Download Sigtuna site report

Survey
yes no Was this document useful for you?
   Thank you for your participation!

* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project

Document related concepts
no text concepts found
Transcript
SITE REPORT: Sigtuna, Sweden
Background
Topography and climate
About 50 kilometres north of Stockholm the small town Sigtuna is located (59o36’N (lat.),
17o42 E’ (long.)). The town, regarded as the oldest still existing in Sweden, is located on a
peninsula in the Lake Mälaren and the archipelago has a close contact to the Baltic Sea.
During the end of the 13th century, the true contact between Lake Mälaren and the Baltic Sea
was cut off, suggesting a more maritime character of the area during the Middle Ages
(Gustafsson 1991; Hammar 1999). In the region most of the soil consist of moraine and the
lake margins of clay (Douglas 1978: 6). The region is a part of the boreonemoral vegetation
zone (National Board of Forestry) and in the landscape coniferous trees such as pine (Pinus)
and spruce (Picea) dominate, which is believed to have grown in the area also during the
Midle Ages. Analysis of pollen and plant macrofossils from nearby Viking Age settlements at
Birka (Karlsson & Robertsson 1997; Karlsson 1997) and Fornsigtuna (Hammar 1999)
indicate a successive clearing of forests for grazing and cultivation. Changes to plant
compositions that can be connected to domestic demands are also noticeable (Karlsson &
Robertsson 1997). Observations of tree rings show that a period of warmer climate culminates
about 1000 years BP, this trend is slowly revised and in the fifteenth century a cooler period
commences (Gunnarsson & Linderholm 2002, Liljegren & Lagerås 1993: 41; Grudd et al.
2002).
The brief history of Sigtuna
Sigtuna was founded not far from the older royal estate of Signhildsberg (Damell 1989, 1991,
1999; Tesch 1990) and it is believed that the town was a deliberate attempt to establish a site
for the new religion (Selinge 1989). No signs of pre-Christian graves have been documented
in Sigtuna. In the new town, the new religion and a strong royal power, first led by Erik
Segersäll and later by his son Olov Skötkonung, could be united. Already from its foundation
in the end of the 10th century, the town plots had a planned and regulated structure (Tesch
1990; Pettersson 1995) and Sigtuna displays an urban character from the beginning. In the
centre of the town a lager town yard, probably the royal manor is placed (Tesch 1990, 2001).
Along the main streets, long town plots were laid out together with ditches and wooden
trackways. Within a plot the physical layout and function of the dwellings altered during the
Middle Ages (Petterson 1990; Pettersson 1995). All houses except for the churches and some
lager institutions such as a Dominican Friary, were made of wood. Even though the living
conditions improved so that a switch was made from earth to wooden floors with time, the
level of sanitation and hygiene were most likely low. No signs of proper latrines have been
discovered and only wicker hurdles were used to keep manure and refuse away from the wall
of the house. In addition, finds of gnawed animal bones and ancient dung show that smaller
animals such as pigs, dogs and chickens were allowed to stroll around freely. Yet, the
excavations of the black earth have reviled none or few finds of agrarian character, such as
ploughs, stables or barns (Högrell 1990; Pettersson 1990). The main function of the town
seems in the beginning to have been as a centre of administration both for Christianity and for
the royal power (Tesch 1989, 1996a). In the 12th century signs of craft and trade from a
variety of professions increase. This implies that the function of the town was changing cf.
Hed Jacobsson 2003: 217). Extensive contacts are indicated through finds produced in Slavic
areas, northern Germany, Denmark, England, Holland, France, Belgium, Germany,
Byzantium and Kiev (Karlsson 1989; Larsson 1990; Roslund 1990, 2001).
1
Since the role of Sigtuna changed over the centuries, the organisation and topography of the
town was affected. In the period of AD 1000-1150 six or seven stone churches were erected.
