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Geopolitical Transformation in the Caucasus History and Modernity International scientific Conference Batumi, 18 March 2016 Conference Organizers: Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University Institute of Poltiical Sciences at Ilia State University This is a collection of abstract of papers presented at the conference “Geopolitical Transformation in the Caucasus: History and Modernity” (Batumi, 18 March, 2016) ISBN 978 – 9941 -0 – 8631 - 1 2 Contents Lasha Tchantouridze Resetting America’s “Reset” with Russia: Expect No Change with the New US President ..........................................................................5 Hasan Selçuk Türkmen Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy amid Turkish-Russian Confrontation: Revisiting Ontological Security ...........................................................6 Emzar Makaradze Turkey's Strategy In the South Caucasus and Relationship With Georgia In 1991-2015 .........................................................................7 Ineza Zoidze Transformation of ethnic groups and space politics in multicultural regions (according to Caucasian example) ..........................................9 Cresnion Alexei The role of the US in the modernization of the country. ...................10 The case of Moldova and Georgia .....................................................10 Murat Dogan The Backgrounds of the Caucasus and Georgia ................................11 Sterpu Vladimir Support of International Organizations in the Field of Security for South Caucasus Region .....................................................................12 Edisher Japharidze The modern Geopolitical transformations in the South Caucasus and Near East ............................................................................................14 Malkhaz Matsaberidze Geopolitical Situation in the Caucasus before the War of FebruaryMarch, 1921 .......................................................................................15 Levan Khutsishvili Geopolitics of Georgian Cities ..........................................................17 Vladimer Napetvaridze Internet in Geopolitical Context. Example of Caucasus Region .......19 Natalia Lazba Realizing Caucasian conflicts from geopolitical point of view .........20 3 Manana Darchashvili Mikhako Tsereteli: Georgia in the Context of German Geopolitics (1918) .................................................................................................23 Vakhtang Guruli Geopolitical Situation in South Caucasus and Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom (80-90-ies of the 18th century) ...........................................................24 Irakli Manvelidze Giga Phartendze Giorgi Katamadze The status of the region of Adjara in Caucasus in the context of geopolitical transformation in 1917-1921 years ................................26 Inga Mikhanashvili Foreign Policy Priorities of Georgia and Armenia In Modern Times ...........................................................................................................27 Paata Sharashenidze The Aims and Reasons of Recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia................................................................................................29 4 Lasha Tchantouridze Norwich University Vermont, USA Resetting America’s “Reset” with Russia: Expect No Change with the New US President On March 6 2009, at their bilateral meeting in Geneva, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, presented a symbolic “reset” button to Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergei Lavrov. Designed to ‘reset’ RussoAmerican relations on a positive note, the symbolic button had erroneously inscribed the Russian word for “overload” instead of “reset.” True to its symbolic promise, relations between the two major powers went into overload for next five years, reaching their climax with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and annexation of Crimea. Since early 2009, the United States has made a number of unilateral concessions to the Russian Federation, which had been pursuing aggressive foreign policies toward its smaller neighbors. The US has abandoned the ground-based mid-course missile defense plans in Europe, it has allowed Russia to dismember Georgia, and impose an arms embargo on it, the US has turned a blind eye on human rights violations in Chechnya, and it has been very soft on the rigged elections in Russia, and American decision-makers have chosen to ignore militant rhetoric from Moscow especially regarding the disputed boundaries in the Arctic. In 2014, the US and its allies stood aside when Russian annexed Crimea, and fueled insurgency and civil conflict in southeastern Ukraine. In September 2015, Moscow successfully deployed its armed forces in Syria, and saved the Assad regime from collapse against the expressed policy objectives of the United States. In short, President Obama’s policies have managed to achieve a strategic retreat from US positions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, as the ‘reset’ policies substantially amounted to an appeasement approach to Russia’s aggressive designs toward its neighbors. As a result, Moscow has substantially reasserted itself as a great power; pushing it back after the gains listed above will not be possible through 5 diplomatic or economic means, and no other effective instrument is available to the United States and its Western allies. American policies toward Russia are not likely to change following the 2016 presidential election. The front-runners from the rival parties, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, do not differ much in terms of their vision of future RussoAmerican relations. Mr. Trump, who has no experience in international politics and has never held a public office, expresses eagerness to make deals with Mr. Putin – the two men have repeatedly