific ceremonies added a dimension of realismanddramaticallyaffectedtheperceptionofthesesculpturesastherealbody of Christ. If we consider that the iconography of both the animated sculptures of Christ and the Christ nailed to the Cross are the same, we can infer that bodily presenceandtheiragencyinrepresentingChristwerethesame.Asaconsequence, whatwededucedfortheanimatedsculptureofChrist,specificallyfortheiressence, canbeappliedforthestandardwoodencrucifixionofChrist.Infact,theseanimated sculpturesofChristwereactuallydisplayedasaltarcrucifixesandusednotonlyfor specific occasion but also during the entire liturgical year. Animated sculptures of the crucified Christ are displayed in the main altar of both the churches of Santa CrocedellaFoce,whichisalsotheheadquarterofthelocalconfraternityresponsible for the Procession of the Dead Christ in Gubbio (Fig 19), and also the church of SantaMariaMaggioreinCittàdiCastello(Fig20). Also, if we look at the case of the Saint Angela da Foligno more carefully90 shedescribestwosituations:oneinsidethenaveofachurchduringthecelebrations 89Taubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,91,113,121.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,163. 90Seenote75onthischapter:Librodell’Esperienza:“Unavoltaassistendoaivespriguardavola croce;econtemplandoilCrocifissocongliocchidelcorpo,all’improvvisol’animafuaccesadaunsolo amore,etuttelemembradelcorposentironounagrandegioia.EvedevoesentivocheCristodentro dimeabbraccival’animaconquellbracciocheerastatoinchiodatoallacroce[…].Emidilettodi guarderquellamanosegnatadalchiodo,cheeglimiaprementrepronunciaquesteparole:Eccoquell achetennesumepervoi.[…]Perquestaragione,quandofurappresentatalaPassionediCristosulla piazzadiSantaMaria(sarebbestatounmotivodaindurrealpianto),miassalìtalecontentemirapì 166 of the Vespers, and the other on the public square in Foligno.91While in the first settingorinamoreprivatesituationshehadthemysticalexperienceinfrontofa standard figure of Christ nailed on the cross (which could have been painted as well), as regards for the Passion Play in Foligno, she could have seen an animated sculpture of the crucified Christ (Fig 21). This strengthens the argument that the agency, presence, power, and resemblance with the real body of Christ of these animated sculptures of Christ and the figure nailed on the cross were comparable andproveshowtheseobjectshadanespeciallyvisceralimpactonthelatemedieval devotion.InbothcasestheexperienceofthecrucifiedChristwasalsoenrichedby thenarrationofthepreacher,thesongs,suchasDulceLignumDulcesClavos(Sweet woodsweetnails),orevenachorusbylaypeople92,atthesametimethesculpture was at the center of these celebrations and the catalyst of these ceremonies throughout its physical essence. There are elements of both the liturgical and extraliturgicalceremoniesthatsupporttheideathatthemedievalunderstandingof thesesculpturesandthereceptionoftheirpresencewasthesameasifthefaithful were dealing with a real body, able at the same time to transcend the simple physicalityoftheobjectitselfandbecomethemetaphysicalrepresentationofChrist. contalepiacerechepersilaparolae,sottoilpesodiquellagioiainenarrabile,caddiperterra.Allora cercaidiallontanarmidallagente,epergraziamiracolosariusciiadappartarmiunpoco.Caddiper terra,persilaparolael’usodegliarti;miparveallorachel’animafossepenetratedentronelfiancodi Cristo.Nonc’erainmetristezza,magioiaindescrivibile”. 91ElvioLunghi,“MisticiUmbri,152. 92Ibidem.,148. 167 A story that comes from a French fabliau, titled “Le prestre crucifié”, talks about a “sculptor (defined also as a maker of religious images) that comes back homeandfindshiswifewithherpriest-lover.Thepriesttriedtofleeandnotbeing sure where to go so he takes off his clothes, mounts a cross, and hides among the crosses in the workroom. The husband meanwhile decides to inspect his recent creations and, astonished at the sloppiness of his work, trims what he delicately refers to as a bit of excess material”.93 This grotesque situation of emasculation, undertaken in order to present and protect the virtue in God’s very body94, is interestinginanotheraspectaswell:beyondtheactionofthesculptortoshapethe bodyofChristthroughanakedbody,ahumanmodel,istheinabilitytodistinguish therealbodyofamanfromoneofasculpture.Beyondthemetaphoricalaspectof the story and the ironic outcome is an understanding of the body and its representation which can be easily interchangeable and apparently unnoticeable betweenawoodensculptureandarealman. We can compare this situation to what happened in Perugia during the PassionPlayonthemainsquareinwhichasculpturewassubstitutedforanactorat the moment of the crucifixion, without altering or stopping the emotional and 93Quotedfrom:R.HowardBloch,TheScandaloftheFabliaux(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress, 1986),61.MichaelCamille,TheGothicIdol:IdeologyandImage-MakinginMedievalArt(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,1989),213.MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.Riflessionisulla SculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,inSculturaLignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClara Baracchini(Firenze:Studioperedizioniscelte,1995),4. 94Camille,TheGothicIdol,213. 168 devotionalparticipationofthefaithful.Itshows,also,howtherepresentations–in thiscasethatofthebody–werebecomingmoreattentivetosomedetailsthatina way responded to the needs of a new kind of audience, moving towards the devotionalneedsoflaypeople,whichoftenwouldnotbeservedbythecensorship of the Church.95In other words, the lifelike representation of Christ, embodied especiallybytheseanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,respondsviscerally totheneedsofthedevout;theaestheticoftheseobjectsdoesnothavetobesought simply in those classifications that belong to the official and canonical “art historical”development. These sculptures need to be evaluated according to new and different categories which must also revise the unproductive dichotomy between popular and elite religion. Scholarship has begun to reject the idea of the existence of a precise division between clerical and lay, and also between popular and elite in favor of examining the existence of a more complex context that defines medieval culture. 96 However, these objects were linked to this separation, and the interpretation has consequently been distorted by religious, devotional, and 95Ibidem.,214. 96CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLatemedievalEurope(New York:ZoneBooks,2011),129.SeealsoPeterBrown,TheCultoftheSaints:itsRiseandFunctionin LatinChristianity.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1981.PeterRobertLamontBrown,TheCult oftheSaintsitsRiseandFunctioninLatinChristianity(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1981), 13-22.http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.01044. R.N.Swanson,ReligionandDevotioninEurope,c.1215-c.1515.(Cambridge[England]:Cambridge UniversityPress,1995),187. 169 theological prejudices. As David Morgan states in Visual Piety: “Unlike objects for disinterested or ‘aesthetic’ contemplation, designed to celebrate craft and the history of stylistic refinement, popular iconography is thoroughly ‘interested,’ ‘engaged,’ ‘functional,’ and extrinsically purposive.” 97 I would add that these sculptures have an aesthetic as well that cannot be classified as better-made or worse-made just for “admiration” and “contemplation”, but just classified differently. Obviously the engaging and functional aspects are very important, but thesetwodonoteliminateorexclude,ifwecanusethesameadjectives,admiration and contemplation. Actually, the more we pay attention to the dynamic associated withtheuseandexistenceoftheseobjects,themorewefindelementsthatneedto be further explored to see their effect not only on devotion but also in art productionandtheexperienceofthesacred. Overall, we can assert that there was a correlation between the animated sculptures and the standard figures of the crucified Christ. However, while the animated ones could have been accessible not only during the Holy Week but throughouttheliturgicalyear,thestandardsculptures ofthecrucifiedChristwere notusedforspecificritualssuchastheDepositioCrucisortheEntombment.Atthe sametime,inbothcasestheiressenceandappearanceasthebodyofChristwould havefunctionedasadirectmediumandmirroroftherealhumanbody.Becauseof 97Morgan,VisualPiety,25. 170 this complex relationship, as well as in relation to the way these objects were displayed, used, and worshipped, they could have functioned as a vehicle which stimulated and framed the gestural expressiveness of the faithful. Since the representationofthecharactersintheDescentfromtheCross,boththeVirginMary and John the Evangelist were represented mourning over the death of Christ (Fig 22). SincetheirpartoftheDescentwasnotonlyanillustrationofwhathappened, but a realistic presentation, of real people, a proposition of an historical fact that actually became the real moments of the Passion of Christ, first in virtue of the ceremonial and, later, the involvement of the people. The atmosphere created duringtheseliturgicalandalsoextraliturgicalmomentshadaneffectonthefaithful that needs to be explored. Scholars associated the recitation of the laudewith the pictorial production of the period, especially Cimabue’s Crucifixion in the Basilica Superiore of Saint Francis in Assisi. Considering the dynamic of the ritual and the use of these sculptures, I argue that these celebrations were the most sensitive context in which the faithful shaped their sense of devotion. These celebrations providedthecontextoftherealdevotionalexperience. Scholarshiphasunderestimatedthepowerofreenactmentofthesemoments ofthePassionofChristandhowthiswasconcentratedandconceivablebecauseof the sculptural medium of the wooden Descent from the Cross and the animated sculpturesofChrist,whichcorroboratedthediffusionofthestandardfiguresofthe 171 Crucified Christ and their moving toward a realism that only would later occur in painting. One aspect that can improve the understanding of these sculptures is to go overthemediumitselfandseehowitbecomesthepull,theaccessandthepointof orientationofhowpeopleexperiencethesacredspace—orrealitymoregenerally, as well (influencing the pictorial production too). They allowed clergy first to materialize one of the pivotal moments of the Passion of Christ. Throughout their use and therefore the passage to the Christ with movable arms, they became not only a representation of these last moments of the earthly life of Christ, but a real appropriation in which the laity became more independent from the theological orthodoxy and also in the way that the laity made use of images, especially in the matterofspace.AstheanthropologistCliffordGetzasserts:“Inritual,theworldas livedandtheworldasimagined,fusedundertheagencyofasinglesetofsymbolic forms, turn out to be the same world.”98What was supposed to happen inside the church, in a very structured space and ritual, moves onto the church yard and around the city throughout the processions and oratory in which the laity gather. This implies an “extension” of the sacred space outside of the perimeter of the churchandalsoadifferentsenseoftheaccessibilityofthisspace. Anotherelementthatmightberelevanttounderstandinghowthespacewas 98CliffordGeertz,TheInterpretationofCultures:SelectedEssays(NewYork:BasicBooks,1973),112. Quotedalsoinnote200,Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,79. 172 perceivedandhowthesesculpturesaffectedit,isthelocationinwhichtheseobjects weredisplayedinsidethechurch.Nowadays,itisalmostimpossibletofindoutthe original display of these sculptures because their general mobility and the rituals themselves changed over time. In some cases, there is some information that can reveal not only the position, but especially how these sculptures functioned and were perceived. John T. Paoletti, in his study “Wooden Sculpture in Italy as Sacral Presence”describeshowtheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChristbyDonatello (Fig23)wasplacedonthefloororveryclosetoit99,providing,asaconsequence,a further and more direct access to the body of Christ, while stimulating piety and deeper devotion 100 . This was a situation outside of the ritual one, in which, especiallyfortheriteoftheDepositio,thesculpturewastakendownfromthecross andwasdisplayedamongthefaithfulbeforethemomentoftheburial.Aswenote, faithfulwereabletogetclosetothesesculpturesanddevelopapersonaldevotional relationship with them. This was an access to the sacred, to a space that was first reserved only for the clergy, to the body of Christ. Because of these rituals of the reenactment of the Passion of Christ and the tendency of representing these sculptures recreating the human form in a very immediate way, these sculptures were far away from any hint of ideal forms of the body, typical of the previous 99JohnT.Paoletti,"WoodenSculptureinItalyasSacralPresence".ArtibusEtHistoriae.13(26)1992: 88. 100Ibidem.,89. 173 classicalGreekandRomanartisticculture.Atthesametime,thereissomethingelse thatweneedtonotebeyondjustwhatweseeinfrontofoureyes. 174 Chapter4 Theinfluenceofwoodensculptureson thepictorialproductionoftheperiod. AfundamentalaspectIwishtoexploreinordertoreconsidertheimportance ofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossandtheuseoftheanimatedsculpturesof thecrucifiedChrististheconnectionwiththepaintedartproductionoftheperiod. Analysisofthewoodensculpturesisfrequentlyconcentratedontheiconographical aspects,whilequestionsrelatedtofunctionwererelegated—anddowngraded—to therealmofpopularpiety,whichaddedanegativeconnotationtothestudyof function.However,anattentiveanalysisoftheritualitylinkedtothegroupofthe Descentcanopennewinterpretationsandcorrelationsbetweensculptureand paintingproductionduringthelateMedievalperiod.Infact,theuseofthese woodenDescentsfromtheCrossandtheirliturgicalandparaliturgicalfunctions couldhaveaffectedthegreatpictorialachievementsinpaintingattheendofthe thirteenthandbeginningofthefourteenthcenturies,particularlythepictorialcycle inAssisiandGiotto’spictorialproductioninPadova. WithoutenteringintothedebateofwhetherornotandtowhatextentGiotto was present in Assisi, we must acknowledge the development of a revolutionary naturalisminAssisi,whichintendedtocreateaspacethatmovedthesensibilityof the viewer and compelled them to be more involved in the presentation of the sacred scene. The decoration of the nave in the Upper Basilica in Assisi created a 175 spaceinwhichthefiguresrepresentedwerepartofthescene,providinganillusion ofreality.AmongallthescenesofthelifeofSaintFrancis,Iwouldliketofocuson two scenes; the first represents the miracle of the Nativity in Greccio (Fig 1). The miracleoftheNativitythatoccurredinGrecciowasacrucialmomentnotonlyinthe lifeofSaintFrancisbutalsointheartworld;itaffectedartproductionaswellasthe understandingofthefaithful’srelationshipwithanartobject.Thecelebrationofthe Nativity on Christmas night in 1223 was organized using full rounded sculptures.1 Thecelebrationitself,accordingtothelifeofSaintFranciswrittenbyTommasoda Celano,tookdaysofpreparationwithwhichthedevotedassisted.Menandwomen joinedthecelebrations,andevenanoxandanasswerebroughttothescene.The intent was to recreate the same ambiance of the stable in Bethlehem in order to directly and strongly stimulate the faithful’s emotions.2The stage of the Nativity followedtheSacreRappresentazioni,andtheorganizationofthesculpturesandthe faithful directly recalled rituals connected to the Descent from the Cross, particularly the willingness to live directly in the scene with sentiment and full participation. While this human participation was developed and present while using sculptures,onlyatthebeginningofthethirteenthcenturywasitpossibletofindin paintingwhatwashappeninginsculptureinthedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.It 1LeonardoOlschki,TheGeniusofItaly(NewYork:OxfordUniv.Press,1949),84. 2RosenthalErwin,"TheCribofGreccioandFranciscanRealism"inTheArtBulletin.36(1)1954,58. 176 would be difficult to prove a direct correlation between the liturgical and paraliturgical rituals surrounding the Descent from the Cross and the pictorial achievementofthebeginningofthethirteenthcentury.However,wecannotdeny thatthenaturalisticlanguageadoptedtorepresentthelifeofSaintFrancishasthe same sentimental dimension and intention of recreating the scene as the rituals surrounding the Descent from the Cross. There is a humanization of pictorial languagethatIsuggestistheresultofareligioussensibilitydevelopedaroundthe production and use of wooden painted sculptures and the spreading ofFranciscan pietyduringthethirteenthcentury. IntheVerificationoftheStigmata(Fig2),thefriarsstandaroundthebodyof Saint Francis. At the bottom of the work, a person verifies the stigmata in Saint Francis’sbody,whilethecrowdthatissetaroundSaintFrancis’sbodyanimatesthe scene. The person on the left who is facing away from the viewer serves as the connectionbetweenthecrowdinthepaintingandthedevotees.Ideally,according totheorganizationofthepainting,thefaithfulinthechurchwouldhavecompleted the circle around the body of Saint Francis and thus also participate in the scene. This naturalistic interpretation of the life of Saint Francis was an innovation that broke completely with the past and dramatically affected future art production. Giotto,inhisworkintheScrovegniChapel,elevatedtoperfectionwhatwasinitiated inAssisi.OneofthemostfamouspaintingsintheScrovegniChapelisLamentation OvertheDeadBodyofChrist(Fig3);thisfrescoisprobablythemostdramaticscene 177 thatGiottopaintedintheChapel.Thefiguresintheforeground,whichwecanonly seefromtheback,furtherdevelopedthenaturalismandinclusionbeguninAssisi, andaddedpsychologicalandsympatheticcomponentstothescene. The frescos in the Scrovegni Chapel are acknowledged as medieval masterpiecesinwhichGiottoappliedhisobservationofthenaturalworldthrough the pictorial medium. Though we do not know if Giotto had a role in choosing the subjects, we can infer that he adapted the scenes according to his own creativity.3 ThepointhereisnottodiscussGiotto’sgeniusorhisinfluenceonsubsequentart; what is crucial is to examine and discover if the existence and use of wooden sculptures affected or anticipated the achievements reached by the pictorial productionattheendofthethirteenthandbeginningofthefourteenthcenturies. In Assisi, the Verification of the Stigmata included a person that was portrayedfrombehindatthesideofthepainting.Thoughthisrepresentationwas innovative,theartistdidnotreachthepsychologicalpotentialthatweexperienceas beholdersofGiotto’sLamentation.Inbothcases,thefiguresportrayedfrombehind weremeanttobringthewitnessesintothespaceand,asaconsequence,promotea direct participation in the death of Christ. The intent of both frescos of the Lamentationand the VerificationoftheStigmata was to create a real dimension of 3BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting,1280-1375,(NewYork:Harper&Row.1976),67. FormorerecentstudiesontheScrovegniChapelsee:GiuseppeBasile,FrancescaFloresD'Arcais, AngeloRubino,andIstitutoCentraleperIlRestauro,Giotto:TheFrescoesoftheScrovegniChapelin Padua.Milan:NewYork:Skira,2002.DavideBanzato,GiovannaBaldissinMolliandFilippo Bertazzo,TheScrovegniChapelinPadua.MirabiliaItaliæ;13.Modena:F.C.Panini,2005. 178 affectivedevotionandthiswasalsoanintentbehindtheuseofwoodensculptures, especiallytheDescentfromtheCross.TheritualsoftheDescent,eitherliturgicalor paraliturgical,haveparticularlyinterestingsimilaritieswiththepsychologyandthe naturalisticapproachseeninGiotto’sLamentation.Iarguethatforrepresentationof theLamentationinthepainting,theartistcouldhaveusedoneofthesecelebrations as an iconographical and emotional reference to set the scene in the Scrovegni Chapel. The Lamentation features Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, characters wecanalsofindinthewoodenDescent.JohntheEvangelistandtheVirginMaryare alsopresentalongwiththethreeMarys;theVirginMaryisrepresentedintheactof embracing Christ, at the peak of her maternal love and sorrow. This traces and ideally reflects the figure of the Virgin Mary that developed from the wooden Descent from the Cross and the laude, which stressed the humanity of her sorrow and her maternal role more than her sanctity. The setting of the scene can be compared to the ritual associated with the Descent from the Cross, in which the faithful gathered around the sculptures and subsequently the sculpture of the crucifiedChrist.Moreover,itisinterestingthatsomeoftheextantexamplesofthe DescentfromtheCrosshaveangelsoverthecrucifiedChrist(Fig4),soGiottocould have seen them as a part of the scenic apparatus for the Holy Friday celebrations andadaptedthemforhispictorialinterpretationofthesubject. 179 As I mentioned previously, the wooden Descent from the Cross stopped beingproducedattheendofthethirteenthcenturybecausetheritualssurrounding itchanged.However,thisdoesnotmeanthattheexistingexampleswerenolonger used,andwhatwehavetodayisonlyafractionofalargerproductionanddiffusion of these sculptures. Thus, Giotto might have seen them at the peak of their use in conjunctionwiththelaudeandinthecontextoftheSacreRappresentazioni.Boththe laudeandtheSacreRappresentazioniweremeanttohaveanemotionalimpactand inducethefaithfultoparticipatedirectlywiththesacredscene.Giotto’sfrescoofthe Lamentation had the same intention, and Giotto may have considered the rituals surrounding the wooden sculptures of the Descent in order to organize his scene. The fact that the viewer is invited to participate in the space follows the same accessibilitythatwasinherentinthepracticessurroundingwoodensculptures.The person represented from behind was most likely a transposition of what Giotto could see as a spectator in one of these celebrations, in which the space was not divided or set frontally but rather embraced physically and emotionally by the wholecommunity. Another element that supports this hypothesis is that the most interesting extant examples of the ritual of the Depositio come from Florence and Padova. Theseritualsincludedaprocessionwithacoffin,andwhileinFlorenceasculpture ofthedeadChristwasmostlikelyused,inPadova—accordingtotheregionalusage 180 inVeneto—theEucharistwasutilizedfortheburial.4Therearestilldocumentsfrom the thirteenth century that carefully describe the organization of the Holy Friday processioninPadova.Itispeculiarforitstheatricality,inwhichstrongattentionis paid to the death and the mourning of Christ through the lamentations. 5 The detailed description of the organization of the procession shows how the clerics gathered in Church Cathedrals to prepare a catafalque in which to position the “body of our Lord Jesus Christ.” According to the Veneto regional tradition, this could refer to the host, intended as the body of Christ. Yet since four Mansionari (guardians)wereassignedtocarrythecatafalquethatcontainedthebodyofChrist, it is reasonable that a sculpture could have been used for the procession and followingpartsoftherituals.Thepriestswouldthenkneelaroundthecoffin,while two would start the Lamentation,screaming Ahimè, Ahimè,and using gestures apt for the dramatic situation.6After these initial moments of mourning, the priests would invite the faithful with specific gestures to participate and mourn over the bodyofChrist. TheritualandtheuseofgestureinaccordancewiththeLamentationsclosely recallsthepsychologicaldynamicofGiotto’sfrescoLamentationOvertheDeadBody of Christ. The various gestures, the gathering around the body of Christ, the 4ClaudioBernardi,DeposizionieAnnunciazioni,79. 5LiberOrdinariusdellaChiesaPadovana,CodiceMebranaceoConservatonellaBibliotecaCapitolare diPadova,delSecoloXIIasquotedinGiuseppeVecchi,UfficiDrammaticiPadovani(Firenze:L.S. Olschki,1954),133. 6Ibidem.,133. 181 screaming,andtheinvitationfortheviewertoparticipateinthesceneallmirrorthe ritual that occurred in Padova before Giotto painted the Scrovegni Chapel. This scene by Giotto is one of the strongest and most impressive in providing a broad spectrum of grief, particularly how the figures are present both physically and psychologically. Since this ritual was strong and well organized in Padova, it is important to consider the relationship between the two, particularly how the real ritualcouldhaveaffectedthepaintedversion. In a broader perspective, Giotto might have also been exposed to the Holy Friday ritual when he was in Florence, where a sculpture would have been more likelyusedthanthehost.Thecompositionandstressplacedonemotionalaspectsof the scene seem to trace directly back to the real ritual. A passage in the Lamentations about the Holy Friday celebrations reads: “Sediamoci a terra e piangiamo, perchè non taccia la pupilla dei nostril occhi. Gridiamo con parole e lacrime: Ahaimè, ahimè Signore.”7This direct invitation to sit and cry beside the bodyofChristcorrespondswithtwoofthemostpowerfulandenigmaticfiguresof Giotto’s painting, those sitting in the foreground by the body of Christ assisting closelyinthedramaoftheVirginMary.Theseliterarysources,theuseofsculptures, andthe“theatrical”approachintheliturgicalandextraliturgicalrituals,allofwhich emphasize the emotional dimension that affected devotees and involved them 7Ibidem.,141.“Let’ssitonthegroundandcry,withoutstoppingthetearsfromoureyes.Let’s screamwithwordsandtears:Ahaimè,ahimè,OLord” 182 directly, constitute a need to consider the achievement reached in painting as a result of the devotional dimension developed in the liturgy while using wooden sculptures. The fact that his fresco presents two people portrayed from behind shows howGiottousedthepictorialspaceasa“ritual”space,towhichnotonlytheclergy butalsothefaithfulhadaccess.Additionally,thisaccesswasnotpresentedsimplyin a frontal way, but the faithful are instead able to gather and see the scene from differentperspectives.TheideahereisnottocelebrateGiotto’sabilityandmastery ofthepictorialmediumanditsbreakfromtheByzantineartisticcultureoritseffect on the development of art during the Renaissance. Instead, the idea is to consider howhispictorialachievementswerenotonlyaresultofrepresentingspatialdepth orbodymasses,butalsoaresultofthisnewsensibilitytowardtheunderstanding andrepresentationofsacredspaceandsacredscenes,particularlythosepromoted and developed by the use of wooden sculptures and rituals linked to the Descent fromtheCross. Painting is frequently considered the medium that was most able to synthesizethenarrative,thesacredscenes,andtheliturgythroughthevisualidiom whilealsoprovidingatruthfulideaofrealitythatwasaccessibletoeveryone. Sculpture, however, is often the medium associated with the liturgy, yet this lacks recognition of its artistic value and ability to influence other mediums such as painting.Weshouldconsiderthatoneofthepredominantachievementsreachedby 183 GiottointheScrovegniChapelwashisorganizationofthescenesinawaythatthe viewer is introduced into the virtual space of the fresco and becomes a part of it. Thisartisticallyinnovativeinvitationintothepictorialspace,whichwithoutadoubt affected the subsequent development of Western painting, is often considered as within the pictorial realm, with Byzantine production from the East or West as a counterpart. I do not call this concept into question; instead, I’d like to note that thesestimulatingsculpturesalsopromotedthespatialandvisualsensibilitythatis identifiable in the conceptual advancement of painting production. Considering sculpture’s natural ability to divide and be a real presence in the space and, especially in this period, to directly involve the faithful through liturgical or paraliturgical celebrations, sculpture cannot be excluded from this new devotional dimension that was developing during the thirteenth century. Especially if we consider that this dramatic representation of the liturgy, which utilized direct involvement of the faithful as well as sculptures, we can see that sculptures providedanimportantexampleofaccessingthesacredbeforethisconceptoccurred inpainting. TheliturgicalanddevotionalrolesofthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossand itsconnectionwithdevotionalsocietyofthethirteenthcenturyprovidethebasisfor this study. The production and use of the wooden Descent from the Cross and its future developments—the subject of the following chapter—are at the core of the religious mindset and artistic achievements of the thirteenth century. Too often 184 thesesculptureshavebeenrelegatedasdevotionalobjects,hencethemediumwas not a way to understand them but instead a means by which to judge them with prejudice.However,wemustlookbeyondtheseestablishedideasaboutthewooden Descent from the Cross in order to investigate their purpose, their function, and theirrealartisticvalue. The wooden Descents from the Cross were not simple interpretations of a particularmomentofthePassionofChrist,amomentitwaspossibletoexperience in paintings and small devotional objects as well. These wooden groups were insteaddesignedtoprovideaccesstothedivine;alongsidethelaudeandwithinthe contextofSacreRappresentazione,theyhadthepowertoproviderealaccesstothe sacredspaceandthehumanityofChrist.Theirusewasnotlimitedtotheliturgical orextraliturgicalcontext;theycreatedamentalityandsensibilitytowardawayof living the sacred during the thirteenth century that also affected later pictorial production.TheDescentfromtheCrossprovidedthefirststeptowardenablingthe faithful to access the real humanity and body of Christ, overcoming the monasticstyle liturgy that was usually removed and distant from the faithful. The stress placedontheVirginMaryandhersorrowasamotherassistinginthemartyrdom and death of her child forged another situation in which the laity experienced an unmediatedrelationshipwiththesacred.ThepresenceofthesculptureoftheVirgin Mary in the group of the Descent allowed the faithful to identify with her and renderedherpresencealiveandrealratherthanonlysymbolicorabstract. 185 The wooden Descent from the Cross presents a pivotal transition. The understandinganduseofimagesasmnemonicdevicesareabletodocumentsacred events.Sincethisenabledilliteratestocomprehendbiblicaltextsthroughapictorial medium,8thereisapassageoftrueaccesstoboththesacredspaceandthesacred scene. Particularly through contact with the real body of Christ, sculpture became themediumthroughwhichtoliveandfullyparticipateinthePassionofChrist. Thisdynamicthatinvolvestheaccessandthedirectexperienceofthesacred spaceandthesacredscene,Iarguethatcanbeconsideredalsoinotheraspectsthat cancontributetothecomprehensionofthepictorialproductionofthelateMedieval period and early Renaissance. Specifically, the wooden sculptures, utilized and displayedbothinsideandoutsidethechurches,createdthevisualcircumstancesfor someelementswhichwerelaterappliedinpainting. Forexample,intheDescentfromtheCross(1320ca.)bySimoneMartini(Fig 5), there is a scene featuring the Passion of Christ, in which a cardinal from the Roman Orsini family9is visible at the bottom of the cross. The cardinal is tiny in comparisontotheothercharactersthatareassistingintheDescentfromtheCross, illustrating the hierarchy of differing proportions which was conventional during 8SeeActaSynodiAtrebatensis,XIV,Migne,P.L.142:1306asquotedinHerbertKessler,“Dictioninthe ‘BiblesofIlliterate”inWorldArt:ThemesofUnityinDiversity:ActsoftheXXVIthInternational CongressoftheHistoryofArt.(UniversityPark[Pa.]:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1989),300. AsquotedinSteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhD diss.,FloridaStateUniversity),187. 9H.W.vanOs,TheArtofDevotionintheLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.(Princeton,N.J.: PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),78. 186 pictorial production of the late Medieval period. Another example is the Lamentation(1365)byGiottino(Fig6).Thispaintingfollowsthesamestructureas Giotto’s work even if the demonstration of sorrow is more contained than the LamentationintheScrovegniChapel.Whatispeculiarinthiscaseisthepresencein the Lamentationscene not only of other Saints who were certainly not part of the originalevent,butalsothepresenceoftwopatrons:aDominicannunandawealthy, as indicated by her clothing, young woman (Fig 7). In both cases there are “contemporary persons” assisting the original events relative to the Passion of Christ. ScholarsagreeinconsideringofByzantineorigintheiconographicalscheme ofrepresentingsomebody,arealpersonthatrecommendshimselftothedivinity.10 Theideatoshowamoredirectconnectionwiththedivinewasprovidedbytheuse of ritual gestures such as the act of bowing (proskynesis), however, while this gesture referred more to an act of submission, the way of representing the donor whilebowinginfrontofthedivinityindicateddedicationandadoration.11Overall, theideaofrepresentingadonororabenefactorintheactofhisdonationinorderto getclosetothedivinitywasnotnewandsincetheRomanscontinuedthroughthe 10MicheleBacci,Proremedioanimae:immaginisacreepratichedevozionaliinItaliacentrale:secoli XIIIeXIV.(Pisa:GISEM,2000),403.SeealsoCorineSchleif,“HandsthatAppoint,AnointandAlly: LateMedievalDonorsStrategiesforAppropriatingApprobationThroughPainting”inArtHistory,16 (1),(1993),1-32. 11Ibidem.,405. 187 MiddleAges12(obviouslyadaptingitselftothespecificcontextandnecessityofthe period). However,Iarguethatthepresenceofthedonororanimportantpersonina sacred scene, especially those that concern the Passion of Christ such as the Crucifixion,theDescentfromtheCrossandtheLamentation,istheresultofthenew religious context of the thirteenth century and the use of the sculptures for devotionalpurposesgreatlyaffectedtheperceptionandrepresentationofboththe sacredsceneandthelaypeopleinit. Oneofthemostinterestingrepresentationsofacontemporarypersoninthe context of a sacred scene is Saint Francis in the Crucifixion by Cimabue in the Basilica Superiore of Saint Francis in Assisi (Fig 8). Saint Francis is portrayed kneelingatthebottomofthecross, anddespitethephotographiceffectwhichhas inverted the lights and darks, we can clearly identify the scene and distinctly recognizeSaintFrancis’stigmata,aswellashispersonalphysicalexperienceofthe Passion of Christ. This scene was represented in the right side of the transept, visible to the friars seated in the choir of Saint Francis. This image works in connection with the other crucifixion that is on the left side of the transept, also visiblefromthechoirofSaintFrancis(Fig9).Now,itisnotmyintentiontocompare the two Crucifixions, and I am well aware of Cimabue’s innovation and powerful capacitytorepresentemotions.AsImentionedbefore,thisspecificfrescohasalso 12Ibidem.,402. 188 beenconsideredasacounterpartoftheliterarytextsoflaudeproductionofMiddle Ages. Forthepurposesofmyanalysis,however,therearesomeadditionalaspects oftheworkthatneedtobeconsidered.Firstofall,thepresenceofSaintFrancisis not represented as a vision that he is having. Rather, he “reaches through time to participate in the actual history of the Crucifixion.”13It is important to note that SaintFrancisisportrayedintheCrucifixioninwhichChristisalreadydeadandthe witnesses are mourning for his death. He is not part of the other crucifixion, in whichthesoldierispiercingthebodyofChrist,wherethereisstillanongoingaction evenifveryclosetotheendofChrist’searthlylife. Obviously, we can ascribe Saint Francis’ presence and interpretation of the scene to the artistic talent of Cimabue, but I would argue that this is not the only factor.Infact,themomentofthedeathofChrististhepeakofhishumanityand,asa consequence,ofhisaccessibility.Itisthemomentrepresentedintheseritualsbya woodensculpture,inwhichtheclergy,first,andthelaypeoplelater,wouldaccess the body of Christ. As Paoletti mentions, specifically referring to the Cimabue’s painting,SaintFranciswasnothavingavision,butwas“participatingintheactual history of the Crucifixion”. This can be directly related to the power of the reenactment of those celebrations of the Passion of Christ in which, during the 13JohnT.Paoletti,"WoodenSculptureinItalyasSacralPresence,”inArtibusetHistoriae,vol13,no 26(1992):92. 