In the 11th-12th century the town was an Episcopal seat and in AD 1120 it was acknowledge
as a diocese centre (Tesch 1996b, Bonnier 1989). No later than a century after being built,
three of the stone churches were demolished, probably as a result from a religious and
political reorganization (Tesch 2001). All but one (St Nicholas’) of the remaining churches
went from being private churches to, accommodate the townspeople (St Laurence’s), or
became parish churches (St Olaf’s and St Peter’s). Nevertheless, Sigtuna had a strong
religious status. In AD 1237 a Dominican friary with the church of St Mary’s was erected
(Redelius 1989). This was the one of the first brick buildings in the region. In the 13th century
a hospital was founded in the outskirts of the town (Kjellström, Tesch & Wikström 2005).
Stockholm had however, started to replace Sigtuna as the centre of political power. The
decline that had started already at the end of the 13th century continued during the 14th and
15th century. After the reformation in AD 1527, several churches were left to decay and the
friary was completely demolished. Only St Mary’s was left untouched.
The socioeconomic variety of the inhabitants for the first centuries in the town is scarcely
known. It has been suggested that the king gave or lended plots in the town to loyal subjects
(Tesch 1990, 2000, 2001; Zachrisson 1998: 162f; Kjellström, Tesch & Wikström 2003). This
suggests that except for the royal family a large amount of households connected to the upper
class were situated in the town. However, the noblemen most likely also had farms in the
surrounding countryside providing extended support to the urban community (Tesch 1990,
2000, 2001, Andersson 2004). The archaeological record and comparisons with contemporary
historical sources elsewhere, demonstrate a highly hierarchal society, though the proportion of
different classes is unknown.
Regardless of the urban character of Sigtuna, in general, each household was to a large degree
self-supporting, i.e. most of the food and tools were produced in the household, in town or in
the near region. A variety of plants were cultivated not far from Sigtuna. Generally, barley
was the most important cereal during late iron and Middle Ages (Myrdal 1985: 64; 1999: 38).
Fossil plant remains of cereals in the region have been analysed (Hansson 1997: 24). Besides
the most basic crops various vegetables, fruits and herbs were cultivated. Province laws and
contemporary Scandinavian literature mention peas, beans, turnips, hemp, onions, apples,
cabbage, peas, beans and flax and a variety of other plants (cf. Myrdal 1985: 68, 1985: 118;
KL 1965: 81-86; KL 1961: 265). From the cultural layers in nearby Viking settlements, plant
remains of non-cultivated species such as nuts and berries have been identified (Hansson
1997: 24). In the cultural layers the bone debris indicates that the most commonly slaughtered
animals were cattle, sheep, goat and pig (Hårding 1990). The osteological analysis shows that
beef dominate in general. According to comparisons with bone materials of other urban and
rural settings, Sigtuna reflect an urban composition and slaughter pattern (Vretemark 1997:
85ff). Hunted animals constituted an important complement, though not necessarily to the diet
(Vretemark 1997: 145), but also as fur animals (Jonsson 1989; Hårding 1990). The closeness
to the archipelago is reflected among particularly the bird bones. Sigtuna displays a
remarkable frequency of bones from wild birds in comparison with other medieval animal
assemblages. In contrast to later developed towns the amount of wild fowl exceeds the
frequency of domesticated birds (Jonsson 1989; Vretemark I997: 152).
The Christian rules regarding the fasts were strict and regulated the mammalian meat
consumption. The importance of fish is reflected in the large quantities of fish bones in the
Sigtuna layers. Even though the extent of fishing in the Baltic Sea was moderate, bones from
2
herring and cod have been identified (e.g. Hårding, unpublished manuscript). The local fish
from the lake Mälaren such as pike and carp were in majority (Ericsson 1989). Fishing was
foremost a local business, but some organised import of dried cod and pike may have
occurred (Ericsson 1989; Hårding 1990, Hårding unpublished manuscript).