voiced mutual admiration. In Mr. Trump’s understanding, such deals can be made in foreign policy just as they are made in business, i.e. a quid pro quo understanding should do the trick. Accordingly, Russia’s ‘near abroad,’ including Georgia, the Caucasus, and Ukraine will become easily tradable as they mean nothing to Mr. Trump, but it has huge strategic importance for Mr. Putin. In an unlikely case of her victory in the elections, Mrs. Clinton will likely continue the ‘reset’ policy line initiated under Obama, after all, she was the main conduit of this policy for four years, and in her presidential campaign she has not disowned or criticized any of Mr. Obama’s foreign policy initiatives. Hasan Selçuk Türkmen PhD Student METU (Middle East Technical University) Ankara, Turkey Area Studies Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy amid Turkish-Russian Confrontation: Revisiting Ontological Security The purpose of this paper is twofold. Firstly, it elaborates on foreign policy making of Azerbaijan in the face of the recent Turkish-Russian confrontation that has forcefully come to the scene after the jet crisis of 24 November 2015. With the exception of 2008 Russian-Georgian War, the preceding decade witnessed cooperative and tranquil relations between Turkey and Russia, which provided a fruitful setting for Azerbaijan in 6 maintaining its own foreign policy making efforts without much controversy. However, as Turkish-Russian relations have suddenly soured after 24 November 2015 jet crisis, Azerbaijan have been facing to deal with a delicate balance. Thereby, secondly, this paper juxtaposes this delicate situation in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the recent Turkish-Russian confrontation within the context of ontological security.1 Traditionally, Azerbaijan and Turkey have discursively committed to develop their bilateral relations on the basis of Turkic brotherhood.2 While concrete geopolitical considerations and rational calculations have conventionally outweighed Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, culture and identity aspects as parts of ontological security in its relations with Turkey provide challenges for foreign policy making of Azerbaijan. Under such framework, this paper aims to contribute to analyses of recent foreign policy making of Azerbaijan, the literature that incorporates the concept of ontological security in foreign policy analysis, and elaborations on geopolitical transformation in the Caucasus. Emzar Makaradze Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University Turkey's Strategy In the South Caucasus and Relationship With Georgia In 1991-2015 In the early 90s of XX century the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states played a crucial role in the development of Turkish regional policy. There were various aspects of Turkey’s interest towards the Caucasus. Before the end of "The Cold War" Turkey dealt well with the tasks of the North Atlantic alliance in connection with the Soviet Union. During the confrontation it served the function of a restraining link and 7 there is nothing surprising in the fact, that Turkey, together with the Western strategists, recognized the sovereignty of the South Caucasus and Central Asian countries and thereby, practically, extended its geopolitical area, while Russia was as much as possible abridged in geopolitical space not only in the South Caucasus, but also in Central Asia and the Balkans. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union the principles of Turkish foreign policy were reviewed and its approach towards the region was respectively changed. The main objectives of Turkish Republic were the obtaining a leadership role in the region and the strengthening its influence. By the statehood recognition of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Ankara has again reiterated its support for the Western course. The situation, established in the Caucasus, ethnic problems, security issues of Turkey have brought new opportunities to it. With the recognition of independence, the government of Turkey has established diplomatic relations and opened official representative offices in the South Caucasus countries. Georgia has become a very important partner-state. After the end of "The Cold War" Georgia wished to reduce the Russian political influence in the region. The Turkish government has been increasing the political, economic and military support to Georgia for two decades. Ankara considers Tbilisi to be the exit bridge to the South Caucasus and Central Asia. Unlike Russia, which was interfering in the internal affairs of Georgia, using to its advantage the ethnic clashes, occurring in Georgia, and finally recognizing the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the August 26, Turkey has always accepted and supported Georgia's territorial integrity. 8 Ineza Zoidze Associate Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University Transformation of ethnic groups and space politics in multicultural regions (according to Caucasian example) Ethnic groups of multicultural regions use the following strategies of communication: 1. increase or decrease of social distance with other groups; 2. an attempt to sustain one’s own culture with ethnic or religious features. This process is permanently followed by transformations of ethnic groups; in particular, new ethnic groups are evolving or some ethnic groups are being assimilated with others. Research of such issues especially in ethnically diverse region as Caucasus requires a systematic approach and analysis of not only those factors connected with group contacts (social and economic relations, cultural contacts, etc.) but also other independently generated factors (state politics, media attitudes, external factors, etc.) Empirical analysis is important. It has been defined that in multicultural regions a strategy of cultural contacts is being developed which causes decrease or increase of social distance. During