189 ritual, the present and the past historical moment would transcend into the same reality involving the participants emotionally and physically. I would argue that what we admire in Cimabue is an interpretation of the rituals connected to the Passion of Christ and a pictorial translation of them in which wooden sculptures were used to activate an emotional and physical reaction--demonstrating how the laude were more connected to these functions, as opposed to simply being just a literary transposition of the pictorial images. These rituals, either liturgical or extraliturgical,werethecontextofandthefilterforthecreationandunderstanding of devotional paintings, not the other way around; the latter analysis totally dismissestheuse,thepresence,andtheagencyofwoodensculptures. Another example demonstrating why such dismissal is an error is the Crucifixion by the Maestro Espressionista, now in the Church of Sant’Andrea in Spello (Umbria) (Fig 10). In this painted cross, Saint Francis is portrayed at the bottomofthecross,atthefeetofChrist,solicitingadevotionalandspecialcontact withthebodyofChrist.WhilepromotingtheclosenessofSaintFrancistoChristand his bodily experience of the Passion, beyond the stigmata, this image stimulates emulation:itpushesthefaithfultohaveadirectrelationshipwiththebodyofChrist. Whileitwasnotpossibleforthefaithfultoexperiencethestigmatadirectlyontheir body,theywereabletore-experiencethesufferingofChristtosomeextentthrough selfflagellationscouringthemselvesatpublicgatheringsorinoratories,butasfar astherealaccesstothebodyofChristisconcerned,thecapacitytoshareandfeel 190 hispresencewouldhavebeenprovidedbytheuseofawoodensculpture.Thefact that we find Saint Francis first and then other lay patrons portrayed in the sacred scene follows the same path of development as the rituals in which wooden sculptureswereused. Initially, these sculptures were used inside of the church mostly by the clergy, while the faithful attended at a distance. While promoting a more effective participation, and while the cult of the body of Christ was rising in the Medieval period, we identify an access of the lay people to the sacred. As noted above, the ritualsfirstshiftedtoincorporatethesubstitutionofpeopleforthecharactersofthe DescentfromtheCross,afterwhichcamethetransitiontotheanimatedsculptureof the crucified Christ, which promoted not only realism in the reenactment of the Passion but especially direct access to his body and to the sacred, which had previouslybeenthesoledomainoftheclergy. The same progression occurred in painting, as the Descent from the Cross (1320ca.)bySimoneMartiniandtheLamentation(1365)byGiottinodemonstrate. Both cases respect the hierarchy of proportions noted in the paintings featuring Saint Francis, but at the same time we can see them as a part of a sacred scene, assisting but also participating. In fact, I would not consider the representation of thesedonorsaspassive,merelyadevotionalpresenceforprivatedevotion.Iwould argue, instead, that their presence reflects their participation in the rituals of the HolyWeekandillustratesthewayinwhichpaintingwouldbecomethemediumthat 191 proves this devotional realm. Seeing these donors in painting was accepted preciselybecauseitwasnormaltoseethemparticipatingintheserituals.Ifwelook at the dates of these paintings, we see that they come in the wake of the wide diffusion of the production and utilization of the animated sculptures of the crucified Christ once both clergy and laity were already part of the sacred scene, closetothebodyofChristandtothesacredeventasarealityofthetimeperiod. The laity’s appropriation of the sacred space and participation in events belonging to the life of Christ in another time, as facilitated by the rituality connected with the use of the wooden sculptures, now become observable in painting. In general, and more specifically for the Middle Ages, devotional art has beenconsideredtobestandardandrepetitive;withinthisunderstanding,inserting thefigureofthepatronskneelinginfrontofthesacredsceneandinsmallersizeis simply a matter of convention. I argue that these are, in fact, the first examples of representation of a contemporary reality, even though this nascent representation works through some standard conventions of the Medieval period, such as the hierarchy of proportions or the golden background. By “contemporary reality” I meanscenesthatwouldhaveoccurredduringtheritualslinkedtothecelebrations oftheHolyWeek,inwhichclergy,asinthecaseoftheCardinalRomanoOrsini,or nunsorwealthypeople,suchasthepersonsrepresentedinGiottino’sLamentation, were present and actively participated in these liturgical moments. The choral participationbytheclergyandthelaityintheseeventswassowellestablishedand 192 normal that we can consider their representation and inclusion in painting not as novelty or an original anticipation of the pictorial medium, but as a visual transpositionofthesacredrealityrecreatedduringtheliturgiesoftheHolyWeek. As a consequence, the presence of the contemporary clergy and lay people in the representation of sacred scenes in the paintings was already socially established because of the diffusion and social impact of these rituals during the Holy Week. Painting becomes the medium that interprets this meta-reality, a world in which pastandpresent,sacredandsecularbecomesoneentity,whilethesculpture,once activated,isthecenteraroundwhicheverythingturns. Atthesametime,itwouldbereductivetoconsiderthesesculpturesandtheir poweronlyduringtheliturgyoftheHolyWeek.Inactuality,woodensculptureshad amoresophisticatedandaffectiverolethanscholarshaveeverconsidered.Beyond theirutilizationandactivationduringtheritualsoftheHolyWeek,thesesculptures hadtheroleofembodyingthepresenceofChrist,stimulatinganaffectivepietythat creates a permanent awareness of his existence and presence. For example, the paintingbyGiovannidiPaolo,LevitationofanUnknownFranciscanMonk(Fig 11), showsamiraculousmomentinfrontofwhatcanidentifyasalife-sizepolychrome wooden crucifix showing, despite some pictorial conventions, an actual crucified Christinfrontofthemonk.14Thissuggests,asIhighlightedbefore,thatinthecase 14Paoletti,"WoodenSculpture,89.Thepictorialrepresentationofwoodensculpturesinpaintingwill bealsothefocusofthenextchapterofthisstudy. 193 ofDonatello’swoodencrucifix,thesculpturewasplacedonthegroundfloor,sothis shows how life sized wooden sculptures of Christ would have been viewed in the fourteenth and fifteenth century.15This indicates that the beholder and faithful’s awareness of the sacred space and his/her devotional experience would have also beendeterminedbytheaccesstothesesculpturesoutsideofthemomentsinwhich they were activated. We can assert more generally that these wooden sculptures worked as the real presence of Christ, beyond their specific function in ritual moments,andalsoasaneffectivemediatorofthesacred. Theircompellingverismandthiscloserelationshipwiththefaithfuliswhat determinedthenatureofaccesstoandthepresenceofthebeholderinthesacred scene, and this is what allowed the documentation of this religious experience throughoutthepictorialmedium.Thisisalsodemonstratedbyanotherexampleof thepresenceofthedonorinaholyscene:theCrucifixion(1400-1405)byGiovanni diPietrodaNapoli(Fig12).InthisCrucifixion,theVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist, andSaintFrancisareportrayedkneelingandembracingthecross,andtwodonors kneel like Saint Francis at the bottom of the cross. The figure of Saint Francis embracingthefeetofChristfollowstheiconographyofthepaintedcross,inwhich SaintFranciswasportrayedatthebottomofthecrossbythefeetofChrist,notlifesize as in this case, but in small size, respecting the medieval conventions of proportions.However,inthiscaseheisrepresentedlife-size,whilethedonorsare 15Ibid.,89. 194 portrayed in smaller dimension. What is interesting is that Saint Francis is proposing a physical relationship with Christ, making the painted cross not just a representation, but a corporal presence. As a consequence, the presence of the donorscanbereadastheirpresenceinfrontofthetruebodyofthecrucifiedChrist. In order to read the image in this way, the donor must have experienced this emotional and devotional relationship in front of a wooden sculpted crucifix. The paintingbecomesthetranspositionoftheirdirectdevotionalexperienceinfrontofa woodencross,andthepresenceoftheVirginMary,JohntheEvangelistand,inthis case, Saint Francis as well, is the combination of two devotional worlds: the educational and the spiritual in which a sacred scene and holy persons are illustrated,andtherealisticoneinwhichtheactualactofdevotionisrepresented. Iarguethatfromthebeginningofthefourteenthcenturydevotionalpainted images(eveniftheycannotbegeneralized)becamethemediumthatdescribedthe development of popular devotion and its process of individualization and shifting relationship with Christ (and the devotional object through which he is represented).Paintedimagesvisualizedwhatwasoccurringinthereligiouscontext oftheperiod,andIarguethatinsomecaseswecanapproachpaintedimagesassort of documentary of the current devotional context in which the beholder could recognizescenesthathe/sheassisted,participated,andlived.Asaconsequence,the representationofthesceneoftheCrucifixionortheDescentfromtheCrosswasnot 195 onlyavisualizationofoneofthemomentsofthelifeofChrist,butratheradepiction ofthereenactmentandtheparticipationofthefaithfultothesacredscene. There are other examples that can illustrate this closeness to the body of Christ, such as the fresco in the Chapel of Ciuccio Tarlati by the Maestro del Vescovado,paintedintheCathedralofArezzoaroundthemiddleofthefourteenth century(Fig13).InthisrepresentationoftheCrucifixion,theVirginMaryandJohn theEvangelistarerightbesidethecross,andSaintMichaeltheArchangelandSaint Francis are at their side. Kneeling right at the bottom of the cross is the donor CiucciodiVanniTarlatidiPietramala,dressedasknight.Eveninthiscasethereis the customary use of the medieval artistic convention of the hierarchy of proportion,butthereisalsoanotherinterestingaspectthatneedstobehighlighted. Thischapelisafunerarymonument.Infact,atthebottomofthefrescothereisthe tomb of Ciuccio Tarlati (1334). While it was becoming common during the fourteenth century to build funerary monuments of lay people inside the church, such as the funerary monument of Cino da Pistoia (died in 1337), which was representedwhileheisstillteaching(Fig14)andrealizedintheDuomoofPistoia,I would argue that the addition of the fresco with the crucifixion and saints goes beyond the simple donor portrait within a sacred scene. I argue that even this painting is a representation of a real scene and the relationship itself between the donor and the body of Christ. The fact that Saint John, while mourning, points at CiuccioTarlatikneelingbythecrossandthebodyofChrist,suggeststhathewould 196 havebeenrecognizedinthisposition.Obviously,thereisacelebratoryelementand anelevationofCiuccioTarlatithatalsoinvolvesapoliticaldimension,butwhatIam discussing here, specifically, is that the origin and understanding of this fresco comes from an element of reality. The presence of Ciuccio Tarlati in this fresco reflects the presence of Tarlati in front of a real sculpture inside the church. This frescoalsoshowsanotherprocessthatwasoccurringduringthisperiodintheLate Middle Ages. There is not only the funerary monument inside the church, but the physicalpresenceandrepresentationofCiuccioTarlaticlosetothebodyofChristin theactofdevotionthatmustbeseenasanaction,andnotasasymbol. It is true that in paintings we find mostly wealthy and socially important people,forexampletheCrucifixionbytheMaestrodelleTemperefrancescane(Fig 15).TheCrucifixionpaintedaround1336inNaplesdepictsChristcrucifiedwhilea richstreamofbloodreachesboththeVirginMaryandMaryMagdalene.Ontheright sideoftheCross,betweentheChristandSaintJohn,thereareKingRobertofAnjou andhiswife,QueenSancia,16kneelinginfrontofthebodyofChrist. Frescoslikethisonewouldhavefallenintothecategoryofdevotionalart,the self-representation, or portraiture during the Medieval period, or even into the classificationofthemedievalvisualexperienceofthedivine.Onediscussionofthe studyofimagesinwhichrealcharactersstartedtobeportrayed,whetherinfresco orinilluminatedmanuscripts,suchasbooksofhours,says,“audienceswerecoming 16EnricoCastelnuovo,LaPitturainItalia(Milano:Electa,1986),volII,613. 197 toaccepttheclaimthatimagescouldserveasfundamentallytrustworthyrecordsof the appearance of important figures. In some senses, the assumption that many images constituted corporeal likeness of their subject had become a priori interpretivemoveinthemindsofaudiences.”17Myquestioniswhereistheoriginof this“aprioriinterpretivemoveinthemindsoftheaudience”? In fact, also based on the theoretical speculation about vision and the experience of the sacred, the ecclesiastical institution (and scholarship) relied on thoseconceptsthattriedtoexplaintherelationsandthefusionbetweenthevisible andinvisibleworld.Oneofthemostinfluentialcontributionsonthematterwasthe writing of Saint Augustine: ”It is not necessary for us to be represented as or assimilatedtotheappearanceofanotherandbecauseofthistobefalseinorderto betrueinourownappearance.Wemustseekthatwhichistrue,andnotsomething whichpresentstwofaceswhichcontradictoneanothersothatitmightbetrueon theonehandandfalseontheother.”18 Scholarship that has dealt with portraiture or the representation of the ownerofthebookofhoursduringtheMedievalperiodhasfocused,again,primarily onthepictorialmediumandontheroleandrankofthepersonportrayedandtheir personalawarenessinfrontofthesacredimage.Forexample,inthePsalter-Hours of Yolande de Soissons there is an image in which the owner of the books is 17StephenPerkinson,TheLikenessoftheKing:aPrehistoryofPortraitureinLateMedievalFrance (Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2009),83. 18GerardWatson,andAugustine.Soliloquies;and,ImmortalityoftheSoul(Warminster,England:Aris &Phillips,1990),97. 198 portrayedinactofprayerinfrontofanimageoftheVirginandChildplacedoveran altar (Fig 16). This image could have worked as polychrome wooden sculpture, a divinely activated object, and even an apparition from heaven.19While the study focusesonthe“reflectionandreflexivitytothevisualcultureofdevotiontowardthe end of the thirteenth century,”20once, again, we must ask where is the origin and source devotionally, culturally, and in this case also visually that allowed this awareness on the part of the viewer, this consciousness toward the sacred image, and,fortheartist,the“iconographic”reference? Ibelievethatforthiscase,thevisualsourceoftheserepresentationsforthe book of hours comes from the rituality in which, specifically for the image above mentioned,polychromewoodensculpturesoftheVirginMaryandchildwereused. Thesebookswereadaptedtonewownersoncethepreviousonewasdeceased,and their purpose changed according to the spiritual need of the new holder.21This shows even more strongly the connection with the contemporary devotional practices and the initial necessity to rely on the gestures linked to the devotional practiceortheritualsinsteadofthephysiognomicoftheperson. Thediffusionofthissensibilitysubjectwaswidespreadeveninpainting,and this demonstrates the role and importance of the wooden sculptures of the Virgin Maryandchild(Fig 17) forthemedievaldevotionandthevisualsourceforthese 19AlexaKristenSand,Vision,Devotion,andSelf-RepresentationinLateMedievalArt(NewYork: CambridgeUniversityPress,2014),5. 20Ibidem.,5. 21Ibidem.,6. 199 kindofpaintingsaswell(Fig18).ObviouslyIdonotwanttogeneralizeandapplyto alldevotionalpaintingsthesamerelationshipwiththedevotionalcontextinwhich wooden sculptures were used, and I do not mean to support the idea that what is happening with the animated sculptures of the crucified Christ (which is the main subject of this study) is occurring in direct correspondence with the wooden sculpturesoftheVirginandChild.Rather,thepointisthatweneedtolookattheuse and the role of these sculptures during the thirteenth and fourteenth century and how they affected the piety in Italy, the relationship with the sacred, and as a consequence,therepresentationofthispietry. Donor images have long been objects of study by art historians who saw a political gesture within a fresco or a wooden panel painting. This gesture was a positionthataffectedthedeterminationandeconomicstatusofthegender.22There are different situations in which donors have been portrayed but insofar as their representation in sacred scenes is concerned, I assert that their presence in these kind of paintings since the late Medieval period comes from this process of participation in the liturgy in which these sculptures were used, and from the consequent appropriation of the sacred space by the laity in general. One particularlyusefuldocumentinconsideringthisdiscusseshowAlfonsoVofAragon, 22CorineSchleif,“Kneelingonthethreshold:donorsnegotiatingrealmsbetwixtandbetween”in ThresholdsofMedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces,edElinaGertsmanandJillStevenson. (Woodbridge,UK:BoydellPress,2012),196.SeealsofromthesameauthorCorineSchleif,“Hands thatAppoint,Anoint,andAlly:Late-MedievalDonorsStrategiesforAppropriatingApprobation throughPainitng”inArtHistory,16(1993),1-33. 200 known as Alfonso I, King of Naples, participated in the liturgical drama that reenacted the Deposition and Burial of Christ on April 13, 1437 during Good Friday.23Thisdocumentdemonstratestheactualparticipationintheseliturgiesofa personoftherankofking andopenssomeconsiderations.Firstofall,evenifthe activeparticipationofakingtotheriteoftheHolyWeekcanbeseenasanincursion ofasecularpersonintothesacredspace,andasaconsequencethepoliticalrealm entering through the liturgy into the physical space of the church,24we cannot underestimate the power of this liturgy. If even a king decided to be part of it, beyond the real motivations (either principally devotional or political) this underlinesthepowerofthesecelebrationsandwhatkindofimpacttheymusthave haduponthesocietyoftheperiod.Second,thefactthatakingtookpartinperson duringtheseritesshowsthattheywerenotsomethingthatwasentirelyrelegated and proper to the lower class of the society. On the contrary, being part of these ceremonials would have enhanced the position of those who were involved, becomingpartofthesacrednessembodiedandreleasedbythewoodensculptures thatwereusedduringthisrite. Because of this document that attests to the participation of a king in the rituals of the Holy Week, it is possible to support the idea that the closeness of wealthy donors to the sacred scenes, represented in painting, was derived from a 23SolangeCorbin,LaDepositionLiturgiqueduChristauVendrediSaint;saPlacedansl'Histoiredes RitesetduThéâtreReligieux(analysededocumentsportugais).(Paris:Sociétéd'éditions"LesBelles Lettres",1960),257.Paoletti,"WoodenSculpture,92. 24Paoletti,WoodenSculpture,92. 201 realdevotionalsituation.Notonlywastheprivatedevotionorpersonalwillofthe donorsportrayed,butalsoarealisticmomentthatwassociallyandpubliclydefined. According to Glenn Ehrstine, “[…] medieval spectatorship was inherently kinesthetic, with audience reception of religious theater predominantly occurring, with occasional exceptions, within the context of devotional practices involving bodily sensation. Through such kinesthesia, the body itself became an avenue for audience participation, augmenting other modes of reception, such as the play’s affective elicitation of compassio”. 25 Thus, medieval spectatorship blurred the boundaries between public and private devotion by involving the use of sacred spaceforbothpersonalandprivatedevotion,theuseofthebodyforthepurposesof interaction with the re-presentation of the sacred scene, and, also, the beholder’s affectiveparticipationinandresponsetothemomentsofthePassionofChristand the use of animated sculptures. 26 The sources of Ehrstine’s study were three devotionaltexts:theVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxonywritteninthemidfourteenth century, Do der minnenklich got (When Loving God), an anonymous German tract from the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century, and Der Berg des schowenden lebens(TheMountofContemplativelife)byJohannGeilervonKayserberg,27written in the second half of the fifteenth century. This study, in addition to those I’ve 25GlennEhrstine,“PassionSpectatorshipBetweenPrivateandPublicDevotion”inThresholdsof MedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces,edElinaGertsmanandJillStevenson.(Woodbridge,UK: BoydellPress,2012),304. 26Ibidem.,305. 27Ibidem.,305 202 already discussed, establishes the kinesthetic and sensorial devotional experience, the duality of devotion between private and public, the body positions in order to experiencevisuallythePassion,thepreparationofbeingengagedinfrontofChrist’s representation and also the remembrance of the action once the play was over, using literary sources, an approach which overlooks completely the physical activatoroftheserituals,thatisthesculptures.WhileGlennEhrstinementionsthat itwasnotunusualinthelateMedievalperiodtoassisttopublicrepresentationof thePassion,atthesametimeshehasdoubtsregardingviewingconditionsandhow theymayhaveaffecteddevotionalreception.28 Given that most of these medieval devotional texts were written, at the earliest, in the first half of the fourteenth century, it becomes necessary to acknowledgethattheelaborationofthosevisualconceptspartofthesedevotional textswasmadesubsequenttothediffusionandtheuseoftheanimatedsculptures ofthecrucifiedChrist.Further,thetextsinquestionportrayedamarkedcorporeal aspect of the experience of the Passion that cannot be underestimated and must eventuallybereaddressedintermsofthecontextofthedevelopmentoftherituals withwhichthetextsarepaired.ThiscorporealdimensionismanifestedinTheVita Christi of Ludolph of Saxony, which mentions how to use the imagination to empathize with the events that happened during the last moments of the life of Christ: “If you wish to reap the fruit of your meditations, […] then you must make 28Ibidem.,308. 203 yourselfpresentatwhatwassaidordonebyChristtheLordorwhatistoldaboutit, asifyouhearditwithyourownearsorsawitwithyourowneyes[…].Andthus, althoughmanyofthesethingsaretoldasinthepast,youshouldmeditateonallof themasiftheywereinthepresent;becausewithoutdoubtyouwilltasteagreater pleasantness from this. Therefore, read about what was done as if it were being done.Placebeforeyoureyespastactionsasiftheywerepresent,andthustoagreat extent,youwilltastethingsasmoresavoryanddelightful”.29 The directions provided by Ludolph of Saxony clearly advocate using one’s mind to placing oneself physically into those moments in which Christ lived his Passion.ThestrikingpartofthiswayofmeditatingoverthePassionofChrististhat it seems to accurately follow the action of the liturgical or paraliturgical rites. Examining the illuminated version of the devotional book written by Ludolph of Saxony,itbecomesimpossibletoavoidacknowledgingthatinVolume1andFolio1 (Fig19)themonkisprayingwhilevisualizingtherealbodyofChrist,whichcanbe linked to a contemporary wooden sculptures, along with some instruments used duringthePassion. Studyofmedievaltheaterputsinquestiontheideathattheuseofdevotional booksandpassionplaysweretwodistinctworlds,onebelongingtotheprivateand theotheronetothepublicsphere,supportingthecasethatdevotionalbookscould 29CharlesAbbottConway,TheVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxonyandLateMedievalDevotionCentered ontheIncarnation:aDescriptiveAnalysis,AnalectaCartusiana34(Salzburg,Austria,1976),123.Cited afterGlennEhrstine,PassionSpectatorship,312. 204 have practically affected the organization and presentation of Passion Plays.30I argue that the rituals connected to the Passion of Christ, both liturgical or paraliturgical celebrations, along with the use of wooden sculptures were the catalyst of the production of these devotional books. This revised pattern of influenceisbornoutbyoneofthefirstinfluentialdevotionalbookfromwhichother devotionaltreatisesderived,theMeditationesVitaeChristi,writteninthemiddleof the fourteenth century by the Pseudo-Bonaventure. The book was written in a period when the ritual and the relationship with these rites were already established and also when the production and diffusion of animated wooden sculptures of the Crucified Christ were already popular and in use. Obviously, it is notappropriatetogeneralizeandapplythisstatementtoeverysinglesituation,but whatIamreferringtoistheclearneedtorecognizethatthefaithfulrecognizedthe wooden sculpture as the bodily presence of Christ and as the direct medium for their relationship with the human side of Christ (which certainly includes the regularwoodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatareexperiencedastangiblyas as possible, as suggested by Ludolph of Saxony). These wooden sculptures represented and embodied the real body of Christ. While this could have applied only once they were activated, it seems more likely that the faithful would acknowledge this role of the sculpture during the whole liturgical year, and that both the sculptures and the rituals around it had a pivotal role in affecting and 30GlennEhrstine,PassionSpectatorship,303. 205 shaping the devotion (and the representation of it) during the fourteenth and fifteenthcentury. The objects are thus unable to play an active role in affecting other aspects of the devotionalsocietyofcentralItalyduringthelateMedievalperiodandthebeginning oftheRenaissance.Beingmoreattentivetothedynamicofthedevelopmentofthe devotion during the late Medieval period, however, reveals several connections which could justify some aesthetic choices and ways of representing the sacred sceneatthebeginningoftheRenaissance. For example, one of the most famous frescos of the fifteenth century is Masaccio’sTrinity(Fig20).Thisfrescoadmirablycombinestherepresentationofa subjectthatisspecifictotheChristianfaithandthetheologyoftheTrinitywiththe application of the new perspective techniques in such excellent way as to provide the effect of a real gallery behind the subject in the fresco. This fresco has been interpretedasareferencetotheChapeloftheGolgotha,fromamedievaltradition, with the representation of the Adam’s tomb at the bottom and the crucifixion of Christinthemiddlepart,aproductofthecommissionandactivityoftheDominican community that had been established in Florence since 1219.31The center of this frescofeaturesthecrucifixionofChrist,betterdescribedastheso-calledThroneof Mercy, raising an important theological element to consider: Masaccio presents 31AlessandroCortesi,“UnaLetturaTeologica”inMasaccioandCristinaDanti,LaTrinitàdiMasaccio: ilRestaurodell'AnnoDuemila(Firenze:Edifir.,2002),49. 206 Christinhishumanside,inhisbodilyessenceinthemomentofhisdeath.32Another aspectofthisfrescothathasbeenanobjectofstudyisthepresenceofthedonorsin the immediate foreground. Scholarship has focused on understanding who the donorswereandwhomtheyrepresentedintheFlorentinesocietyofthebeginning of the fifteenth century. The last studies about this subject identify two local families,eithertheLenziortheBerti.ItseemsthattheBertifamilyownedatombat thebottomofthefrescoandhadaspecialdevotionoftheTrinity.33 However,thesignificantthingaboutthedonor’srepresentation,forthesake of this study, is that they are portrayed life-size. The issue, then, becomes that we have in a major painting inside one of the most important churches in Florence, exhibitingalife-sizerepresentationofthedonors.Obviously,therewasasocialand devotional(aswellaspolitical)significanceinbeingportrayedin,andsimplybeing incorporated into, this fresco, which was indicative of the intentions of this new mercantileeliteoftheFlorentinesociety:“Florence’scivicmonuments,herchurches andmonasteries,herprivateplaceswereallplannedandsubsidizedbythiselite.”34 At the same time I would like to underline that the presence of the donors in a devotional painting derives, both iconographically and conceptually, from the process of appropriation of the sacred space by the laity which had been initiated 32Ibidem.,49. 33RitaMariaComanducci,"'L'AltareNostrodelaTrinita':Masaccio'sTrinityandtheBertifamily".The BurlingtonMagazine.vol145,n.1198,(2003):14-21. 34GeneBrucker“TheFlorentineEliteintheEarlyFifteenthCentury,”inMasaccio'sTrinity. Cambridge,edRonaGoffen,(CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),35. 207 duringthethirteenthcentury.Renaissancestudiestendtoemphasizetheideathat merchants, because of their reason-based frame of mine, were aware of “how unproductive formal religious behavior was or see the ‘unreasonableness’ of excessivecult.”35Tothecontrary,ithasbeenprovednotonlythatmerchantswent to church regularly,36but also that they were involved in image worship and in practicesthatwereconsideredtobestrictlyconfinedtotheruralworld,whichwas framedasfarawayandcompletelydistinctfromtheurbansocietyoftheday.37This aspectofdevotionisdistinctfromthebuildingofspaciousburialchapelsorprivate ownership of sacred spaces which were in some sense independent from the communal space inside the church.38This was a phenomenon that started at the beginning of the fourteenth century in Santa Croce in Florence. This suggests that weneedtobeawarethatwecannotexcludeandsimplydisregardcertainbehaviors onthegroundsthattheybelongtoaperiodwhichdoesnotappeartohaveanything tosharewiththefollowingone. WhatweseedevelopinginthelateMedievalperiod,especiallyregardingthe devotionalrelationshipwiththeimages,isthesame.WhenIstateitisthe“same,”I do not mean to posit the existence of an unchangeable and incorruptible attitude 35RichardC.Trexler,"FlorentineReligiousExperience:TheSacredImage"inStudiesinthe Renaissance.19(1972):33. 36SilvanoBurgalassi,ItalianiinChiesa.AnalisiSociologicadelComportamentoReligioso(Brescia: Mozcelliana,1967),91-95. 37RichardC.Trexler,"FlorentineReligiousExperience,34. 38RobertW.Gaston,“SacredPlaceandLiturgicalSpace:Florence’sRenaissanceChurches”in RenaissanceFlorence:aSocialHistory,ed.Crum,RogerJ.,andJohnT.Paoletti(NewYork:Cambridge UniversityPress,2006),331. 208 toward the images, but rather that there is a continuation that adapts itself to the timeanditschanges.Whenweseethedonorsrepresentedinadevotionalpainting, amongotherthings,weneedtoacknowledgethattheirpresencewasalsotheresult oftheirrealdevotionalattitudetowardimages.AsintheTrinitybyMasaccio,wedo notonlyseetheisolatedimageofthedonorsinthepainting,butweseethedonors in the same way that the Florentine people of the period must have seen them: prayinginfrontofarealsculptureofChristinsidethechurch.Asimpleexamination of the chronology reveals that the Brunelleschi wooden crucifix, probably made between 1410-1415, was already in Santa Maria Novella. We should consider the factthatbelievers,andinthiscasealsothepatronsoftheTrinity,couldhaveprayed infrontofit,andthatMasacciohimselfcouldhavelookedatitinordertopresent his“pictorial”versionofChrist.Brunelleschi’scrucifixandMasaccio’sChristexhibit the same structure and bodily quality. While in Brunelleschi there is a body, in Masacciothereistheattempt(achieved)ofpresentingatridimensionalpresenceof Christ,alongwiththeothercharactersandthespace,inatwo-dimensionalsurface. The point is that Christ, despite in the metaphysical presentation of the Trinity, couldhavereadilybeenidentifiedwithbotharealpresence,arealbody,and,asa consequenceofthepresenceoftheBrunelleschicrucifix,awoodensculpture. In order to understand with greater depth the connection between the two periods in question and, specifically for this case, the use of these wooden sculpturesandtheirroleinaffectingdevotionandsocietybetweenthelateMedieval 209 period and early Renaissance, it is critical to dispense with any strict and defined dichotomysuchasreligiousvssecularorelitevspopulardevotion.Forexample,if wecompareMasaccio’sTrinitywiththeCrucifixionwithDonorJacopodiBartolomeo (1455)byGiovannidiPaolo(Fig21),wecanseeatfirstseveraldifferences.Beyond the subject matter (one is the Trinity, the other the Crucifixion) a major striking differenceisthebackground.Thefirstfeaturesanillusionofatridimensionalspace withlife-sizerepresentationsofthecharactersinit,whereasthesecondfeaturesa goldentimelessbackground,moretypicalofthemedievaltradition,despitethefact that it was made about thirty years after the Masaccio’s Trinity. The function of Giovanni di Paolo’s painting is given by the Latin inscription at the bottom of the panel:“‘hiciacobvspictorbartolomeiiacet,”meaning,“hereliesthepainterJacopodi Bartolomeo.”MostlikelythepresenceofJacopodiBartolomeointhispaintingwas commemorative, and the work could have been used above a sepulcher.39The commemorativerolecanbeappliedforMasaccio’sfrescoaswell. In both cases the donors are present, taking part in the first person and bowingtoaneventofmiraculousnature.InMasaccio’spiece,thedonorsattendto the revelation of the Trinity, directly assisted by the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist. Alternately, in Giovanni di Paolo’s work, Jacopo di Bartolomeo has individualizedfeaturesandlooksupatthescene,eventhoughhispresencedoesnot 39J.Pope-Hennessy,‘GiovannidiPaolo’inTheMetropolitanMuseumofArtBulletin,vol.XLVI#2,Fall 1988,pp.5-48,illus.fig.59,p.42. 210 directlyparticipateinthedesperatemourningoftheVirginMary,MaryMagdalene, and John the Evangelist. Rather, in this case we can interpret the presence of the donor in Giovanni di Paolo’s panel as a sort of projection of what Jacopo di Bartolomeosees.HeisexperiencingthemomentofthedeathofChristasavision. The golden background enhances the idea of this as a supernatural moment. It would be reductive to consider the painting solely in terms of this interpretation, though. This can be accomplished by combining the painting with the context and carefully considering the aspects in a more dynamic way. For example, even if we statethattheGiovannidiPaolo’scrucifixionrepresents,despiteitscommemorative function,thevisionofJacopodiBartolomeo,weneedtogobeyondthat.Weneedto look at the context in which this donor portrait was generated and insert it in a more general setting. Though public and private devotion have generally been consideredastwoseparatediscourses,itisonlybyinterrelatingthesetwoaspects that we can provide a different perspective, a perspective which affords a more stablesenseofcontinuityanddialoguebetweenthelateMedievalperiodandearly Renaissance art. Another way to interpret the “vision” of Jacopo di Bartolomeo, which more adequately considers context, is through examination of the public ritualsduringtheHolyWeek. Officially, there was a distinction between the liturgical rites linked to the Passion of Christ and the extraliturgical passion play. It should be noted, though, 211 thatbothcasesfeaturedare-enactmentofthelastmomentsofthelifeofChrist,and that emotional participation was strong both inside and outside the church. Both situations would have provided a moment of direct correspondence, oscillating between the realms of witnessing the Passion and of being part of it. The faithful wouldhavebeenabletoalternateparticipatingactivelyormeditatingoverit.They wouldhaveaphysicalroleinitwhileinpublicoranintrospectivecontemplationin private, or vice versa. The first condition would have been the continuation or completionoftheother.So,intheseterms,thevisionofJacopodiBartolomeocould also be interpreted as the personal moment of meditation, while in public the reenactmentofthePassionofChristwasoccurring.TherepresentationofJacopodi Bartolomeorevealsasaconsequence,despiteitssupposedlyprimaryofficialroleof commemoratingthedonor,thedualessenceofembodyingbothapublicandprivate dimension. The same can be applied to the Masaccio fresco, in which the presence in frontoftheTrinityofthedonorsincludebothaprivateandpublicdimension,both connectedtothepracticeofprivateandpublicdevotionthattheviewerwouldhave beenawareof.Thedonorswouldhavebeenrecognizable,notonlybecauseoftheir likenesses,whichobviouslywasmoreaccurateanddevelopedduringthefourteenth century,butalsobecauseoftheirpresenceinadevotionalsettingthatbelongedto theeverydayworldandthepubliccontext. 