The mixed diet as suggested by historical records and osteological remains in large concur
with the results of the analysis of stable isotopes (Kjellström 2005: V). The dietary pattern of
80 adult individuals showed that the protein intake was mainly terrestrial and that a variety in
vegetable intake between groups was discernable.
The graves
More than 900 graves have been excavated from different parts of the cemeteries of the town.
The first burial sites are small, without an attached church, and the graves lack burial
offerings and have an east–west orientation. One of these early cemeteries, the block Nunnan,
have been excavated. No true archaeological confirmation of wooden churches exist,
however, the orientation of the graves indicate that at least five stone churches in Sigtuna,
built during the period c. 1080–1200, had predecessors (Tesch 2000, 2001).
Of the 900 graves about 755 had a firm archaeological context. A relative chronology for the
graves was developed based on a combination of stratigraphic analysis, grave fillings, grave
goods and arm positions (Kjellström, Tesch & Wikström 2003). The relative chronology of
the graves has subsequently been confirmed by 106 (14% of the total skeletal material) radio
carbon-dated individuals (Ua17743-17750, Ua 21858-21869, Ua 22702-22741, Ua 2319823237, Ua-34909-34918). Based on this, the material was subdivided into three rough burial
phases, Phase 1 (c. 900-1100, Phase 2 (c. 1100-1300) and Phase 3 (c. 1300-1530). The three
phases represent three successive periods of development of the town, i.e. its establishment,
its peak of prosperity, and its decline.
In Sigtuna as well as in other medieval churchyards in Europe, the burial regulations were
strictly controlled by the Christian ideology. However, according to medieval Norwegian
laws, the Borgarthings Ecclesiastical Law and the Eidsivathings Ecclesiastical Law, a social
topography may be distinguished in the churchyard (Gejvall 1960: 121). These laws state that
clergy, the proprietor of the church and other overlords were buried close to the church walls
on the southeastern side, followed by a zone of farmers and other free men. In the outer zones,
thralls (slaves) and possibly newly baptized babies were buried. In addition to social
segregation, the Eidsivathings Ecclesiastical Law recommended that men and women should
be separated, with men buried to the south and women to the north of the church (Gejvall
1960; Nilsson 1994: 46). Looking at investigations from other medieval churchyards in
Scandinavia it is clear that this strict subdivision of burials in to social groups or sexes never
was fully carried out. The same “law breaking” order goes most likely for the graves in
Sigtuna, since women and men are found both north and south of the church (though a clear
male dominance is found in the south).
With few exceptions, the individual were buried in an extended supine position, with, at most,
some single personal objects such as a buckle, knife or tweezers. There is, however, a great
variety both within and between churchyards in how the dead were treated. The diseased
could be buried in their ordinary clothes or a shroud with or without a wooden coffin, and in
rare occasions, stone or brick coffins.
3
References
Andersson G. 2004. Gravspråk som religiös strategi. Valsta och Skälby i Attundaland under
vikingatid och tidig medeltid. Riksantikvarieämbetet: Stockholm.
Bonnier A-C. 1989. Sigtuna och kyrorna. In Avstamp för en ny Sigtunaforskning: 18 forskare
om Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Kommitén för Sigtunaforskning, Sigtuna Museer, Sigtuna; 9-15.
Damell D. 1989. Fornsigtuna. In Avstamp för en ny Sigtunaforskning: 18 forskare om
Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Kommitén för Sigtunaforskning, Sigtuna Museer, Sigtuna; 20-30.
Damell D. 1991. Historiska notiser. In Fornsigtuna- en kungsgårds historia, Andersson B.,
Damell D. & Norrman J. (eds.). Stiftelsen Upplands-Bro Forn-Forsknin: Upplans-Bro; 30-31.
Ericsson P. 1989. Förändringar av Östersjöfiskets betydelse i Mälardalen under sen järnålder
och medeltid. In Avstamp för en ny Sigtunaforskning : 18 forskare om Sigtuna :
heldagseminarium kring Sigtunaforskning den 26 november 1987 Gröna Ladan, Sigtuna,
Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna Museer: 31-34.