relationships between ethnic groups cultural aspects take the first place which can explain different issues. Not only issues concerning ethno genesis but also socialization processes of individuals can be researched from cultural point of view and this process is connected with separate social groups, ethnicities and regions. At early stage of modernism uniqueness and identity of ethnic groups was due to their language, religion, geopolitical space. At the postmodern stage ethnic affiliation criteria have changed and such terms became popular as individualism, identity. Therefore, a new research approach concerning ethnicity emerged in scientific literature which is connected with substantive research of social boundaries of ethnic groups. In this regard, Caucasus is an interesting object for research the multicultural environment of which is due to geopolitical position as well as ethnic diversity, ethnic self-consciousness and identity issues in geopolitical 9 framework especially in the era of globalization. Multi ethnicity in a certain region in the process of globalization may become a basis for formation of geo ethnic region. Cresniov Alexei Republic of Moldova, Moldova State University, The Faculty of International Relations, Political and Administrative Sciences, the Department of International Relations, PhD student, University Lecturer The role of the US in the modernization of the country. The case of Moldova and Georgia1 Moldova and Georgia are countries, which showed great results in democracy and liberalization promotion. The US is one of the main actors that played an important role in democracy and economic development in these countries. It is important to evaluate the role of the US in the democratization and liberalization of both countries, to show main objectivities of US agencies and programs, which operating in Moldova and Georgia. Comparing two Cooperation Strategies implemented in Moldova and Georgia, directions of cooperation should be pointed out. Hence, USAID has almost the same policies towards democracy promotion and economic growth, however the Georgia-USAID Cooperation Strategy has one important distinction from the Moldovan one, USAID is working on “This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programmer: Possibilities and limits, challenges and obstacles of transferring CEE EU pre-accession best practices and experience to Moldova’s and Georgia's preaccession process. EU-PREACC Grant Agreement Number: PIRSES-GA-2012318911. Project period: 01.03.2013-28.02.2017” 1 10 increasing of engagement with the occupied territories. The MoldovaUSAID Cooperation Strategy has no such direction, however it with wellknown that US has some projects in Transnistria, following article will cover them. The main conclusion of the article is that US’s activity in Georgia is much higher than in Moldova. According to the Georgia-USAID Cooperation Strategy, USAID plays an essential role in coordinating the donor activity in Georgia. As part of donor coordination efforts led by the Ministry of Finance, USIAD continues to participate in various donor coordination forums. On the contrary, USAID in Moldova, according to the Moldova--USAID Cooperation Strategy, has no such function. Murat Dogan International Black Sea University Study Process Administrator The Backgrounds of the Caucasus and Georgia The Caucasus region is one of the most significant region within its geographical and geopolitical importance in international relations. So, it has been focal points for powers in any term of the world policy. Geographical and geopolitical location of the Caucasus makes the region important in international relations. The geographical and geopolitical significant of the region have attracted powers’ attention during the whole history. Thence, the Caucasus region was affected and occupied by then great powers throughout history. The occupations caused diversity and issues in the region in point of such as ethnicity, culture, linguistic, or regional. Transformation in the Caucasus region depending on its geographical, historical and geopolitical indicators influenced on the newly independent states like Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia after dissolution of the U.S.S.R in 1991. In the fact, the attraction of the Caucasus remains its influence for power in 21st century. Especially, Georgia as an important part of the Caucasus is the most affected country among the newly 11 independent states after the dissolution of the U.S.S.R. At the same time, Georgia was also affected with regard to domestic and foreign policies in the Caucasus. This article examines historical, geographical, and geopolitical backgrounds of the Caucasus region because these backgrounds reflect the significance of the Caucasus region in international relations. The works analyses also Georgia as a sample of the whole Caucasus because Georgia experiences most of issues and diversity of the region in her territory after collapse of Soviet Union. The diversity and issues which Georgia experienced led Georgian policies and perceptions about the regional relations or relations with states out of region. In the study, the Caucasus region was analyzed within backgrounds and some issues in Georgian territory were studied arising from Russian Federation as a heritor of Soviet Russia. Sterpu Vladimir Republic of Moldova, Moldova State University, Faculty of International Relations, Political and Administrative Sciences, Department of International Relations, PhD student, university lecturer Support of International Organizations in the Field of Security for South Caucasus Region2 From the point of view of regional security, the South Caucasus is a region which borders both, Europe and Asia, and includes three former soviet republics – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The security directions of post-Soviet states were determined by the advice, guidance, training and “This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programmer: Possibilities and limits, challenges and obstacles of transferring CEE EU pre-accession best practices and experience to Moldova’s and Georgia's preaccession process. EU-PREACC Grant Agreement Number: PIRSES-GA-2012318911. Project period: 01.03.2013-28.02.2017” 12 funding provided by international organizations in this field. International funding and grant possibilities redirected the security course of these states, since national donors were not available in the post-Soviet context. Through the mechanisms of cooperation held by international and local actors, as conferences, workshops and training programs, governmental agencies became familiar with the international way of conducting reforms in the field of security, learning new ways to carry out activities and to cooperate with international organizations. Nowadays we can notice a trend of balancing Russian involvement and increasing that of US and Europe in the South Caucasus region. The increase of American interest in the region comes together with the decrease of Russia’s dominance. Although the international organizations played a big role in redirecting the course of the concerned countries, however, it is hard to draw a strict line and to identify the exact time and extent of activation of international organizations. Also, Russia continues to try to strengthen its positions in the region, being at the same time an important regional player throughout the whole process of international involvement. The region brought the attention upon itself because it is one of the oldest and potentially richest oil and gas producing areas in the world. Some states representing transit territories automatically became involved in the battle for energy between the great world powers. Because of the increasing influence of western partners, Russia has chosen again the methods of ‘Realpolitik’ to seal its negotiations borders. In this case, international organizations are mandatorily necessary to monitor the situation in the region. An investment-receptive environment in the South Caucasus is the key for regional development. Numerous difficulties have prevented the area from succeeding during the transition. Problems with economic and political security, development strategy and prevailing corruption have been and are still a major obstacle for stimulating investments. The countries have been working in cooperation with international organizations to 13 resolve some of these problems, but much remains to be done in the near future. Edisher Japharidze PhD Candidate in Political Science University of Coruna A Coruna, Spain The modern Geopolitical transformations in the South Caucasus and Near East In the article is describing Geopolitical condition of couth Caucasus and near East. After the Second World War south Caucasus included three independent countries, there are: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan and they are continuing to exist as Sub regions. The South Caucasus region policy is very important for another countries in the world because Georgia is crossroad between Asia and Europa. Georgia is corridor of long-haul traffic from Asia to Europe. Naturally many country tries to have trade monopoly on this region, for example Russia, Turkey, Europe and Near East Countries. Today on the ground of world political situation, future of Caucasus regions are dependent on the two strategic project, on the one hand the west is trying to have monopoly according to an American Conception of the “New silk road’’ on the central Asian energy supply without Russia and China and another hand Russia is going to crate Eurasian Union for the New silk road significance. Near East region policy is very strained today because the situation is same as in South Caucasus. All big organizations and countries want to have monopoly in oil rich regions. It is very important to know that Near East region included following countries: Israel. Territory of Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, modern Turkey, Iraq and east Syria, and Iran plateau: Syria, Afghanistan, and West Pakistan. Finally, near east geopolitical condition role and significance are stipulated by three reason: Oil, there are in total 900 bn barrel oil in the region. The Second reason is transit road as a corridor between India and 14 China and third reason is religion fundamentalism which means life with religious rules. Malkhaz Matsaberidze Doctor of Political Science Director of the Institute of Political Science Professor, Iv.Javakishvili Tbilisi State University Geopolitical Situation in the Caucasus before the War of February-March, 1921 The weakened positions of Russia and Turkey paved the way to the independence of the Caucasian countries in 1918-1920. These two states were defeated in the I World War, facing harsh internal and external circumstances. From the spring of 1920 the situation was radically changed in the Caucasus. The Great Britain and other states of the West (France, U.S.) gave up their positions in the Caucasus, thus the Soviet Russia and Turkey got a free hand in the entire region. These two countries tried to use each-other in their war against the West and attempted to reach a deal on the division of the South Caucasus between each-other. In April, 1920, the Soviet Russia occupied and Sovietized Azerbaijan, whereas in the Autumn 1920, Armenia was defeated in the war against Turkey, which led to distribution of its territory between Turkey (capturing the Western part of the country) and Russia (imposing the Soviet rule in its Eastern part under the consent of those time government of Armenia). In the beginning of 1921 the Democratic Republic of Georgia was the only independent state in the Caucasus. In January 1921, the member countries of Antanta de-jure recognized the independence of Georgia, although it did not provide security guarantees. Georgia was found in a harsh geopolitical situation. Russia was the main threat for Georgia. Had 15 Russia