212 Often, the devotional dimension of some practices, and the production and use of art surrounding them, has been obscured by the connotation of popular practices and art, resulting in understandings which completely overlook their active role in shaping the mindset and the society of the period. The social importanceofthesepractices,aswellasthefactthatpeoplewouldreadthroughthe actioninthedevotionalcontextboththedynamicandsymbolicroleoftheartworks relatedtoit,canbeseenthroughanotherrelatedexample.40 As occurred with paintings, the understanding of the presence and the representationofthedonorswasenabledbythe“devotionalgrammar”thatsociety developedduringtheliturgicalandextraliturgicaluseofwoodensculptures.Iargue thatthewoodensculpturesarethecatalyst,bothdevotionallyandconceptually,of 40One such example is the life-size wax effigies that Lorenzo de’ Medici ordered and had placed in two Florentine churches, along with a third in Santa Maria degli Angeli in Assisi. This occurredafterhisbrotherGiulianode’MediciwasassassinatedandLorenzowaswoundedonApril 26,1478bypoliticalconspirators.Despitethewound,hewasabletospeaktothecrowdafterwhat happened,evenwithhisclothesfullofblood.Thesewaxeffigieswereexvotosthathadtheroleof giving thanks to God and spreading a political message. This gesture has been seen as the keen politicalintelligenceofLorenzo;accordingly,scholarshiphasfocusedonthematerialqualityofthe waxalongwiththepoliticalmessage.40Thesewaximages“intheformofvotiveoffering,appearin thiscontextasextensionsoftheconceptofpublicpresenceincommunalspaces.”40Focusingonlyon waximagesandtheirvotiverole,whileexcludingallconnectionswiththemoregeneraldevotional context, reduces the understanding of this phenomenon. If Lorenzo chose this “popular medium,”I would argue that it was not only the result of his political intelligence in general, but also that Lorenzo was drawing upon the known role of physicality, presence, and likeness of these statues. This was enabled by the concept of physicality, presence, and likeness elaborated throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries by the construction and use of the sculptures of the Crucified Christ. The power and authority accessed by the life-size wax statue of Lorenzo de Medici was the resultofthepowerandauthorityassignedtothelife-sizewoodensculpturesofChristandtheway they had been utilized. The impact of the work was not merely based on the strength of the wax sculpture’s resemblance to Lorenzo, but also in the object itself and its presence inside the sacred spaceoftheChurchtoprovidepoliticalrulingpoweraswell. See: Roberta Panzanelli, “Compelling Presence. Wax Effigies in Renaissance Florence” in EphemeralBodies:WaxSculptureandtheHumanFigure,ed.Panzanelli,Roberta,andJuliusSchlosser (LosAngeles,Calif:GettyResearchInstitute,2008),13. 213 the major form of piety in Italy. Even as regards the space in which devotion is performed, it is interesting to note that private devotion, also linked to the productionanduseofbookofhoursusedlessbytheclergythanbythelaity,comes after the laity itself finalized its “conquest” of the sacred space once destined only fortheclergy.WeobservefromthefirstproductionofthewoodenDescentfromthe Crossaslowprocessofutilization,substitution,increasingaccesstothespaceinside thechurch,theutilizationofthespaceoutsideofthechurch,thecontemporaneous building of the oratories, and the performance of passion play up through the buildingofprivatechapelsandfunerarymonumentsinsidechurches. Thepointhereisnottoadvancetheideathatwoodensculpturesweresolely responsible for all of these different elements occurring in Italy during the late MedievalandearlyRenaissanceperiod,ofcourse.Rather,whatIargueisthattheir role has been incredibly underestimated, and we are responsible for revising the period, adding all the different characteristics that are embodied and the consequencesthateliciteded.Oncethelaityfeltcomfortableinbeingandactingin the sacred space activated by the presence of and the interaction with these sculptures,theywereable,intermsofactiveparticipation,tobringtheimagination, the scenes of the Passion, and the physical relationship with Christ at home with them,throughthebookofhours. Themostinfluentialdevotionalbooks,suchastheMeditationesVitaeChristi ortheVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxony,expresstheimportanceofphysicallyliving 214 themomentofthePassionofChrist,asifthedevoteewerethereandphysicallyfelt thesufferingofChrist.Itwouldbewrongtothinkthatthiscouldonlybe,orwasthe sole consequence of, a strictly intellectual operation or an abstract process of meditationwhichhadnoconnectionwiththerealworld.Istressthefactthatthis was,instead,theresultofpersonallylivingthedramaofthePassion,reenactedby thebelieversandmadepossibleandrealbythephysicality,likeness,andductilityof the animated sculptures of the dead Christ. These celebrations were widespread, and popular religion became so intertwined with the whole aspect of “human life, outward and inward, with all its powers, mental and spiritual, instead of proclaimingitshostilitytothem,”that“…itenteredintotheclosestassociationwith popularculturethatitisimpossibletosaywhichdominatedwhich”.41 ScholarshipandstudiesontheRenaissancehavemostfrequentlyfocusedon theperiodbyconsideringwhathappenedinthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturyto be a sort of a significant fracture with the past, underestimating the elements of continuityandinfluence.Ifweconsiderthatthemostnumerousextantexamplesof animated sculptures of the crucified Christ in Italy are from the fifteenth and sixteenthcentury,tosaynothingofthefactthatthethemajorityofthemcomefrom FlorenceandtheTuscanarea,itbecomesclearthattheuseofthesesculptureswas verycommonandwidespreadrightinthecenterofthedevelopmentoftheso-called 41JacobBurckhardtandJamesHastingsNichols,ForceandFreedom:ReflectionsonHistory,(New York:PantheonBooks,1993),247. 215 “Renaissance”.Anotheraspectofthisissuethatweneedtoconsider,whichhasbeen a dramatic factor that condemned the wooden sculptures, is their capability to be adaptedandalteredsothattheycouldnotonlysatisfythedifferentliturgicalneeds, but also the aesthetic taste of the period. The fact that these object were altered, eventotheextentofbeingdressedorhavingdevotionalpinsattachedtothem,has beenconsideredtobesimplyanexpressionofthedevotionofthemassandlower classes,aphenomenoncompletelydivorcedfromthe“learnedculture”anditsway oflivingthedevotion.Thisprejudicecondemnedthesesculptures,andscholarship has also condemned the whole world that was attached to them, overlooking its presenceanditsinfluence,alongwiththeirroleinthedevotionalandlaysocietyof thefifteenthandsixteenthcentury.Thedevotionaluseofandrelationshiptowards these objects does not simply end; it changes. We need to find the threads and connectionswiththepreviousperiod,andeventuallythefollowingone,untiltoday. Thisneedisdemonstratedbythefactthatsomeoftheseanimatedsculpturesofthe crucifiedChristareinusetodaybyconfraternitiesinthecelebrationsofthePassion duringtheHolyWeek.Whiletheritualchangedovertime,wedostillhavethesame sculptures that were made during the fifteenth or sixteenth century, if not earlier. The procession of the dead Christ in the city of Leonessa is an example of such usage.TheystilltodayusetheanimatedwoodensculptureofChristthatwasmade in the sixteenth century (Fig 22). While this occurs in a rural town in Italy, as 216 opposed to in the urban centers, I would not underestimate the authenticity and importanceoftheserituals. AnexampleIwouldliketoconsiderfromthisperspectiveistheLamentation (Fig 23) byFraAngelico,whichwaspartoftheSanMarcoAltarpiece(Fig 24)and features the Virgin enthroned with child surrounded by Saints. The iconographic choice of the main part of the altarpiece reflects both the traditions of the Dominicans as well as the presence of Cosimo de Medici and the way that he was exercising control over Florence and the Florentine. 42 This altarpiece has been considered elsewhere as an example of perspectival metaphors that were mentionedbyLeonBattistaAlbertiinhisDellaPittura:“I inscribe a quadrangle of rightanglesaslargeasIwish,whichisconsideredtobeanopenwindowthrough whichIseewhatIwanttopaint.”43Infact,FraAngelicoshowsaperspectivalviewof a heavenly garden as well as drawing the curtains on the surface of the image in ordertoprovideasignaloftheothernessofscene.44 Despite the large size of the area occupied by the Madonna and Child enthroned with saints, there is also strong reference to Christological themes and, especially,Passionimagery.45Infact,atthebottomoftheMadonnaenthronedthere is a small panel showing the Crucifixion (Fig 25), and underneath it is the central 42WilliamHood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1993),107. 43Alberti,LeonBattista,Onpainting,transJ.R.Spencer(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1966),56. 44BarnabyNygren,"FraAngelico’sSanMarcoAltarpieceandtheMetaphorsofPerspective"inNotes intheHistoryofArt.22(1):26. 45Hood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco,110. 217 panelofthepredellathatrepresentstheLamentation.Ithasbeensaid,tojustifythe presence and correspondence of these three different scenes, that Fra Angelico couldhavereferredtotheDominicancommunity’sideasasfoundinthewritingof SaintCatherineofSiena.AccordingtoSaintCatherine’sDialogue,becauseofAdam’s sin there is now a vast distance between earth and heaven and the “bridge” to overcome this distance is the crucifixion of his Son.46So in order to reach the Heaven anyone need to “experience” the Crucifixion of Christ and the Eucharist providesthestrengthtogetthroughthisjourney. In relation to the altarpiece the Heaven was represented by the main part, andwhilethe“bridge”toitisinthelittlepaneloftheCrucifixion,theplacewhere the soul can find peace in this spiritual journey is in the Eucharist,represented in thiscasebytheLamentation,inwhichthesoulwouldstrengthenitselfthroughthis journeytoheaven,andthiswouldhavereferredspecificallytotheDominicanfriars whoweretheusersofthisaltarpiece.47 The pax with its Crucifixion has a clear medieval sensibiliity, especially manifestinitsgoldenbackground.AccordingtoBarnabyNygren,inhisstudyonFra Angelico’sSanMarcoAltarpiece,“Byplacingthefictivepanelbetweentherealand paintedrealms,Angelicoemphasizestheremotenessofthelatter,butalsosuggests the possibility of transcendence through Christ and his sacrifice”.48While I agree 46Ibidem.,110. 47Ibidem.,110. 48BarnabyNygren,FraAngelico’sSanMarco,29. 218 that Fra Angelico could have played with the perspective and the presence of the curtainsaslongasthepositionofthepaxinordertoprovideasenseofremoteness, I argue that both the pax and the central panel of the Lamentation need to be analyzedingreaterdepth.Inthecaseofthegoldenbackgroundinthepaxwiththe Crucifixion,havingagoldenbackgroundsuggestsasenseofremotenessaswell,in which the figures are accessible but not physically present. So it is not just the perspective, as suggested, that functions to create this liminal sense of heavenly distancethoughthepaxiscloserandcouldpotentiallybetouchedandkissedbythe viewer, but also because of the remoteness suggested by the golden background thattheworkstagesthecrucifixioninatimelessspace.Thus,inthisaltarpiecethere aremultiplelevelsthatdefinethedistancebetweentherealworldandtheheavenly. Angelico creates a dialogue between the images represented in the paintings and the real world, and in order to do that he uses different elements. Regarding the small pax with the Crucifixion, Beato Angelico refers to the Medieval world, consideringalongwiththeiconographyalsothedevotionaldimensionoftheperiod. Through use of a golden background, he puts the scene in an otherworldly dimension. At the same time, he puts the pax in front of the panel with the Virgin and Child, accessible to the kiss of the friars and the believers, thus providing an access,aphysicalaccess,tothissceneofthePassionofChrist.Therelationshipwith this image follows the rituality of the celebrations around the wooden sculptures duringtheHolyWeek,whichprovidethephysicalpresenceofChristandhisbodyas 219 wellasthemetaphysicalreenactmentofthemomentofthePassionthatoccurredin another time and another place. The panel in the predella with the Lamentation rightunderneaththeCrucifixionsupportsthisinterpretation. Furthermore,ifwelookattheorganizationoftheLamentation(Fig 26), we can find some connections with both the devotional aspects of the late Medieval period and the awareness of the devotional context of Fra Angelico and the Dominicans. This Lamentation has been linked to the Eucharist, and the subject itselfwasconnectedtotheiconographyoftheManofSorrow(Fig 27).49Thefigure ofChristshowsseveralsimilaritieswiththeiconographyoftheChristastheManof Sorrow:thelegsarecoveredbythesheetandtheupperpartofthebodysomehowis delimitedbythewindowofthesepulcher.50 Beyondthis,Iwouldconsiderthecentralpanelofthepredellanotonlyasa re-elaboratedversionoftheiconographyofChristastheManofSorrow,butalsoas a conscious reference to the devotional context of the current period that has the originsintheMiddleAges.IfwelookattheorganizationoftheFraAngelico’spanel 49Hood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco,110.“Moreover,justashishumannatureasababywasatthe sametimefullydivine,sohiscorruptiblebodyasamanbecameincorruptiblethroughthe Resurrection.Thebodythatdiedandwasburiedwasalsothebodythatroseagainonthethirdday. Theseareoldtruths,evencommonplacesinChristianlore.TheirsignificanceforFraAngelicoisthat onDominicanaltarpiecestheManofSorrowspecificallysymbolizedtheEucharisticbodyofChrist, the‘CorpusDomini’inwhosepresenceDominicanfriarssangtheliturgyofthehoursandcelebrated theliturgyoftheMass.ItseemscertainthatthelowerpartoftheSanMarcoaltarpiececoncernedthe Eucharist.ForinadditiontotheManofSorrowonthepredella,FraAngelicoincludedatwodimensionalCrucifixrisinginthefrontplaneofthealtarpieceandoverlappingthesceneinthemain panel.” 50AlexanderNagel,MichelangeloandtheReformofArt(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 2000),57. 220 painting, we see a symmetrical organization of the space and disposition of the characters therein. It has been pointed out that this reflects the typical artistic innovationofthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,andthepredellafollowedthe organization of the central panel.51Also, the gestures of the Virgin and Saint John havebeenconsideredprimarilyasanadaptationtotheiconographyoftheManof Sorrow. I would suggest, instead, that the iconographical organization of the Lamentation follows the real ritual of the Descent from the Cross, which has its origin in the Middle Ages, and that this still had an important impact upon the Florentine devotional context during the fifteenth century. The symmetrical organization of the scene was already a prerogative of the medieval wooden DescentfromtheCross(Fig 28), andthepositionofChristwithinthiswork,more than the Man of Sorrow, traces the wooden Christ figures which were part of the Descent. The symmetrical organization and the presence of the Virgin Mary and JohntheEvangelistholdingthehandsofChristwithhisarmshangingopenclearly reflecttheorganizationoftheDescentfromtheCross.52 However, I asserts that Fra Angelico must have looked as a source of his inspiration,morethanthewoodengroupsofDescentfromtheCross,thatsomehow were dismissed at the end of the thirteenth century, at the animated sculptures of 51MagnoliaScudieri,“LaPaladiSanMarco:ApogeedellaCommittenzaMediceaeManifestodella TradizioneDominicana”inL'AngelicoRitrovato:StudieRicercheperlaPaladiSanMarcoed.Acidini Luchinat,Cristina,andMagnoliaScudieri(Livorno:Sillabe,2008),54. 52Nagel,MichelangeloandtheReformofArt,57. 221 theCrucifiedChrist,utilizedfortheritualoftheDescentfromthecross,duringthe HolyWeekorevenduringthePassionPlay.Giventhattheutilizationofthesekinds of sculptures was a combination of the creation of the previous Descent from the Cross and the adapted rituals, in which the believers were more involved, Fra Angelico’spaintingseemstoreflectthisritualcombination. ThescenealsofeaturesNicodemus;andthewaythatheisholdingthebody ofChristsuggeststhatheistakingtimeandsomehowstoppinghimselfmid-action to show the body of Christ to the believers. 53 However, Nicodemus’ posture indicates that it would not have been possible for him to hold a real human body; instead,heiscertainlyholdingasculpture,asimulacrumoftherealbodyofChrist.I assertthatFraAngelicocouldhaveobservedtheritualsoftheHolyWeekinorderto visualizethescene,ratherthansimplydrawingupontheiconographyoftheManof Sorrow.Thisassertionisfurthersupportedbythefactthatwhileonepersonwould not have been able to hold a human body in the way seen in the Lamentation, it would have been possible for one person to hold a sculpture by himself, and that positionwouldlookverymuchlikethewaythatNicodemusisholdingthebodyof Christ.Thus,morethantheEucharist,IwouldarguethatthisLamentationreflects thedevotionalcontextofFlorenceatthebeginningofthefifteenthcenturyandthat 53Ibidem.,57. 222 Fra Angelico could have relied on it in order to match the representation of a historicalsettingwiththesacredevents.54 WemightdiscussthefactthatDominicanswerenotofficiallyverysculptureoriented in their devotional and theological mission. Nevertheless, it has been argued that Giovanni Pisano, in his creation of his influential crucifixidolorosi(Fig 29) wasdrawinguponasocialcostumepromotedbytheDominicanorder.55Ifwe look at theDemodoorandi,the book that novices of the Dominican order used to followtheexampleofSaintDominicandtheywereattentivetotheillustrationsin the book, we see that the representation of Christ resembles that of a sculpted version,especiallyoneinfrontofthepaintedtriptychbehindit(Fig30). We have examples of wooden sculptures inside Dominican Churches or related to the Dominican order. One of the earliest is the crucifixion by Lando di Pietro, a life-size wooden image of Christ made in 1338 that belonged to the Compagnia di San Domenico (Fig 31), and another example is the famous Brunelleschi’scrucifix.Amoreinterestingexample,however,isthecrossfromthe circle of Baccio da Montelupo (Fig 32). Even if the sculpture has not been recognized as one of the best expressions of Baccio da Montelupo56, the work is relevant to my argument in that there is an animated sculpture of the crucified 54Ibidem.,59. 55Aboutthisspecifictopicseenextchapter.SeealsoPavelKalina,"GiovanniPisano,theDominicans, andtheOriginoftheCrucifixiDolorosi".ArtibusEtHistoriae.(47),2003:81-100. 56MargritLisner,HolzkruzifixeinFlorenzundinderToskanavonderZeitum1300biszumfrühen Cinquecento(München:Bruckmann,1970),82-85. 223 ChristintheprincipalchurchoftheDominicansinFlorence.Whileitistruethatthe date of completion of the sculpture was ca. 1502, coming about sixty years apart from the Fra Angelico’s San Marco altarpiece, I believe that in this case we do not needtothinkstrictlyaboutchronologicalproximity.Itismoreusefultoconsiderthe sensibility of the Dominicans toward a medium and its presence and the use of it that was not part of the devotional mindset of the Dominican mendicant order at first, but become part of it as the use and the symbolic role of these sculptures becamemorepronouncedwiththedevelopmentofthedevotiontowardthem.The same occurred amongst the Franciscans. At first they had not relied on the sculptural medium to spread their evangelical message, counting instead upon painted images of Christ, but we found several later examples, even of animated sculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,inchurchesoftheFranciscanorder.Obviouslythe most famous example is the Donatello’s animated sculpture in Santa Croce in Florence (Fig 33), but we have further examples at our disposal. A significant example is in the mother church of Franciscans in Assisi. In fact, in the chapel of SaintCatherineofAlexandriainthelowerChurchintheBasilicaofSaintFrancisin AssisithereisawoodencrucifixsculptedbyaGermanartistidentifiedas“Giovanni Tedesco”atthebeginningofthesixteenthcenturywhichhasmovablearmsanditis usedstilltodayforthecelebrationsofHolyFriday57(Fig34). 57GiovanBattistaFidanza,“Transettod’Ingresso,CappelladiSantaCaterinad’Alessandria”inLa BasilicadiSanFrancescoadAssisi,edGianfrancoMalafrina,trans.HeatherMackay(Modena,Italy: F.C.Panini,2005),321. 224 What we need to realize about the existence of these wooden sculptures is thattheywerenotjustapresenceoranobjectutilizedforprocessionsorwithinthe liturgies. They had the capability since the Medieval period to become the simulacrumoftherealbodyofChristand,asaconsequence,theyhadthepowerto affectthedevotionandthebehavioraroundit.Thisimpliesalsoavisualtranslation ofthiscomportmentaroundthesculptures;anexample,asImentionabove,isthe LamentationbyFraAngelico. A visual response to Fra Angelico’s Lamentation is the Rogier van der WeydenChristattheTomb(1450)(Fig 35).VanderWeyden’sChristattheTomb used Fra Angelico’s Lamentation as a model, and this association corrected the previous assumption that van der Weyden reinterpreted the iconography of the ManofSorrow.58ThissuppositioncamefromthefactthattheupperpartofChrist’s body is similar to the canonical representation of the Man of Sorrow and, though this iconography was not very widespread in the north of Europe, it has been considered the possibility that Rogier van der Weyden could have had a personal knowledgeofthisfigurativetradition.59Theseconsiderationsshow,oncemore,the attention scholarship gives to painting and the potential correspondences in visualizing different religious subjects, excluding a priori other assumptions and failing to pay attention to the real context the artists were living in. Previously, I 58Nagel,Michelangelo,61. 59Ibidem.,61. 225 mentioned how Fra Angelico could have looked at and considered the rituals in which animated wooden sculptures of the crucified Christ were used, in order to have a visual example to elaborate his interpretation of the Entombment. In the altarpiece, the Coronation of the Virgin Fra Angelico does represent Christ in the central panel of the predella as the Man of Sorrow (Fig 36). I assume that if Fra Angelico wanted to represent the Man of Sorrow, he could have done so without difficulty and his “alteration” and interpretation of this subject comes, in some capacity,fromanawarenessoftheHolyWeekritualsinwhichsculptureswereused. ThefactthatboththeManofSorrowandtheanimatedsculpturesofChristexisted in a devotional context does not mean that one excluded the other, so they can provide a different visual context as well. While scholarship has considered the iconography of the ManofSorrowfor van der Weyden altarpiece, before finding a visual correspondence with Beato Angelico, it has totally overlooked that in Belgium, where van der Weyden lived, there were animated sculptures of the crucifiedChrist,aswellasexamplesoftheDescentfromtheCross.Eveniftheonly extant example is one animated sculpture of Christ at Huy, dated from the fourteenth century and located at the church of Saint-Étienne-au-Mont60, and only onefigurethatbelongedtothegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross(endoftwelfth century)thatcomesfromthecityofLeuven.Thisshowsthatthesesculptureswere inuseinBelgiumaswell,andRogiervanderWeydenwasmostlikelyawareoftheir 60GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,pag43,cat.No41. 226 devotionaluseandcouldhaveassistedinoneofthoseliturgiesinwhichtheywere used.61The same Christ in his altarpiece shows more similarities with a sculpture than would a representation of the Man of Sorrow. Additionally, the way that the figuresaroundChristholdhimshowsverydirectconnectiontothepresentationof the figures of the Descent from the Cross and the way they sustain and carry the body of Christ, bearing much more resemblance to the display of a sculpture, or whatitcouldhavehappenedusingasculptureversusarealbody.DespitetheItalian connectionandiconographicclosenesstotheBeatoAngelico’sLamentation,Iwould not underestimate the power of these sculptures in Belgium and their potential in affectingthepracticalandvisualdevotion,aswiththoseinItaly. Overall,theproblemisnotjustapotentialvisualcorrespondence,anattempt tofindadirectparallelbetweenthemedievalwoodensculptedversionandthelater paintedversionoftheDescent.Rather,theideaistounderstandhowthebelievers relatedtothesculptedformandhowthisaffectedtheperceptionofthespaceand the sacred scene in its visual painted rendering. This can be said about their presenceinthespaceaswellasthevisualtooltounderstandthepaintedversion. 61RogiervanderWeydenmostfamousaltarpiece,oftheDeposition,isclearlybasedonasculpted altarpiece.SeeHansBeltingandChristianeKruse,DieErfindungdesGemäldes:dasersteJahrhundert derniederländischenMalerei(München:Hirmer,1994),83-84.Beltingismainlyinterestedinusing Rogier'sDepositionaspartofhisthesisofan"inventionofpainting.”HementionshowRogier's paintingwaspushingthemedia-boundaries,andtransformingthetypesofsculpturalgroupsthat werecommonatthetimeinto"livingsculptures"thatarenearlylifesize:scenescomealiveforthe viewers—makingthehistoricaleventpartofthe"hereandnow".ForBelting,thesepaintingswere directlytiedtobringingavisualrealitytoMass,withChrist'sbody"comingalive"behindtheraising oftheHost. 227 In both Fra Angelico and Rogier van der Weyden, attention is paid to the narrativeandtothedisplayofthebodyofChrist,andIwouldsuggestthatthisnew pictorial adaptation of this iconography to represent these sacred events comes from the direct observation of liturgical and extraliturgical ceremonies in which wooden sculptures were utilized. The presence of Nicodemus behind the body of ChristandthewaythatheisholdingChristshowsanintentiontopresentthebody to the believers62rather than to support a real body and carry it to the sepulcher. ThesamepositionoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistfunctionsasitdidin Beato Angelico’s altarpiece. Even in the case of Rogier van der Weyden’s panel, paintingtheschemeofthefigureswasassociatedwiththeiconographyoftheMan of Sorrow and, especially, Lorenzo Monaco’s interpretation (Fig 37). The presentationofthebodydoesresemblethedynamicoftheiconographyoftheMan of Sorrow, but the consistency of the bodies within the scene suggests another interpretation.Infact,inbothFraAngelicoandvanderWeyden,itseemsthatitis onlyChrist,theperson,thatdoesnotprovidethesenseofarealhumanweight,not reallymatchingwiththebroaderdynamicofthescene.Inaddition,thesceneseems to be stopped mid-action in order to display the body of Christ to the viewer becauseofthe“functionandaddress”oftheimage.63Theviewer’sgazeisplayinga roleinthepieceactivatingthecontemplationofChristinthismomentofdisplayof 62Nagel,Michelangelo,70. 63Ibidem.,70. 228 his body. This role of the beholder seems more active in Beato Angelico’s panel, whilevanderWeydenseemstoreducethisdistancebetweenthescenerepresented and the viewer, adding the figure of Mary Magdalene in a position that resembles (and includes) that of the viewer, and, at the same time, it justifies the frontal presentationofthebodyofChrist.64Thischoiceseemsverysimilartothedynamic, presentedearlierinthisstudy,intheLamentationbyGiottointheArenaChapelin Padova (Fig 38), in which the inclusion of the beholder to the pictorial space, by puttingoneofthemournersshowinghisback,wastheresultoftheawarenessand an eventual influence of the liturgies around the celebrations over the death of Christandthewaythattheyincludethefaithfulinthespace. I argue, given the frontal display of Christ and the association of his representationtoasculpture,asopposedtoarealhumanbody,andthefactthatin bothpanelsthenarrativeaspectiscombinedwiththeattempttopresentChristfor adoration trying to actively include the beholder as well, that the key to understanding the iconographical innovation of the panels of Beato Angelico and Rogier van der Weyden comes from the devotional context of the period in which thesculpturalmediumwasutilized.Thisiswhywehavetherepresentationofthe body of Christ as life-size and weightless, combining both the narrative and the sacramentalsignificanceofthedisplayofthebodyofChrist. 64Ibidem.,70. 229 The point I am trying to make is not that interpretation should totally excludetheiconographyofChristastheManofSorrow,butthatitisworthwhileto associatesomeartworksthathavebeenlinkedtotherepresentationandveneration oftheManofSorrowtothewoodensculpturesandtheritualsaroundit.Doingso willchangeourperspectiveandunderstandingofChristianiconographyduringthe fifteenth century. For example, Angelo Poliziano, a scholar and poet during the Renaissanceperiod,mentionedthefrontalpresentationofChristinhiswritingand used it as a part of a Holy Friday Sermon. Even in this case, this presentation has been associated with the iconography of the Man of Sorrow65: “He who has been taken down from the Cross, with his arms spread, with his head bowed, with his heartopen,callsyou,myfathers,invitesyoutolamentwithhimhismostbitterpain. Accompany his holy wife, disconsolate widow in kneeling and bowing and prostratingyourselfbeforehisholyfeet”.66 Poliziano’ssermonhasbeenconsideredasawaytostimulatecontemplation to the figure of Christ67but it also suggests taking action in front of the image of Christalongwiththemeditation.Infact,heincitesthebelieversto“kneelandbow and prostrate before the holy feet of Christ.” This is an action that can be easily 65Ibidem.,75. 66Poliziano,Angelo,andIsidoroDelLungo,ProseVolgariInediteePoesieLatineeGrecheEditee Inedite(Hildesheim:Olms,1976),7.“Luidispostogiùdicroce,collebracciadistese,colcapochino, colcuoreaperto,vichiama,Padrimiei,v’invitaapiangersecoilsuoacerbissimodolore;far compagniaallasuasantasposa,vedovasconsolata…;ainginocchiarviainchinarvieprosternervi dinanzia’suoisantissimipiedi.”AsquotedinNagel,Michelangelo,75,seealsopag234note71ofthe samebook. 67Nagel,Michelangelo,75. 230 taken;itwouldbepossible,anditwouldcertainlymakesenseiftheyconsideredthe possibility of finding themselves in front of a sculpture. While it is not possible to knowthedynamicoftheritualsaroundthesculptureswithcertainty,wetakeasa startingpointtoday’sritualsduringHolyWeekortheutilizationofsculpture,more generally. For example, is we consider the ritual of the Scavigliazione in Assisi that occurseveryyearatsunsetonMaundyThursday,wecanbegintogenerateamore nuanced conceptualization of these rituals and make some considerations. In the CathedralofSanRufinoinAssisi,twopriestsarechargedwithdetachingChristfrom thecrossandlayingthesculptureofthedeadChristdowninacoffin(Fig39).After Christisinthecoffin,believersareabletogetclosetohisbodyandtouchandkiss him (Fig 40). If we look at some pictures of today’s celebrations, even from other part of the world, we see a visual dynamic that can be associated with what Polizianosaysinhissermon(Fig41).ConsideringinthewaythatChristisheldand displayedduringthesecelebrations(Fig42),itispossibletofindsomeparallelwith the way Christ is displayed in Fra Angelico and van der Weyden’s panel. The paintingsseemtoassumethefunctionofanaltarpieceintryingtocontrolandstop themovementofanactioninordertodisplaythebodyofChristforadoration.This action,Iwouldsuggest,doesnotcomefromotherpaintingsorfromthenarrationof the Gospels related to the Passion of Christ, but from the real actions for the celebrationsoverthedeadbodyofChrist,inwhichtherepresentationoftheevent 231 has the power to make the events authentic, alive, and, above all, present in a dynamic in which the devotion becomes representation and the representation showsthedevotion.Eeventhetraditionalrepresentationofthemanofsorrowwas influenced by the production and use of these kinds of sculptures. This is particularly true in the example with the widespread arms stretched straight out derive from the wooden sculptures groups, and a direct reference could be the groupofSantAntonioinPescia(fig43) Extant scholarship has underestimated the presence of wooden sculptures andtheircapabilitytocarryanindependentandpowerfulmeaninginrelationtothe representation of Christ and, as a consequence, the way that they affected the understandingofsacredscenesandthevisualizationofthem. AfurtherexampleIwanttobringtoattentionisTheDeadChrist(1480)by Andrea Mantegna (Fig 44). Scholarship praised the painting as one of the most “memorable, singular and vivid images of the Quattrocento” 68 and the interpretations vary from considering the title assigned to the painting, The ForeshortenedChristorthemostcommonTheDeadChrist,tothescientificaccuracy oftherenditionofthedeadChrist69.Otherinterpretationsapproachthepiece“not so much as a technical device but rather an expressive one, contributing to the Savior’ssecularizationthroughthealmostExpressionisticshocktacticachievedby 68ColinEisler,"Mantegna'sMeditationontheSacrificeofChrist:HisSynopticSavior".ArtibusEt Historiae.(53),2006:9. 69RobertoSmith,“NaturalVersusScientificVision:theForeshortenedFigureintheRenaissance,” GazettedesBeux-Arts,84(July-Dec.1974),pp239-248. 232 such an indiscreet vantage point” 70 Beyond the different analyses, several considerations about the Mantegna’s interpretations raise important questions. First of all, the presentation of Christ in this way provided a direct “sense of proximity,”andthebeholderisabletoaccessthebodyofChristinpreparationfor burial.71 Further, this painting has been considered and evaluated according to the theories or aesthetic sensibilities of the period, sometimes adducing perspectival theories or positing “a mathematical device deliberately distorted toward a theological mission”. 72 It seems that what is missing is the most important consideration concerning this painting, which is, I believe, its connection with the devotionalrealityoftheperiod73.Consideringthegroundbreakinginterpretationof Mantegna and the fact it was “unprecedented,” discovering the potential visual sourcewouldhelptounderstandthemeaningandhoneanalysis.Whileinpainting this representation of Christ was unprecedented, believers, and most likely Mantegnaaswell,hadhadopportunitytoseeandexperiencevisuallyandphysically thebodyofChristintheabove-describedposition(Fig 45).Theuseofthewooden 70H.Jantzen,“MantegnasCristoinScurto”,inStephaniskop,ErnstFabriciuszum6.9.1927,Freiburg, 1927,pp11.AsquotedinEisler,Mantegna'sMeditation. 71Eisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,12. 72ColinEisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,14. 73Especiallyinrelationtothispainting,weneedtoacknowledgealsotheconnectionoftheGonzaga familywiththecultofrelicsfromJerusalemandhowthisdevotionalaspectaffectedtheart productionoftheperiod.InMantegna’sLamentationontheDeadChrist,thestoneofunctionhasa majorroleandmightbetheresultofapossiblepossessionofthispreciousrelicinGonzaga’scourt, evenifitisnotpossibletotracewhathappenedtoit.Seeforfurtherinformation:StefanoL’Occaso, “Mantova,IGonzaga,lereliquiediGerusalemme”inRendiconti,Ser.9,Vol19(2008),695-726. 233 sculptures could certainly have been the visual prompt that Mantegna could have referredtoinhispainting,andtherelationshipthatdevoteeshadwithitcouldhave been the reason behind Mantegna’s creating this sense of proximity and access to thebodyrepresentedoncanvas. I would additionally argue that the proportional alterations that we find in hispainting,whichhavebeenobjectsofgreatinterestamongscholars(thefeettoo small, while the head larger than it supposed to be), are the visual adaptation on canvas of a reality that was not static, but dynamic, like the liturgy and devotion aroundthissculpture.Believersinfrontofasculpture,lyingdownoveradeathbed or, as in this case, the stone of the sepulcher, would have experienced the body of Christ in an active way, moving around, touching him, kissing him without the problem that one perspective would have altered the perception of the body of Christ or created issues that would have offended the holiness of him (Fig 46). Thus, the canvas by Mantegna can be considered the result of a potential visual dialogue that the artist had with the devotional activities of the period, and these devotionalactivitieswiththeparticularuseanddisplayofawoodensculptureofthe deadChristcouldhavebeenthestimulithataffectedthecreationofsuchartwork. Obviously, there are not documents that can confirm this, but the new foreshortened position, the fact that the feet seem to come out to the space of the viewerasiftheyweretouchable,andtheclosenessoftheVirginMaryasanexample ofhowtoapproachandbeclosethebodyofChrist,allservetocreatean“intimate 234 viewinwhichtheviewerbyimplicationisplacedinsidethescene”74andtheseare definitelyelementsthatwedofindintherealmofsculptureandthedevotionduring the Medieval period and early Renaissance. The painting wants to include the vieweranditisworkinginasimilarwaytothedevotionaroundthesculpturesin whichthebelieversareacomponent,includedinthesacredspaceandclosetothe bodyofChrist.Thepaintingrequiresa“devotiontoaroundthesculpture”approach andmindsettobeunderstoodandlived. ThestudyofthiscanvasalsoincludedthesexualityofChrist,andconsidering alsothatthegenitaliaofChristcorrespondtotheintersectionofthediagonalsofany perspectiveconstructionitdrewtheattentiontothefactthatCircumcisionwasthe firstlocationwhereChristlostblood.75Idonotchallengethisapproachorpossible interpretations of the meanings of the canvas; rather, I argue that the different speculationsdonotconsidertheobjectwithin a context of reality. What I mean is that when scholars tried to understand and analyze this innovative vantage point, the starting points of the interpretations come from the realm of theories or from consideringthepictorialsituation.Whatitistotallyomittedisthecontext,whether social or devotional, and how these realities could have affected or helped the understandingofthesepictorialcreations.TherealinnovationofMantegna’sDead Christisinhisrealizationandapplicationoftheideaoncanvas,butthebackground 74Nagel,Michelangelo,81. 75Eisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,14. 235 needed in order to understand and experience visually the painting was in the reality,thatisthedevotionaldynamicbetweensculptureandbeholder. Another painting that I want to consider to support this argument is the Entombmentby Michelangelo (Fig 47). This famous artwork has been inserted in the lifelong interest of Michelangelo with the “theme of the Pietà and, more generally,withhiseffortininsertingahumanistconceptionofartintheserviceof thetraditionalfunctionsofreligiousimages”.76Michelangelo’sdesiretoreinterpret Christian mysteries relying on figural movement and expression taken from the antique and adapted to the current Renaissance art. 77 This intention was first applied and was clear with the creation of his Pietà,which represented a fracture fromitsmedievalpredecessors,andespeciallythoseproducedinthelatemedieval northofEurope.78(Fig48)Thisprocessofrestorationbecameevidentalsowiththe Entombment,inwhichthereistheattempttocombine“therelationbetweenviewer and cult object as one between present and past thus making the problem of distancecentraltothepicture’ssubject”.79Thepaintingitselfproposesnotonlythe representation of sacred figure, but also a story, an action in which the viewer is 76Nagel,Michelangelo,214. 77Ibidem.,214. 78JoannaEZiegler,"MichelangeloandtheMedievalPietà:TheSculptureofDevotionortheArtof Sculpture?"Gesta.34(1),1995:28-36.InthisarticleJoannaZieglerhighlightedhowMichelangelo aimedtotheinviolabilityoftheobjectanditsresistancetothechangestypicalofthepopular devotionandrituality. 79Nagel,Michelangelo,16. 236 placedinfrontofthefulllengthChristfigureatthebottomofthesteps,becomingan activepartforthefruitionofthepainting.80 Ifweconsiderwhatishappeninginthepaintingitself,wecanstarttomake some considerations. The figures represented by Michelangelo are shown in an actionthatindicatesthattheyaremovingbackwardand,asaconsequence,faraway from the viewer. They seem to be climbing up toward the tomb that it is being prepared by another figure, even though that part is unfinished. The way Christ is carriedawayraisessomedoubtsaboutthedynamicofhissupport.Anotherissueis that the combination of the frontal orientation combined with the movement backwardsintothedistancefromthepresenceandsightoftheviewerissomething that has been considered rare in the paintings during the Renaissance period.81 Interpretations about these aspects of the work lead to the consideration that it would have been quite a challenge for many contemporaries to understand or identifythepainting’ssubject.82 Withoutadoubt,MichelangelochosetorepresentthesceneinthiswayandI argue that it could have relied on different elements outside of the paintings in ordertoaccountforafullunderstandingthispainting.Infact,scholarshavepointed outthefactthatChristiscarriedinawaythatlookssomehowawkward,oratleast not completely natural. While the other characters around him seem to struggle 80Ibidem.,25. 81Ibidem.,28. 82Ibidem.,28. 237 with the weight of the body, the same cannot be said about the figure of Christ. Christseemsweightlessandveryrigidinhisfrontalpresentation.Theonlywaythat Christ could be represented in this way is if we consider the possibility that Michelangelo might have looked at one of the animated sculpture of Christ used duringtheliturgyoftheHolyWeek.AsImentionedregardingtheFraAngelicosand RogiervanderWeyden’sEntombmentofChrist,onewaytohold,present,andcarry abodyinthismannerisifoneusesawoodensculptureandnotarealbody.Ifwe putthispossibilityunderconsideration,wecaninferthatdevoteescouldhavebeen inthepositiontounderstandthepaintingbecauseofitsconnectionwiththeliturgy and the way Christ was displayed (Fig 49). In addition, believers would have participatedactivelyinthecelebrationsaroundthedeathofChrist,andthepainting itself requires a direct and active dialogue with the viewer. As a consequence, we can underline a similarity and connection in the dynamic extant between the real celebrations around the Passion of Christ and the scene represented in Michelangelo’swork.Contemporarydevotees,becauseoftheiractiveparticipation, would have been able to understand the unusual scene in Michelangelo’s Entombment because they would have recognized the body of Christ, both as simulacrumandrealbodyofChrist,duetothenatureofthesesculpturesandtheir use.Michelangelo’seffortwastoturnintopainting,intoanaltarpiece,anactionthat belongedtotheliturgyandcelebrations. 238 The unusual iconography of Michelangelo’s Entombment has been considered as an attempt to “bring a new conception of history painting, derived from antique models and carefully articulated by Leon Battista Alberti in his book On Painting”. 83 In his treatise, Leon Battista Alberti considers the historia the responsibility of the painter, that is to present material, proportion, gesture, and theme in a consistent way. Among his examples, he presents the carrying of the dead Meleager to discuss the problem of gesture and appropriateness to function becauseitshowsthewholespectrum,“fromtheinertnessofdeathtotheactivityof life”84: “This is the most difficult thing of all to do, for to represent the limbs of a bodyentirelyatrestisasmuchsignofanexcellentartistastorenderthemallalive andinaction”.85 According to Alexander Nagel, Michelangelo’s historical interest in his EntombmentcomesfromtheattempttoadapttheLeonBattistaAlberti’sconception of historiato a Christian context and the difficulties this adaptation could imply.86 MichelangelohadastronginterestinthepastandlookedatGiottowithadmiration, butalsowithaformalestrangementbecauseofthedistancebetweenhimandthe time Giotto created his art, as well as because the figural style was not something 83Ibidem.,33. 84Ibidem.,34. 85LeonBattistaAlberti,OnPainting,transCecilGrayson(London:Penguin;NewYorkCalifornia Press,1991),paragraph37.AsquotedinNagel,Michelangelo,35. 86Nagel,Michelangelo,35. 239 thathiscontemporariesaspiredto.87Atthesametime,Michelangelowasinterested by the remoteness of the art of Giotto’s era, especially for their aura of authentic religiosity. 88 A further struggle during Michelangelo’s period was that in the sixteenth century, the modern aesthetic ideals were often not well-matched with religious intentions and “a conception of reform as restoration leads to modes of archaism that go well beyond the simple quotation of old models. It makes experimentswiththeverystructureoftheworkofartintoamodelofarcheological investigations”.89 As a consequence, the Entombment became the means through which Michelangelo tried to combine the relationship between the viewer and the cultobjectasthoughitwerearelationshipbetweenthepresentandthepast. I argue that Michelangelo’s intention, in his endeavor to combine the religiousauraofthepastwiththeaestheticoftheperiod,didnotconfinehimselfto looking at painting. As I mentioned before, considering the body posture and the way that Christ is held, it seems plausible that he might have looked at these animated sculptures in order to organize his painting. First of all, Michelangelo wantedtobringnewattentiontotheoriginaryChristocentricemphasisinChristian art,andtheuseofthesesculptureswassincethebeginningtheresultofgathering theattentiontothebodyofChristandhishumanityand,aboveall,thepossibilityto accessandlivedirectlythissideofthedivinityofChrist.Oneaspectthatmightbe 87Ibidem.,9 88Ibidem.,10. 89Ibidem.,16. 240 differentisthatinMichelangelo’sEntombmentwedonotfindthecruelandbloody interpretations,whichareoftenthemainfeatureofmanyearlyfourteenthcentury wooden cross, whether animated or not (Fig 50). At the same time, there are several Florentine wooden animated cross sculptures of Christ that do not correspondtotheirmedievalpredecessors,sotheattentiontotherenderingofthe bodywasmoreimportantthanmarkingtheunderlyingtraitsofthePassiononhis body. WhenAlbertiusedtheexampleoftherepresentationofthedeadMeleagerto visualizehistheory,wecanagreetothefactthatheneededanexample,whichmost likely was not available in Christian art, which is why he used Roman artwork. Obviously, there were already representations of the different moments of the Passion of Christ, but it seems that none of them could match the parameters proposed by Alberti and his historia.One aspect of this that has been neglected is the fact that while there was not an artistic example in Christian art that matched Alberti’stheory,theactionofapplyingAlberti’shistoriaoccurredintheliturgywhile using these animated sculptures of the crucified Christ. In these liturgies (or paraliturgies), one of the main important traits was the relationship between the viewerandthecultobject,aswellasthecombinationofpresentandpast,whichis reenactingsomethinginthepastandmakingitpresent. Those are aspects that Michelangelo was seeking for his Entombment;they werealreadyextantintheseliturgiesinwhichthesculptureswereinvolved,though 241 those elements were not developed and presented in painting. The fact that Michelangelo could have looked at those rituals and considered them for his EntombementcanbeassumednotonlybecauseoftherepresentationofChristthat canbelinkedtothewoodensculptures,butalsobecausetheywereoccurringinhis timeandthereforecontemporary. I believe that there is an essential misunderstanding about these rituals. In fact,becausetheyestablishedthemselvesduringtheMedievalperiod,weassociate them with the Middle Ages or as something strictly “medieval” without acknowledgingtheircapabilitytoadaptandchangeaccordingtothecurrenttimes. Michelangelo may well have looked at them as a contemporary devotional experienceandnotjustassomethingmedieval,aswouldhavehappenedlookingat Giotto’s art or the Trecento art production. As a consequence, he would have felt moreateaseinusingthedevotionaliconographyrelyingontheseritualsversusthe artistic production. Proposing again, Giotto visually could have been seen as something out of time according to the aesthetic of the period, but in this case, Michelangelo was relying on what was occurring in Florence in his lifetime. This would have embodied a genuine and “medieval” spirituality and at the same time these rituals guaranteed an adaptation because of their intrinsic capability of renewingthemselvesovertime.So,forthesakeoftheconstantadaptationofthese ritualstothedevotionalandreligiousneedoftheperiod,wecansupporttheidea 242 that what Michelangelo would have looked at can be considered and perceived as contemporary. I would propose the idea that Michelangelo wanted to create an altarpiece that embodied the medieval genuine spirituality with the intention of producing somethingappropriatefortheaestheticandreligiouschangeoftheperiod.Evenif hewantedtofollowAlberti’shistoriaforhisownpurposes,themainissuewasnot toadapttheMeleager’sdeathrepresentationtoaChristiancontext,buttocombine Alberti’s principles, seen and acknowledged in the rituals, to this new pictorial concept that was the Entombment. Michelangelo was aware that the historia was presentintheseritualsbutithadneverbeenattemptedinapictoriallevel,andthis isthechallengethat,Iargue,Michelangelofaced. The association of the Christ figure with the iconography of the Man of Sorrow (Imago Pietatis) has a connection with Michelangelo’s Entombment; the frontal representation of Christ and this connection is definitely an aspect of the workthatneedstobeevaluatedtobroadenunderstandingofMichelangelo’swork. Theproblemcomesifweconsiderotheraspectsthatwecanfindinthepainting.It would be incorrect, I believe, to consider the only source of the shift from the traditional image to the development of narrative painting to be other paintings, artworks, or theories, as opposed to the real conditions which constituted the contextinwhichthesamesubjectsrepresentedoncanvaswereactedorpartofan aliveandconsistentliturgyinsideandoutsidethechurch.Expandingconsideration 243 to incorporate the social and devotional context would allow the possibility of havingakeytounderstandthepainting,aswell,initsaimtobebothanaltarpiece and an example of Christian image-making during the beginning of the fifteenth century. I am derogating Michelangelo and his time’s fascination with the Classical periodandpossiblerejectionofwhatwecanconsiderasmedieval,(evenifinavery stereotypicalway)butwedoneedtoovercomestrongprejudicesagainstmedieval art, wooden sculptures, and popular devotion and revise them with new perspectives to begin to consider them as part of what we define as art that is thoughttohavestartedduringtheRenaissanceperiod. Iassertthatwithadeeperconsiderationandanalysisoftheproduction,use androleofanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,oreven,moregenerally,the fixed wooden crucified Christ, we will discover some important elements that will allow us to revise the understanding of art between the Medieval period and the Renaissance. These sculptures had a supreme role in shaping and affecting the devotion during the Medieval period, and particularly since the end of the twelfth century with the diffusion of the groups of the Descent from the Cross, believers startedtohaveadifferentperceptionofthebodyandpresenceofChristandhowto relate with it. This relationship, I argue, also affected the production of art itself. I propose that the way these sculptures were used created the cultural background for understanding what was represented in painting and how to perceive the 244 paintedChristianmessage.Theactionaroundthesesculpturessetthebehaviorand theconnectionaroundimagesaswell.Anotheraspectthatwillbethesubjectofthe followingchapteristhatnotonlywasthebodyofChristperceivedandunderstood through the sculptural medium, but also that in the paintings, the way Christ was representedwasmorevisuallyakintowhatwecanassociatewithasculpturethan thepaintedversionofit.Thisdemonstratesthatitwasthesculpturalmediumwhich offeredthemoreefficientwaytorelatewithChrist,hisbodyandhisPassion,and, mostofall,howitwasperceived.Thepictorialversionsofsacredimagesshowthat the way Christ was represented was not the real bodily essence of Christ, but his sculptural version which became, overtime, the symbol and the real presence and representationofChrist. 245 Chapter5 Christas“sculpture”andhisbodilypresenceinpainting ThePassionofChristhasalwaysbeenacentralmomentinChristianity,and the art production related to this moment has had a pivotal role in affecting devotion.Thedevotionisadialoguethatabelieverhaswithapartnerimaginedina particular way that can involve the faithful both singularly or in a collective way.1 Particularlyinthecaseofartworkthatportraysanimageasanobjectofdevotion, there is the need to provide a more composite approach than just studying the internalforms,styles,andthevariationsofthesubjectthroughtime,orevenjustthe external influence or the way that images adapted themselves to cultural or religiouspatternsofbehaviorintheirsocialcontext.2 Giorgio Vasari’s work played a key role in shaping the literature of art history.Vasariisresponsibleforestablishingsomeofthemajorconventionalways ofdiscussingandthinkingaboutartwhichhaveinfluencedscholarshiponartwork anditsrolethroughtime.ParticularlywhereartproducedintheMedievalperiodis concerned, his approach emphasized issues of style and authorship, while the content and function of the artwork went largely unexamined. In his introduction 1HansBelting,L’ArteeilsuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAnticheImmaginidellaPassione, (Bologna:NuovaAlfaEditoriale,1986),1. 2Ibid.,2. 246 abouttheproductionofwoodensculptures,Vasariarguesthat“Thissortoffigures is much used in the Christian religion, seeing that numberless masters have produced many crucifixes and other objects.”3This indicates that these sculptures were actually used quite often, probably for ritual purposes and devotional practices.Atthesametime,Vasariexpressesadiffidenceforthismedium,sincehe himself wrote that “ […] in truth, one never goves that flesh-like appearance and softness to wood that can be given to metal and to marble and to the sculptured objectsthatweseeinstucco,wax,orclay.”4 Itisevidentthatthekindofinformationheprovidesandwhatargumentshe makes, especially related to the use of these artworks, might have affected the futurestudyandunderstandingoftheseobjects.Inthiscase,mentioningtheuseof the artwork was not a radical change in the critical approach to the study of a particularobject,woodensculpturesinthiscase,butratheracategorizationthatdid not elevate these object to the status of art. It is helpful to remember that when Vasari was writing The Lives, churches were undergoing a profound change that affected artworks and their production directly, especially the wooden sculptures. 3Giorgio,Vasari,LouisaS.Maclehose,andG.BaldwinBrown,VasarionTechnique;Beingthe IntroductiontotheThreeArtsofDesign,Architecture,SculptureandPainting,PrefixedtotheLivesof theMostExcellentPainters,Sculptors,andArchitects(NewYork:DoverPublications,1960),173. “Questasortedifiguresièusatamoltonellacristianareligione,attesocheinfinitimaestrihannofatto molticrocifissiediversealtrecose”.Originaltext:GiorgioVasari,Levitede’piùeccellentipittori, scultoriedarchitettoriscrittedaGiorgioVasaripittoreAretinoconnuoveannotazioniecommentidi GaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:G.C.Sansoni,1878-85),31 4Ibid.,173.Translation:“inverononsidàmaiallegnoquellacarnositàomorbidezza,chealmetallo etalmarmoetall’altresculturechenoiveggiamo,edistucchiodiceraoditerra.”Vasari,Levite,31. 247 They were often destroyed or discharged because they were considered inappropriate for the new direction promulgated by the church. Often crucifixes wereburnedsincetheywerealreadydeterioratedfromheavyuse,andsculpturesof saintsweredestroyedbecausetheywereconsideredindecorous.5Writingaboutthe paintingproductionoftheMiddleAges,VasarialsolabeledtheManieraGreca(the Byzantinestyle)withanegativejudgmentsinceheconsideredthatCimabuestarted anewpathwithpainting;hewasthefirstpersonthatcontributedtoa“progress”in art,inapaththatculminatedwiththeworksofMichelangelo: “WorkingnextinfrescoontheHospitalofthePorcellana,atthecornerofthe ViaNuovawhichgoesintotheBorg'Ognissanti,onthefaçadewhichhasin themiddletheprincipaldoor,andmakingonone[Pg5]sidethe AnnunciationoftheVirginbytheAngel,andontheotherJesusChristwith CleophasandLuke,figuresaslargeaslife,hesweptawaythatancient manner,makingthedraperies,thevestments,andeverythingelseinthis work,alittlemorelivelyandmorenaturalandsofterthanthemannerof theseGreeks,allfulloflinesandprofilesbothinmosaicandinpainting; whichmanner,rough,rude,andvulgar,thepaintersofthosetimes,notby 5Elvio,Lunghi,LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo,(Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister, 2010),1. 248 meansofstudy,butbyacertainconvention,hadtaughtonetotheotherfor manyandmanyayear,withouteverthinkingofbetteringtheir draughtsmanship,ofbeautyofcolouring,orofanyinventionthatmightbe good.”6 In both cases, either with painting or sculptures, Vasari heavily influenced the approach to studying these objects. However, in relation to painting, while scholars were affected by Vasari’s opinion, soon they departed from the negative approach toward the art that followed the Byzantine style before Cimabue and especiallyGiotto. While in this study, I am reevaluating various aspects of the wooden sculptures production in order to have a deeper understanding of the devotional context and to comprehend the role and contribution of these objects toward building the religious experience in the late Medieval period; the focus of this chapterwillbeonhowthebodyofChristwasrepresentedinpainting.Iargue,by 6GiorgioVasari,“LivesoftheMostEminentPaintersSculptorsandArchitects”newelytranslatedby GastonDuC.DeVere(London:MacMillanandCo.LDandtheMediciSociety,LD,1912-14),5.Italian Text:“LavorandopoiinfrescoalloSpedaledelPor-cellanasulcantodellaviaNuovachevainBorgo OgniSanti,nellafacciatadinanzichehainmezzolaportaprincipale,daunlatolaVergineAnnunziata dal'Angelo,edal'altroGesùCristoconCleofaseLuca,figuregrandiquantoilnatu-rale,levòvia quellavecchiaia,facendoinquest'opra,ipanni,elevesti,el'altrecoseunpocopiùvive,enaturali,e piùmorbidechelamanieradique'Greci,tuttapienadilineeediproffilicosìnelmusaicocomenelle pitture;laqualmanierascabrosaegoffaetordinariaavevano,nonmediantelostudio,maperuna cotalusanzainsegnatol'unoall'altropermoltiemoltianniipittoridique'tempi,senzapensarmaia migliorareildisegno,abellezzadicolorito,oinvenzionealcunachebuonafusse.”GiorgioVasari,Le vitede’piùeccellentipittori,scultoriedarchitettoriscrittedaGiorgioVasaripittoreAretinoconnuove annotazioniecommentidiGaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:Firenze:G.C.Sansoni,1878-85),54-55. 249 providing different examples, that the way the body of Christ on the cross was portrayedandperceivedinthepictorialproductionofthelatemedievalperiodwas theresultoftheuseofthewoodensculpturesandwhattheywereabletoembodyin thecontemporarydevotionalcontext. Scholars that were involved in studying the painted cross between the twelfthandthirteenthcenturiesfocusedonandrelayedthedichotomybetweenthe Christus Triumphans (Triumphant Christ) to the Christus Patiens (the Suffering Christ).WhilePassionimageshadalreadyexistedintheEast,therepresentationsof thedeadChristwerenotfullyacceptedintheItalianpeninsulabecausetheywere considered as heretical, despite the closeness with the orthodoxy in representing Christ as dead man7. In fact, the adjective Triumphant was associated with Christ represented as alive, while, on the contrary, the adjective Patiens was associated withhisportrayalwhilesufferingordeadonthecross. This is why in the Italian peninsula there was first the diffusion of the iconography of the Christus Triumphans (Triumphant Christ) (Fig 1), which lasted until the shift to the Christus Patiens (Suffering Christ) (Fig 2). This officially happened with the commission by Brother Elia, leader of the Franciscan order to Giunta Pisano, and painted in 1236.However, about fifty years before, there were 7L.H.Grondis,L’IconographieByzantineduCrucifiéMortsurlaCroix(Bruxelles:Sociétéd’Éditions KeminkenZoon,1941),129. 250 twopaintedcrossesfoundinPisaatthebeginningofthethirteenthcenturythatare madeafteranEasternmodel8andportrayChristassuffering. Thisshift,alongwiththechangesinrepresentingthescenesofthePassionin paintedcrosses,gatheredtheattentionofthescholarshipanddeterminedimplicitly thesupremacyofpaintinginartinthelateMiddleAges.Asaconsequence,thisalso affected our understanding of art and devotion during the late Medieval period in Italy. Images, in this case painted crosses, icons, and altarpieces, were studied to comprehend the religious and devotional context from the eleventh until the fourteenthcentury.Woodensculptureproductionwasneglected,takingforgranted that wooden sculptures were part of the devotional furnishing of the churches, as simpleliturgicalobjectsversusartworksworthyofcriticalattention.Thelinkofthe representation of Christ to the Franciscan order also played a pivotal role in considering the painted cross as the principal medium that helped not only Franciscans,butDominicansaswellintheirmissionaryroleduringtheMiddleAges inaffectinganddevelopingthedevotiontowardthePassionofChrist. In both the paintings and the sculptures, we find the presence in different places and times of the representation of the Triumphant Christ and the Suffering Christ. In both cases, the representations of Christ seem to follow the same directives. For example, for the Triumphant Christ, the figure is erect in both 8Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig521and524. 251 paintingandsculpture,theheadkeptupwhiletheeyesarewideopenandlooking towardtheviewer.Ontheotherhand,theSufferingChristisconceived,obviously,in a different way, almost contrasting totally with the previous example. Overall, the bodyisalittlebittwisted;thisdetailmighthavebeenmoreaccentuatedinpainting, where the head is bent down and the eyes closed. Despite the appearance of the Suffering Christ in sculpture before painting, at least in the West, both mediums utilized similar iconography in representing these two different and important momentsoftheinterpretationofthedivineandhumannatureofChrist. Anotheraspectthatcanbecomparedbetweenthetwoistheirpositioninside the church. Since the early production of wooden crucified Christ and the painted cross,inthiscasethoseonesrepresentingtheTriumphantChrist,thepositionofthe cross altar and its crucifix, either sculpted or painted, was in medio ecclesia 9 delimitingalsothedivisionbetweentheclergyandthefaithful.Thecrossfunctioned as a reminder and presence of Christ, especially for the sculpted version, because the presence of the Host inside the wooden sculpted cross helped the viewer to facilitate this association. In both sculpture and painting there was a theological intention that explained and supported the presence of the image of Christ. A differencebetweenthetwomediawasthatwhilethesculpturerepresentedonlythe 9AnnikaElisabeth,Fisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne,PastNarrative,Present Ritual,FutureResurrection,”inDecoratingtheLord'sTable:OntheDynamicsBetweenImageand AltarintheMiddleAgesedsKaspersen,Søren.,Thunø,Erik,andKøbenhavnsUniversitet.Museum Tusculanum(Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress,UniversityofCopenhagen,2006),54. 252 figureofChrist,paintedcrosseswereshapedinawayinwhichtherewasspaceto addsomescenesofthePassionatthesidesofthefigureofthecrucifiedChrist.This providedatwofoldfunction:thefirstwastoinstructthefaithfulaboutthepassion of Christ. This was supported and widely accepted in the Middle Ages in the West after the letter of Pope Gregory to the iconoclastic Bishop Serenus of Marseilles: “Picturesareusedinchurchessothatthosewhoareignorantoflettersmayatleast readbyseeingonthewallswhattheycannotreadinbooks.[...]Toadoreimagesis onething;toteachwiththeirhelpwhatshouldbeadoredisanother.WhatScripture is to educated, images are to the ignorant, who see through them what they must accept; they read in them what they cannot read in books.”10The second function wasthewayitprovidedvisualmomentsforpersonalmeditation.Animageworked as either a didactical tool or a spiritual stimulus; it had a function that strictly intertwinedwiththedevotionalaspectoftheMiddleAges. However,especiallyduringthelatemedievalperiodweassisttoachangeon the use of images from the official prescription of Saint Gregory. First of all, the formaldistinctionbetweenliteratiandilliteratididnotreflectthecomplexityofthe educationinthelatemedievalperiod,especiallyafterthediffusionofthemendicant ordersandtheirroleinchangingtheunderstandingandinteractionwithreligious 10LawrenceG.Duggan,“WasArtreallythe‘BookofIlliterate’?,”inWord&Imageno.5(1989),227. AsquotedinSteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhD diss.,FloridaStateUniversity),21-22.CitethepropersourceforGregoryhere. 253 art.11Inadditiontothat,theroleofimagesinthelatemedievaldevotionalcontextis the result of new forces the express the new religious aspirations that affect both themonasticandthesecularworld.12 Therefore, images had this double role that affected their function, their iconography, as well as their medium. In the first phase of the diffusion of the sculpted and painted version of the crucifixion of Christ, the oldest example in sculpture is a Suffering Christ, and even if later there is a period in which both versionsofChristtheTriumphantandtheSufferingoverlapped,theversionofthe SufferingChristprevailedandbecamethemostcommonwayofrepresentingChrist. This shift happened in painting as well, despite happening later than the sculpted counterpart. However, it is important to highlight the changes that affected the painted cross because they raise questions about the essence and the role of the painted crosses themselves. In fact, these changes underline the effectiveness and successofthewoodensculptedversion. TheoldestexistingpaintedcrossintheMiddleAgesistheSarzanaCrucifix, (Fig 3) madebyMaestroGuglielmo,whosignedanddatedthecrossin1138.13On theapronatthesideofthefigureofChrist,whoisstillalivelookingatthefaithful, thereistherepresentationofthethreeMariesandJohn,alongwiththescenesofthe 11JeffreyHamburger,Thevisualandthevisionary:Artandfemalespiritualityinlatemedieval Germany(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;MITPress,1998),112. 12Ibidem.,148. 13Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.498. 254 Betrayal, Flagellation, Way to Calvary, Deposition, Entombment, Maries at the Sepulcher;attheterminalsareFourEvangelistssymbolsandthebustsofIsaiahand Jeremiah,andonthecimasaistheAscension.14 These kinds of painted crosses, which depict Christ as alive and portray scenesfromhisPassionclosetohisbody,havebeenconsideredastransnarrational icons,inwhich“thevariouspictorialelements[…]wereintended[…]asaneffortto lendvisualformtothisdoctrinalabstraction.”15Inaddition,thesescenes,alongwith the central figure of Christ, could have helped the beholder in a compassionate meditationonthelifeandpassionofChrist.ThefiguresonthesideofChrist,ofthe threeMarysandJohntheEvangelist,contributedtothenarrativeofthescenes,even ifwemightnotneedtoaddressthoseasexplicitlypartoftheoverallnarrative.They also provided a visual example of how to mourn in front of the image while contemplatingthePassionofChrist.ThemourninggestureoftheVirginwastraced back to Greek and Roman funerary culture and was reutilized and adapted in ChristiancultureduringtheCarolingianerainninthcentury.16 What’sinterestingformeandforthepurposeofthisstudyistoanalyzethe “development” of the iconography of the Triumphant Christ, and to try to 14Ibdidem.,194. 15SteveBChoate,DevotionandNarrative141-142.Inhisinterestingdissertation,helinksthis conceptof“transnarrational”fromParashall,whousedthisconceptinrelationtotheimagesofthe ManofSorrow.Also,StevenChoatementionshowBeltingconsiderstheatemporalityofatwelfth centuryCrucifixioniconintheMountSinaicollection,as“unityofideasandnotanarrative”. 16DorothySchorr,“TheMourningVirginandSt.John,”TheArtBulletin,no.2(1940),63. 255 understandifthereisarelationshipbetweensculptureandthedevotionalcontext oftheMiddleAges.WhenIusetheword“development,”Idonotmeanstrictlythe processofevolutionofthesecrosses,butalsothewaythattheywereperceivedand changedovertime. Infact,itwouldbeinterestingtolookattheseobjectsnotonlyinrelationto theshifttotheSufferingChrist,butalsohowtheywereperceivedindifferenttime periodsdespitetheirinitialroleandessence.Infact,thereisoneaspectthatreveals the tendency and need, whether conscious or not and on different social levels, of approachingthemysteryofthefaithasanexampleoftheIncarnationofChrist,with artworksandmediathatcaneffectuallyandpracticallyembodythat.Ifweconsider the tradition linked to the painted crosses of the Triumphant Christ, we note that they are associated with miraculous legends. The same Crucifix from Sarzana by MaestroGuglielmo(1138)hasbeenconsideredasamiraculouscrossbecauseofits associationwiththeVoltoSantoinLucca(Fig4),acityveryclosetothesmalltown ofSarzana.Ithasbeenproposedthatthecrosswasactuallythepaintedversionof the sculpted cross of the Volto Santo in Lucca. 17 As claimed by the tradition, 17SteveBChoate,DevotionandNarrative,82. 256 NicodemussculptedthisworkaccordingtothephysicalaspectofChrist.18Because ofthat,itwasconsideredtobeanaccuraterepresentationofthetruefaceofChrist, theHolyFace. AccordingtothedeaconLeboinus,thetraditionholdsthatanangelinformed a Bishop named Gualfredus, impelling him to leave for Jerusalem in order to find this holy image. Bishop Gualfredus put the sculpture on a ship without crew, and despitethat,itarrivedonthewestcoastofItalyintheharborofLuni,atownclose Lucca.BishopGiovanniofLuccaeventuallyrescuedthisship,andthesculpturewas displayed in the cathedral of San Martino.19This sculpture was one of the most famous images of the Middle Ages. The interesting part of this story is that the painted cross was the counterpart of this famous and miraculous sculpture.20This was also reiterated by the fact that this painted cross was originally displayed in Luni, the small town that first discovered the sculpture of the Volto Santo once it 18NiculasdiMunkathvera,IteradlocaSancta2,2in:ItineraHiersolymitanaCrucesignatorum(saec. XII-XIII).Vol2:TemporeregnumFrancorum(1100-1187)acuradiSabinoDeSandoli,Jerusalem, 1980,212.AsquotedinMicheleBacci,“NicodemoeilVoltoSanto”inIlVoltoSantoinEuropa;Cultoe ImmaginodelCrocifissonelMedioevo:AttidelConvegnoInternazionalediEngelberg,13-16Settembre 2000,(Lucca:InstitutoStoricoLucchese,2005),15.SeealsofortheoriginoftheVoltoSanto(Holy Face):MicheleBacci,“IlVoltoSantocomeRitrattoAutenticodelSalvatore”inLaSantaCrocedi Lucca:ilVoltoSanto:Storia,Tradizioni,Immagini:AttidelConvegno1-3Marzo2001,(2003):115-130. 19DianaM.Webb.“TheHolyFaceofLucca,”Anglo-NormanStudiesno9(1986),228-229asquotedin SteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhDdiss.,Florida StateUniversity),83. 20ClaireceBlack,“TheOriginoftheLuccheseCrossForm”Marsyas,vol1(1941),36.Blackmentions inherarticlethat“thefactthatLucchesecross-and-chalicecrucifixhadtobeinspiredbysome furthercircumstanceisshownbythetotalabsenceofthisparticularshapeincrossesfromother centers.OnlyinLucawasthechalicebaseemployed.Therefore,inLuccathereasonforitsuseisto besought.ReconsiderationoftheVoltoSanto,thistimeasanobjectofreligiousworship,suggests thatthevultusDominiitselfwasthedirectinspirationforthechalice-basecrucifix”.Choate,83.“ 257 arrived in the Italian Peninsula, 21 stressing even more a common origin. My intentionisnottosupporttheideathatpaintingcompletelydependedonsculpture, butthatthisexampleshowsaninterestingperspectiveontherelationshipbetween the two media and how painting, at least in this case, had relied on sculpture to provide for its miraculous identity. The idea of this study is to revise the role of sculptureinthemakingofdevotionintheMiddleAges,consideringtheuseofthe DescentfromtheCrossallthewayupthroughtheuseofthesculptureofChristwith movablearms. TheMiraculousCrucifixofSaintGiovanniGualberto Another example that could raise interesting questions on this topic, and specifically about the perception of the period, is another twelfth century-painted cross, the Crucifix of Saint Giovanni Gualberto (Fig 5). This cross was completely repainted, so it is not clear if the Christ was initially represented as Suffering Christ.22Alongsidetheactualstructuralstatusofthispaintedcross,theSanGiovanni Gualbertocrucifixis important for being a miraculous cross. It is, in fact, the cross 21GeorgMartinRichter,“TheCrucifixofGuilielmusatSarzana,”TheBurlingtonMagazinefor Connoisseurs,no.295(192t),162.Choate,83.“Thechaliceshapedbase,formedbytheroundedlower contoursoftheapronandbelievedtohavebeeninspiredbychalicetraditionallyplacedbelowthe rightfootofthefigureofChristintheVoltoSanto,suggeststhatthecrosswasintendedtoserveasa paintedversionofthewoodimage.” 22Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.472,186.Choate,86. 