Download Sociology 3301: Sociology of Religion

Sociology 3301: Sociology of Religion
Lecture 26: Religion, Inequality, and Social Activism II
Today we continue on with our look at religion and its relationship to social
activism.
Theodicies and Levels of Activism:
Many sectarian groups hold otherworldly worldviews, denying the importance of
this world except as a testing ground for winnowing out which faithful will reach the joys
of heaven. As such, these groups tend to be associated with passivity in worldly affairs,
disinclination to activism, which also tends to be convenient for the powerful movers and
shakers in society (e.g. slave owners were more than happy to have such doctrines
preached to slaves in the antebellum South).
Another sort of worldview is eschatological, one holding that the ultimate victory
over sin and death will commence at some future time in history. It takes two forms: (1)
progressivism; and (2) millenialism (which also has a subtype known as apocalypticism).
The progressive variant holds that the day of perfection will be reached when God
and humanity have worked together to attain it. It involves a gradualistic concept of
social evolution, with God the creator and humanity the workers for a more humane, just,
and Godly world. People trust in God’s creation and look for signs of where to put their
efforts. A key part of the Social Gospel movement in the early 20th century, this
eschatology, somewhat modified, also continues to be a force in many mainline
denominations today (and among Reformed Jews as well). Such a progressive view of
history is also often tied to liberal activism by some affluent people today.
Such eschatology does not fit the experiences of the oppressed, dispossessed, and
those facing racial antipathy. For them, and other social outcasts, millenialism is more
compatible with experience. It assumes that the transformation of the world will be
sudden, inaugurated primarily by supernatural powers. The millenarian vision is: (1)
collective, in the sense that it is to be enjoyed by the faithful as a group; (2) terrestrial, in
the sense that it is to be realized on this earth and not in some otherworldly heaven; (3)
immanent, in the sense that it is to come both soon and suddenly; (4) total, in the sense
that it is to utterly transform life on earth to a state of perfection; and (5) accomplished by
agencies consciously regarded as supernatural.
Originating in the Book of Revelation that predicts Jesus will return and rule for
1000 years, the term millenarian also is used to describe non-Christian groups who await
a future event by which the Kingdom of God or the new era will begin. Many millenarian
Christians have a scenario where there will be a bodily resurrection of the dead at the
time of the return quite different from the idea of an eternal afterlife in heaven. The
concept of salvation for millenarians is time-oriented, terrestrial, and collective. While
supernatural forces will be the agents, humans must prepare the way. They must stress
1
life in this world as a time of suffering, faith, and testing until the new order arrives to
usher in justice.
For disadvantaged groups, such eschatology offers great hope for the future.
Meetings are often highly emotional and groups become almost fanatical. Some have
even precipitated active revolt against the established authorities. While those who expect
the millennium to come at some future, distant time are more passive. However, those
who see it as immanent tend to be more activist. Their sense of immediacy enhances an
orientation to active rebellion, while postponement of the critical date and lesser
expectation breed passivity and quietism.
Millenialism has been popular at all levels of society at one time or another, but
has more typically appealed to deprived people – the oppressed, peasants, the poorest of
the poor in cities and towns, and populations of colonized countries. It often emerges in
response to especially severe hardships and suffering – such as plagues, fires, draughts,
crop failures, unemployment, poverty, and forced subjugation (e.g. in response to the
sometimes sharply raised, then dashed expectations when simple, tribal societies meet
outsiders, like the Cargo Cults).
Unlike the progressives, millennial movements usually seek total transformation
of this allegedly unjust, even inherently evil world. Some even become increasingly
strategic and rational, perhaps even secular if they begin to meet with success, spawning
radical political movements that are religious without being supernaturalistic.
To complicate things further, there are actually two types of millenialism. In
Christianity, postmillenialism holds that Christ will come to reign over the earth, but only
after humans have prepared the way. This is sometimes thought to involve a 1000 year
period of justice and peace beforehand. This obviously stimulates this-worldly activism.
The second type is common among the most destitute, emphasizing more strongly that
this world is evil and controlled by Satan. It sees human history on a downward slide, but
this is a sign of hope as it shows the end is nearing and God will soon intervene. The
faithful must prepare their souls for the Day of Judgment and spread the word. Known as
Premillenialism (a.k.a. apocalypticism), the focus is on how Christ will come before the
1000 year period of justice, peace, and divine rule.