respected the Agreement of May 7, 1920, neither Turkey posed pretenses to Georgia, nor Armenia and Azerbaijan, Sovietized by Russia, would act against the country. The recognition of independence of Georgia from by the Soviet Russia was a tactical move, as Russia would act militarily against Georgia if situation would become ripe for it. The Soviet Russia was cautious and tried to mask its attempts of annexation of Georgia. Rebellion in the Lore district of Georgia, which was also claimed by Armenia, is believed to be backed by Russia. The war against Georgia was portrayed by Moscow as its support to the rebellion of the workers of Georgia. In spite of complicated geopolitical situation, in case of successful defeat of the rebellion of Lore, Russia might stop its aggression against Georgia. Although, the political elite of Georgia failed to properly assess the existing situation: the de-Jure recognition of Georgia, as well as friendly statements made by the governments of Russia and Turkey, were mistakenly perceived as guarantees of security. In February 1921, the Russian invasion of Georgia came as a total surprise for the government of the country. The military mistakes of the Georgian army made it easy for Russia to fulfill its tasks. In addition, the Georgian government erroneously assumed that it could use Turkey against Russia. According to the agreement, signed on March 17, 1921 in Moscow, the Soviet Russia and Turkey agreed to set the new borders in the South Caucasus. Although Turkey failed to gain additional territories of Georgia, namely the city of Batumi and the Batumi district, mostly due to the severe resistance of the Georgian army. Turkey incorporated the gained territories in the Caucasus, whereas the Soviet Russia created the puppet Soviet Republics in the South Caucasus, which all joined the Soviet Union a bit later. 16 Levan Khutsishvili Assistant-Researcher in Institute of Political Science Of Ilia State University Geopolitics of Georgian Cities During the centuries main geopolitical actors were states, but as Dutch-American sociologist Saskia Sassen admitted, last couple of decades changed the picture. Globalization and technological progress almost vanished the time and spatial borders and world is not as much separated as it was in mid-ages. Among this processes the most significant is development of ICT technologies, also rise of scale and mobility of global capital. Before, world economy was based on inter-state cooperation, but after successful privatization processes in many states, after opening the national economic doors for foreign companies and after appearance of several transnational companies of global market, traditional economical interactions were modified and new geopolitical actors “Global Cities” were born. There is several definition of Global City, but all of them consists some fundamental ideas. Global Cities are: Home to major stock exchanges and indexes Influential in international political affairs Home to world-renowned cultural institutions Service a major media hub Large mass transit networks Home to a large international airport Having a prominent skyline And if we will try to locate geopolitical importance of Global Cities in one sentence, then we can say that they are Metropolises where is concentrated the world economy management tools and resources. Here we speak about New-York, Tokyo, London, Shanghai, and Hong Kong, Singapore and so on, those are the cities that control the global capital. But, except that Global Cities, there are several middle and small cities that in the conditions of non - controlled urbanism, and high competition for economic, political, social and cultural goods, are trying to 17 find their place on the worlds geopolitical map. And among those cities we should also consider Georgian cities. Important Geopolitical location of Georgia always determined and determines its involvement in significant global economic and political projects, also because of this, Georgia was/is a central player in Caucasus region and it can be the reason of importance of Georgian cities in regional level. But situation changes constantly, for example collapse of Soviet Union seriously modified geopolitical map of the world and it changed the reality of many countries – one of them is Georgia. Now country is trying to find its place among the democratic states, thou it is connected with several reforms and changes, also changes in urban spaces. As globalization makes cities more and more important, it’s interesting to find out present situation of Georgian cities. How important is their role in regional and global level? What are the obstacles and potential for development? This article aims to find answers on those questions, and for this article will analyze geopolitical importance of the cities from the historical perspective taking in consideration modern global tendencies and based on this knowledge will make conclusions about perspectives of development. Also, article will bring successful example from different countries. One of them is example of Baltic Sea Region. In 1992 Baltic States created the document “Strategy and vision of Baltic Sea Region development for 2010”. And if we will analyze facts, it will be clear that ranking system helped cities of Baltic States to realize situation, set priorities and make practical steps toward the development, and in the long term period it brought the results, like in 2009 Vilnius was an “European Cultural Capital” and 2023 one of the cities from Lithuania will have the same title. It is a great honor and increases world influence of the cities. It is one of the chances for small or middle sized cities to find their place in the global urban map, and Georgian cities, according to their geopolitical location, have huge potential to obtain important place among the leading cities of the world. 18 Vladimer Napetvaridze Assistant-researcher at Institute of Political Sciences: Internet in Geopolitical Context. Example of Caucasus Region Historical changes played a crucial role in formation of new geopolitical order. 