258 that miraculously bowed its head to Giovanni Gualberto after he spared his brother’s murderer. Giovanni Gualberto (995-1073) was born in Florence from a rich family. A gentlemen of the country murdered his brother. Giovanni was determinedtorevengethedeathofhisbrother.OnceridingbackhometoFlorence onGoodFriday,ithappenedthatGiovannirunintothemanhokilledhisbrotherin asmallstreetinwhichitwasimpossibletoavoideachother.SoGiovanniholdonhis swordanditwasreadytokillhisenemy.Theotherman,onthecontrary,fellupon onhiskneesandimploredGiovannibythePassionofJesusChristtosparehislife. Giovanni was affected by this imploration and especially by thought of Christ that prayedforhismurderers.SoGiovanniandhisenemyembracedeachotherandthey walktothemonasteryofSt.Miniato,oftheholyOrderofSt.Bennet.Inthischurch, whiletheywereprayingtogether thecrucifixmiraculouslyboweditsheadtohim, as it were accepting both the sacrifice of Giovanni’s resentment and the sincere repentanceofGiovanni’senemy.Thisdivinegesture,impressedsomuchGiovanni thataskedtheabbottobeadmittedtothereligiousorderhebelongedto.23Aswas custom in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, San Giovanni Gualberto and some scenesfromhislifewererepresentedinaltarpieces.InoneofthescenesofGiovanni Gualberto’s life, painted by Giovanni del Biondo and dated at the end of the 23ForthecompletestoryofthelifeofSaintGiovanniGualbertosee:ButlerAlban,TheLivesofthe Fathers,Martyrs,andOtherPrincipalSaintsCompiledfromOriginalMonuments,andotherAuthentic Records.(London:1756),volumeVII,July12.Choate,84-85. 259 fourteenth century and beginning of the fifteenth (Fig 6), there is one part that referstothemiraculousmomentinwhichthecrossbendstowardGiovanniasasign ofapprovalafterhisgesture.ThispartofthelifeofGiovanniGualbertowaspainted by Lorenzo di Niccolò (Fig 7). In this case, Lorenzo di Niccolò portrayed faithfully what could have happened. In fact, he represented Giovanni Gualberto and his brother’s murder in front of the cross, and the miraculous image was represented on the painted cross. Specifically in this painting, the painted cross is shown as bendingdowninordertostressthegestureofChristasbowinghisheadasasignof approval. The accuracy of the narrative does not match, however, with the iconography of the cross. In fact, it has been acknowledged that the cross, despite heavilyrepainted,musthavebeenoneoftheexamplesoftheTriumphantChrist,24 whilethecrosspaintedinthepanelintheBardiChapelinSantaCroceinFlorence byGiovannidelBiondoshowsthetypologyoftheSufferingChrist.Thecrossmight have been repainted in 1448 when it was placed in a tabernacle sculpted by Michelozzo, or even in 1671 when it was transferred to Santa Trinità.25When this panelwasrepainted,theoriginalmiraculouscrosswasmostlikelystillrepresenting the Triumphant Christ. The fact that the Triumphant Christ was replaced by a sufferingChristshowsthedevotionaltasteoftheperiod,drawingmoreattentionto 24Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.472,pag186.Choate,86. 25Choate,85.StevenChoatequotesinhisdissertationsomeunpublishednotesbyGarrison. 260 thehumansideofChristandhisphysicalpresenceinsteadhisdivinepresence.The artist was accurate in keeping the painted cross as part of the miracle, but at the same time he chose a bodily and human version of Christ; he focused on Christ’s physicality,despitethemiraculousnatureofthemoment.Inthiscase,thereisboth theintentionofrepresentingtherealfactaccordingtothehistoricalaccountanda bodilyrepresentationofChrist.Theartistcouldhavebeeninfluencedinhischoice by the devotional culture of the period, and especially in this case by the Dominicans. In fact, there is a painted cross of the Suffering Christ (Fig 8) in the Church of San Domenico in Prato, in which some Byzantine elements match with thisnewsensibilityinrepresentingChristashuman,deadonthecross. Thereareotherpaintingsthatwitnessthemiraculousmomentinthelifeof GiovanniGualberto.However,whileitisveryeasytorecognizethemomentandlink it to Saint Giovanni Gualberto’s life, at the same time there is a significant change that is symptomatic of the religious and devotional context of the period during whichitwaspainted. One of the parts of the panel painting found by Maestro della pala di San Niccolò in the church of San Miniato al Monte in Florence shows the moment in which Giovanni Gualberto receives the miraculous sign while he was standing in front of the cross with his brother’s murderer (Fig 9). In fact, this panel depicts Giovanni’smanholdingthetwohorsesattheentrance,GiovanniGualbertorightin 261 the center pointing with his finger toward Christ, and the man that killed Gualberto’sbrotherkneelinginfrontofthealtar.Inthiscase,thecrossisbending towardthetwobeholdersasasignofapproval.WhatisdifferentfromLorenzodi Niccolò’sversionisthattheMaestrodiSanNiccolòrepresentedChristintheformof asculptureratherthanapaintedcross,asthehistoricalaccounthadreported.Not onlywasChristnotdepictedaccordingtotheiconographyoftheTriumphantChrist, but he was represented with another medium that resembles sculpture. In fact, according to the painting, the figure of Christ can clearly be associated with an exampleofwoodensculptureofthecrucifiedChristthatwasprobablyveryeasyto find in the churches during that period, as part of the main altar or as part of the altarinoneofthechapelsdedicatedtothecross.Justasinthepreviousexamplein whichtheTriumphantChristwassubstitutedbytheversionoftheSufferingChrist, inthispaintingthechoiceofrepresentingChristassculpturemanifestsevenmore thisideaofthehumanity,body,andpresenceofChrist.TheMaestrodiSanNiccolò’s choice can thus be considered from two different perspectives. If the clergy commissioned the panel, we can assume that the portrayed scene reflected their will, either as an institution or for devotional purposes. On the other hand, if they just commissioned the panel from the artist, giving him freedom to work on the story (obviously according to the established iconography linked to the Saint Gualberto),itispossibletonoteaconsciouschoiceinportrayingChristinhisbodily 262 essence through sculpture even while still using painting. It seems that an awarenessspreadinacknowledgingsculpture,andinthiscasewoodensculpture,as the “elected” medium with which to present Christ in the late Medieval period. In thecaseofthescenefromthelifeofGiovanniGualberto,itwouldnothavebeena problemtoshowthemiraculouscrucifixasapaintedcross.Thiswouldhavebeen faithful to the tradition and the original image. However, the actual variation that occurredinthispanelisthepresenceofChristassculpture.Athirdreasonforthis choice could have been the social and religious context of the period, in which sculpturewaspubliclyaccreditedasthemediumthatcouldinducethemostvisceral relationshipwhenrepresentingthehumanityofChrist.Inaddition,themiraculous natureofChristwascatalyzedbyhisphysicalincarnation,presence,andessence.In anotherpanelpainting,aspartofthepredella,thereisthesamesceneoftheSaint Giovanni Gualberto in which Christ is clearly presented in the sculptural medium (Fig 10).TheartistisananonymousFlorentinepainter,workinginthefourteenth century.Evenifthesizedoesnotreflectthetraditionalsizeofasculpturethatcould have been part of the altarpiece in a medieval church, the choice of the sculptural mediumisstillindicativeoftheartist’spreferencetomakeitmoreefficientforthe viewer.ThereisevenanotherpanelfromthelifeofSanGiovanniGualberto(Fig11) thatshowsanothermomentinwhichheprobablyembracedthereligiouslifewith 263 the presence of friars along with him. While the context seems different it seems thatitisthesameasthecrossthatSaintGiovanniGualbertoisbowinginfrontof. These are three cases from the life of San Giovanni Gualberto, and if it was just one case probably it could have been difficult to raise questions and make a considerablecaseoutofit.However,theexistenceoffurtherexamplesinwhichthe visionofaSaintoramiraculouspaintedimagewaspresentedthroughoutsculpture seemstoconfirmhowsculpturewasmorerelatableinpresentingChristinbothhis humananddivinenature,accordingtothelatemedievalreligiouscontext. TheVisionofSaintThomasAquinas Another case is the Vision of Saint Thomas Aquinas by Sassetta, painted in 1426-27) (Fig 12). According to the tradition, when Saint Thomas was praying in theChapelofSaintNicholas,hewasseenbythesacristantobelevitatinginprayer before the icon of the crucified Christ (Fig 13); Christ said to Saint Thomas: “You havewrittenwellofme,Thomas.Whatrewardwouldyouhaveforyourlabor?”,and Thomas answered: “Nothing but you Lord.”26This miraculous event happened in 26GuilelmusdeTocco,andClaireLeBrun-Gouanvic,YstoriaSanctiThomedeAquinodeGuillaumede Tocco(1323),(Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1996),162.“Etaccedensretroin cappellaSanctiNicholai,ubifixusinorationemanebat,subitoaudiuitdelocoadquempredictusdoctor conuersuseratadorandumcumlacrimis,huiusscemodiuocemdeymaginecrucifixi”“Thoma,bene scripsistideme,quamrecipiesameprotuelaboremercedem?”Quirespondit:“Domine,nonnisite”. 264 127327,andSassettapaintedtheeventin1426-27.Areproductionoftheiconisstill visible today, and most likely it was also visible during the middle of the fifteenth centurywhileSassettawasworkingonhispainting.SassettapaintedChristinafull tridimensional body; this can be associated even indirectly with the sculptural medium. We might argue that if the painting by Sassetta represents Christ as real body, as real human being, without having any direct reference to any sculpture, Christwouldhavefunctionedasasortofametaphorofhimself,consideringthathis presence would have been both physical and metaphysical. However, the visualizationofthispaintingwouldhavehadsolicitedthebeholdertorefertoChrist through a sculpture, and the sculpture itself would have provided a sense of both the metaphor of Christ and, paradoxically, Christ himself in both the physical and metaphysicalsense.Thisargumentwillbedevelopedmoreinthefollowingpartof this study. Nonetheless, the point here is that despite the fact that the miraculous image was once more represented through painting, the artist was not faithful in providingtheexactmediumwithwhichSaintThomashadthespiritualconnection. In representing Christ the way he did, he implicitly confirmed that the sculptural mediumwasmoresuitable,especiallyintheperiodinwhichSassettawasworking. Even in a later artwork which portrays the miracle of the vision of Saint Thomas, paintedbySantidiTitoin1593inthedelTurcoChapelintheChurchofSanMarco 27Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig611,224. 265 inFlorence(Fig14),thepaintingshowsthemiracleasatableauvivantinwhichthe paintingprovidesthephysicalpresenceofChristandtheothersaintsaroundhimin averyefficaciousway.Physicalityisthepremiumattributeintherepresentationof Christ, and because of that the reference to sculpture and its devotional use is a constant present in painting as well. What the painting suggests is not only an accountofthevisionofSaintThomas,butalsoasolicitationtoarelationshipwith Christthatreferstohishumanitythatismostefficientlyexpressedbysculpture,or more specifically wooden sculpture, for its capability to be painted, which then affecteditslikenessandmovabilityaswell. ThecaseoftherepresentationofStigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena TherepresentationofthestigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena(1347– 1380) offers another example of the role of sculpture in providing an idea of both physicality and miraculous essence. According to the tradition, Saint Catherine of Siena had her first supernatural vision when she was six years old, in which she experiencedthevisionofChristblessingandsittinginathroneamongsaints.28 28DizionarioBiografico,SantaCaterinadaSiena,http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/caterina-da- siena-santa_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/(accessedjuly,1,2015). 266 During her life she experiencednumerous visions, which were recorded by theleadingmemberoftheDominicanorderRaymondofCapua.TheartistGiovanni di Paolo (1403-1482) represented some of her visions in different panel paintings during the fifteenth century. For example there is an image of Saint Catherine dictatingherdialoguestoRaymondofCapua(Fig15)orSaintCatherinereceivingthe Holy Communion directly by Christ during a mass (Fig 16) In both cases, Saint Catherineishavingavision,andtheartistGiovannidiPaolofoundawaytomakea transcendentexperiencevisible,whichitisessentiallyotherwiseindescribableand unrepresentable. The artist presented Christ in a similar way in both cases: halflengthsize,comingfromaradiantcloudandconnectingspirituallyand“physically” with Saint Catherine. Also in other panels made by Giovanni di Paolo is Christ represented in the same way, like for example The Mystical Marriage of Saint Catherine(Fig17).GiovannidiPaolomadealsotwomorepanelsreferringtoother miraculous moments of the life of Saint Catherine that are interesting for the ongoing argument of this study. The two painted panels I am referring to are: CatherineBeseechingChristtoResuscitateherMother(Fig 18) andSainteCatherine Receiving the Stigmata (Fig 19). In the first painted panel Saint Catherine kneels while praying in front of what we can consider a sculpture of the crucified Christ. While the painting works as a visual document and is an intermediary for the viewer, at the same time what triggers the vision in the personal and visionary 267 experienceofSaintCatherineisasculpture.Specifically,inthispanelpaintingthere is a combination of the supernatural presence of Christ and his physical presence throughoutthemostefficientmediuminthismatter,whichissculpture.Thepanel painting does not provide only a “historical” account on one of the miraculous moments of the life of Saint Catherine, but “it takes on the role of witness to the visionary act and is therefore capable of testifying to the actual reality of the apparition, although neither the visionary himself nor the witness seeing [her] ecstasies could confirm or deny absolutely the reality of the vision.”29At the same time,whatbelongstoreality,tothevisible,andtowhatSaintCatherineisreferring to,isasculptedimageofChrist.Inthedynamicofthepanel,Christisrepresented twice.Thefirstrepresentationisthesculptedone,therealandthephysicalversion of Christ, and second is the ethereal version, represented through radiant golden raysoflightandcloudsassymbolsofhishierophany.Thedynamicofthepainting suggests that the beginning process for this miraculous apparition starts from the prayerandcontemplationinfrontofthesculpture,ofwhichtheviewerwouldhave been totally aware. The artist himself choose to portray Christ through the sculptural medium, probably aware that the beholder would have had a more sympatheticrelationshipwithamoretangiblefigureofChristinordertoarriveto 29VictorIeronimStoichiță,VisionaryExperienceintheGoldenAgeofSpanishArt(London:Reaktion Books,1995),198. 268 his metaphysical nature. The artist would have also considered the devotional contextaroundhimduringfifteenthcenturySiena,andthechoiceofthesculpture couldhavereflectedthat,eveninrelationtotheDominicanreligiousorder. TheotherpaintingIwanttodiscussisapanelpaintedbyGiovannidiPaolo in relation to the life of Saint Catherine of Siena. This painted panel is Saint Catherine of Siena Receiving the Stigmata (1447-65) (Fig 19). According to the tradition,CatherinewasinPisa,byrequestofPopeGregoryXI,inordertoconvince thelordsofthecitytojointheanti-papacyleague.AsspecifiedintheLegendaMaior by Raymond of Capua, on the 1 of April 1375 she confided her vision to him after shereceivedthecommunion:“IsawtheLordfixedtothecrosscomingtowardsme inagreatlight,andsuchwastheimpulseofmysoultogoandmeetitsCreatorthat itforcedthebodytoriseup.ThenfromthescarsofHismostsacredwoundsIsaw five rays of blood coming down towards me, to my hands, my feet and my heart. Realizingwhatwastohappen,Iexclaimed,‘OLordGod,Ibegyou-donotletthese scars show on the outside of my body!’ As I said this, before therays reached me theircolourchangedfrombloodredtothecolouroflight,andintheformofpure lighttheyarrivedatthefivepointsofmybody,hands,feetandheart.”30 30RaymondofCapua,“ActaSanctorum,April,III,910”inLegendaMaior,translationbyGeorgeLamb, TheLifeofSt.CatherineofSiena,(NewYork196O),175-6. 269 ThecrossinfrontofwhichSaintCatherinewasprayingexistsstilltodayand it is in the Santuario Cateriniano in Siena (Fig 20). This is a painted cross of the genreoftheTriumphantChristmadebyanartistfromPisaaround1150-1200.31As in the case of San Giovanni Gualberto, the miracle happened in front of a painted image, but the artist who reported the miracle of Saint Catherine opted for a crucifiedChrist,onethatcanbeassociatedwithacontemporaryexampleofwooden sculpture (Fig 21). The body position of Saint Catherine recalls very clearly the bodypostureofSaintFrancisonMountVernawhilereceivingthestigmata(Fig22). Without entering in the middle of the historical quarrel between Dominicans and Franciscans about Saint Catherine’s stigmata that were confirmed only in 1630 by PopeUrbanVIII,itisimportantforthisstudytoconsiderthismiraculousmoment for another purpose. In fact, the problem is not about the truthfulness of the stigmata,butratherabouthowthismomentwasrepresentedthroughoutpainting inthemiddleofthefifteenthcenturyandmoreorlesseightyyearsaftertherealfact happened. According to the tradition, the Sienese Saint received the stigmata on 1375whileshewaskneelinginfrontofacrossthatiswellknownandthesewounds of Christ were visible only to herself. 32 However, the artist presented it in a completely different context, which raises some interesting questions. Even if he 31Garrison,fig509,pag196. 32Suzanne,Noffke,Thedialogue,(NewYork:PaulistPress,1980),5. 270 had knowledge of the painted cross in front of which the miracle happened, the artistdidnotrepresentitatall,noteventhroughasymbolicreference.Itseemsto beagoldencrosspositionedinthemiddleofthealtar,butthemiraculouseventis represented as a sculpted representation of Christ leaning over the altar toward SaintChristina.ItisnotpossibletoseetheraysfromthebodyofChristpiercingthe bodyofSaintChristina,asithasbeenreportedthatsheaskedforthewoundstobe invisible. However, her body posture indicates that she was in the act of receiving thestigmata,matchingtheposeofthecrucifiedChristandtheiconographyofSaint Francisreceivingthestigmata. Giovanni di Paolo made a specific choice in representing a lifelike crucifix, andIwouldliketoconsidersomegeneralandhypotheticalassumptionsinorderto raisesomequestionsandarrivetoaconclusion.Let’ssuppose,forexample,thatin theItalianreligiouscontextofthefifteenthcenturytherewereonlypanelpaintings orpaintedcrossesthatportrayedChristoranyotherholyperson,withoutanyuse of sculpted form. The crucified Christ in Saint Catherine of Siena receiving the StigmatawouldhavefunctionedstillasatridimensionalpresenceofChrist,butthe metaphysicalpresenceandtheexperienceoftheimageofChristwouldhavebeena transcendent experience in its representational form. Instead, considering the religiouscontextofthefifteenthcenturyinTuscanyoringeneraleventhecenterof Italy in which the use of wooden polychrome sculptures was widespread for 271 devotionalandliturgicalpurposes,Isuggestthatwhilethepaintingreferstothelife of Saint Catherine with regards to the presence of Christ, it clearly also refers to sculpture. As a consequence, the painting also becomes a visual reminder of the religiousanddevotionalcontextoftheperiod.Theartistdidnotseeinpersonthe original crucifix in which Saint Christina had the miraculous apparition and reception, and he relied solely on the literary account on the supernatural event where Catherine was kneeling after a crucifix33after she received communion, or accordingtothedirectionsofhispatrons.Atthesametimehenonethelesschosea volumetric likeness of Christ, showing that his sensibility was oriented toward a tridimensionalformversusthepaintedforminrevealingthepresence,asbody,of Christ.Evenifwemightconsiderthatthecrossbecamealive,justforthemomentof thestigmatization,thereisnosignofapresenceofapaintedcrossorofthepassage from painting to becoming alive. For the beholder or the faithful, the Christ portrayed by Giovanni di Paolo could have been associated with a polychrome woodensculpture. ThepaintingbyGiovannidiPaoloisnottheonlyonethatchoosestoportray Christ in the moment of the stigmatization of Saint Catherine of Siena through a tridimensionalform.AnanonymousSienesepainter(Fig23)showsclearlythatthe 33BarbaraPikeGordley,"ADominicanSaintfortheBenedictines:Beccafumi'sStigmatizationofSt Catherine,"ZeitschriftFurKunstgeschichte.no55(1992)396. 272 crucifiedChristisnotapaintedcross,aligninghimselfinthesamementalcategory ofGiovannidiPaoloandreligiousenvironment. Infact,sinceproductiontheDescentfromtheCross,andespeciallysincethe sculptures of Christ were made with movable arms, these polychrome wooden sculptures were made in order to be liturgically used in processions and reenactments of the Passion of Christ in a way that encouraged the faithful to believethatthesculptureofChristwastherealbodyofChrist.Makingthesculpture life-size, painting it, and paying special attention to the anatomy of the body, includingtheuseofrealhairorabeard,confirmsthespecialroleoftheseobjects: thattheywerenotafictitiouspresence,butarealpresenceforthefaithful.34 There is one painting that portrays the stigmatization of Saint Catherine in whichthecrucifixfromwhichCatherineisreceivingthestigmataisapaintedcross. ThispaintingbytheartistRutilioManettishowsamorefaithfulnesstothehistorical tradition(Fig24).35 A further example that I want to bring up before analyzing the role of Franciscans in this relationship between sculpture and painting is the De Modo 34This style, along with the liturgical use of these sculptures will be the object of a more in depth analysisinthefollowingchapterofthisstudy. 35TheartistisRutilioManettiandhisSantaCaterinaRiceveleStimmatedalCrocifissowaspaintedin 1630.However,sincethedateofproductionofthispaintingdoesnotcorresponddirectlywiththe timeperiodIamconsideringforthisstudy,Ibelievethat,whiletheartworkwouldraiseinteresting arthistoricalquestions,itisnotrelevantforthepurposeofthepresentanalysis.Thisishistoricizing inreplicatingarchaicstyle,whichitwasverymuchpartofitsowntime. 273 OrandicorporalitersanctiDominici,abookthatinoneofhisdifferentversions,the textiscombinedwithdifferentillustrationsthatshowthevariouswaysofpraying, suggestedbySaintDominic.36Thetextisprincipallyfocusedonthewayofpraying and on emotional status, along with the mystical consciousness in nine different innerstatesthatcorrespondtoninedifferentgestures(Fig25). It is interesting, however, to see how this illuminator, working around the year 1400, represented Saint Dominic in the different stages of mystical consciousness. He portrays Saint Dominic in front of an altarpiece in which, along withapanelpaintingontheback,thereisavolumetricrepresentationofthebodyof Christ that seems to be coming alive and spilling blood while Saint Dominic prays beforeit.OneofthemaindifferencesbetweenFranciscansandDominicanswasthat Franciscans, as it happened with Francis himself, did not presume that priestly order was necessary. In fact, the minor Friars could preach only repentance or penitencewithoutpresentingordealingwithcomplexissuesrelatedtothedogma.37 On the other hand, Dominicans were more inclined to preach against heresy and 36OntheDeModoOrandiCorporaliterSanctiDominicianditstranslationseeSimonTugwell“The NineWaysofPrayerofSaintDominic:ATextualStudyandCriticalEdition,”MedievalStudies47 (1985):1-124;Illustrations:MsRossiano3oftheBibliotecaApostolicaVaticana.Fortheanalysisof theillustrationssee:WilliamHood:"SaintDominic'sMannersofPraying:GesturesinFraAngelico's CellFrescoesatS.Marco."TheArtBulletin68,no.2(1986):195-206. MiklósBoskovits,ImmaginidaMeditare:RicerchesuDipintidiTemaReligiosoneiSecoliXII-XV (Milano:VitaePensiero,1994)82.Seealsoonthesubject:RichardT.Trexler,TheChristianatPrayer, AnIllustratedPrayerManual,AttributedtoPetertheChanter(d.1197),(Binghampton,1988). 37WilliamHood,“SaintDominic’sMannerasofPraying:GesturesinFraAngelico’sCellFrescoesatS. Marco,”TheArtBulletin,vol.68,no.2(1986):197. 274 therefore needed to be educated in philosophy and theology to be eligible for priestlyordination.38Obviously,thisdistinctionbetweenthetwoMendicantOrders was particularly significant only at the beginning of the development of both FranciscansandDominicans,atthesametimethatthevisualartswereinstruments for reflecting their different attitudes toward catechesis.39While Franciscans used mostly art to awaken a sympathetic relationship with Christ and his suffering, Dominicans, considering for example also other artworks used for their purposes such as the frescos at San Marco in Florence, used visual art to enhance “a theologicalrelationship,whethermystical,moralordogmatic.”40Atthesametime, eveniftheDeModoOrandifocusesonthedifferentbodyposturesthatcanstimulate mystical consciousness, we can see how this is happening in front of what can be associatedwithasculptureofChristinhiscorporealelement. It could be possible to question the clear association between what we see portrayedinpaintingsandsculpture,likeinthecasespreviouslymentioned.Atthe same time, this connection is not just stylistic and based on “resemblance,” but it also considers the religious context and the liturgical use and diffusion of these wooden sculptures within the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance religious society.Alongwithmorearthistoricalcategoriessuchasiconographyandstyle,itis 38Ibidem.,197. 39Ibidem.,197. 40Ibidem.,197. 275 thisreligiouscontextthatmostclearlyelucidatestheroleofthesculpturalmedium in the making of the devotion during the Middle Ages and early Renaissance. The purposeofthisstudyisnottoexpressajudgment,eitherpositiveornegative,even accordingtowhatacontemporarytheologianmighthaveexpressedtowardtheuse of images. Instead, what is more relevant is how we understand the changing relationshipbetweentheimages,whethertheyarepaintedorsculptedimages,and thebeholder,orthepersonthatpraysinfrontofit.Specificallyforthisstudy,itis importanttorefinetheroleofsculptureinthischangingprocess. EvenifwelookattheFranciscanswewillfindelementsthatwillclarifythe role of sculpture, and its constant presence, in late medieval artistic and religious context in Italy. However, Franciscans also associated themselves officially with painting and scholarship connected the mendicant order to the production of paintingandtheroleofpaintinginthelateMedievalperiod.Atthesametime,iwill arguethattheinitialavoidanceinusingsculptureswithintheFranciscanorderhad aspecificand“political”reason. Accordingto the tradition, while inprayer inthechurchofSanDamianoin Assisi, Saint Francis heard the Cross speaking to him, telling him “Francis, go and repairmyhousewhich,asyoucansee,isfallingintoruins.”Thisepisoderepresents probablythemostimportantmomentforSaintFrancis’conversion,andithappened infrontofapaintedcross,datedaround1100(Fig 26).Thecrossbecameavery 276 important venerated image that might have influenced other “talking cross” experiences,likethatoneofSaintCatherineofSiena.41Thiscrosswasmovedfrom the church of San Damiano to the Church of Saint Clare of Assisi, and it was replicated in one of the scenes that present the life of Saint Francis in the Upper BasilicainAssisi(Fig27).Atthesametime,evenbeforetheversioninAssisi,there isanaltarpieceattributedtotheTuscanartistRinaldodaSienathatportraysscenes from the Life of Saint Francis (Fig 28). The scene that shows the Cross in San DamianospeakingtoSaintFrancisisverydifferentfromtheversionintheBasilica in Assisi. In fact, while in Assisi, there is an accurate rendering of the original paintedcross,intheversionbyRinaldodaSiena(Fig29)42Christisrepresentedas arealbodyandnotjustinhispaintedrendering,andwhileheisspeakingtoSaint Francis,hestretcheshisarmstoreachSaintFrancis.Thisgesture,whichrecallsthe amplexus of Saint Bernard, suggests at the same time a physical interaction, even where a miracle happened and there was a painting and Christ revealed himself through words. This simple scene from the panel painting of Saint Francis and scenesofhislifeshowsagainhowtheperceptionofChristandhispresencewould becomemorephysicalandbeperceivedandrepresentedassuch,despitethereality involvedapaintedcross. 41Choate,89,seenote189. 42BrunoToscano,“DieciImmaginialtempodiAngela”inDalvisibileall'indicibile:crocifissied esperienzamisticainAngeladaFolignoBassetti,edMassimiliano,andBrunoToscano(Spoleto: FondazioneCentroitalianodistudisull'altoMedioevo,2012),95-117. 277 DespitethemiraculouseventthatwaslinkedtothecrossandthelifeofSaint Francis, this moment was not considered as important as the reception of the stigmatathathappenedtoSaintFranciswhileprayingtotheMountVernaattheend of his earthly life. This moment of the life of Saint Francis stressed even more his willingness to live and feel the real suffering of Christ throughout his body; this affectedthelatterFranciscansreligiousmindsettowardthePassionofChrist.Their attention to the suffering of Christ justified and supported the shift, as previously mentioned, from the Triumphant Christ to the Suffering Christ. The Stigmatization was the supreme sign of the theme of Saint Francis’s imitation of Christ, and this affectedtheartproductionaswell.AsImentioned,sincethebeginning,Franciscans didnotseemtohaveanyconnectionwiththeuseofsculpture,ormorespecifically wooden sculptures. At the same time, since the reception of the stigmata by Saint Francis,moreattentionbegantobepaidbytheFranciscansthemselvesinstressing thephysicalityofSaintFrancis’experienceandthephysicalityintherepresentation ofChristaswell. ThefactthatFranciscansdidnotusesculpturesinordertopromotethisnew physical and sympathetic relationship with Christ, especially after the remarkable experienceofSaintFrancisreceivingthestigmata,isattributedtotheproblematic useofsculpturesduringtheMiddleAges.Infact,despitetheexistenceandtheuseof these objects for liturgical purposes, there was still some uncertainty by the 278 ecclesiastical authorities in relation to the wooden sculptures. Franciscans were a relatively new religious order and had a good relationship with three popes Innocent III, Honorious III and Gregory IX. Also “the succeeding popes played a central role in promoting and channeling the friar’s ministry.”43 Considering the miraculous nature of what their spiritual leader experienced in the Mount Verna andinvirtueofFranciscan’relationshipwiththepapacyIimplythatanexplicitand unfiltered use of sculptures would have been a risky move that could have jeopardized the whole order and create trouble with the existent connection with thepopes. The stigmata of Saint Francis and the shift promoted by the Franciscans themselvestowardtheSufferingChristwerealreadyimportantchoicesinshaping thespiritualdirectionsoftheorder.TheroleofSaintBonaventurewaspivotalnot only for the Franciscan devotion itself, but also in the way he promoted devotion, relying on a vivid application of the senses and an imaginative recreation of the sceneinawaythatthefaithfulwasbothawitnessandaparticipant.44Especiallyin theThreeofLife,Bonaventureusesthesensestoimaginethescenefromthelifeof Christ,referringtoawiderangeofemotions.Thiswayoflivingthefaithhasoften beenproblematic,especiallyinrelationtothesculpturalmediumand,aboveall,in 43MichaelJ.P.Robson,TheFranciscansintheMiddleAges.MonasticOrders.(Woodbridge,Suffolk, UK;Rochester,NY:BoydellPress,2006),69. 44BonaventureandEwertH.Cousins,Bonaventure(NewYork:PaulistPress,1978),35. 279 correspondencewithwoodensculptures,anaspectthatwillbeexploredlaterinthis study. ThisiswhytheuseofpaintedcrosswouldhavestillconnectedFranciscans to the tradition without risking an inappropriate use of images along with the promotionofthefigureofSaintFrancisastheAlterChristus.Infact,consideringthe emotional and devotional impact of Saint Francis’ stigmatization and the stress on the phisicality of the experience, the use of sculptures could have enhanced the focusonthebodyandasaconsequencetothesculpturalobject,whichcouldhave becomethefocusofthisnewwayoflivingtherelationshipwiththesacredandthe bodyofChrist. However,lookingattheuseofimagesbytheFranciscanorder,itispossible to notice that since the beginning and especially throughout time there was an inclination toward sculpture that matched, I believe, their devotional ideals even more. This one can be noted also through the observation of the iconographical changesthataffectedtherepresentationoftheSufferingChristaswell,evenifthey donotrelatedirectlytotheFranciscanorder. Firstofall,thestigmatareceivedbySaintFrancisandthedepictionofChrist asChristusPatiensputdirectemphasisonthesufferingofChristasaconsequenceof hishumannature,especiallyunderliningthebodyasthepreferredmediumwithin which to understand and live the Christian message. The presence of the Virgin 280 MaryandJohntheEvangelistwouldhaveshowedhowtomourninfrontofthedead bodyofChrist.Theyofferedanexampleofhowtobehave,andthisisalsoindicative of a new self-consciousness on the part of the faithful in learning how to live and participateinthePassionofChrist.Also,thisnewdimensionwasembodiedbythese paintedcrosses,inwhichChristwasportrayedasadeadChrist(Fig 30). Sincethe diffusion of these crosses, the viewer could face a more human representation of Christ,inwhichChristembodiedsufferinganddeathaswell.Thisnewiconography ofthedeadChristspreadoutatfirstinUmbriaandTuscany,anditkeptthesame iconographicalpatternuntilGiotto.Giottocontributedwithaninnovativeandmore naturalisticinterpretationofthehumanbodywithhisCrossinSantaMariaNovella inFlorence(Fig31).HechangedtheextremebodilytensionofthedeadChrist(Fig 32) with a quiet relaxation of the body with a more attentive anatomical description. With this new interpretation of the dead Christ, Giotto provided a new qualityofthedevotionalimage,andforthefirsttimeinhistoryhepaintedaman,a real man, on the cross.45Art historians have considered Giotto a great innovator, above all in comparison with his Master Cimabue, acknowledging that a change of this magnitude was rare in the history of art.46The comparison between Cimabue 45GiovanniPrevitali,GiottoelaSuaBottega(Milano,Fabbri,1967),31. 46MiloBoskovits,“GiottounArtistapocoConosciuto?”inGiotto–BilancioCriticodiSessant’Annidi StudieRicerche(Firenze,Giunti:2000),75. 281 and Giotto has been a widely studied topic among art historians, stressing mostly the striking difference between the two crosses. While Cimabue’s cross was considered more naturalistic than others painted earlier, once compared with the incredible realism that characterizes Giotto’s cross, it assumes a symbolic dimension.47However, even if the comparison stresses the remarkable difference betweenthetwo,itdoesnotexplaintheoriginofGiotto’scrucifix,nordoesitclarify thesourcethatGiottoworkedfrom. Art historians, from Giorgio Vasari to more contemporary scholars, have considered Giotto as the first Renaissance painter, the artist that anticipated the pursuit of a naturalistic approach to representation based on observation: “In my opinion painters owe to Giotto, the Florentine painter, exactly the same debt they owetonature,whichconstantlyservesthemasamodelandwhosefinestandmost beautifulaspectstheyarealwaysstrivingtoimitateandreproduce.Foraftermany years during which the methods and outlines of good painting had been buried under the ruins caused by wars Giotto alone who, by God’s favor, rescued and 47BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting1280-1375,(NewYork:Harper&Row:1976),31.“The basicconceptionofthetwoChristfiguresisstrikinglydifferent.Cimabue’s,althoughmore naturalisticthananythingproduceduptotime,seemssymbolicwhencomparedwiththestark realismofGiottos’,wherethevestigesoftheoldabstractionhavebeendoneawaywithandthe spectatorisconfrontedwiththeawesomeimageofadead,greenishChristhangingfromacross.No longerdoesthefiguresharethemajesticiconicconceptionofeventhelastofCimabue’sChrists.The remote,heroicSonofGodhasbeenreplacedbyaveryhumanimageofadeadmandivestedofallthe oldassociationsofhierarchicalgrandeurwhichdatebacktotheverybeginningofFlorentineart”. 