In Christianity, apocalypticism is normally based on a literal interpretation of the
Book of Revelation. Its utter rejection of the present age and present world disallows any
attempt to bring about change. Hence, it usually leads to passivity in terms of the social
structure. Groups are more likely to adopt this stance when powerless and utterly
despairing. If some hope exists for human action to succeed, groups and individuals are
more likely to come up with a rational strategy.
Thus Christianity contains several theodicies. Some congregations and
denominations stress some of them exclusively. Meanwhile, most congregations have
people who consider both, but have no coherent explanation of how the views fit
together. Yet the important point is that, depending on which worldview is stressed
2
among an oppressed minority group, one may expect very different levels of activism or
militancy. Those who hold an apocalyptic view tend to be passive, but those who are
millennial are frequently activist and militant. For them, religion is not an opiate, but an
inspiration that gives them hope, provides them with vision, and shores up their courage.
The progressive view, with its suggestion that the present social system is good and
constantly improving, has little appeal to the oppressed. It is more likely to be held by
social activists in more affluent religious groups.
Judaism also has within it several theodicies (e.g. frequent oppression has fostered
belief in a Messiah who will usher in a Messianic age by combined human and divine
effort). However, Reformed Jews (the more liberal branch) put more stress on human
action to0 facilitate social and political change.
As oppressed people frequently adhere to a worldview that is either otherworldly
or millenarian, it is interesting to consider women. Cohn (1964) pointed out that
millennial movements are common when there is a substantial group of wealthy, leisure
class women without social function or prestige. During the Reformation, for example, a
number of millennial reformers were sheltered and supported by female nobility who had
high status and wealth, but no respected function or purpose. Weber also claimed women
to be more receptive to prophecy as prophets challenge the status quo and are often more
egalitarian in their relationships with women (e.g. Jesus and Buddha). Women, like other
traditionally oppressed groups, have been disproportionately attracted to worldtransforming, charismatic religious leaders and movements.
From the above, we can conclude that the experience of social and political
disadvantage can have a significant impact on one’s worldview and style of religious
expression. As well, the worldview and sacred ethos of a group can have a big impact on
how its members respond to the experience of social and political subordination.
Lets’ consider one example in detail.
Religion in the African-American Community:
Most religiously affiliated African Americans are Christian (85%), with most of
these (69%) members of historically Black churches. While dropping off slightly over the
years, there is still a strong link there with the various traditions despite increased
diversity and local congregational autonomy. Even today, there are often a
disproportionate number of black churches concentrated in a given area, showing both
the link with tradition and the divisiveness that sometimes comes from local
congregational autonomy.
Perhaps the most important variation in black religiosity is due to socioeconomic
standing. Lower class religious groups are characterized by emotionalism and
fundamentalism, and the minister by little or no theological training. The black
professional class, in contrast, shows a religiosity quite similar to that of the white middle
class – characterized by orderly worship conducted by a professional minister.
3
It is possible to discuss the distinctiveness of black religion because the vast
majority of African Americans belong to all-black churches. This is not theologically
based, but a reflection of the historically caste-like nature of American society relative to
blacks. Once slavery was outlawed, but blacks still faced many barriers, it was free
blacks who formed the first independent, all black denominations – particularly as white
denominations often still practiced segregation during worship and were little concerned
with black needs. The ability of all black churches to minister effectively to the social and
religious needs of their people boosted membership and fostered the emergence of others.
The upshot is that, even today, most African American churches have continued to
worship in segregation from white Christians.
The Unique Character of the Black Christian Experience:
There are two views about the origins and central character of African American
religion. Some scholars believe that the conversion of blacks was a final step in
obliterating any remnant of African culture from slaves. Slaveholder policies that made it
impossible to maintain language, religion, or culture, and that divided slaves against each
other, led up to this. While preachers were originally forbidden access (as some
denominations held one Christian could not own another), they gradually relaxed their
position such that conversion didn’t necessarily require manumission. As well, slave
owners realized that religion could be a powerful tool of control. By providing a
profoundly otherworldly worldview, slave owners hoped to replace the last vestiges of
African hopes for freedom with a sacred system that whites could control.