Gejvall N-G. 1960. Westerhus. Medieval Population and Church in the light of skeletal
remains. Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien: Stockholm.
Grudd H, Briffa KR, Karlén W, Bartholin TS, Jones PD. & Kromer B. 2002. A 7400-year
tree-ring chronology in northern Swedish Lapland: natural climatic variability expressed on
annual to millenninial timescales. The Holocene 12; 657-665.
Gunnarsson BE. & Linderholm HW. 2002. Low-frequency summer temperature variation in
central Sweden since the tenth century inferred from tree rings. The Holocene 12; 667-671.
Gustafsson JH. 1991. Kulturlandskap och bebyggelseutveckling. En studie av Fornsigtunas
närmaste omland. In Fornsigtuna- en kungsgårds historia, Andersson, B., Damell D. &
Norrman J. (eds.). Stiftelsen Upplands-Bro Forn-Forsknin: Upplans-Bro; 107-117.
Hammar T. 1999. The prehistoric Environment of Fornsigtuna. A palaeoecological study of
the land-use history at Signhildsberg. Kungl. Vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademi,
Almqvist & Wiksell International: Stockholm.
Hansson A-M. 1997. On Plant Food in the Scandinavian Peninsula in Early Medieval Times.
Stockholm.
Hed Jacobsson A. 2003. Smältdeglars härskare och Jerusalems tillskyndare. Berättelser om
vikingatid och tidig medeltid. Stockholm studies in archaeology 25. Stockholm.
Hårding B. 1990. Vad benen berättar. In Makt och människor i kungens Sigtuna :
Sigtunautgrävningen 1988-90 : 28 artiklar om de preliminära resultaten från den
arkeologiska undersökningen i kv. Trädgårdsmästaren 9 och 10, Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.).
Sigtuna museer: 105-109.
Högrell L. 1990. Jordbruk, jakt och fiske. In Makt och människor i kungens Sigtuna.
Sigtunagrävningen 1988-90, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna museer: Sigtuna; 101-104.
4
Jonsson L. 1989. Massfångst av sjöfågel och pälsdjursjakt. In Avstamp för en ny
Sigtunaforskning : 18 forskare om Sigtuna : heldagseminarium kring Sigtunaforskning den 26
november 1987 Gröna Ladan, Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna Museer: 54-57.
Karlsson L. 1989. Fragment ur en tidig Sigtnaverstad. In Avstamp för en ny Sigtunaforskning:
18 forskare om Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Kommitén för Sigtunaforskning, Sigtuna Museer,
Sigtuna; 58-67.
Karlsson S. 1997. Pollen analysis from a Rock Depression, the Hillfort, Birka, Björkö. In
Environment and Vikings: scientific methods and techniques, Miller, U. and Clarke H. (eds.).
Birka Studies 4. Riksantikvarieämbetet och Statens historiska museer, Rixensart: Stockholm;
239-248.
Karlsson S. & Robertsson A-M. 1997. Human Impact on the Lake Mälaren Region during the
Viking Age (AD 750-1050): a Survey of Biostratigraphical Evidence. In Environment and
Vikings: scientific methods and techniques, Miller, U. and Clarke H. (eds.). Birka Studies 4.
Riksantikvarieämbetet och Statens historiska museer, Rixensart: Stockholm; 47-72.
Kjellström A., Tesch S. & Wikström A. 2003. Inhabitants of a Sacred Townscape- An
Archaeological and Osteological Analysis of Skeletal Remains From Late Viking Age and
Medieval Sigtuna, Sweden. Acta Archaeologica 76: 87-110.
Kjellström A. 2005. The Urban Farmer: Osteoarchaeological Analysis of Skeletons From
Medieval Sigtuna Interpreted in a Socioeconomic Perspective. Theses and papers in
osteoarchaeology. Diss.