282 restoredtheart,eventhoughhewasbornamongincompetentartists.”48Inhispart oftheLivesdedicatedtoGiotto,VasarimentionshowCimabueinfluencedhimand how,atthesametime,heeclipsedthesameCimabuewithhisart.Giottoalsogained respect and praise among his contemporaries. Notorious is the passage from the canto XI in the Dante Alighieri’s Purgatory: “Cimabue thought To lord it over painting’sfield;andnowThecryisGiotto’sandhisnameeclipsed”.Thegreatnessof Giotto was not only in overcoming and displacing the so-called Maniera Greca, in whichCimabuewastheMaster,butindevelopinganaturalisticapproachinwhich the observation of nature and the use of light was pivotal. This innovation anticipated the artistic approach of the Renaissance. The way that scholarship shaped the understanding of Late Medieval and Renaissance art is the result and influence of the interpretation of Giotto’s achievements and the related literature. Nobody would challenge Giotto’s artistic importance and influence. However, I believe that it is possible to consider Giotto’s artistic results from another perspective, which will not bring into question his artistic achievement and greatness, but rather would contextualize the role of late Medieval art and how artistic production affected devotion in a different way. As mentioned before, we knowthatGiottoovercameCimabue,butitwasalwaysasourceofconfusionasto 48GiorgioVasari,TheLivesoftheArtists,aselectiontranslatedbyGeorgeBull(England:TheChaucer Press,1965),57. 283 theoriginofGiotto’sart:“AlthoughtheoriginsofGiotto’sstylecanbeassumedtobe inCimabue’sFlorence,theyhavebeensoassimilatedandtransformedbyhisvisual genius that they are almost unrecognizable […]. There is no precise answer as to where Giotto’s early style came from […] The reason for the great difference between Giotto’s art and that of his most immediate forerunners is an unsolved mystery”.49InordertounderstandthismysteryandfindthesourcesofGiotto’sart, thehorizonofresearchhastobeexpandedtogobeyondtheterritorythatinvolves only panel paintings or frescos. A remarkable approach in this case that opens furtherandnoteworthyinterpretationsistheapproachbytheAustrianarthistorian Gerhard Schmidt. He attributes a fundamental role to sculpture for influencing Giotto’s artistic production. He challenges Vasari’s interpretation of Giotto by arguingthattherealintentionofGiottowasnotapureanddirectnaturalism,buta convincingrepresentationofthevolumes.Thisdimensioncouldhavebeenexplored during his time only through the observation of sculpture.50This would support even more logically the attention and the use of light in his works, especially the orientationofthepositionofthefiguresinthefrescosofScrovegniChapelinPadua. Infact,intheArenaChapel“thelightfromawindowcorrespondstothefallofthe 49BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting1280-1375,44. 50GerhardSchmidt,“GiottounddiegotischeSkulptur.NeueÜberlegungenzueinemaltenThema”in RömischeHistorischeMitteilungen”,n.XX(Wien:AustrianAcademyofSciencesPress:1979),13637.QuotedalsoinMaxSeidel,“IlCrocifixoGrandecheFeceGiotto.ProblemiStilistici”inGiotto:la CrocediSantaMariaNovella,(Firenze:Edifir:2001),65-158. 284 pictoriallightandthedirectionofthemodelinglightonthesidewallsofthechapel coincides with the window in the western, or entrance, wall of the building”.51 SchmidtsupportstheideathatthemedievalsculptorArnolfodiCambiocouldhave been for Giotto more important than Cimabue. Like Giotto, other painters might havelookedatandadmiredsculptures;howeveritseemsthatnoneofthembesides Giottohadtheintentionalongwiththeskillandcapabilitytodevelopthesculptural effectinpaintingthroughtheuseoflight.52 EveniftheinfluentialroleandimportanceofArnolfodiCambiowaswidely knowninthemedievalartisticmilieu,itcannotbeconfirmedthathisrolewasmore important than Cimabue for Giotto, which is the argument that Schmidt relies on. However, this does not mean that the relationship between Giotto and sculpture does not exist or cannot be pursued. A stimulating observation about the relationship between Giotto and sculpture has been considered in the art productionofGiovanniPisano.53Especiallyaftertherecentworkofrestorationthat contributedtoobservingthewoodensculptureintheDuomoinPisainitsoriginal state (Fig 33), it is possible to note a relation. Therefore, Giovanni Pisano’s work 51JuliaMillerI.,"SymbolicLightinGiottoandtheEarlyQuattrocentoinFlorence”Source:Notesinthe HistoryofArt.5(1),1985,8.OthersourcesonthesubjectareJ.White,TheBirthandRebirthof PictorialSpace(NewYork:1957),p.58,andL.Schneider,GiottoinPerspective(EnglewoodCliffs, N.J.:1974),p.18;alsoGiotto:TheArenaChapelFrescoes,ed.J.Stubblebine(NewYork:1969),andC. Gnudi,Giotto(Milan:1958),pp.105f. 52Schmidt,Giotto,136-37. 53MaxSeidel,IlCrocifixoGrandechefeceGiotto,74. 285 musthaveplayedadecisiveroleinconnectingandtransformingtherepresentation of Christ from Cimabue to Giotto. 54 This connection is supported also by the chronology. In fact, around 1270-80 Giovanni Pisano built a wooden Christ on the cross, more or less ten years before the Giotto’s cross in Santa Maria Novella, in which Christ was represented like a real human that was crucified. A further connectionbetweenthewoodenproductionofGiovanniPisanoandGiotto’scrossis that while Pisano’s wooden cross, made between 1270 and 1280, was under restoration, the restorers found in the “cartiglio” scrollpaperinscriptions in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. This was an original idea for the Medieval period that Giotto reusedandappliedforthefirsttimeinhisFlorentinecross.55 WhiletheroleofGiovanniPisanointhedevelopmentofmedievalartandthe selfawarenessofbeinganartistiswellknown,thisdoesnotmatchwiththegeneral understandingandappreciationofwoodensculptureproductionoftheMiddleAges. ThislinkwithGiottoandtheinscriptionthatGiovanniPisanoleftinthePulpitofthe Duomo in Pisa, in which he praises himself as sublime author in stone, wood, and gold,showstheimportanceandtheprestigeofwoodensculptureproduction.Atthe same time, however, it cannot be said about the consideration of the artistic productioninwoodofthesameperiod.Inaddition,thesemedievalsculptureswere 54Ibidem.,24 55MaxSeidel,IlCrocifixo,75. 286 oftendestroyedduetothefactthatthisgenrewasnotreallyappreciatedduringthe Renaissance, Baroque, and Neoclassical periods and as was often not protected or evenkept.56 However, Max Seidel’s considers the link between the Santa Maria Novella Cross by Giotto and the production of Giovanni Pisano as a way to show Giotto’s interest in obtaining a realistic human dimension of the representation of Christ. This raises questions about the effective role of sculpture in affecting the iconographyofChristand,ingeneral,theimportanceandfunctionofthismediumin shaping devotion during the Middle Ages. This is relevant for studying the importance of the shift from the Triumphant Christ to the Suffering Christ, the relationshipoftheByzantineartproductioninthediffusionofthisiconographyin Western art, and, above all, for understanding the reception of the artistic culture andachievementofMiddleAgesthroughpainting. The role of the Franciscans was crucial in supporting this new idea of the humanityofChristandacompassionaterelationshipwithhimandhissuffering.At the same time, the fact that Giotto elaborated this new concept in painting within theDominicanenvironmentshowsnotonlythereciprocalinfluencesinelaborating an aesthetic that relates to the body of Christ and his human side through art production among both Franciscans and Dominicans, but also a conscious, despite 56Ibidem.,75. 287 apparently indirect, reference to the sculptural medium as a way to show the presenceofChrist. ThedirectexampleofthisprocesswasGiotto’sdecisiontomakethefigureof ChristmorehumanintheversionoftheChristusPatiensandhischangingthepath ofWesternartwithhisworkinPaduaandFlorence.Withoutanydoubt,theroleof Franciscanswereimportantwithinthiscontextofartproductioninpromotingthis newiconographyofChristwithinanewdevotionalcontextaftertheexampleofthe lifeofSaintFrancisandthereceptionofthestigmata.Thecoreoftheirdevotionwas amoredirectandcompassionateparticipationofthesufferingofChrist.Since1230, whenGiuntaPisanopaintedfortheFranciscanorderhisfirstinterpretationofthe suffering Christ, this painted cross offered the viewer a model for contemplation, and it reflected and channeled a new devotional relationship with the crucifixion andthebodyofChrist. It is interesting to notice how in both Franciscan and Dominican art the material image through which Christ reveals himself and through which he is represented is a painting. As with Franciscans, Dominicans seemed to rely on the painted image of the crucifixion and how the devotional relationship with Christ affectedtheiconographytowardamoresculpturaldimension. Giottohasbeenofficiallyconsideredbyscholarsasthemostinfluentialand innovativeartistintheLateMedievalperiod;hewasevenconsideredtheoriginator 288 oftheRenaissanceinhiscapabilityofpioneeringanewfigurativerealismthatwas fullydevelopedlaterduringtheRenaissance.However,justasMaxSeidelconsiders itimportanttostudytheinfluentialroleofGiovanniPisano’ssculptureinrendering Giotto’s realism in his Crucifix, I believed that the role of the sculpture, especially woodensculptureanditspresenceandroleinMedievalartanddevotion,needsto beexploredmoreinrelationtoGiotto’sartisticproduction. Another factor that can support the research in this direction is the fact that—and this is often underestimated—the painted crosses followed the visual function of sculpture in their iconographical development. In fact, along with the Crucifixion of Christ, early painted crosses usually include some scenes from the Passionandthefull-lengthfiguresoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist(Fig 34). This eventually changes to a more icon-like presence of the Virgin Mary and Johnrightonthesideofthecross,besidetheoutstretchedarmsofChrist(Fig 35), focusingonthefigureofChristandhisbody.Thecompletionoftheiconographical changes and development of painted crosses between XII and XIV century in Italy ends with achieving the same compositional structure and essence of the wooden sculptedCrossesespeciallyifweconsiderthepassagefromthegroupoftheDescent totheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChrist,inwhichthereistheonlypresence and depiction of the figure of Christ, excluding all the figures, even the icon-like 289 image of the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist.57 Paradoxically, the cross by GiottoinSantaMariaNovellathatassertsacrucialmomentforthedevelopmentof the representation of Christ and the development of the pictorial production in general, occurs when the painted cross corresponds the most with the sculpted version.Inthis,GiovanniPisanoisclearlyhissourceofinspirationandservesasan excellent example. This implies that sculpture had an essential role in shaping the developmentofpaintedcrossesthathadtheiracmewithGiotto’scrosses,andmost likelysculpturesachievedthatnaturalismevenearlierthanGiotto’swork. In fact, the paradox is that as painted crosses reached the apogee of naturalismwithGiotto,therebybreakingwiththeByzantineculturaltradition,this is when they corresponded the most with the compositional structure of sculpted crosses. In addition, once Giotto painted his cross and this new naturalism in representing Christ was achieved in painting, painted crosses ceased to be produced. In fact, once painted crosses started to embody and promote a more naturalistic representation of the body, humanity, and suffering of Christ, their productionstoppedandtheyweresubstitutedmorewidelywithalife-sizewooden crucified Christ. Even if wooden sculptures already existed before the production, use, and diffusion of painted cross,58this shows a pivotal shift from painting to 57SandbergVavalà,LaCroceDipintaItaliana,74 58Ibidem.,74. 290 sculptureinacrucialmomentforthedevotioninthelateMedievalperiod.Sincethe beginning,whenthefocusofdevotionbecamethebodyofChristanditsrendering as human as possible in order to move the beholder into a more compassionate participation of the suffering of the Passion, wooden sculptures had a special role evenifjustattheendofthefourteenthcenturytheybecamethefundamentaland privileged medium to represent and live the experience of the crucified body of Christ.Thisraisesquestionsabouthowtoexplorewhatwastherealroleofwooden sculptureandpaintingindeterminingdevotionduringtheLateMedievalperiodin Italyinamoreaccurateway. A case clearly demonstrating this sort of devotional change and trajectory towardadefinitivevolumetricrepresentationofChrististhewoodencrucifixwith movablearmsbyDonatellointheFranciscanChurchofSantaCroceinFlorence(Fig 36). This, I believe, is an interesting example of the devotional intentions of Franciscans and what most clearly embodies their relationship with the body of Christ and affective devotion. This is the result of their intentions that they were abletomaterializeonlylaterinthedevelopmentoftheorder,butthatwasalwaysa partoftheirbeliefinlivingthePassionandtherelationshipwithChrist,throughthe exampleofSaintFrancis.Thereareotherexamplesthatwouldconfirmthis,suchas thefifteenthcenturyChristwithmovablearmsintheLowerBasilicainSaintFrancis 291 inAssisi(Fig 37), thechurchofSaintFrancisinSiena(Fig 38), andthechurchof SaintFrancisinGubbio(Fig39). The existence of these movable wooden sculptures of Christ in Franciscan churches clearly shows that the intention of Franciscans was not only to relate symbolically to the human and suffering side of Christ, but also that they wanted somethingthatcouldchanneltheirdevotionalintention,atangiblepresenceableto embody their devotional needs and their relationship with Christ. Painted crosses wereonlytheirfirststepindevelopingtheirspiritualityandtheirrelationshipwith Christ. They adapted themselves, along with Dominicans, to the use of images accordingtotheofficialpolicyoftheChurch.However,thewayinwhichtheuseof these liturgical objects such as panel paintings and wooden sculptures developed showshowChristianityandliturgyfoundsculpturetobethemostefficientmedium to embody the Christian message through the life of Christ. The Sacri Monti di VaralloisthefinalexampleofthisidealjourneyinwhichFranciscansshowedtheir wayoflivingthefaithandtheroleofsculptureinrepresentingtheirspirituality. As the Church recognized the value of art as a missionary instrument, pictorial narrative became an important component of public art59, and images 59HerbertLKessler,“OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory".TheArtBulletin.No2,70(1988),184. 292 facilitatedtheconversionfrompaganpracticesthatreliedoncultstatues.60Pictorial production, since the diffusion of the illuminated manuscripts, obtained a special authority especially for its integration and use with the written text.61The Church supported this special position of images, and the understanding of the Late Medievalperiodhasbeenoftenseenthroughthelensofpictorialproduction.Atthe same time, sculptures always played an important role, despite being apparently “unofficial”incomparisontotheofficialpositionoftheChurchanddirectionsofthe period and the liturgical use of artworks. Both panel paintings and frescos had a veryimportantroleinthediffusionoftheChristianmessageandevangelizationthat theChurch,sinceofficialentitiesreliedheavilyonthem.Atthesametime,sculpture hadtheuniqueroleofmaterializingtheChristianmessageandprovidingthechance for the faithful to actively participate along with the presence of the “real body of Christ”. Sculpture, and in this case specifically wooden sculpture, was the medium that expressed the idea of the presence of Christ and his humanity in the best possible way. This was shown through the presence and diffusion of sculptures within the Mendicant Orders as well, especially Franciscans and Dominicans. Moreover, even the adaptation in painted images of the cross or icons of Christ toward a tridimensional portrayal of miracles, especially in particular moments 60Ibidem.,185. 61Ibidem.,185. 293 such as talking images in which Christ in his humanity reveals his otherworldly essence,painterslookedatsculpturetorepresenthisphysicalityandpresence.This, Ibelieve,wasnotonlyanartisticchoice,buttheresultofthereligiouscustomsand mindset of the period. Wooden sculpture was the best medium through which to embody the devotional experience of the Late Medieval period in Italy; along with theroleofFranciscansandDominicans,thepictorialproductioncansupportthisas well. 294 Chapter6 PolychromeWoodenCrucifixesinHistoryandHistoriography AnanecdoterelayedbyGiorgioVasariinLeViteabouttheconceptionof FilippoBrunelleschiandDontello’sFlorentineCrucifixes(figs.1-2)helpedestablish anarrativeabouttheroleandreceptionofwoodenpolychromesculpturethathas informedthesubsequentdiscourseofarthistory.UponseeingDonatello’sSanta CroceCrucifix,BrunelleschidescribestheappearanceofChristasaploughmanon thecross1ratherthan“mostdelicateandinallitspartsthemostperfecthuman formthatwaseverborn.”2ChallengedbyDonatello,whosays:“ifitwereaseasyto makethisfigureastojudgeit,myChristwouldappeartotheetobeChristandnota ploughman;takewood,therefore,andtrytomakeonethyself,”3Brunelleschi responds,accordingtotheauthor,withhisownpolychromewoodenCrucifix. “Donato,therefore,enteringthehouseandgoingintothehall,sawtheCrucifixof Filippo,placedinagoodlight;andstoppingshorttostudyit,hefounditsoperfectly finished.”4Theextraordinaryand“perfectlyfinished”sculpturecarvedby Brunelleschibecomes,forthesakeoftheidealsoftheCinquecentohistoryof sculpture,anaestheticallymoresuccessfulandrationalworkincomparisonto Donatello’sun-idealandrealisticChrist. 1Vasari,Lives,241. 2Ibid.,241. 3Ibid.,241. 4Ibid.,241. 295 Akeythemeofthisdissertationassertsthattheimportantroleplayedby polychromewoodensculpturehasbeenoverlookedinthedominantarthistorical narrative,andtheVasariannotionofrenaissanceprogressgenerallyleaveslittle roomforthecontributionsandimportanceofthemedievalobjectincentralItaly. Vasari’stalehasgenerallyinformedsubsequentreceptionthatfavoredtheharmony ofBrunelleschiovertherealismofDonatelloinRenaissancehistoriography.Whatis generallyoverlooked,however,isthefactthatthesetwoprominentfifteenthcenturyworks—widelyacknowledgedfortheiraestheticimportance—5arenot entirelyinnovativeproductsofaseminalmomentofRenaissancerivalryand floweringcreativity.Whilescholarshiphasoftennotedthat—asanearlyworkby Donatello—theSantaCroceCrucifixhasresidualmedievaltendencies,ittendsto playthefoilinamodelofstylisticprogressasanimpetusforthecreationofthe moreharmoniousCrucifixbyBrunelleschi.6 Overlooked,however,isthefactthatthesetwosculpturesarenotable examplesofatypologythatdevelopedwithinthecontextofcentralItalianmedieval art,andthat,whileincreasinglyexhibitingsomecharacteristicsofFlorentine Quattrocentostylisticchange,theirfunctionalrolesarestronglyrootedinlocal 5See,forexample,FrancescaPetrucci(“Opereinterracotta,legno,pietro”inDonatello:Tecnichee Linguaggio,2003:91-126,esp.91),inwhichDonatello’smasteryofwoodensculptureispartofthe new,humanisticthemeoftherenaissancemasteryofmanymedia(inparticular,shestresses Donatello’suseofterracottaasarevivalofaclassicalmedium). 6See,forexample,H.WJanson’sTheSculptureofDonatellotakeonthestoryofbothCrucifixesby DonatelloandBrunelleschiandthehistoricalcontext,(p.7-12)Also,Poesche(Donatelloandhis World,p.18;376-77) 296 popularpiety.7TheycontinuethethemeoftheparticularvariationoftheSuffering ChristthatemergedincentralItalyinthelateMiddleAgesfromsculptedDescent fromtheCrossgroups,andweremadeforSantaCroceandSantaMariaNovella,the primarymendicantchurchesinFlorencefortheFranciscansandDominicans respectively.Astridimensionalpolychromeworkswithcharacteristicnaturalistic features,theirdevelopmentandfunctionispartofalargerhistoryofMedieval Christianin-the-roundsculpture.Assuch,anever-presentquestionofidolatryis present,anissuethatisaddressedinthischapterbyconsideringthehistorical contextoftheirmanufactureanduse.Ultimately,Icontendthatduetotheparticular wayinwhichthisparticulargroupofpolychromesculpturesdevelopedincentral Italy—firsttheDescentfromtheCrossgroupsandthenthesingularCrucifix—their specificsituationandusegenerallyprotectedthemfromaccusationsofidolatry. However,theissuewasconsistentlyamatterofconcernandonlyongoingtraditions andpragmaticapproachestotheiruse,aswewillsee,mediatedpotentialproblems. ThewoodenDescentfromtheCrossgroupsthatemergedinthethirteenth centuryandtheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatcometoprominence inthefourteenthcenturyanticipatetheexamplesofDonatelloandBrunelleschithat initiatedthischapter.Infact,Donatello’ssculpture,withitsownmovablearmsand naturalappearance,isaprimeexampleofanexistingcategoryofworksthatvalued 7JoachimPoesche(DonatelloandhisWorld:SculptureoftheItalianRenaissance,1993)does acknowledgethatDonatello’smovablearms“arehingedandcouldbeloweredtothesidesofthe bodyinaccordancewiththerequirementsoftheGoodFridayliturgy.”(p.377) 297 polychromaticvivacityandlife-likerealism,whileBrunelleschi’spolychromyand additionofaloinclothequallyconformstothecategoryunderconsideration.Like theirpredecessors,bothofthesculpturesweresacredobjectsdirectlyassociated withboththehumananddivinepresenceofChrist.Thoughmadeofwood,thesize, likeness,andwaysinwhichtheDescentgroupsandsufferingChristsculptureswere usedrenderedthemasvehiclesofdivineintercession,themostefficaciousand directembodimentsofthedivineandhumannaturesofChrist.Despitethe capabilityoftheseobjectstorevealthedivineandprovidedirectaccesstothe sacred,scholarshiphashistoricallytendedtoconsiderearlierexamplesonlyas devotionalobjects,withoutrecognizingthecontinuityofthewell-known Quattrocentoexampleswithintheirhistoricalcontext.Infact,fromVasariuntil recentyearsweencounternegativeopinionsaboutthemedievalwooden sculptures,acharacteristicapparentinVasari’sconsiderationofDonatello’s sculpture—aworkthatismorefullyinlinewiththerealismofearlierexamples. Thiscriticaltendencyhasaffectednotonlytheunderstandingandimportanceof theseobjects,butalsotheirroleinaffectingthedevotionallifeandartproduction sincethelateMiddleAges. ConservationandCriticalReception Woodensculptureposesachallengingparadox:whilemanyofthelimits, problems,andprejudicesrelatedtotheunderstandinganduseofwooden 298 sculptureshavebeenoutlinedintheprecedingchapters,itisraretofind acknowledgmentsthatasserttheirqualitiesasobjectsofstudyinthecurrent literature.Damageovertime,repainting,andre-appropriationofwoodensculpture hasinfluencedthecriticalresponsetotheirimportance.Recently,scholarshave beguntoreevaluatethisartisticproductionandtoconsiderdifferentaspectsof sculpturethatwerepreviouslyneglected.However,moreworkisneededtochange, orstarttochange,thewayweviewthedialogicalrelationshipbetweensculptures andpainting.Withoutadoubt,thestudyofwoodensculptureentailsdifferent challenges.Fewprimaryhistoricaldocumentscanfullyandcriticallyhelpthisstudy, andtheseoftendescribepastoralvisitsinwhichthebishopinchargeofthevisit deemssculpturesinappropriateoroldandorderstheirdestructionorsubstitution. Anotherchallengeisthatthesesculpturesarescatteredinavastterritoryandin verysmalltowns.Currentlytherearestillseveralofthesesimulacra,especially thoseoftheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChrist,thatareknownlocallybut remaintotallyunknowntoscholarshiportothewiderpublic. Additionally,thereisanotabledisparitybetweenthefewexamplesthathave beenembracedbythediscourseofarthistoryfortheiraestheticimportance—such astheaforementionedworksbyDonatelloandBrunelleschi—andthemany sculpturesthatarerelegatedtoprovincialcollectionsandthehistoryofdevotion. Forexample,whenmanyofthesesculpturesaredisplayedinmuseums,thewayin whichtheyarelabeleddoesnotcontributetoanappropriatecomprehensionof 299 theirimportantfunctions.Oneoftenfinds“Crucifix”asatitle,inadditiontovague informationsuchascentury,periodstyle,orartisticschool(Fig3).Ineffect,these labelscontributetotheintellectualisolationofthesculpturesinsteadofa clarificationoftheirimportantplaceinthehistoricaldialogue.Furthermore,heavy useovertimeofthesesculptureshasmaderecognitionoftheiroriginalstructure difficult.Besidesbeingusedinprocessionsandotherevents,theywerefunctional devotionalobjectstowhichvotiveimageswerefrequentlyattachedbydevotees.As aresultofcenturiesofuseanddamage,manyhavebeenmodifiedwithnewcolors oradaptedstructurally.Asaresult,theycanappearquitedifferentfromtheir originalstates.Consequently,theworksareoverlookedasnolongerbeingoriginal documentsortruetotheirrespectiveperiodsstylistically. However,whenthesewoodensculpturesareconsideredinstudies,theyare generallyutilizedforthebenefitofunderstandingmedievalreligiousrituals, literature,theater,ortheuseofrelics.Theyareviewedasapassiveelement,a surrogateforsomethingelse,ratherthanasanactivevehicleandmediatorcapable ofembodyingandrepresentingthesacred.Additionally,becausetheirusewas differentthanthatoficons,paintings,orotherkindofsculptures,andduetothe widerangeofthequalityoftheseartifacts,theyaremoreoftenassociatedwiththe realmofdevotionalobjectsthanwithartproduction.Thisobviouslylimitsthefull considerationofthesesculpturesanddoesnotallowaproperdialoguewiththe otherreligiousanddevotionalartforms.Inordertorehabilitatewoodensculpture’s 300 properplacewithintheacademicdebatethathasflourishedformediasuchas painting,orperiodssuchastheRenaissance—includinghighlightingissuesof continuitywiththelateMiddleAges—itishelpfultoexaminethewaythat scholarshipindifferentfieldsandperiodshasdiscussedtopicsinvolvingwooden sculptures,aswellashowthesescholarlydebatesresonateonceappliedtothe medievalwoodensculpturesthataretheobjectsofthisstudy. TheDevotionalUseofWoodenSculpturesandQuestionsofIdolatry ThecentralItaliansculpturegroupsbeingexaminedhere,becauseof potentialaccusationsofidolatryinthewaystheyweremanufacturedandused, shouldbeconsideredwithinthegeneralcontextoftheproductionandfunctionof imagesintheChristianreligion.Thesecondcommandmentstates,"Thoushaltnot maketothyselfagraventhingnorthelikenessofanythingthatisinheavenabove, orintheearthbeneath,norofthosethingsthatareinthewatersundertheearth" (Exodus20:4),whichobviouslyreferstotheprohibitionofmakingimages.Further, admonitionaboutthemakingofimagescomesfromDeuteronomy,particularly: “Cursedbethemanthatmakethagravenandmoltenthingtheabominationofthe Lord,theworkofthehandsofartificers”(Deuteronomy27:15).Theattentionin bothcasesisdirectedmoretothemakerthantheobjectitself.Likewise,oneearly apologist,Tertullian,arguedagainstthepagancultofimagesinhistreatiseOn 301 Idolatry:“Everyoffencecommittedbyidolatrymustofnecessitybeimputedto everymakerofeveryidol.”8 Imagesandimageproductionhavebeenanissuesincethebeginningof Christianity.TheproblemfirstreacheditspeakintheEastwiththelongdebate betweentheiconoclasts,whorejectedthesanctityoficonsandrejectedtheir adorations,andtheiconodules,whodefendediconcreationandiconveneration. ThecontroversywasbasedonthetheoreticalimplicationsofrepresentingChrist:an iconofChristwouldhaveeitherdepictedhishumanityaloneorbothhishumanand divineessence,andinthelattercasehishumanformwouldhavebeenseparated fromthedivinenature,oritwouldhaveconfusedthetwo.9Thesolutionatfirstwas thattheEucharistalonewastheonlytruerepresentationofChristand,asa consequence,allmanufacturediconsofChristwereforbidden.Thisapproach respectedthesecondcommandment.10Thisofficialstanceonimageuseand productionwasjustifiedbythefactthatitwouldhaveeliminatedidolatry,which wascausedbytheobjectsthemselves.Theresponsetothisviewpointcameinthe SecondCouncilofNicaeain787,whichdecreedthatitwaspossibletorepresent Christbecauseofhisincarnation.Consequently,thereverenceandadorationgiven toiconswasacceptableandwasnotdeemedidolatrybecausetherealandtrue worshipwasgiventoGodandonlyHim.InrelationtothevenerationofSaints,the 8Tertullian,DeIdolatria,cap18,pl.I,Col.738inDavis-Weyer,Caecilia.EarlyMedievalArt,300-1150; sourcesanddocuments(EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:Prentice-Hall,1971),3-6. 9RobinCormack,ByzantineArt(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2000),87. 10Ibidem.,87. 302 beliefwasthattheportraitsofsaintshadthesamerolesastherelics,providingthe senseofarealpresence.11 TheuseofimagesintheWest IntheWest,thediatribeontheuseofimageswasneverasstrongasinthe ByzantineEast(atleastuntiltheReformationandCounterreformation),andthe problemwasmainlyfocusedontryingtojustifytheuseofimagesorincludethemin acontextthatwasapprovedbytheecclesiasticalauthority,especiallyinthematter ofrelicsandtheiradorationanddisplay.TheproductionofsculpturesintheWest wasvastlydifferentthanintheEast.Infact,intheByzantineeast,despitethe decisionthatwasmadeinfavoroftheimagesandbecauseoftheseriousopposition betweeniconoclastsandiconodules,theproductionanduseofimageswereallowed onlyfor“standardizedimages,withaprecisefunction,afamiliarappearance,anda firmtheologicaldefinition.”12TheWestdidnothavesimilarkindsofproblems. WhileintheEasttheproblemsfocusedonlyontheicons,intheWestthedispute wasstimulatedbythepresence,use,andespeciallythedisplayofreliquariesand sculptures. 11LeslieBrubaker,InventingByzantineIconoclasm(London:BristolClassicalPress,2012),115. 12HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:aHistoryoftheImageBeforetheEraofArt(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1994),298. 303 Thepreservationofrelicsinsidethesculpturesfunctionedasvalidationfor theseobjects,andthisseemedtobeakeyelementforWesternChristianity.During hisreign,Charlemagneassignedatheologicalreport,theLibriCarolini,debatingthe Byzantinepositiontowardtheuseofimages.TheLibriCarolinihadalimitedimpact alsobecausethepopehimselfdidnotwanttotakepartinthediscussionagainstthe Greektheology.13Atthesametime,theLibriCarolinishowthepositionofprevious popesregardingimages,whichguaranteedalargefreedominmatterofimagesfor theFranks.Imagescontinuedtobeallowed,butatthesametimevenerationof theseimageswasprohibited.14Whenthesculptureorthereliquarysculpture becameobjectsofveneration,theChurchworkedverycarefullytobuildasortof frametojustifyandinsertthevenerationofimagesintheorthodoxbeliefand practiceandtheologiansworkedinordertoendorsethisdevotionalpractice.15 Thisprocesswastheconsequencethatfollowedthedestructionofthepagan idols,whichinturnwerereplacedwiththerelicsofthesaints.16Consideringthe delicacyofthisissue,itisimpliedthattheChurchoversawthroughtimethe productionofimagesandtheirusewithintheliturgyorthedevotionalcontext. Anotheraspectthatisimportantinrelationtothiscontextisthesculptures’ mobility.ThesesculptureswerecarriedinprocessionsbothinsidetheChurchand 13Belting,LikenessandPresence,298. 14Ibidem.,298. 15HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:AHistoryoftheImagebeforetheEraofArt.(Chicago: UniversityofChicagoPress,1994),1. 16ElsmarieKnögel-Anrich,SchriftquellenzurKunstgeschichtederMerowingerzeit.(Hildesheim:G. Olms:1992),no979.AscitedinIleneHForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom;WoodSculpturesofthe MadonnainRomanesqueFrance(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),81. 304 outsidethroughthestreetsofthecities.Thispracticestartedduringtheearly Medievalperiod,andtherearedocumentsattestingthatthereliquarystatueof SainteFoywascarriedinprocessionwiththeaccompanimentofinstruments17This relationshipwithsculptureappearedtoremainfairlystandardthroughthe centuriesandseemedtoexistwithintheboundariesallowedandsupervisedbythe ecclesiasticalauthority.Despitethefactthatconcernsabouttheuseofimagesand theriskofidolatrywerealwayspresent,thisdidnotpreventthedevelopmentsof cultsaroundtheseobjects. TheReliquaryofSainteFoy SincetheearlyMiddleAges,ifrelicswerenotused,holysubstancessuchas thehostwereofteninsertedintothesculptures.18Consequently,itwasprobablythe functionofsculptureasreliquariesthatencouragedtherevivalofsculptureinthe Westthathadbeendormantsinceantiquity.19AccordingtoKeller,largescale sculptureislegitimatizedbytheinsertionanduseofrelics.20Kelleraffirmsthatthe earlyfullyplasticsculpturesheldahostorrelicsothattheholinesscontainedinthe 17BernardusandA.Bouillette,LiberMiracolorumSancteFidis(Paris,A.Picard:1897),II,IV,p.100. AscitedinForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom,40. 18AnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne.PastNarrative,Present Ritual,FutureResurrection”,inDecoratingtheLord'sTable:ontheDynamicsBetweenImageandAltar intheMiddleAges,edsSørenKaspersen,andErikThunø(Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress, UniversityofCopenhagen:2006),48. 19HaraldKeller,“ZurEnstehungdersakralenVollskulpturinderOttonischenZeit”inFestchriftfür HansJantzen.Berlin:Gebr.Mann,(1951),71-91. 20Ibid.,71. 305 hostandtherelicwouldbetransferredtotheobjectandthiswasasolutionthat avoidedtheissueofidolatry.21Thesculpturenotonlyallowedaphysicalformbut alsofunctionedasacontainerfortherelics,whichhelpedjustifyitspresenceand repelanydoubtsofthesculpturebeinganidol.22 Oneoftheearliestandbest-knownexamplesofaMedievalChristianchurch authorityshiftingfromaskepticalpositionaboutthevenerationofareliquary statuetotheacknowledgmentandtheapprovalofthecultinvolvesisthereliquary statueofSainteFoyofConques(Fig4).23Infact,BernardofAngersprovidedhis owneyewitnessaccountofthecultofSainteFoyafterhebecameawarethatSainte Foyearnedareputationasmiracleworker.24OncehearrivedatConques,Bernard wasdisappointedandirritatedtoseewhatwashappeningaroundthesculpture.He considereditanidolandbelieversasthe“deludedrustic”.25Soonhecametobelieve thatthereliquarysculptureofSainteFoywasnotanidolbutinsteadameansto accessthesaintinHergloryinheavenwhilehavingHerremainsonearth.26 ThroughtheaccountofBernard,theChurchwasabletoacceptandvalidatethecult, 21Ibid,,71.Citedalsoin:AnnaPawlik,DasBildwerkalsReliquiar?:FunktionenfrüherGrossplastikim 9.bis11.Jahrhundert(Petersberg:Imhof,2013),11. 22EllertDahl,HeavenlyImages:175-192. 23ForafullunderstandingoftheissuesrelatedtothereliquarysculptureofSaintFoyseeBeate FrickeandAndrewGriebeler,FallenIdols,RisenSaints:SainteFoyofConquesandtheRevivalof MonumentalSculptureinMedievalArt,StudiesintheVisualCulturesoftheMiddleAges;v.7, Turnhout,Belgium:Grafikon.Also:EllertDahl,"Heavenlyimages:thestatueofSt.FoyofConquesand thesignificationoftheMedieval'Cult-Image'intheWest"inActaAdArchaeologiamEtArtium HistoriamPertinentia.Seriesin4/InstitutumRomanumNorvegiae,UniversitasOsloensis.Ed.Hans PeterL'Orange[U.a.].Seriesin4(1978),175-192. 24Dahl,HeavenlyImages,175-192. 25Ibidem.,177. 26Ibidem.,178. 306 acknowledgingthatthereliquarysculptureprovidedonlyatransposedlikeness,a heavenlyimageofthesaint.Thefunctionofthereliquarystatueshouldbe consideredwithinthecontextofitsrelationshipwiththebeliever,inwhichthe believeractivatesthestatue.27Thisdynamic,whichwasapprovedandsomehow supervisedbytheChurch,isasortofaparadigmofhowtheecclesiasticalinstitution relatedtothevenerationofimages,especiallyreliquaries,becauseoftheirphysical andtridimensionalessence.Theologiansoftenstruggledwiththepopularityof imagesandwhentheywerenotabletobanthemorcontrolthemoverthe resistanceofdevoteestheyendedupbyregulatingaccessandexplainingthe devotionalrolesoftheimages.28WhathappenedatConquesforthecultofSainte Foyisinterestingbecauseitoffersagenuineandaccurateaccountoftheattitudeof theChurchandtheacceptanceofthecultfromtheBernardofAngers.Acceptanceof thecultfromsuchahigh-rankingrepresentativeoftheChurchasBernardofAngers impliesthatdevotiontowardSainteFoyandherreliquarywasnotultimately consideredidolatrous,andalsothatthecultitselfdidnotgoagainstthedoctrineof theChurch.OncetheChurchacceptedacult,itwouldhaveinitiatedacommunal languagebetweenmemberofthecommunitythatoverlookedthesocialdifferences, andtheChurchcreatedasharedlanguagethathasthesacredimageasitsfocal 27Ibidem.,189-190. 28Belting,LikenessandPresence,1. 307 point.29Bernardd’Angers,inacceptingthecultofthestatueofSainteFoy,seemsto accepttheculturalanddevotionaldimensionthatwasdevelopingaroundthe reliquarystatue,exorcisingthefearandriskofidolatry.30 TheGeroCrossandMedievalDevotionoftheWoodenCrucifix WhileSainteFoyoffersoneusefulcase,theGeroCross(Fig5),datedaround 960-65,isaprominentexampleofanearlylife-sizedwoodenCrucifixsculpturethat holdsarelicinside.AsoneoftheprototypesofthetypologyoftheSufferingChrist,31 theGeroCrossisamongthefirstexamplesofarenewedlineofdevelopmentfor monumentalsculptureinmedievalart.32Scholarshipconcentratesonissuesrelated tothedatingofthesculptureandthepossiblelinkagestoThietmar’sChronicon.33 Accordingtothatsource,“after[ArchbishopGeroofCologne]commissionedthe woodencross,onedayhenoticedasplitinthebackoftheheadofthefigure.Helaid 29VittorioLanternari,FestaCarismaApocalisse,(SellerioEditore,Palermo:1989),104-105.Clara Gallini,FormediTrasmissioneOraleeScrittanellaReligionePopolare,in“RicerchediStoriaSocialee Religiosa”XI,(1977),100-101. 30JeanClaudeSchmitt,“LesIdolesChrétiennes”,inL'idolâtrie.Rencontresdel'EcoleduLouvre,Paris, LaDocumentationFrançaise(1990),113. 