Frazier and Fauset (1957, 1963) developed this stance. Yet they also noted the
Christianization of blacks enabled African converts to forge a religious expression
appropriate to their own needs: providing a common base for unity and solidarity among
otherwise diverse peoples facing a difficult experience. Thus, slave religion could also be
seen as a synthesis of white religion and black experience, developing its own unique
character (emotionalism, rooted in Baptist and Methodist evangelizers, poor education
and poverty), and a unique history.
Other scholars take a different stance. Heskovits (1958), Wilmore (1972),
Washington (1972), Williams (1980), Lincoln and Mamiya (1990) have all insisted that
slave religion was influenced by certain patterns of religiosity common to many African
religious ceremonies. They point to the tendency to turn to religion rather than politics to
alleviate frustrations, the rhythm and motion that characterize singing, preaching, and
congregational responses as examples. Thus, the styles of religiosity, the modes of
expression of the African American church are viewed, to some extent, as survivals of
previous cultural patterns.
While we cannot resolve this debate here, those taking the former view would
assert that the characteristic features of the black church are rooted in socioeconomic
subordination; the latter cultural remnants that remain from Africa. There is some
evidence to support both views and only history will tell us if, over time, if African
4
Americans become more equal and assimilated, their characteristic style of religiosity
will attenuate or continue.
Regardless of the causes of black religious patterns, there is a consensus that it
has its own unique character, one where common ideas are adapted to local needs and
experiences just as much as we see in how Christianity adopted a local, folk flavor in
many other cultures around the world.
Religion of the Oppressed and Coded Messages: The Black Spiritual:
One characteristic expression of African American religiosity is the black
spiritual. Many, surprisingly, do not mention Christ or God, but instead express hardship
and a hope of freedom. Those that do focus on Jesus stress his suffering, his experiences
of being scorned, and his role as liberator. Some were based on biblical stories, but others
were commentaries on contemporary events (e.g. clampdowns after slave insurrections,
where slaves hoped the apocalypse would come and bring down the slave owners).
Interestingly, while slave owners hoped that slaves were being socialized into right
ideology, blacks were interpreting the Bible through the eyes of their own experiences.
Indeed, some scholars have found that many spirituals were in fact “code songs”
that communicated one thing to blacks, while white masters sat by content their slaves
were getting a heavy dose of otherworldly religion (e.g. “Let us Praise God together on
our Knees” was actually a call to a secret meeting of slaves at dawn; “Canaan, Sweet
Canaan” did not point only to an otherworldly realm, but territories to which slaves could
run away; “Swing Low, Sweet Chariot” referred to the underground railroad). Slaves at
worship services understood the symbolism and encoded double meanings very well (e.g.
Moses leading the Israelites out of Egypt).
This is not a new phenomenon. It also urges some caution against simplistic
generalizations regarding the otherworldliness of the religion of the oppressed. Some
blacks may have understood Christianity in otherworldly terms, considering that slave
owners would be punished and that they would be compensated in the next world. Others
may have engaged more fully with the double meanings above. The point is that slave
religion was not a simple adoption of white Christianity, but a reworked one that had its
own character, style and outlook. Much of the black church today has been influenced by
this heritage. Even where the message is otherworldly, political issues have never been
entirely foreign to black churches, and many black Christians today feel it appropriate to
use the faith community for political purposes. Indeed, the African American church has
historically been much more involved in political affairs than its white counterpart.
The Leadership Role of the African American Minister:
One reason for this is that the black preacher has been the main spokesperson for
the African American community. During slavery, the role of plantation preacher was
often the only leadership role afforded Southern blacks, thus becoming one of
considerable prestige. After emancipation, it continued to be the most important
5
leadership role, both as community spokesman and liaison with the dominant white
community.
This role has largely survived to this day, where African American religious
leaders have sponsored social and cultural affairs, established insurance programs, started
schools and colleges, sponsored political debates, initiated economic recovery and growth
programs, and generally used churches as community centers. Preachers who have done
so came to be highly esteemed in the community.
Of course, this was a highly coveted position, and there have often been young
would-be preachers waiting their chance to preach and form congregations. Perhaps this
is another reason for the large number of small black churches, each with its own
semiautonomous preacher. This was even more attractive given that many other career
paths were denied. Yet, now as more blacks enter the professions, there has been a
decline in the ratio of blacks in the ministry.