16th century is a period of big geographical discoveries, 20th century is assumed as an era of industrialization and oil, as for 21 st century it can be considered as the epoch of Internet and digital technologies. From 1995 till today, popularity and importance of internet is growing dramatically. Nowadays there are 3.5 billiard internet users in all over the world. States are trying to establish electronic governance; therefore it’s important to study how internet is delivered to different countries. In particular this is about optical fiber cables and its political importance. There are some forces trying to intercept internet provider companies in the Caucasus region. This article analyses what forces are trying to have control over optical fiber cable and what possible threats it could have for national security. Optical internet in Georgia is delivered by underwater optical fiber cable, linking Poti, Georgia to Balchik, Bulgaria over a distance of approximately 1,200 km. It supplies Georgia, as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia with internet. The project has been implemented by Georgian internet provider company Caucasus Online. Costs of construction was up to $40 million. Although the project was done at 2008, companies from Azerbaijan tried to buy rights for optical fiber cable at 2007, when building process was in progress. In 2016 the information was spread about Balchik - Poti internet cable; according to this information, Russian company “Vimpelcom”, which is giant organization, working in information technologies field, was trying to buy mentioned cable. This means that Russian company could have an ownership on the biggest part of Georgian, Armenian and Azerbaijanian internet infrastructure. 19 The importance of arterial internet cable and interests from different parties will be discussed in this article. Also, there will be analyse the possible threats of Georgian national security, in case if state loses control over its internet infrastructure. Natalia Lazba Assistant Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University Realizing Caucasian conflicts from geopolitical point of view Conflicts in general and in particular in the Caucasus became one of the leading factors of instability in the world. It is difficult to deal with conflicts as it has tendency to spread wider involving more and more actors which in turn creates a serious threat to not only those involved in a conflict but also to others in the world XX century was a historical period which was mostly full of international conflicts. The biggest conflicts of this period which had a serious influence on humanity were the two world wars with their largescale death and destruction. After collapse of the colonial system (in 1943-1959 twenty countries got independence; in 1960-1970 about 50 countries also got independence; during this period in total 100 new countries which were before colonies got independence) military conflicts started among new sovereign states on the basis of ethno-religious, ethno-political and socio-economic reasons as ethnic groups appeared on different territories. After the Cold War it seemed that conflicts wouldn’t start for a long time. American scientist Fukuyama expressed such opinion in his work “The End of History and the Last Man” (1992) in which he says that competition of ideologies ended and liberal principles proved to be most acceptable for the mankind. However, this theory didn’t prove to be realistic after some time. Events started to develop rapidly and in a different 20 way. Number of local and regional conflicts increased dramatically. They became tougher and more complicated. Most conflicts started on the territory of developing and post-soviet states. Emergence of new states in the Caucasus which are not recognized by the international community significantly alters the geopolitical shape of the region. After collapse of bipolar world system regulation of regional and local conflicts became one of the main problems for major international organizations as well as one of the main foreign directions of leading world powers. Ala Bibilashvili Researcher, Institute of Political Science, Ilia State University The Role of Islam in Politicization of Religious Discourse in Northern Caucasus Northern Caucasus region has a big strategic importance in Russian geopolitical space. It arranges the spacial contact between Russia and Caucasian States and supports Russia’s positions in Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions. Peace building and stability in Northern Caucasus region is considered as an important factor of security system creation not only in Caucasus, but in whole Eurasian area. After Russian Empire collapse the people of the North Caucasus had a chance for reunion and creating the state based on the traditional national values. The republics of the North Caucasus recognized the Soviet government, but their main request was legalization of the Shariat rules and traditions. Administrative reforms were held according to the political and ideological unifications that were made on the next stage of the revolutionary changes. At the same time an ethno – territorial principle of the organizational and structural arrangement of the Northern Caucasus people were not violated. 