KL 1965. Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid, X. Allhems förlag: Malmö.
KL 1961. Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid, VI. Allhems förlag: Malmö.
Larsson C. 1990. Västliga kulturkontakter och handel under 1100-1200-talet. In Makt och
människor i kungens Sigtuna. Sigtunautgrävningen 1988-90, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna museer,
Sigtuna; 62-66.
Liljegren R. & Lagerås P. 1993. Från mammutstäpp till kohage. Djurens historia i Sverige. R.
Liljegren: Dalby.
Myrdal J.1985. Medeltidens åkerbruk : agrarteknik i Sverige ca 1000 till 1520. Nordiska
museet, Stockholm.
Nilsson B. 1994. Kvinnor, män och barn på medeltida begravningsplatser. Lunne böcker:
Uppsala.
Petterson B. 1990. Stadsgården- hus och hemmiljö. In Makt och människor i kungens Sigtuna.
Sigtunautgrävningen 1988-90, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna museer, Sigtuna; 38-49.
Petterson B. 1995. Stratigraphic analysis and settlement stratigraphy in early medieval
Sigtuna. Methods and preliminary results. Laborativ Arkeologi 8/ Journal of Nordic
Archaeological Science: 65-77.
5
Roslund M. 1990. Kulturkontakter och varuutbyte 970-1200. In Makt och människor i
kungens Sigtuna. Sigtunautgrävningen 1988-90, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna museer, Sigtuna; 5361.
Roslunds M. 2001. Gäster i huset. Kulturell överföring mellan slaver och skandinaver 900 till
1300. Vetenskapssociteten i Lund: Lund.
Selinge K-G. 1989. Fornsigtuna och Sigtuna- frågpr kring den antikvariska topografin. In
Avstamp för en ny Sigtunaforskning: 18 forskare om Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Kommitén för
Sigtunaforskning, Sigtuna Museer, Sigtuna; 94-105.
Tesch S. 1989. Sigtunaforskning- arkeologiskt läge och möjligheter. Avstamp för en ny
Sigtunaforskning: 18 forskare om Sigtuna, Tesch S. (ed.). Kommitén för Sigtunaforskning,
Sigtuna Museer, Sigtuna; 115-135.
Tesch S. 1990. Stad och stadsplan. In Makt och människor i kungens Sigtuna.
Sigtunautgrävningen 1988-90, Tesch S. (ed.). Sigtuna museer, Sigtuna; 23-37.
Tesch S. 1996a. Äntligen hemma. Offergåvor och husplattformar vid Mälarens strand. In
Vikingars guld ur Mälarens djup, Tesch, S. and Edberg, R. (eds.). Meddelanden och
Rapporter från Sigtuna Museer, nr 3: 13-20.
Tesch S. 1996b. Piraterna år 1187 knäckte inte Sigtuna. In Vikingars guld ur Mälarens djup,
Tesch, S. and Edberg, R. (eds.). Meddelanden och Rapporter från Sigtuna Museer, nr 3: 4951.
Tesch S. 2000. Det sakrala stadsrummet- Den medeltida kyrkotopografin I Sigtuna. Meta
medeltidsarkeologisk tidskrift, 2000: 1; 3-26.
Tesch S. 2001. Olof Palme, S:ta Gertrud och Sigtunas medeltida kyrkotopografi. In Biskopen i
museets trädgård. En arkeologisk gåta, Tesch, S. and Edberg, E. (eds.). Sigtuna Museers
skriftserie 9, Stockholm: 9-44.
Vretemark. M. 1997. Från ben till boskap : kosthåll och djurhållning med utgångspunkt i
medeltida benmaterial från Skara. Skaraborgs länsmuseum, Skara.
Zachrisson T. 1998. Gård, gräns, gravfält. Studies in Archaeology 15. Stockholm.
The World Wide Web
National Board of Forestry (SVO). http://www.svo.se/minskog/templates/Page.asp?id=11505.
2003-12-03
6