31JacopoLorenzelli,Custodedell'Immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XVsecolo(Bergamo:Galleria Lorenzelli,1987),80. 32SchillerIconography,141. 33TheChroniconofThietmarofMaresburgisquotedinAnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarand CrucifixinOttonianCologne,”47. 308 ahostandaparticleoftheCrossinthecrackandprayedthatitwouldcloseagain, whichitsoondid.”34 IntheearlyMiddleAges,thehostwasconsideredarelicofChrist,anditwas frequentlyinsertedwithinthree-dimensionalsculptures.35Ithasbeenarguedthat earliermedievalsculpturesrepresentingChristhadareceptacleinsideofthemin whichtherewasspacefortheEucharist,allowingthesculpturetorepresentthe physicalbodyofChristinhismomentofdeath.Thisis,infact,thecasefortheGero CrossandforexamplesfromboththeCarolingianandOttonianperiods,36andthe practicecontinuedthroughoutEuropeuntilthethirteenthcentury.Inmanycases,it wasprobablymorecommontoinsertarelic,typicallybelievedtobeapiecefrom theTrueCross,insidethesculpture.37AnnaPawlik,inturn,questions—considering theabsenceofwrittenorvisualsources—whethertheearlylarge-plasticsculptures suchastheGeroCrossareactuallylegitimizedbythecontentsofrelics.38Regardless, 34DavidWarner,OttonianGermany:TheChroniconofThietmarofMerseburg(ManchesterandNew York,2001),128.AsquotedinAnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonian Cologne,”46.Seealso:SchillerIconography,141. 35ThepresenceofareliquarycompartmentasacommonfeaturewasrefutedbyGertrudSchillerand byIleneH.Forsyth,inwhichexamplesdatingtothesameperiodoftheGeroCrosswerefound withouthavingaspacesforrelics(IleneForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom:WoodenSculpturesofthe MadonnainRomanesqueFrance(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),74,asquotedin SchillerIconography,141.Inherfootnote(104)shementionsthatathirdofthesculpturesdating fromtheeleventhcenturycontainedcompartmentsforsculptures.AnnaPawlikhasmorerecently stressed,however,thatthepresenceofrelicswithinsculpturesofboththecrucifiedChristandthe VirginMaryenthronedwithChildwas,infact,morecommon:AnnaPawlik,DasBildwerkals Reliquiar?:FunktionenfrüherGrossplastikim9.bis11.Jahrhundert(Petersberg:Imhof,2013). 36Ibidem.,49.Forotherexamples,seeIleneForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom,78. 37FisherAnnikaElisabeth,49,59.Shementionsinhernote(21)thattheRingelheimCrosshada smallbagwithstonesfromtheHolySepulcherinitsheadwhiletheAnnoCrossintheGrafshcaft MonasteryhadareceptacleholdingapiecefromthecolumntowhichChristwasboundduringthe Flagellation. 38Pawlik,23. 309 despiteevidencethatrelicswerelikelyhousedinsidemanyoftheearliermedieval sculptures,whendevotionwasdirectedtosculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,the ChurchwasmostconcernedthatthemedievalfaithfuladoredChristontheCross insteadoftherelicofthecross.39ApassagefromtheActsofParisSynodof825 clarifiesthisposition:“ButwhenyouseeChristiansworshippingthecross,know thattheyworshipthecrucifiedChristandnotthewood.[…]Therefore,wedonot saytothecrossortherepresentationsofsaints,‘Youareourgods’,fortheyarenot ourgods,buttheyareratherlikenessandimagesofChrist,andofhissaints,anditis formemoriaandhonor,andforthedecorationofthechurchesofthoseprostrating andworshipping.”40 Accordingtocontemporarytheoriesoftheperiod,therewasareciprocal relationshipbetweenthewoodensculptureandtheEucharistitselfasarelic. Accordingly,themonumentalcrucifixesbecamethemostdirectvisibleaccesstothe ideaoftheEucharist.41Paschasius’theoryoftheEucharistastherealpresenceof 39BeateFricke,FallenIdols,RisenSaints,99. 40LibellusSynodalisParisiensis:ConciliumParisienseA.825,XVPatrologiaLatina98,col.1392C: ‘QuandoenimvidesChristianosadorantescrucem,cognosce,quoniamcrucifixoChristoadorationem proferuntetnonlingo.[…]Ergononsicdicimuscruci,nequefigurissanctorum,diinostrilestis,non enimsuntdiinostril,sedsimilitudinesetimaginesChristi,etsanctorumejus,etadmemoriamet honorem,etdecorumecclesiarumadjacentiumetadorantium.’AsquotedinBeateFricke,Fallen Idols,RisenSaints,99.SeealsofortheLatintextnote350ChapterII“ImageVenerationandCultura VeterumDeorumintheWest”pag141. 41KirstenVanAusdall,“ArtandEucharistintheLateMiddleAges,”inACompaniontotheEucharistin theMiddleAgeseditedbyIanChristopherLevy,GaryMacy,andKristenVanAusdall(Leiden;Boston: Brill,2012),547.AlsoCarolineWalkerBynumin:WonderfulBlood:TheologyandPracticeinLate MedievalNorthernGermanyandBeyond(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2007)states that“thefaithfulwereurgedtoencounterwitheyeswhereencounterwithlipswasdangerousand rare,to‘eat’by‘seeing’”.AccordingtoBynum:‘Theologiansstressedthatthehighestformof encounterwaswithoutimages,thatdevotionalobjectsandchurchfurnishingwereonlysimulacra” 310 Christshowstheefforttoworkouttherelationbetweenthebreadandwineandthe realbodyandbloodofChrist:“He[Christ]leftusthissacrament–avisiblefigure andimageofhisfleshandblood–sothatourmindandourfleshcouldbemore richlynourishedthroughthem,andsothatwecouldgraspthingsinvisibleand spiritualthroughfaith.Whatisexternallyperceivedinthissacramentisanimageor sign;butwhatisreceivedinternallyistruth….”42 Thesetheorieshelpedshapethereligiousanddevotionalunderstandingof theGeroCrossandsimilarworks.Theconnectionbetweenthehostandthewooden sculpturecontributedtotheabilitytoseeandexperiencetheobjectasa representationofthephysicalpresenceofthebodyofChristhungonthecross.In herarticle“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne,”AnnikaElisabethFisher observesthattheEucharist’sinsertionintosculpture“altersitsstatusasa sacramentsinceitsexternalappearanceisnotlongerdifferentfromitsinternal truth.Lookingatthecrossthespectator[…]gazesuponthatwhichthehosttrulyis: theincarnate,historicalbodyofChrist,hangingpainfullyonthecross.Thegap betweenthevisiblefiguraandtheinvisibleveritasseemstohavedisappeared,since (p.87).Atthesametimetherewasagrowthanddiffusionofvisualimagesthat,asIdemonstratein thisstudy,willgainaprominentroleandsymbolicmeaningwithinthedevotionalcontextofthelate Medievalperiod.Infact,whiletheywereofficiallymeanttosimplifyandmakeaccessibletheological ideasforlayworship,inrealitytheybecamethetruerepresentationofthebodyandpresenceof Christ. 42Radbertus,Paschasius,DeCorpore,IV(CCCM,28-30),inNathanMitchel,CultandControversy:The WorshipoftheEucharistOutsidetheMass(NewYork,PuebloPublishCompany,1982),77.Asquoted alsoinFisherAnnikaElisabeth,Crossaltarandcrucifix,50,seenote37. 311 nowtheHost’sidentityastheincarnatebodyofChristisrevealed.”43Inthecaseof theGeroCrosstheHostinsideguaranteedthepresenceofChrist,butevenwithout theHost,sculptureshadthecapabilitytoembodythehumanityofChrist,asa physicalbodyandashumanpresence.TheawarenessofthepresenceoftheHost insideintensifiedtheimportanceofthesculpture.Thesesculpturesbecamenotjust asymbolicorfigurativerenderingofthebodyofChrist,butembodiedanintentional likenessthat,especiallyinthecaseoftheGeroCross,actedaseffectiveobjectsof devotion.ThefactthattheHostwasinsidethesculpture,allowingittofunctionasa reliquary,facilitatedandjustifieditwithoutanassociationasanidol.44Infact,the Churchcametoacknowledgetheauthorityoftheseobjectsineffectively representingthehumansideandbodilypresenceofChrist. VisualizingChrist Whiletheworryofidolatrywasarealconcernfortheproductionanduseof sculpturesintheearlyandlateMiddleAges,therewasaneffectivenessand functionalityinpresentingChrist’sbodyusingthesculpturalmedium.Thepresence ofthehostintheGeroCrossmadetheinvisibleessenceofthebodyofChristvisible, andthesculpturebegantoperformadifferentroleinthedevotionalcontext.Froma theologicalperspective,sculptureisjustifiedbythefactthatisabletoembody 43Ibidem.,52. 44Ibidem.,48,52. 312 aspectsoftheChristianconfessioninasmuchastheydevelopthephysicaland materialmanifestationofakeyelementoftheChristianreligion45suchasthe incarnationofChristandtheappearanceandpresenceofthehumanaspectof Christ.ThisisespeciallytrueinthefigureofthecrucifiedChrist,whichisa simulacrumofbodilypresenceandhishumanity. Woodensculpturewasabletoreachaspecialsymbolicanddevotionalrole forculturalreasonsbecauseofitsabilitytoreflectandliterallyembody“thedesire tomakevividlyrealtheideaofChristcrucified,oralocalsaintortheenthroned MadonnaandChild[which]ledmenoftheEarlyMiddleAgestovisualizeand representthesesacredfiguresinfullthree-dimensionalform,andevenmoreto attainatranscendentexperienceofthem.”46“Bythepowerofthesculptureinthe round,theimagesmadethepresenceoftheirprototypevicariouslymanifestinthe observer’srealityandtheacceptanceoftheirroleasintermediariesbetweenthe observer’sworldandthedivinerealmbeyondwasanecessarypreconditiontothe originalconceptionandsubsequentdevelopmentofthem.”47Theproductionof woodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristnotonlyanticipatedthechangeandusein theWestoftheiconographyoftheSufferingChrist,buttheyalsocarried“sincethe beginningoftherevivaloffreestandingsculpturethatdatedintheeighth 45ReinhardHoeps.AusdemSchattendesGoldenenKalbes.SkulpturinTheologischerPerspektive (Paderborn1999),84-90. 46FisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarandCrucifix91. 47Ibidem.,91. 313 century”48theideaofpresenceandphysicalitythatechoedboththereligiousneeds oftheperiodandthepotentialofwoodensculptureinrepresentingtheearthlybody ofChrist.Inturn,medievaldevotionwasaffectedthroughtheliturgicalductilityof thesesculptures.Inadditiontotheirintrinsicpotentialasartobjects,they ultimatelysatisfiedthemostvisceralneedsofdevotion. ThefaithfulviewedtheGeroCrossasareliquary,andthewoodrepresenting Christwas“onlyadidacticshellthatprovidesthetruthabouttherelicsit encloses.”49Thewoodenbodilyrepresentation’srelationshiptothehostithouses becomesthetranspositionoftheincarnationofChrist:“therealhumanbodyof Christplayedduringhisearthlylife,acoverforhisdivinityanditallowedChristto walkamongmen.”50Ecclesiasticalwriters,suchasthearchbishopRatherofVerona, supportedthisconnectionbystressingtheideaoftheEucharistasrealpresence.51 Thisisthetheoreticalstartingpointoftheofficialunderstandinganduseofthese woodensculptures.Atthesametimebyfocusingontheobject,sculptureitself possessesitsownagencyinastrictrelationshipwiththeliturgyandtheChristian messagebeyondtheofficialattempttojustifyitspresenceandlinkwiththehost. ThisimpliesthemetaphoricalandrealrepresentationoftheincarnationofChrist. 48Ibidem.,91. 49Ibidem.,53. 50Ibidem.,53. 51“Letusthereforenotbedeceivedordeceiveourselves:Goditiswhoreceived….butjustasthenHe washiddenintheflesh,sonowinveryrealityHeishiddeninthebreadturnedintoflesh”inRather ofVeronaandPeterL.D.ReidTheCompleteWorksofRatherofVerona(Binghamnton,N.Y.:Medieval andRenaissanceTextStudies,1991),222-265.AsquotedinFisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarand Crucifix,53. 314 Ultimately,thewaysinwhichthesesculptureschangedthroughouttheMiddleAges reflectthedevotionalneedsofthedevoteesaswellasthecapabilityoftheseobjects toadapttothoseneeds. Theimportanceofthissculptureisnotonlythemedium,butthesubjectas well;thatis,itisinnovativeinthewayitrepresentsthesufferingofChristandhis physicalnature.LikethewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross,whichwere likelyanItalianinvention,thegeneraliconographyoftheSufferingChristseemsto havedevelopedinsculpturebeforeappearinginpaintinginWesternEurope.Late medievalsculpturealsowitnessedthealternativeiconographyofChristtriumphant, inwhichChrist,alive,isrepresentedovercomingdeathwhileonthecross(Fig6). However,itisthesufferingChristtypethatisthefocushere.TheGeroCross representstheimportanceofthisiconographyasasculpturalexample.Itshowsthe humanityofChrist,asasufferingmanandnotasaGodabletoovercomedeath withoutsuffering.Thepositionofthebody,aswellasitslife-sizeproportions, contributestoandstressesthisideaofChristashumanbeingthatatthesametime providestheinvisiblepresenceofthehostwiththevisualizationoftheearthlybody ofChrist.52Thetypologysoonbecamewidespread,andbesidesworksknownfrom GermanyandtheItalianPeninsulatherearesimilarexamplesofthesufferingChrist inFrance,Spain,andtheLowCountries.53(Fig7) 52FisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarandCrucifix,52 53Lorenzelli,Custodedell'Immagine,79-87. 315 CorporealLegitimacy Theoretically,wecanincludethelaterDescentfromtheCrossgroupsand animatedCrucifixeswithinthedevotionalcontextoflife-sizedwoodsculpturethat tookrootduringtheCarolingianperiod.However,thesculpturesappearinginthe earlythirteenthcenturythatareunderdiscussionheredidnotinitiallyfunctionin associationwithrelics,andtheirbeginningsaretiedtodifferentconcernsthan thoseoftheprecedingexamples.Otherfactorswereatplaythathelpedbring legitimacytothelife-sized,polychromenaturalisticsculpturesconsideredhere, particularlyinthirteenth-centurycentralItaly.Besidesthenewandincreased influenceoftheDominicanandFranciscanorders—foundedearlyinthecentury— andtherisingpopularityoflayconfraternities,theFourthLateranCouncil establishedthedogmaofTransubstantiationin1215.Oneprominentoutcomewas theuseofTheMassofSaintGregorytodemonstratetheChurch’sconfirmationof thepresenceandexistenceofChristinthehost.Thenarrativerecountsthemiracle: while“SaintGregorywascelebratingmassawomaninthecongregationchuckled beforethereceptionofcommunion.Whenheaskedherhowdareshelaugh,she answeredthatsheherselfhadbakedthebread,howcouldshebelievethatGod residedinit?Gregoryprayedforasignandthiscameintheformofableeding 316 finger.”54Thisreligiousstoryconnectedtheongoingcontroversyconcerningthe host’snaturetothecorporealappearanceand,ultimately,authorityofapictorial representationofthebody.DuringthelaterMiddleAgesitbegantoberepresented inpaintingsthatshowthemiraculousmomentoftheLordappearinginfrontof SaintGregory—PopeGregoryI—astheManofSorrowssurroundedbythearma Christi.55BymediatinguponpaintingsdepictingtheMassthefaithfulcouldenvision SaintGregory’sexperience.Asaconsequence,the“imagestandsforthe‘real’vision ofChristthatappearedtothepope.”56ThemiraculousvisionofSaintGregory acknowledgesthatbothartistsandtheChurchinterpretedthepresenceofChristin thehostshowinghisbody,enforcingtheimportanceandthereverenceofthe Eucharist.Moreover,severaltalesofpunishmentdirectedeventowardslearned prieststhatdoubtedthehostcouldbetherealbodyofChristsupportedthe position.57 AttheheartofthepopularityoftheMassofSaintGregoryisthecorporeal proofpresentedtothedoubters,givingcredencetothefactthatthedisplayofa body,eitherthroughpaintingorsculpture,wasmoreeffectiveproofthanwasthe hostalone.AswasdiscussedinchapterfivearoundthetimeGiottoachievesthe levelofnaturalismthathasbeenpraisedinthearthistoricalnarrativeassettingoff 54Quotedfrom:MiriRubin,CorpusChristi:TheEucharistinLateMedievalCulture(Cambridge [England];NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1991),121-122. 55KathleenKamerick,PopularPietyandArtintheLateMiddleAges:ImageWorshipandIdolatryin England,1350-1500(NewYork:NewMiddleAgesPalgraveFirm,2002),169.Rubin,CorpusChristi 122. 56Kamerick,PopularPiety,172. 57Rubin,CorpusChristi,122. 317 theRenaissance,thepaintedCrucifixesthathadbeenpopularinthirteenth-century Italy—suchhasGiotto’sCrucifixinSantaMariaNovella(Fig.7)—wanein popularity.Increasingly,life-sizedsculpturalrepresentationsofChristthat, themselves,wereindebtedtothewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross, morecompletelyfulfilledthedevotionalrelationshipofthefaithfultoarealistic embodimentofChrist.Icontendthatthenaturalismofthepaintedcrucifixgaveway inpopulardevotiontoanevenmorelife-likerepresentationofChristinsculptural form,andthatultimatelythisdevelopmentroughlycoincideswiththeextractionof theautonomousSufferingChristinsculpturalformfromtheDepositiongroups aroundthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury.WhereasthelegitimacyofChrist’s sculpturalformwastieddirectlytothehostinearliermedievalexamples,the religiousenvironmentofcentralItalyinthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturieswas favorabletosculpturethatreliedoncorporealverisimilitude.Despitethis,questions ofidolatrypersist,aswillbeseen. TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheDevelopmentofPolychromeSculpturein MedievalCentralItaly ThecompositionoftheDescentfromtheCrossexistedalreadyintheEast,in theformoficonsrepresentingthemomentrightafterthecrucifixionandthedeath ofChristontheCross.Whiletheiconographydoesnotchange,inEurope,especially 318 inItaly,France,andSpain,wehavesculpturalexamplesoftheDescentfromthe Cross.Themaindifferencebetweenthesenewsculpturalgroupsandtheprevious sculpturalproductionisthatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswerenot meanttoholdeithertheHostorrelicsandasaconsequencetobeconsideredas reliquaries.Thiscomplicatestheconsiderationoftheroleofsculptureduringthe Medievalperiodandraisesquestionconcerningthedevotionthatdevelopedaround theseobjectsbecausetheycompletelychangedthewaythefaithfullivedand experiencedthesacred. TheexperienceofferedbythesewoodengroupsoftheDescentisphysical anddirect.Thesegroupsculptures(Fig9)wereutilizedintheHolyWeek,during thePassionPlays,andwerealsosituatedintheparvisoftheChurch.Amongthe obviousdifferencesofsubjectandmedium,thefactthatthesegroupsweresituated ontheparvisoftheChurchandusedduringthePassionPlaysdistinguishesthem dramaticallyfromiconsorotherkindofsculptures.Inthiscasedevotionisnotonly apresenceandchannelforthesacredbutitalsoallowsdirectparticipationandauto identificationofthespectatortothemomentoftheDescent.Therealismofthe statues’sizeandpaintedexpressionsofsorrowforthedeathofChristallowed furtheraccessandclosenesstothesacredscene.ThesubjectoftheDescentfromthe CrossenabledtherepresentationofadramaticmomentfromChrist’slife,and addingrealisticelementsencouragedarealisticparticipation. 319 Whilethesekindsofsculptureswerenotmeanttoholdrelics,theydidexist asfreestandingsculpturesinboththeirtri-dimensionalityandaction.Thesegroups ofsculpturesmostaptlyexpressthatChristisnotjustthe“Word”ofscripturebutits incarnationaswell.TheDescentsfromtheCrossdepictthehumanityofChristinits mostprofoundmanifestation;hisbodyisaccessibleinhisweakestmomentbecause heisnotonlydead,butheisalsovulnerableasheisbeingtakendownfromthe cross.Thesceneandtherelationshipamongthecharactersofthegroupexistin ordertorepresentthesacredevent.Themovableessenceofthesesculptures,the possibilityofsharingthespacewiththecongregation,andtheirattentiontodetail thatgavethemahuman-likenatureallallowedthedevoteestonotonlyrecognize thescenebuttobewiththemaincharactersclosetothebodyofChrist.58 ThesameDescentsfromtheCross(Fig10)hadastructurethatfelloutside thehieraticalrepresentationoftheiconsorthesymbolicpresentationanddisplay oftherelics.WithintheDescentfromtheCrossthereisanarrative,adramain whichthebeholderisinvitedtoparticipateandfullybeapartofit.Thisimportant aspecthasnotbeenemphasizedproperly. Thereisaremarkabledifferencebetweentheofficialpositionthatsupported thecreationoftheseobjectsandthewaytheywereutilized,howtheywere supposedtoworkandthustheeffecttheyhadonthefaithfulorbeholders.In 58LorenzoCarlettiandCristianoGiometti,"MedievalWoodSculptureanditsSettinginArchitecture: StudiesinSomeChurchesInandAroundPisa."ArchitecturalHistory46,(2003):37-56,37. 320 generalinChristianartwecanexperiencethe“presence”ofChristthroughdifferent media;however,weneedtobeawareanddifferentiatehowthedifferentwaysof representingChristaffecttheexperienceofHim,hislifeandPassionandasa consequencethebehaviorofthefaithful. Woodensculptureswere,ofcourse,entangledwithreligiouspurposes:“This sortoffigureismuchusedintheChristianreligion,seeingthatnumberlessmasters haveproducedmanycrucifixesandotherobjects.”59Atthesametimetheir utilizationandinvolvementintheculturaldimensionofthepopularexperienceof thesacredcreatedoneofthemostcommonandlonglastingpreconceptionsabout thesesculptures.Infact,historically,someaspectsofpopularreligionandcultsare consideredtobetheresultofanillogicalhumanbehaviorandthusarenot consideredrelevantsubjectsofstudyforhistoriansorarthistorians.60 Thishistoricalprejudicehaslatelybeenrevised,particularlyby anthropologicalstudies;however,withinthearthistoricalperspectivethereisstill anissuethatneedsapropersolution.Oneofthescholarsthatattemptedtorevise theconceptthat“educationdidnotcorrelatewithstatus”isCarolineWalkerBynum. 59GiorgioVasari,LeVitede’piùEccellentiPittori,ScultoriedArchitettoriScrittedaGiorgioVasari PittoreAretinoconNuoveAnnotazionieCommentidiGaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:ed.Giunti,1568),31. “Questasortedifiguresièusatamoltonellacristianareligione,attesocheinfinitimaestrihannofatto molticrocifissiediversealtrecose”.SeeChapter4onthisstudy. 60DavidHume,afterthepublicationofhisworkTheNaturalHistoryofReligion,1757(Stanford,Calif: StanfordUniversityPress,1957),especially“SectionXIII:Impiousconceptionofthedivinenaturein popularreligionsofbothkinds”and“SectionXIV:BadInfluenceofpopularreligioninmorality,” affectedtheunderstandingofwhatweconsiderpopulardevotionsincethemiddleoftheeighteenth century.However,recentstudiesdevelopedbyanthropologists,historians,andarthistorians reevaluatedpopulardevotionandthedifferentdynamicswithinthiscontext,andthiscontributedto adifferentanddeepercomprehensionandconsiderationofthephenomenon. 321 InherstudyChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope, Bynumassertsthateliteisnotsynonymouswitheducatedandlaypeoplenot synonymouswithilliterate.61Shechallengedthesuppositionthat“thecultureof thosewhowerenotclergy,ornotliterate,ornot‘elite,’wasopposedorresistantto effortsbythepowerfultoimposeChristiandoctrineorpracticesuponthem.”62At thesametime,BynumfocusedonthecrucialsignificanceofChrist’sIncarnationand reviewedtheconceptsthatapproachedtheMiddleAgesasaperiodtrapped betweensuperstitionorexteriorizeddevotion.63 Althoughthisapproachisagreatsteptowardreevaluatingsomeaspectsof theMiddleAges,Bynum’sargumentlacksthedirectreconsiderationofthe sculpturalmedium,especiallytheDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimated sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist,aswellastheirroleindefiningmaterialityand devotionduringtheMedievalperiod.Scholarshiphaspointedouthowmedieval imagesgenerallyrevealtheir“overtmateriality,”andhowartwasableto compellinglyconvertearthlymaterialsintoaperceptionofthesacredanddivine.64 MaterialityinLateMedievalEuropeunderscoredhowthe“emphasisonthe materialsofwhichartismadehasnothingtodowithrealism.”65Forexamplethe representationoftheVirgininSpain(referringtotheexamplethatCarolineWalker 61CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope(New York:ZoneBooks,2011),129. 62Ibidem.,129. 63Ibidem.,35-36. 64HerbertL.Kessler,SeeingMedievalArt(Peterborough,Ont:BroadviewPress,2004)19-42. 65CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality,53. 322 Bynumprovidedinherstudy),wasnotintendedtolookliketheJewishgirlthatwas therealmotherofChrist,butinsteademphasizedherdecoratedattirefullofgems thatwasabletoshowherregalityandherroleasthequeenofheaven.66Thepoint, accordingtoBynuminherstudyChristianMateriality,isthat: Medievaldevotionalartfindsitselfattheoppositepolefromtheartof thesouthernornorthernrenaissancesthatfollowed.Renaissance artistsaimedformimetic,illusionisticmodesofrepresentationthat deliberatelytrytotrickthesenses.Incontrast,medievalartists expectedviewerstonoticeandadmirethestufftheyemployedas stuff.[…]Theself-consciousnessoftheRenaissanceplayingwith illusioncallsattentionbothtothenaturalismandtothe“nonobjectness”ofart.Incontrast,theself-consciousnessofmedievalart callsattentiontoitsobjectness.67 Inordertobeeffectivefromadevotionalperspective,Medievalart,suchas animagethatrepresentsChrist,theVirginMary,orevenasaint,neededtobe recognizable.68AccordingtoBynum,asculpturethatwas“animageofChristorthe VirginMaryneededtoberecognizableassuchevenrecombiningsomeiconographic elements,butstillrecognizabletothepersonrepresented,Christ,theVirginMaryor 66Ibidem,53. 67Ibidem.,53-58. 68Ibidem.,59. 323 asaintoreventoanimageofanyofthem,functioningasasortof“relic.”69 Moreover,Bynumstressesthat“latemedievaldevotionalimagesannouncedrather thanobscurewhattheyaremadeof[…]Thepointofthefleshinapaintedmedieval Madonnawasnottobefleshlike,norwastoobscurethewoodorstoneunderneath; thepointwasforthethick,polishedsurfacetogleam,denyingthechangefleshis heirto.”70Atthesametime,Iarguethatspecificallyfortheanimatedsculpturesof thecrucifiedChrist,consideringtherelationshipestablishedbetweenthesculpted bodyofChristandthefaithful,theintentionwastorecreatealifelikeandveristic representationofChristinordertoenhancethisprocessofidentificationand correspondencefordevotionalpurposes.Aninterestingexampleinthismatteris theDescentfromtheCrossfromVolterra(Fig11).Thereisnotjustadisplayofthe momentofthePassionofChrist,butanactionthatisshowsanaturalisticidiom, presentingasophisticatedformandcorrespondenceamongthefigureswithout alteringthesacrednessandthesymbolicmeaningofthescene.Inordertocritically revisethesesculpturesandrehabilitatethemintothelargerframeworkofart historicaldebateweneedtofocusonthesculpturesfirst. Themostimportantaspectthatdifferentiatesthesegroupsfromtheprevious woodensculpturalproductionisthattheywerenotmeanttohaverelicsandthis impliesadifferentapproachintheevaluationoftheseobjects.Itisessentialtopoint 69Ibidem.,59. 70PeterKidson,“ArchitectureandtheVisualArts”inDavidLuscombeandJonathanRiley-Smith (eds),TheNewCambridgeMedievalHistory,vol.4:C.1024-1198,part.1(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2004),699.QuotedafterBynum,ChristianMateriality,62. 324 outthatsincetheirappearanceintheWestbetweentheeighthandtheninth centuries,thedynamicsofcreationofthesewoodensculptureswastheresultofa choicemadebytheecclesiasticalauthority.71Thecreationanduseoftheseobjects wascommissionedbyauthority,andthustheywerepartofanestablishedofficial contextbytheChurchandtheywerenottheresultofbeliefsandmoreofpopular culture.Atthesametime,whatthesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross becameintheMedievaldevotionalcontextwasdifferentfromtheoriginalintention behindtheirproduction. Initially,thewoodensculpturalgroupsweremeanttobetherepresentation ofoneimportantsceneofthePassionofChrist:themomentinwhichChristwas takendownfromtheCross.Thesesculpturesdidnothavearelicembedded,and theywerenotintendedtobeusedinMassoraspartofofficialritesburrathera narrationofoneofthemomentsofChrist’sPassionintangibleformsoasthatto elicitparticipationandcloseness.Theecclesiasticalauthority,whilecontrollingand managingfolkpractices,providedanewwayofexperiencingthesacredinorderto attractthepopulationunderitsreligioushegemony.72Thepracticeofusingwooden simulacraontheItalianpeninsulawasrootedinlong-standingtraditionsdatingto theearlyclassicalperiodinRome,73atendencythatremainedactiveinpopular 71MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:AlcuneConsiderazioni”inScultura Lignea:Lucca1200-1425,(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,1995),31. 72Ibidem.,31. 73Livy,forexample,notedtheroleofsculpturesrepresentingpagandivinitiesintheRomansociety: “FromthetempleofApollotwowhitecowswereledthroughthePortaCarmentalisintothecity; behindthesetwostatuesincypresswoodofJunoReginawerecarried.”JerryJordanPollit,TheArtof 325 culture.Moreover,theirbodilypresencecoordinatedwellwithpopulardevotion thatdevelopedinthethirteenthcentury:“AtLaVernain1224Francis’sbodywas saidtohavereceivedthewoundsofChrist’sPassion—thestigmata—andthatfact, whichdeeplyimpressedhiscontemporaries,calledattentiontothebodyofasa vehicleofChristianspiritualexperience,promotingitsrediscoveryasasubjectfor churchart.Moreeloquentlythanmosaicorpainting,sculpturespokeofthefirst Christianmystery,thatofGod’sWordmadefleshinChrist,andartistsrespondedto Francis’svisionofaDioumanato,aGod-made-human,withnewattentiontothe body.”74 ThewoodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,consideringthisdynamic ofworshipandacceptanceoftheimages,seemstofallintoanewcategorybecause thesesculptures,whiletheyweremeanttojustrepresentascene,werenotonly consideredasproxyfortherealprotagoniststhathistoricallyassistedatthescene; insteadtheywereaccessedbydevoteesinadirectemotionalandphysical participation,asdevoteeswerepartofthem,blurringtheboundariesinthe relationshipbetweenthesacredanddivineandtheworshippers.Becauseofthe featuresandsizeofthefigureoftheVirginMary,John,NicodemusandJosephof Arimathea,alongwiththeritualseitherwithintheliturgyorextraliturgy,the sculpturesstartedtobecomereal,insomuchasthatworshipperswouldreplacethe Rome.SourcesandDocuments(London,1996),49.AsquotedinLorenzoCarlettiandCristiano Giometti,"MedievalWoodSculpture,”37. 74TimothyVerdon,“FlorenceCathedral,RenaissanceSculpture,SacredSculpture,”inSculptureinthe AgeofDonatello,13-43(p.20). 326 sculptureswiththemselves.Iarguethatitwaspreciselybecausethesesculptures didnotcontainrelicsthattheycouldfacilitatetheaccessbythelaitytothesacred sceneinawaythatwasnotonlydevotional,butratherimpliedidentification. FromDescentfromtheCrosstoAnimatedCrucifix:theSpectatorandthe TransformationoftheRitualExperience WhilescholarshipstatesthattheDescentfromtheCrosswentoutoffashion andstoppedbeingproducedandused,Iarguethatbelievers,sincetheywereso involvedduringtheserituals,becamebyassociationthecharactersintheDescent fromthecross,alongwiththepopulationthatassistedatthecrucifixionofChrist. Thisimpliesanimportantshiftintherelationshipwiththesacred.Infact,whilethe Church,andwiththistermIincludethereligiousordersaswell,wasinapositionto controlandmanageaccesstothesacred,thisactofsubstitutionnowallowedthe faithfultobeapartofthesacredscene. TheproductionandutilizationofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross complicatedthealreadyproblematicfactorofidolatryandtheestablished relationshipwiththesacred,whichheavilyaffectedartproductionintheMiddle Ages.TheuseoftheDescentmanagedtoavoidthedirectconnotationsof worshippingaphysicalobjectbecausethesculpturesrepresentingthescene,once activatedduringtheritual,createdaparticulardevotionalexperience.Infactthe 327 faithful,ratherthanjustworshippingthesculptures,wereabletoconnectwiththe originaleventexperiencedthroughthesculpturesandthepresentmomentofthe celebration.75Asaconsequence,thefaithfulwerenotworshippingtheactual sculptures,whichwouldriskthecontroversialproblemofidolatry.Instead,they becamepartofthesceneoftheDescent.Moreover,whiletheuseofthesesculptures atthebeginninghadtheintentionofrepresentingascenefromthePassionof Christ,inrealitythesculpturalmedium,thestaging,andthesingingandrecitation ofthelaudeinvolvedthefaithfulsoemotionallyandphysicallythatasimple reenactmentwouldbecomethe‘real’momentsofthePassionofChrist.Thefeatures ofthecharactersoftheDescentandtheintrinsicabilitytoinvolvethefaithful establisheda“revolutionary”affectivepietyfortheperiod.Iarguethatspecifically inthecaseoftheuseofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossfirstandthe animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristlater,theutilizationfordevotional purposestranscendstherelationshipwiththemereobject. TheDescentfromtheCrosstransformedtherelationshipbetweenthe worshippersandtheholyfiguresrepresented.Infacttheuseandthefunctionof thesesculptures,andwhattheyrepresentinthisdevotionaldynamic,showthelay aspirationsandneedsofautonomyinrelatingtothesacredandtheaccessofit. Whenthesegroupsculptureswerefirstmadetheyweresupposedtofunction similarlytotheotherimagesofthecrucifiedChristortheVirginMary,bothin 75AlexanderNagelandChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.: ZoneBooks;DistributedbyMITPress,2010),7-19. 328 sculpturesandpainting.However,theemotionandphysicalitythatwereinvolvedin usingthesesculpturescontributedtounexpectedoutcomesthatneededtobe workedoutjointlybytheChurchandthefaithful. ThedirectparticipationinthesceneoftheDescentfromtheCrossmadethe sculpturesreal;theybecametherealcharacterswhoparticipatedinthePassionof Christ.RatherthansignifyingChrist,theVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist, Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea,thesculptureshadthepowertobecomethem, accordingtothenewmeaninggiventothesesculpturesbythefaithfulandthelaity. Bothpaintedandsculptedimageswereacceptedaslongastheydissuadedthe beholderfromacknowledgingthematerialityofthesignifierandinsteadpointed thebeholder’sattentiontoitstranscendentalvalue.WhileintheEasttheprototype oftherepresentationofChristhadinfluenceindictatingthemakingofimages,in theWestartistshadmorefreedom.Thefunctionofteachingandinstructingthe illiteratedisappearedfromthesculpturesintheDescentfromtheCross.Theroleof thestatueasaconduittoaccessthepersonrepresented,suchasisseenin ByzantineartwithiconsandaspromotedbytheChurch,ceasestoapplyinthe actualuseoftotheDescentfromtheCross.TheDescentfromtheCrossembodieda newlevelofexperiencewiththesacred.Thisnewinvolvementbythefaithful offeredanoccasiontobefullypartofthesacredsceneandpromotedanewaspect ofthesacredandtherelationshipwithit.AccordingtoHansBelting“peopleare disposedtoveneratewhatisvisiblybeforetheireyes,whichcanonlybeaperson 329 andnotanarrative.Imagescontainmomentsfromanarrative,althoughthey themselvesarenotanarrative.”76Iarguethattherelationshipthatwasestablished withthesesculpturalgroupsoftheDescentisnotjusttheusualrelationshipwitha holyimage,butratherthepossibilitytobepartofthescenewithanunprecedented accesstoparticipateintooneofthemostdramaticmomentsofthelifeofChrist. Thisisapivotalideaforunderstandingthedevotionandthesacredduring theMedievalperiod.Whatwasoriginallyonlypartoftheofficialliturgyofficiated andcontrolledbytheChurchbecameinsteadapointofdirectaccessand appropriationtothesacredbythelaypeople,becausetheywouldreachaposition andmetaphoricallyaplacethatbelongedonlytotheclergy,andinsomeregard evenbeyondtheclergybecausethevisceralrelationshipestablishedbetweenthe faithfulandthesculpturesduringtheseritualswassomethingconceptuallyand physicallynewandunexpected. Activatedinrituals,theseobjectsprovidedanewreligiousexperienceand whatmakesitmoreremarkableisthatthesenewdevotionalaspectswhere promotedbythelaity.Eveniftheclergyhadanauthoritativepositionwhich allowedthemtosuperviseandcontroltheseritualsatthesametimethepossibility tocontrolandmanagethesechangeswerelimitedandtheresultwastosupportlay demandsandactions.Inadditiontobeinglife-sizewithanattentiontobodily details,thesculptureswerealsofreestanding.Freestandingsculptures,particularly 76HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:AHistoryoftheImagebeforetheEraofArt(Chicago(Ill.): UniversityofChicagoPr,1994),10. 330 inmarbleandbronze,weredirectlyassociatedwithpaganidolatryduringthe Medievalperiod,butitseemsthatthisunderstandingofidolatrywastheparticular resultofanassociationbetweenthestatueandthecolumnthatsupportedit.77This iswhyinordertobeused,alongwiththeinsertionofarelicinside,thesesculptures neededtobe“deactivated.”Inordertodoso,thesculptureswereattachedtothe architecturalframeworkoftheChurchandthusconsideredsubordinatetoit.78 WhilethesculpturesoftheDescentwerefrequentlypartofanaltarorinsidea chapelandwerethuspartofthearchitecturalframework,althoughnotatallinthe senseofjambfigures,theywerealsomovable,whichallowedthemtoliveandbe activatedoutsideoftheirarchitecturalcontext.Additionally,theirtridimensionality wascompleteandnotonlyfrontalorthreequarters. Thedynamicbetweenthelaityandthewoodensculpturescertainlyinvokes anidolatrousrelationship.However,becausetheuseofwoodensculptureswas managedthroughtheecclesiasticalinstitution,andbecausethelaitywasabletofind awaytochannelitsindependentdevotionthroughameanstheChurchcould witnessandinflect,theChurchtoleratedandacceptedtheuseofthesculptures.This wasalsotheresultofadynamicofempowermentwiththesacredestablishedbythe laity:anacknowledgmentthatthewoodensculptureshadbecomeaverypotent 77AlexanderNagel,TheControversyofRenaissanceArt(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress, 2011),110. 78H.W.Janson“TheRevivalofAntiquityinEarlyRenaissanceSculpture”inLookingatItalian RenaissanceSculpture,edbyMcHam,SarahBlake(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998), 43. 