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Teaching Anthropology: Means and Meanings 2004-2005 Academic Year AUTHOR: Ludwika Włodek TITLE: „Bieda a fundamentalizm islamski” („Poverty and islamic fundamentalism”) YEAR: 2002 Journal: Kultura i społeczeństwo”(“Culture and society”) Vol. XLVII (4/2002) Publisher: Warszawa, Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, 2002 REVIEW Reviewed by Paweł Hess Student of Institute of Sociology, Jagiellonian University, Krakow Advisor: Aleksandra Łojek „Poverty and islamic fundamentalism” by Ludwika Włodek is an article released in “Culture and society”, one of the major Polish periodicals dealing with the social field, be it sociology or anthropology. What the author deals with in this article is the relation between poverty and fundamentalism – what significance the factor of poverty had to the creation and ongoing development of fundamentalism in Islamic countries in particular. Włodek, following Bassam Tibi, perceives contemporary fundamentalism as a political phenomenon which uses religion to justify its existence and actions. She traces its origins to the salafiyya movement, started by al-Wahhab as a reaction to the Western imperial expansion, and the rejection of spirituality, cult of materialism, individualism, and loathing of the poor and weak, which it inevitably spread. The author outlines the approach of Islam towards poverty, pointing towards a general imperative of helping the needy in Koran. She mentions three specific commandments – zakat, sadaqa, and the prohibition of usury. Zakat is an obligatory (it’s one of the five pillars of islam) ‘tax’ managed by the state, whereas sadaqa is voluntary alms given personally by Muslims to their poorer brothers-in-faith. Furthermore, stress is put upon the solidarity and unity within the umma, the community of believers, and its egalitarianism – which makes Islam very attractive to people rejected by the society they live in (like the untouchables in India) contributing to numerous conversions. Fundamentalists, whilst criticizing the West and often their own countries’ political elites, preach return to the utopia of a state founded upon the sharia law. This rhetoric veils however political or economical goals – e.g. as the creation of an independent Palestinian state. It depicts the Western civilization as a materialistic culture which excludes every individual who fails to comply with its standards and ideals. Such political propaganda, as Włodek calls it, is accompanied by charity activity – the Talibans in Afghanistan serve as an example here, offering free education and help to numerous refugees in the area, gaining supporters and recruits. As for the actual socio-economical situation in Muslim countries, Włodek refers to a recent report published by the United Nations agency of UNDP. Although the report considers only Arab countries, the author draws conclusions about the whole Middle East, which may seem to be too farfetched, and therefore a weak point of the reviewed article. Important issues raised in the report are ineffective management of state income and increasing unemployment. Extreme poverty however, is either absent or rare in the Muslim countries – it is reduced by solidarity, and the vast majority of the society live in a higher economical status. Poverty exists more commonly in the form of powerlessness – the poor are subject to social exclusion, have limited access to healthcare and education, have no political representatives. It is these factors, and not poverty itself, which contribute to the swift spreading of fundamentalism throughout the world – both Muslim and Western. The author argues that democratization of Muslim states (or rather states with Muslim majority) could lead to a reduction of such processes and their consequences. One issue that she fails to raise and consider, is the possibility that it would be the fundamentalists, that such democratic institutions would elect. What would Muslim states look like and how would they act if the fundamentalists would have legitimate power? It is a question that Włodek’s article leaves unanswered.