Nevertheless, the role of black clergy has historically encouraged them to political
involvement (e.g. Martin Luther King’s speeches were written in the style of black
preaching, and his nonviolent protest tactics rooted in biblical teachings and appeal to
conscience). This mixture of religious teaching and political action did not seem
inconsistent to King’s followers, who were used to African American preachers being
political figures. Indeed, the success of the movement is hard to imagine without this
religious component.
It is also noteworthy that the pastor was not the only leadership role that the black
church has afforded. When blacks often held menial and low status jobs, the roles of
elder, deacon, Sunday school superintendent, or choir leader have provided leadership
opportunities and respected positions in the community. They are often given exalted and
lengthy titles, enhancing the self-esteem of those who have rather humble standing in the
larger society. This self-confidence and these leadership skills are often then used in the
service of activism for change.
New Religious Movements in the African-American Community:
There have also been many black sects and NRMs in America, indeed a great
variety of them that emerge out of the common black experience of subjugation. Two of
the best known are Father Divine’s Peace Mission and the Nation of Islam.
The former, beginning in Harlem, distributed alms among poor blacks, taught that
God is everywhere, everything, and everyone, and claimed that the founder (George
Baker, a.k.a. Major Devine) was God incarnate. His mission developed into an ascetic,
communal living settlement, and upheld high moral standards. It focused on changing the
socioeconomic system, largely though benevolence for the poor, and this did not incur
the opposition of the powerful – this spreading across the country.
6
The Nation of Islam, on the other hand, fostered a more radical outlook, and has
had considerable influence in many of America’s prisons. Started in 1930 by an Arab
peddler, Wali D. Fard, it taught that black people in Africa and the Middle East were
Islamic, superior, and that Christianity was the religion of white people. There was much
negativity directed at whites (and an allegedly white savior), both said to be duping
blacks into subordinate roles. He gained quite a following among poor ghetto blacks. One
of his devotees was Elijah Muhammad, who, in turn, was mentor to Malcolm X.
This group originally insisted that only black people could join, and experienced
its heyday in the 1960s, with Malcolm X as its primary spokesman. It gained notoriety in
its association with the black power movement, and attracted notables such as
Muhammad Ali.
This is a thoroughly political as well as religious group (rejecting any distinction)
and they explicitly reject otherworldly views in favor of changing the socioeconomic and
political structures of this world (their original goal was an autonomous and separate
black region in the U.S., segregating blacks from whites – who were seen as evil).
The larger Islamic world did not accept the legitimacy of this group, seeing it as
heretical. It is thus a NRM, even a folk religion that grew out of the experience of black
America. Nevertheless, it is an important one able to effectively mobilize people and
resources on its behalf. Malcolm X and the son of Elijah Muhammad, upon studying
Islam more closely, repudiated some of the earlier views (e.g. whites as intrinsically evil),
and modified them more in line with Sunni Islam. Now called the American Society of
Muslims, it has now been recognized as a branch thereof (membership estimated at
around 100,000). Meanwhile, a splinter branch, led by Louis Farrakhan, continues to call
itself the Nation of Islam and continue the black separatist teachings (with 20,000-70,000
members).
Such sectarian movements are more common among socially and economically
disenfranchised groups such as blacks, so it is no surprise that African American religion
is characterized by a large number of sectarian movements. Nevertheless, these comprise
a relatively small proportion of religiously affiliated blacks in the U.S. (although 24% of
American Muslims are black, only 1% of blacks are Muslim). Still, this is one alternative
mode of coping with marginalization.
African American Religion: Present Themes/Future Trends:
Cone (1970) and Wilmore (1972) are among black theologians who stress the
eschatological theme in Christianity and downplay the otherworldly one. They also stress
a “liberation theology” emphasizing social and economic liberation at some future time in
history. Otherworldliness is viewed as an opiate for blacks, so they claim true
Christianity to be eschatological. A Christianity not favoring black power is not seen as
Christianity at all. Jesus advocated for the poor and oppressed, so this must be true of all
Christians in all parts of the world. Such a unified and liberation oriented Christianity
inclines believers toward activism rather than passivity.
7
Ultimately, this brief look at black faith communities demonstrates that the
religion of any group is affected by the socioeconomic status of its members. As well, the
outlook such religion fosters may motivate people to seek change, or enhance
acquiescence. It is likely that black theologians are likely to continue to be more
politically involved like this, taking a more activist theological stance. Whether pastors
and members of local congregations will follow them in this, or turn, as some have found,
to something else like the “prosperity gospel, is something that time will tell.
8