331 mediuminpresentingthephysicalpresenceofChristandembodyinaveryeffective waysomeaspectsoftheChristianreligion.Becauseofthat,wecannot underestimateeitherthepowerofthesewoodensculpturesorthedynamicsthat allowedthelaityandthefaithfulapositionwithaccesstothesacredthat,beforethe Medievalperiod,wasonlypermittedtotheclergy. DespitetheChurch’sattemptatcontrol,thefaithfulstartedtoapproachand treatthesesculpturesasthehumanbodyofChrist.Asaconsequence,thesculpture itselfwasworshippedandtreatedassuch.Officially,therewassupposedtobea differencebetweentheobjectandtheideathattheobjectembodied,butinreality thesculpturesgainedapowerfulauragivenbythelaitythatlettheobjectitself becomemoreofwhatitwassupposedjusttorepresent.Thisprocesswasnot outsidethedecreesorcontroloftheChurch,buttheresultsofthisrelationship betweenthewoodensculptureofChristandthefaithful,aswellasthepowerof thesesculptures,aremorecomplexthanhithertoacknowledged.Thepowerand agencyofthesesculpturesandthebondcreatedwiththelaity,Iassert,hasbeen incrediblyunderestimated. TheSchiavellationeandaPracticalCasefortheUseofSculpture Thepolychromesculpturesbeinginvestigated,whichwereusedforboth liturgicalandextraliturgicalfunctions,werefullyunderstoodtobetherealphysical 332 bodyofChristandweretreatedassuch.InItalytherearedocumentsthatattestto thediffusionofreenactmentsoftheendingsceneofthedescentfromthecross calledschiavellatione,79literallythepullingoutofthenailsfromthebodyofChrist (Fig12).ThiscelebrationwasperformedbothinsidetheChurch,wheretheclergy wasresponsibleforit,oroutsideintheprincipalpiazza,80inwhichthe confraternitiescouldhaveparticipatedalongwiththeChurch.Theritualofthe schiavellationesolvedoneofthemajorproblemsthatChurchandbelievers encounteredduringthecelebrationsofthepassionplaysanddramaticlaude.In thesecelebrationsalivingactorsometimesplayedtheroleofChrist,particularly duringthepartsofthePassionprecedingthecrucifixion.However,afterthe depositionandburial,thelivingbodyoftheactorcouldnotstaystillasifhewere deadforthelengthoftheceremoniesonGoodFriday,andthustheseanimated sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatcouldworkbothasthecrucifiedandperished Christwereusedinstead. Itistruethatveneratinganobject,inthiscaseasculptureorarelic,was moreappropriatethanveneratingtherealbodyofanactororapersoningeneral.81 Themostimportantthinghereisthattherealbodyofapersonthatpersonified ChristwascompletelyinterchangeablewithananimatedsculptureofChrist. RepresentingthetruebodilypresenceofChrist,thesesculptureswerevenerated 79ClaudioBernardi,TheatrumPietatis,12. 80MarioSensi,“FraterniteDisciplinateeSacreRappresentazioniaFolignonelsecoloXV”inBollettino diDeputazionediStoriaPatriaperl’Umbria,71(1974),204. 81Bernardi,TheatrumPietatis,12. 333 andatthesametimetreatedasarealhumanbody.Theyhadthepowertoexpress thehumanityofChristandembodiedthedevotionalneedsprojectedbythefaithful ontothesculpture.Realisticsculptureswereclothedandsculptorsaddedreal humanhairandbeardstofurtherdissolvetheboundariesbetweenthefictiveand thereal,82inaverybalancedcombinationbetweenthematerialusedtoenhancethe realismofthesculptureandthecarvingitself.Asaconsequencethesculpture manifestsitselfintheeyesofthefaithfulasChrist’sbodyatthemomentofthe crucifixionanditalsogainedtheattentionoftheentirereligiouscommunity. Itisduringthethirteenthcenturyespeciallythattherelationshipwiththese sculptures,includingthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,startedtochange.The periodaround1215,when,asnoted,theFourthLateranCouncilestablishedthe dogmaoftheTransubstantiation,providedevenmoreauthoritytotheideaof materializationofthebodyofChrist,evenifthepresenceofChristwasnotmeantin aphysicalsense.Whilethehost,whichisthe“realbody”ofChristwasstillhandled bytheChurch,establishingtheirexclusivityoverthematter,theinsertionofthe hostinsidethesculptureinvoluntarilytransferredthispowertothesculpture.Since thesculptureinturnbecametheobjectthroughwhichthelaitycouldaccessthe sacred,theChurch’smonopolyonthesacredwaschallenged.83Thisstruggle betweentheChurchandtheaccessofthelaityanddevoteestothesacredimbued 82Paoletti,WoodenSculpture,86. 83SarahBeckwith,Christ'sBody:Identity,Culture,andSocietyinLateMedievalWritings(London: Routledge,1993),32. 334 evenmorepowerontotheobjectitselfuntilitwasperceivedandtreatedasthe humanbodyofChristbeforehisResurrectionanditbecamethemostimportant waytofocusthedevotionalneedsofthelaity. Theliteratureoftheperiodfurtherencouragednotonlyanobservationof Christ’ssufferingbutalsoaninvitationtosufferlikeChrist;themostinterestingand famousexamplesaretheMeditationesVitaeChristi.Atthesametime,Christ’sbody, inthisspecificcasethesculptureofthecrucified/deadChrist,wasusedandbecame themediumforidentification. Variousaspectsaffectedpietyduringthethirteenthcentury,suchasthe diffusionoftheMendicantorders,theinstitutionofthedogmaofthe Transubstantiation,theoutbreakoftheFlagellantsmovementinPerugiain1260, andthedevelopmentanddisseminationofthelayconfraternities.Whilethe woodencrucifixionofChristwasnottheonlywaytoexpressandaddress devotionalneedsduringthethirteenthcentury,atthesametimethesesculptures didindeedbecomeanembodimentandrepresentationofthehumansideofChrist. AlterationsandSubstitutionstoPolychromeSculpture DuringtheMiddleAgestheologiansfocusedontheproblemofidolatry, tryingtojustifytheusesofandrelationshipwithimages.Thesameconcernson idolatrydidnotnecessarilyoccurwiththesesculptures.Itisonlylater,inthe 335 periodsoftheReformationandCounterReformation,thattherolesandpowerof thesesculptureswereconfrontedduringthePastoralVisitsbythebishopsinthe differentDiocesesofItaly.Thesevisitsweretheresponsibilityofthebishopand wereincreasinglyimportantduringandaftertheCouncilofTrent.Theaimsofthese visitswere“toleadtosoundandorthodoxdoctrine,bybanishingheresies;to maintaingoodmorals,andtocorrectsuchasareevil;toanimatethepeople,by exhortationsandadmonitions,toreligion,peacefulness,andinnocence;andto establishsuchotherthingsastotheprudenceofthevisitorsshallseemfortheprofit ofthefaithful,accordingastime,placeandopportunityshallallow”84.Insomecases, thewoodensculptures,eitherfromtheDescentfromtheCrossortheCrucifix,are mentionedduringthesepastoralvisits,providinginformationabouttheiroriginal contextandplace,andgivingahistoricalperspectiveoftheobjectsthemselves. Ontheotherhand,thevisitingbishop(andsometimeshisvicars),actingon behalfoftheCouncilofTrent,wouldsometimesrequesttheremovalofpaintings, frescos,orsculpturesiftheywerefoundtobetoooldorunseemly.Theremovalof thesepieceswasoneofthemainconcernsofthebishopsduringthepastoralvisits, whichservedtocheckthatthesmallerchurcheswererespectingthedecrees85. Imagesorsculpturesthatlookedoldandwornout,orthatwereworshippedbya cultthatdidnotfallundertheorthodoxythatthechurchsupportedduringthe 84“OnReformationDecree.”TheCouncilofTrent.http://www.thecounciloftrent.com/ch24.htm (AccessedJan.22,2014). 85Elvio,Lunghi,“LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo”inL'UmbrianelXIIISecolo.(Spoleto: FondazioneCentroItalianodiStudisull'AltoMedioevo,2010),306. 336 CouncilofTrent,wereconsideredinappropriate.Forexample,documentationofthe pastoralvisitofPietrodeLunelmentionshowsomecultsrelatedtoChristasVolto SantodevelopedinUmbria,andhepointedouttensculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist thatwereadornedwithwhiterobesandcrowns.Whileinsomecasesheaskedfor onlyfortheremovaloftherobeorthecrown;inothers,suchasinthechurchofSan SalvatoreinNorciainthesouthofUmbria,heorderedforthesculptureofthe crucifiedChristtobeburntandtheashestobepreservedintheshrineofthe church.86Therearemanyexamplesthatrefertothedestructionofsculptures becausetheywereconsideredtobevetustateconsumptas:wornoutbytime. Thoughitisunfortunatethatthesesculptureweredestroyed,knowledgeoftheir destructioncangiveusabetterideaoftherealnumberanddiffusionofthese woodensculpturesnotonlyinUmbriabut,specificallyforthisstudy,inthecenterof Italy. Insomecases,thedocumentationofthesepastoralvisitsprovidesdetails withwhichwecanmakeinferencesabouttheuseofthesesculpturesandthe relationshipbetweenthesculpturesandthefaithfulinliturgicalsituations.Inthe documentationofthepastoralvisitofPietroCamainitothesmall,centraltownof Collazone,heremarkshowasculptureofthecrucifiedChristneededtoberemoved becauseitwasextremelyoldanddeformedandbecauseitssizeobscuredvisibility 86Ibidem,312. 337 ofthedecorationonthewalls.87However,thissculpturewasstillpresentina furtherpastoralvisitin1597;itwasdescribedinthiscasealsoas“antiquissimaet magnaacdeformis,”thatis“veryold,hugeanddeformed.”Afurtherdescriptionof thissculptureaddedalittledetailthatsuggestsaprobableuseofthissculpture; “pulcherrimaimagoCrucifixisuperaltariexistens,invultu,etpedibuscorrosaer admodumdeformata,”abeautifulimageofcrucifiedChrist,abovetheexistentaltar thatwaswornoutinthefeetandthefaceandalsodeformed88.Asecondnotein differenthandwritingsaidthattheabove-mentionedsculpturewaseventually burned.Iftheimageswereruinedbecausetheywereoldorwornoutandwerenot intherestorablecondition,theyweredestroyedorsubstitutedwithnewimages.89 Thecrucialinformationinthisdescriptionisthatthesculpturewaswornout especiallyinthefaceandthefeet.Wecanassumefromthisdescriptionthatthese kindsofsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwereactivelyusedforliturgicalpurposes, andwerelikelytouchedonthefaceandfeetasasignofreverenceanddevotion.In thiscase,thepastoralvisitdocumentationoffersinformationthathelpsto understandhowtheseobjectswereused,eveniftheuseisnotmentionedexplicitly. 87Todi,ArchivioVescovile(AVT),VisitaApostolicaCamaiani,c.265r:“...etcumreperiaturinmaiori eiusaltariconstitutaquedammagnaantiquissima,acdeformisstatuaCrucifixiD.N.quecooperiendo noviter,aceleganterdepictassacrasImaginesinTribunaminuitecclesiasticumdecorum,iussitinde removeri,etinaliolocoutcoramexpositumest,collocari...”.AsquotedinElvioLunghi,LaScultura LigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo,299-331. 88Todi,ArchivioVescovile,LiberTudertineDiocesis1597,c.192r. 89Assisi,ArchivioVescovile(AVA),VisitaApostolicaCamaianidellaDiocesidiAssisi,c.471v: “Quantumaddoctrinamspectat,resaPraedicatoribuspie,etcatholicedeclarataeest,quantumveroad picturasipsas,quaedamimagines,quaealicuilascivaeetindecorapictaeerantsuntemendatae, quaedamvetustateitacorrupta,utrestaurarinonpossint,abolitaesunt,etnovaeimaginesubifuit opportunumdepictae...”.Lunghi,LaSculturainUmbria,299-331. 338 Consideringothercasesandaccordingtomorecarefuldescriptions,wecaninfer thatsomesculptureswereworndownbydevotionaluseandnotsimplybecause theywereold. Thoughmorerare,therearesomeadditionaldescriptionsofpastoralvisits thatcondemnedtheincorrectbehaviorofthepilgrimsanddevoteesthatarrivedat thesanctuarytoworshipthesculptures.90Specifically,thereisthecaseofthe pastoralvisitofCamainiwhofoundinthechurchofSantaMariainCollazone,acity nearTodiinUmbria,someactivitieslinkedtotheworshipoftheVirginMarythat wereveryclosetowhatwecanconsidersuperstition(versustheorthodoxy guaranteedbythechurch).91Whilethesepastoralvisitsaffectedallthechurchesof theDioceses,theydidnotaffectthechurchesthatbelongedtotheMendicantOrders thatwerenotrequiredtoapplyallthedecreespromulgatedbytheCouncilof Trent92.However,mostofthesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswere foundincathedrals,Benedictineabbeys,orcitychurchesandruralchurches.There isnoinformationofthepresenceofthesegroupsintheMendicantOrderschurches, whileanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristcanbefoundinFranciscan churches(Fig13)oreveninreligiouscomplexesrunbytheDominicans(Fig14). Weareabletobetterunderstandthepoweroftheseimagesfromtheaccountsof 90Lunghi,LaSculturaLignea,314. 91AVT,VisitaApostolicaCamaiani,c.266v:“..etcumadsitaliudaltarecumImaginesatisdevota eiusdemGloriosissimeVirginis,Cavendumestobpopuliconcursumasuperstitionislabe,acappensione sordidorumpanniculorumexcitandofidelesadsinceramreligionispietatemproimpetrandasue genitricisapudDeumintercessione....“.Lunghi,LaSculturaLigneainUmbria,299-331. 92Lunghi,LaSculturaLignea,314. 339 thesepastoralvisits.Thefactthatseveral,ifnotmany,ofthesesculptureswere destroyedordismissedaccordingtothecurrentdecreeoftheChurchshowstwo aspectsoftheproblem.Thefirstisthatthesesculpturesdidnotcomplywiththe currentandofficialdecreeoftheChurch.Thesecondisthatsincethebeginningof theirproductionthesesculpturesembodiedapowerandaroleindevotionalsociety ofthelateMedievalperiodthatwassomethinguniqueandpeculiar. Whileatfirstundercontrolbytheecclesiasticalauthority,thepowerand roleofthesesculptureswassoonabsorbedandappropriatedbythelaity,which contributedtothesculpture’spowertobecomeandbeacknowledgedasan embodimentofthehumansideofChrist.Wecannotaddressandconsiderwooden sculpturestobeexamplesofidolatry.Atthesametime,therolethatthese sculpturesacquiredinthelateMedievalperiodisverypeculiarandunlikeother artworksthatportrayChrist,theVirginMary,ortheSaints.Theybecamethecenter ofdevotionandaccesstothesacredthatchangedthewaystoexperienceand portraythePassionofChristthroughthissculpturalformofhisbody.Theimitation ofChristthatwasatthecoreofFranciscandevotionwaspossiblealsobecause sculpturesofthecrucified/deadChristrenderedhisphysicalsufferingtangibleand allowedaneasieridentification. 340 Devotion,Art,andMedium:theCaseofLandodiPietro’sCrucifix Anexampledemonstratingthepowerthesesculpturesreachedandthe lingeringconcernofidolatryisLandodiPietro’sCrucifix.In1338,theSieneseartist LandodiPietrocompletedawoodenCrucifixion.Thelife-sizewoodenimageof ChristbelongedtotheCompagniadiSanDomenicoinCamporegio,andafterthe Compagniawassuppressedin1785itwasrelocatedtotheConventofthe Osservanzaandplacedabovethemainaltarofthechurch.Thispolychromewooden sculpturehasattractedtheattentionofscholarsbecauseofitshighlynaturalistic style. Whilethesculpturewasalreadyconsideredexceptional,adiscoverymadein 1944provedparticularlyfascinatingtoscholars.DuringthebombingofSienaatthe endoftheSecondWorldWar(fig15),thesculpturewasbrokenintopieces.The damagerevealedapieceofparchmentthatLandodiPietrohadhiddeninthehollow ofChrist’sknee(Fig16),bearingthedateandnameoftheartistandinwhichhe commendedhimselfandhissoultoGod.Asecondlargerparchmentwasdiscovered inthesculpture’shead(Fig17)containingtheauthor’sname,date,andaprayer. ThedatewrittenontheparchmentfoundinthehollowofChrist’skneeisJanuary 1337,(moderndating1338).93 93CatherineKing“Effigies:HumanandDivine,”inSiena,FlorenceandPadua:Art,SocietyandReligion 1280-1400,EdsDianaNorman.(NewHaven,Conn:YaleUniversityPressinassociationwiththe 341 Inthesmallparchmentfoundintheknee,thereisaprayer(Fig18)which reads,“JesusChristthroughyourmercyletthesoulofthegoldsmithLandodi Pietro,whomadethiscrucifix,berecommended.”Thesecondhandwritten parchmentbyLandowasfoundinsidetheheadofChristandpresentsalongerand morearticulatedprayerinwhichhestateshisintentionsaswell(Fig19):“TheLord GodmadeitpossibleforLandodiPietroofSienatocarvethiscrucifixinthiswood inthelikenessoftherealJesustoremindpeopleofthepassionofJesusChristSonof God,andoftheVirginMary;thereforeyoutrueandholycrossofJesusChristSonof God,renderthesaidLandotoGod”94Theprayercontinues,askingtheVirgin,Saint JohntheEvangelist,SaintJohntheBaptist,MaryMagdalene,andallthesaints, specifically“menandwomen,”torecommendLandotoGod.Healsoasksthesaints tohave“mercyonallofhumangeneration.”Ontherightsideoftheparchmenthe addedsomethingmore:“IntheyearofourLordJanuary1337thisfigurewas completedinthelikenessofJesusChristcrucifiedSonofGodlivingandtrue.Andit isheonemustadoreandnotthiswood”. Ontheparchmentfoundinsidethehollowpartofthekneetheprayer highlightshowtheartisthopesthatmakingthiscrosswillhelphimreachheaven.95 ThepracticeofanartistwritingaprayertorecommendhissoultoGodortheVirgin Marywasnotuncommoninfourteenth-centuryTuscany.Afamiliarexampleisthe OpenUniversity,1985),271.ThisdiscrepancyexistsbecauseatthattimeinItaly,theyearbeganon theFeastoftheAnnunciation,March25 94Ibidem.,125. 95Ibidem.,127. 342 MaestàbyDucciodiBuoninsegna(Fig20).AtthebottomoftheVirgin’sthrone thereisaninscriptionthatreads(Fig21):“HolyMotherofGod,bethouthecauseof peaceforSienaandlifetoDucciobecausehepaintedtheethus.”96AsinLando’s prayer,DucciorecommendhimselftotheVirginMarybecausehepaintedthe altarpieceanddidsoinsuchabeautifulandskilledmanner.Inthesecondprayer (Fig22),foundintheheadofthecrucifix,LandodiPietrobringsupotheraspectsof hisfaithandhisartisticcreationandalsoimportantdetailsabouttheobjectitself. AtthebeginningoftheprayerLandousestheword“likeness,”whichimplies thatapainted,woodenlife-sizesculpturehadthepowertoproducethemost convincingrepresentationsofdivinenature.97WhenLandosays,“youtrueandholy crossofJesusChrist”itisunclearwhetherheisreferringtotherealCrossortothe Crucifixhejustmade.(Fig23)Infact,whiletheEnglishtranslationoftheprayer hasusedthewords“Crucifixion”and“Cross,”thusmakingacleardistinction betweenthetwo,intheoriginalversionLandodiPietrousedtheword“Croce”- “Cross”inbothcases. However,thecrossitselfisthemediumthroughwhichLandorecommends himselftoGod.Lando’sintentionistoremindviewersofthePassion,but consideringthehighqualityanduniquelyrealisticappearanceofthesculpture,he foreseesariskthatitwillbecomemorethanavisualpromptforthefaithfuland 96FlorensDeuchler,Duccio(Milano,ElectaEditrice:1984),56.MATERS/ANCTADEI/SISCAUSA SENISREQUIEI/SISIDUCIOVITA/TEQUIAPINXITITA) 97CatherineKing“Effigies:HumanandDivine”,127. 343 insteadleadviewerstoworshipitasifitwereChristhimself.Thedevoutwereonly allowedtoveneratewhatwerebelievedtobefragmentsofthetruecross,orother objectssuchastheshroudorthenailsofthecross.However,asoftenhappened duringthelateMedievalperiod,thewoodensculpturebecametherealbodyof Christ. Thisconceptofwoodensculpturesbecomingtherepresentationofthe humansideofChrististheresultoftheartists’skillsincreatinganaffective renderingofthebodyandalsotoacquiredstatusgivenbythelaitytotheseobjects onceactivatedforritualfunctions.Specificallyforthiscase,Landoseemstoregister thattheveryverisimilitudeheandotherartistsemployedtomakethesufferingof Christvividfordevoteesmightalsoleadthefaithfultomistakethesimulacrumas anembodimentandrepresentationofthehumansideofChrist.Withinthis widespreaddevotionalcontext,physicalitybecameanimportantmeansandaccess tothedivine.98Asaconsequence,Landoinhisprayermighthavereferredtothe Christhemadeandspecificallyhecouldhavereferredtohisskillsasaartisttobe thetriggerforfaithfultoactivatetheobjectastherealbodyofChrist. ThissuppositionissupportedbyanotethatLandoaddedontherightsideof theparchmentthatsays,“thisfigurewascompletedinthelikenessofJesusChrist crucifiedSonofGodlivingandtrue.AnditisHethatonemustadoreandnotthis 98CarolineWalker-Bynum,JesusasMother:StudiesintheSpiritualityoftheHighMiddleAges, (Berkley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1982),esp.Chaps4and5.AsquotedinPamelaH.Smith,The BodyoftheArtisan,(UniversityofChicagoPress,2004),10. 344 wood.”Landourgesworshipperstonotidolizeaworkthatwastheresultof devotionandprayer.Consideringthenatureofthenote,hecouldhavereferredto himselfaswell,afterrealizingthatwithinadevotionalcontextaconvincing representationofChristcouldbecomeandbetreatedasifhewerethecrucified bodyofChrist.WhatLandodiPietrowrotecanbeconsideredassomethingto celebrateandelevatehimself,butreallyshowed,throughhisdevotion,hisgreatskill asartist.Conversely,consideringthattheseparchmentswerefoundafterthe sculpturewasdestroyed,itseemsthattheartistneverintendedforthemtobeseen, andthusLandowouldhavebeentheonlypersonawareofhisactoffaith.Thus,his prayersweregenuinelywrittenwithrealanddevoutsentiment. Themostproblematicissuewasthesculptureitselfanditscapabilitytobe perceivedastherealChrist,andthesubsequentriskofconfusingthe“pieceof wood”withthebodyofChrist.Lando’sexhortationtoadoreChristandnotthewood representsageneralattitudetowardthesesculpturesandunderlinesthefactthatit wasnotjustasculpture,avisualmeansthroughwhichtoreachGod,buta materializationofthepresenceandbodyofChrist.Also,specificallyinrelationto theissueofidolatry,thefactthatLandospecifiesthatbelieversshouldnotadorethe “pieceofwood”impliesthattheobject’svenerationmuddledthedistinction betweenthesculptureandwhatitwassupposedtorepresentandportray,whichis Christ.Thesculpturebecamethefocusandthephysicalcenterofdevotion,putting itselfinanewblurreddimension.Whilewemightnotagreewiththeviewthatwas 345 heldfromthediffusionofChristianityuntiltheMedievalperiodthatthisisidolatry, weneedtoberesponsivetotheimportanceandpowertheseobjectsheld,especially sincethelateMedievalperiod. ThediscoveryofLandodiPietro’snoteinsidehisCrucifixaddressesanother importantissuerelatedtothesesculptures.AccordingtowhatisleftofLando’s Crucifix,weacknowledgehisskillsasasculptoralthoughheaddressedhimselfas orafo(goldsmith).99TheCrucifixisofgreatquality,butthroughLando’sprayeritis clearthathisreferencetotheCrossandthewarningagainstworshippingthe“piece ofwood”referstothesculptureitself. Landoisherereferringtothecommonandfrequentattitudetowardthese objectsthatgoesbeyondtheintrinsicaestheticqualitiesofthesculptures themselves.Thisisimportantbecauseoneofthemostprominentproblemsin studyingthesesculpturesisthattheyhavenotbeenconsideredasartworksbothby faithfulandrecentscholars,butjustasdevotionalobjects.Accordingtoparameters establishedintheclassicalcanonofbeauty,theoccasionallowaestheticqualityof thesesculpturesfrequentlycondemnsthemstilltodaytoacademicoblivion.This attitudebeganwithVasariandhassinceledtoagreatmisunderstandingofthese objectsthathasaffectedtheminanegativeway.Myintentionistochallengethe ideathatthesesculptureswerejustdevotionalobjectsmadeoutofpaintedwood. 99CatherineKing,Effigies:HumanandDivine,271. 346 MedievalRenaissance:thepolychromewoodenCrucifixintheQuattrocento Thischapterbeganwithoneofthemostfamousanecdotesabout polychrome,woodensculpture:Vasari’saccountoftheCrucifixesbyDonatelloand Brunelleschi.SincethebeginningoftheuseofthegroupoftheDescentfromthe Cross,oneofthemostcommonfeaturesofthesewoodensculptureswascompelling verisimilitudetoreflectand,aboveall,satisfythedevotionalneedofthebelievers. TheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwereparticularlymeanttocreatea directandsympatheticrelationshipwiththedevotees,whichinturnallowedthe faithfultobeabletoidentifythemselveswiththehumanandsufferingsidesof Christ.ThesesculpturesweremeanttorepresentChrist,andonceactivatedthey wereabletopersonifytherealbodyofChristdespitebutalsobecauseofinherently aestheticqualities. Donatello’sCrucifixisanemblemofthisvisualanddevotionalculture.What hasbeenaddressedasexaggeratednaturalism,theagonyintheeyesandtheopen mouthtoemphasizepain,inrealitywasthekeytoaccessingandrelatingtothe bodyofChristinamoresympatheticway.Vasari’sanecdote,asisoftenthecase, privilegesrhetoricalfictionoverhistoricalfact.Insteadofthe“months”that separateBrunelleschi’ssculpturalresponsefromDonatello’swork,documents suggestthatthetwocrucifixeswereexecutedabouttenyearsapartfromeach 347 other.100Moreimportantly,however,istheinfluencethatVasari’stellingofthe eventhasaffectedthesubsequentunderstandingandappreciationoftheseobjects. Donatello’ssculpturewasnotaspraisedorconsideredtobeas“perfect”as Brunelleschi’sCrucifix.However,despitetheapparentandevidentaesthetic distinctions,Icontendthatthemainpointonwhichtoevaluatethesecrucifixesis theircontextanduse.Historically,thevalueofthesewoodensculptureshasbeen basedontheiraestheticqualities,whichnegativelyaffectsthejudgmentandthe valueoftheseobjects.Inordertofullyunderstandthesewoodensculptures,their functionsneedtobeconsideredinconjunctionwiththeiraestheticqualities. BrunelleschididnotthinkofDonatello’sCrucifixastherealChristbutinsteadsaw thefigureasafarmer;thisdisconnectoccurredbecauseChrist’sbodywasbelieved tobe“delicatissimo,etintuttelepartiilpiuperfettohomochenascessegiàmai”.101 BothDonatelloandBrunelleschi’sCrucifixesare,intheirownways,therealbodyof Christ,andtheyneedtobeevaluatedassuchinconjunctionwiththeirfunctionsand notonlythroughaestheticcategories. Evenwiththisideaofperfection,accordingtoVasari’sreport,Brunelleschi’s Crucifixcanrelatetotheviewerintwoways.Thefirstisfromadistancethat presentshiminperfectproportion,andthesecondveryclosetotheviewer,in 100ToseethechronologyofbothsculpturesseeforBrunelleschi:EugenioBattistiandFilippo Brunelleschi,FilippoBrunelleschi:theCompleteWork(NewYork:Rizzoli,1981),344. ForDonatello:,H.W.Janson,andJenöLányi,TheSculptureofDonatello.(Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress,1957),7-12. 101Vasari,LeVite,195. 348 whichthebeholdercanexperiencethefrailtyofChrist’ssuffering.102Evenif Brunelleschi’sCrucifixembodiedthisideaofproportionandperfection,his renderingofChriststillbelongsandresonateswithhumanexperienceandsuffering. ThefactthatthesameCrucifixwasmadewithaloinclothcoveringhisgenitalia showsonceagaintheattempttosoftentheboundariesbetweenwhatsupposedto beidealandreal,andwhatwasfictiveandtrue.Itwascommontosculptthe loinclothaspartofthesculpture,butwantingtousearealoneshowstheattemptto considerthesculpturemoreasarealpersonandenhancethisideaofverisimilitude. IfweconsidertheCrucifixesbyDonatelloandBrunelleschiasexampleswith whichtoreevaluatethesesculptures,wenotethatinbothcasestheycreateda connectionwiththeviewer;theDonatellocrucifixhasmovablearmsandtherefore providesaphysicalconnection,whereastheBrunelleschicrucifix’sloinclothbrings hisbodilydimensiontoahumanlevel.Aboveall,theybothexpresswhatthese sculpturescametoembodyandrepresentthroughtime,therealbodyofChrist. ThefactthatBrunelleschi’sCrucifix,unlikeothercrucifixes,doesnotshow gruesomewoundsorthetormentedbodyonthecross(Fig24)doesnotmeanthat thesesculpturesceasedtorepresenttherealbodyandpresenceofChrist.Despite variouschangesinstyleofrenderingChristonthecrossfromthemedievalperiod totheRenaissance,theideaofthewoodensculptureastherealbodyofChristdid notchange.Infact,duringthefifteenthcenturywecanpresume,accordingtothe 102RogerTarr,"BrunelleschiandDonatello:PlacementandMeaninginSculpture,"inArtibuset Historiae..32(1995),116. 349 extantexamples,alargeproductionandcontinuityofbothpolychromewooden sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristaswellasanimatedones.103Thisshowsthat polychromewoodwasthemosteffectivemediumevenduringthefifteenthcentury toprovidetheessenceandpresenceofChristthroughhishumanform.The sculpturesfunctionedforthefaithfultocontemplateoverhisbodyinliturgicalor extraliturgicalceremonies. Thehumanfigureheldanimportantroleinunifyingthestoriesrepresented inthefifteenthcentury,butthefigureofChristwasanexception.104Infact,during thefifteenthcenturymanyreliedonwhatwasbelievedtobeaGovernorofJudea’s eyewitnessaccountofJesus’sappearance,whoreportedittotheRomanSenate.The GovernordescribesJesus’sphysicalfeaturesandbehavior,andendshisdescription mentioninghow“he[Jesus]isthemostbeautifulamongthechildrenofmen.”105 103TohaveanideaofthecatalogabouttheextantwoodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristsee: Gesine,andJohannesTaubert,"MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen:einBeitragzur VerwendungvonBildwerkenInderLiturgie".ZeitschriftDesDeutschenVereinsFürKunstwissenschaft /DeutscherVereinFürKunstwissenschaft,(1969):79-121.MargritLisner,HolzkruzifixeinFlorenzund inderToskanavonderZeitum1300biszumfrühenCinquecento(München:Bruckmann,1970). GiovannaSaporiandBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma, (Milan:Electa,2004).KamilKopania,AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligious CultureoftheLatinMiddleAges(Warszawa:Wydawn."Neriton",2010).JohnT.Paoletti,"Wooden SculptureinItalyasSacralPresence.”InArtibusetHistoriae,vol13,no26(1992):85-100. 104MichaelBaxandall,PaintingandExperienceinFifteenthCenturyItaly;aPrimerintheSocialHistory ofPictorialStyle(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1972),56. 105Ibidem.,57.ThisistheaccountaccordingtothefictitiousLentulus,GovernorofJudea:“Amanof averageandmoderateheight,andverydistinguished.Hehasanimpressiveappearance,sothatthose wholookonhimloveandfearhim.Hishairisthecolourofaripehazel-nut.Itfallsstraightalmostto thelevelofhisears;fromtheredownitcurlsthicklyandisrathermoreluxuriant,andthishangs downtohisshoulders.Infronthishairsispartedintotwo,withthepartinginthecentreinthe Nazarenemanner.Hisforeheadiswide,smoothandserene,andhisfaceiswithoutwrinklesorany marks.Itisgracedbyaslightlyreddishtinge,afaintcolour.Hisnoseandmoutharefaultless.Hise beardisthickandlikeayoungman’sfirstbeard,ofthesamecolourashishair;itisnotparticularly longandispartedinthemiddle.Hisaspectissimpleandmature.Hiseyesarebrilliant,mobile,clear, 350 Thus,artistswerenotasfreeinrepresentingthefigureofChristastheycouldbe withotherfiguresorcharacters.ThefactthatChristwasconsideredthemost beautifulamongthechildrenofmenchallengedtheartiststorepresenttheperfect body.Brunelleschi’sCrucifixistheresultofanattentivestudyofanatomyand proportionsinsomuchasitbecameaparadigmaticfigureofperfection,similarlyto thelaterVitruvianManbyLeonardodaVinci. ThetaskofrepresentingthebodyofChristinthefifteenthcenturywasan opportunitytoexpressasupremeandperfectbody,bothintermsofproportions andanatomyandasachanceforartiststoshowcasetheirskillincreatingsucha perfectbody.106 Asaconsequence,otherartistsalongwithDonatelloand Brunelleschitestedthemselvesinthisendeavor;thereareseveralknownartists thatmadeawoodenCrucifix,suchasMichelangelo(Fig25),GiulianodaSangallo (Fig26),FrancescodaSangallo(Fig27),AntoniodaSangallo(Fig28),Benedetto daMaiano(Fig29),Michelozzo,AntoniodelPollaiolo,BacciodaMontelupo,Andrea delVerrocchio.DespiteVasari’sassertionthatitwasimpossibletogivethat“fleshlikeappearanceandsoftnesstowoodthatcanbegiventometalandtomarbleand splendid.Heisterriblewhenhereprehends,quietandkindlywhenadmonishes.Heisquickinhis movementsbutalwayskeepshisdignity.Nooneeversawhimlaugh,buthehasbeenseentoweep. Heisbroadinthechestandupstanding;hishandsandarmsarefine.Inspeechheisserious,sparing andmodest.Heisthemostbeautifulamongthechildrenofmen”. 106GiancarloGentilini,PropostaperMichelangeloGiovane:unCrocifissoinLegnodiTiglio(Torino:U. Allemandi,2004),15. 351 tothesculpturedobjectsthatweseeinstucco,wax,orclay,”107artistscontinuedto makesculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwithpolychromewood.Iarguethatthiswas notonlytheresultofapersonalefforttoshowtheirownartisticskillsamongtheir peersandintellectualsoftheperiod.Itwasalsoanawarenessbytheartiststhatthe woodeninterpretationofthebodyofChristwasthequintessentialwaytorelatetoa realbody,especiallybecausethesesculptureswereperceivedasthetrueand physicalpresenceofChrist. Theuseofthewoodensculpturetorepresentabodyperceivedas“perfect” wasalsotheresultofthevaluegiventothesesculpturesthatwereacknowledgedas therealphysicalbodyofChrist.Thereligiouscommunity,especiallysincethelate Medievalperiod,establishedarelationshipwiththewoodensculptureofthe Crucifixthatgavetheobjectthepowerandauratorepresentandembodythe crucifiedhumanbodyofChrist.Asaconsequence,theartistswhomadethese Crucifixesneededtoconformtothecurrenttheoriesoftheperiodandhavean awarenessofhowtheseCrucifixeswereusedandperceived.Iassertthattheideaof thebodyinitsphysicalessencewasmoreimportantthantheideasofbeauty establishedduringtheRenaissance. Infact,Vasari’sanecdoteaboutDonatelloandBrunelleschi’sCrucifixes containselementsthatsupportmyassertion.ItreferstoCrucifixesthatwerepartof 107Vasari,Maclehose,VasarionTechnique,173.Vasari,LeVite,CapIIII,31.“dareallegnoquella carnositàomorbidezzachealmetalloedalmarmoetall’altresculturechenoiveggiamo,edistucchi odiceraoditerra.” 352 twoofthemostimportantchurchesinFlorence.Donatello’swasintheFranciscan churchofSantaCroce,whileBrunelleschi’swasintheDominicanchurchofSanta Novella.BothCrucifixesmusthavefullysatisfiedreligiousnecessitiesinordertobe usedbytwoofthemostinfluentialreligiousordersoftheperiod.TheCrucifixby DonatellowasmadeinordertostressthehumanemotionandsufferingofChrist, thussatisfyingthedevotionalneedsoftheFranciscanswhowereinterestedin affectingrepresentationsofChristinordertoelicitasympatheticreactionbythe beholdersandfaithful.ThisintentionexplainsthefeaturesofDonatello’sCrucifix; whichwerebelievedtobeanaestheticissuethatdidnotmatchthemathematical harmonyofBrunelleschi;inreality,itwasnotanissueatall.IarguethatDonatello’s Crucifixhadadifferentfunctionandneedtorepresentadifferentaspectoftheidea, presence,andphysicalityofthebodyofChrist.Theparadoxisthatonedoesnot excludetheother.BothcrucifixesbyDonatelloandBrunelleschiareadifferent aspectoftheideaofthebodyofChrist,butitisthewoodensculpturethatmakes themtherealbodyofChrist. TheCrucifixesweremadefordifferentreligiousordersandtoexecute specificfunctions,butbothwereanembodimentofthehumansideofChrist.No matterhowandwherethesewoodenCrucifixesweremade,theyallembodiedthis physicalpresence.ThisiswhywefindamultitudeofwoodenCrucifixesindifferent churchesororatoriesofvariousConfraternities.IfweconsiderthecityofFlorence, wefindlife-sizecrucifixesinSantaMariaNuovaintheConventofOblate,inthe 353 churchofSantissimaAnnunziata,inSantaMariadelFiore,inSaintOnofrio,inSan Lorenzo,intheConventoftheCalza,inSantoSpirito,andalsointheConfraternityof theMisericordia.108 Thoughtheywereusedindifferentcontexts,allchurches,whetherconvents ororatories,andfaithfulviewedthesesculpturesasthesimulacrumofthebodily presenceofChrist.WecanexpandthelistbyaddingallthechurchesinItalythat containawoodenlife-sizeCrucifix.Thoughthereareremarkabledifferencesinthe style,place,andperiodinwhichthesesculpturesweremade,weneedtorecognize thatacrucifixinatinychurchintheoutskirtsofTuscanyhadthesamepowerto fullyrepresentandbeveneratedastherealChristasasculpturebyBrunelleschior Donatello.Theseobjectsneedtobeevaluatedandunderstoodinadialogicalway withboththeclergyandthebelieversthatactivatedthem.Wemustunderstandthat thisrelationshipgoesbeyondtheofficialcanonofbeautyestablishedbyscholarship throughouttime. CaesariusofHeisterbachprovidesaninstructiveaccountfromaroundthe earlythirteenthcentury.Init,awomancomparestheuglywoodenMadonnawitha detachableChildinthechurchatVeldenzintheRhinelandtooldrubbish. Accordingly,thewomanwasproperlypunishedforhercomments.109Despitethe purelyaestheticjudgmentofthewoman,theauthorityandpowerofthesculpture 108Gentilini,PropostaperMichelangelo,11-32. 109JacobBurckhardtandPeterHumfrey,TheAltarpieceinRenaissanceItaly(Cambridge[England]: CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),22. 354 itselfwasnotaffected;onthecontraryitwasthewomanthatwaspunishedforher comments.Thisdemonstratesthatthepowerofandrespectforthesesculptures wentbeyondthemereaestheticdimension,aswellastheirpowerfulroleonce activatedasdevotionalobjects. The“lives”ofthevariousCrucifixes—fromthelateMiddleAgesthroughthe Renaissance,andcontinuinguntilthemomentoftheCounterReformation— experiencedever-changingreceptions,adaptingtonewcontextsfromtheinwhich theywereoriginallymade.Atthesametimetherewasoneunifyingideapromoted bythefaithful:thatthewoodensculptureofthecrucifiedChristwouldbecomethe truebodilypresenceofChrist,110resultingfromanactofappropriationbythelaity throughuseofandidentificationwiththesewoodenstatues.Thereisanurgent needtounderlinetheroleandimportanceofthewoodensculpturesoftheCrucified ChristsincethediffusionanduseoftheDescentfromtheCross.Thecomplexityof theseobjectsextendsbeyondtheirdevotionaluseandincorporateshowbelievers sincethelateMedievalperiodrelatedtothesacredand,aboveall,tothefigureand bodyofChrist. TheChurchassistedtothewholeprocessandsomehowtoleratedthese devotionaldynamicsbetweenthelaity,sculptures,andrituals,eventhoughthey nevertookonanofficialpositionuntilduringtheCounterReformation,atwhich 110TheChurchofficiallyprivilegedthepresenceofChristintheEucharistoveranyotherform.The useofthesculpturesthatbecameandrepresentedtherealbodyandpresenceofChrist,evenwithout theinsertionofarelicorahostinsidethesculpture,istheresultofthedevelopmentoflaydevotion andtherelationshipthatfaithfulestablishedwiththesesculptures.TheChurchtoleratedthis devotionaldynamicbetweenthefaithfulandthesculpturesuntilthecrisisoftheReformation. 355 pointtheyrepressedmostoftheseaspectsofthedevotiondevelopedaroundthese sculpturesduringtheMedievalperiod.Theaestheticqualitiesthatarthistory traditionallyusedtostudydifferentartperiodscannotbefullyappliedtothese woodensculptures.Asimilarrevisionneedstooccursurroundingtheconceptof idolatry.Evenifthewaythesesculpturesareutilizedcanbeassociatedwithwhatis describedasidolatry,especiallyduringthelateMedievalperiodandearly Renaissance,weneedtobeawarethattheChurchpermittedthat.Thisoccurred becausethewoodensculpturesmetthedevotionallaydemandsandaboveall throughthesesculpturesthelaityreachedanempowermentinthisnew relationshipwiththesacredthattheChurchcouldnotopposebutonlytolerateand validate.Moreover,despitethecomplexityoftherelationshipestablishedbetween thefaithfulandthesesculpturesthatcouldbeaddressedasidolatrous,atthesame timetheseobjectsbecametherealfocusoflateMedievaldevotionanddramatically shapedtheunderstandingofandrelationshipwiththesacred,withthepresenceof Christandthecoevalartproduction. 356 Bibliography Thisbibliographyislimitedtothosesourcescitedinthetext.Itdoesnotattemptto includethemanyarticles,reviews,catalogues,booksthattheauthorconsultedas backgroundmaterials. 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