21 The dismantle of the Soviet Union and creating new sovereign states were the vain conditions for the “Parade of Sovereignties”. These things were the main factors for the Northern Caucasus republics and their people to express the national consciousness and opportunity to show their own points of views. The analysis of the ideological constants and value modifications of the social-economic development of the North Caucasian Republics show that after 90-s of last century mental construction of the north Caucasians the dominant idea was based on the principals of ethnic nationalism and ethnic self-determination. That dominant idea was connected to the political, governmental and business-structural development of the region. Permanently this idea has been changed by the radical fundamental Islamic ideology determined by the concept of Imamat – the Islamic theocratic State and has been considerably expanded the role of the modernized Islamic trends and its influences. The presented article analyses the trends of religious influences at North Caucasian Republics and its indicators and parameters. The supporters of the Modernized and radical Islam ideology preached about the Islamic theoretical state that would be based of social equality. Such egalitarian tendencies are considered as the main factor of the influence of the fundamental Islam. The article underlines the importance of the “Saint Islam” for the further social, moral, and value system development of North Caucasia as the alternative way against the Russian imperial conquerors and a symbol for the rebuilding of destroyed statehood, the bases and fundamental part for building social state. It played a major role in the development of the protest movements against Russia. 22 Manana Darchashvili Researcher at the Political Sciences Institute of Ilia State University Mikhako Tsereteli: Georgia in the Context of German Geopolitics (1918) Mikhako Tsereteli, a worthy representative of the Georgian political thought met the 26th of May, 1918, the day of declaration of Georgia independence, in Berlin, Germany. In his speech in honor of the Georgian delegation at the ceremonial meeting of the Georgian-German Society dedicated to this event, in “Esplanado” hotel on May 27, he expressed his vision of the political future of Georgia and its place in the international politics. After studying his speech, it becomes clear that the issues of political orientation and territorial structure of Georgia occupied his thoughts for a long time. Mikhako Tsereteli paid much attention to the Georgian-German relations. He tried to convince partners that free, powerful and wealthy Georgia would be more useful for the German interests in the East than the destroyed and enslaved country. Georgia could help Germany, serve its interests and open to it the immense wealth of Caucasus, if it was economically developed itself. Only in this case Georgia due to its beneficial geopolitical location could break a path to the East, the Central Asia, for Germany. In addition, Tsereteli believed that the common spiritual interest would further strengthen the ties between the two cultural nations, rather than a purely material interest. It is noteworthy that the ideas expressed by Mikhako Tsereteli in a number of publications had a strong Western political orientation. He believed that with the help of the West European countries Georgia would secure its independence, find its place as an independent subject in the world political map and become a worthy partner to the European countries. 23 Vakhtang Guruli Professor, Doctor of Historical Sciences, St. Andrew the First Called Georgian University of Patriarchy of Georgia (Tbilisi) Geopolitical Situation in South Caucasus and Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom (80-90-ies of the 18th century) In 1772, Erekle II, King of Kartli has officially requested protectorate of the Russian Empire, with one of the conditions of dislocation of the Russian troops in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom. For almost a decade, the Empire government has left the request of Erekle II without any attention. In late seventies and early eighties significant changes have occurred in international relations. Russian-Prussian alliance on one hand and AustrianFrench on the other were subject to certain modifications. With participation of England, Russia and Austria started to become increasingly close. This process was caused by the fact that Russia was seeking the allies in the fight for gaining influence in the Near East. The first stage of Russia’s politics in the Near East was establishment of the RussianAustrian alliance against Ottoman Empire in 1781 and the second stage was so called Greek Project developed by the Empress Catherine II. This project intended decomposition of the Ottoman Empire and creation of the Russian-oriented countries of the Christian peoples conquered by the Ottomans. Russia was able to attack Ottomans from Balkans and from South Caucasus. This implied that Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has acquired certain functions in the eastern policies of Russia (Greek Project). And the results showed up: on 24 July 1783, the protectorate treaty was made between Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom and Russia (Treaty of Georgievsk) and on 3 November of the same year, two Russian battalions were dislocated in Tbilisi. Treaty of Georgievsk has changed geopolitics of Caucasus. If Russia assigned powerful military forces in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom, it could seriously endanger both, Ottomans and Iran. In addition, from South Caucasus Russia could successfully fight for conquering of North Caucasus. Grigory Potemkin and Alexander Bezborodko, the supporters of 24 the radical direction of Russia’s eastern policies (Greek Project) intended to defeat Ottoman Empire at one blow, the single war. The supporters of moderate line have been making long-term plans. Empress Catherine II has supported the medium line and in 1783 terminated negotiations with the Emperor of Austria on dividing of Ottoman Empire. Success of the moderate line resulted in rejection of the plan of dislocation of powerful Russian troops in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom by Catherine II/ Geopolitical situation in South Caucasus has changed again. Russia did not intend to attack Ottoman Empire or Iran from South Caucasus any more. Two Russian battalions were not able to ensure security of Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom. With the instigation of Ottomans Moslem leaders of North Caucasus have been permanently attacking Kartl-Kakheti. The existing heavy situation became catastrophic. In 1787, after commencement of Russian-Ottoman war, Russian government refused to start actions against Ottoman Empire from South Caucasus and withdrew the troops already dislocated. Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has lost its function in the eastern politics of Russia. In 1795-1796, the main line of Russia’s eastern politics was destruction of Iran and creation of the Christian state in its stead. In December 1795, two Russian battalions entered Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom. In March 1796, Russian army, under command of Valerian Zubov attacked Iran from North Caucasus, via Derbent. Geopolitical situation in North Caucasus has changed again. Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has acquired certain function in the plan of attacking Iran. The main part of Russian army (Caspian Corps) has attacked central part of Iran while its other part (Caucasus Corps), commanded by Alexander Rimsky-Korsakov, together with Kartl-Kakhetian troops had to act against Iranian khanates of South Caucasus. Caspian Corps successfully attacked and Erekle II and Alexander Rimsky-Korsakov agreed upon joint military actions. On 6 November 1796, Catherine II deceased and new Emperor, Paul I stopped campaign against Iran. Geopolitical situation in South Caucasus has changed again. KartlKakheti Kingdom has lost its function in Russia’s eastern politics once more. 25 Irakli Manvelidze Associate Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University Giga Phartendze Giorgi Katamadze The status of the region of Adjara in Caucasus in the context of geopolitical transformation in 1917-1921 years After the First World War changing geopolitical situation in Caucasus was caused by rival parties’ struggle for interests and its influence on Batumi district.Specific features of the region, incompatibility between the interests of big countries, Georgia’s foreign political relations and other contradictions had their influence on the process of defining the status of Batumi district. In contrast to the interests of England, Turkey, Germany, Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia it is important to pay attention to the politics of Tbilisi concerning the status of the region which was adequate to the geopolitical changes in Caucasus. New geopolitical situation in Caucasus in 1918-1921 played an important role in giving special status to the region of Adjara. In 1918 Germany and its ally Ottoman Empire had their interests concerning Batumi. The Brest truce fully satisfied interests of the Ottoman rule. At the end of 1918 Germany and its allies were defeated in the war. Batumi was occupied by England. During the English occupation Batumi issue was a matter of international discussions which was caused by the European countries’ wish to weaken British influence in the region. Porto-Franco was a status which could regulate different interests in Batumi. But this couldn’t be achieved because of change in configuration of military-political powers in Caucasus. From the middle of 1920 Russia and Turkey actively started to discuss Batumi issue. This process ended up by dividing Batumi district into two parts. Part of Batumi that was voluntarily refused by Turkey had an autonomous status (because of Turkish demand). After the war defeated parties didn’t have enough military-technical and economic possibilities to defend their interests in Batumi by military actions. There 26 was a change in the configuration of powers. Clearly, in this short period of time different interests could be balanced by giving special status to the region. These were Porto-Franco and Autonomy. In both cases different powers thought that their interests would be defended but it was a matter of time how things would develop. It should be noticed that in 1918-1921 discussions concerning the status of the region and its autonomy was a problematic matter because of radical and non-predictive events in Caucasus. After analyzing events concerning Batumi in 1918-1921 it can be concluded that in conditions of weak Georgian rule new geopolitical situation in Caucasus was defining whether Batumi would remain as part of Georgia. Inga Mikhanashvili Assistant-Researcher in Institute of Political Science Of Ilia State University Foreign Policy Priorities of Georgia and Armenia in Modern Times The paper deals with the policy priorities of Georgia and Armenia the EU Association Agreement and Armenia's joining to the Customs Union. In the article I focus on the “Eastern Partnership” program which aims at Euro integration of Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus. The main demand of the European Union to these countries was ensuring democracy, perfection of the governance system and stability. This program included political association and gradual economic integration of these countries with the EU. The Association Agreement is the agreement that involves political, trade, social, cultural and security fields. For gaining the Associate 27 membership status the EU obligates the partner countries to implement political, economic, commercial and judicial reforms. After signing the Association Agreement Georgia shall get closer to the EU in all areas. Implementation of the Association Agreement will contribute to the establishment of Georgia as a European type state. Besides, it envisages even more closing of Georgian legislation to the legislation of the EU. The most of Georgian experts assessed this Agreement as a historical dream of Georgia which shall become the precondition for entry into the European family. Cooperation with Armenia as the “Eastern Partnership” participant country and the EU was conducted within the scopes of four thematic platforms. EU - Armenia bilateral trade relations were well regulated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. Also, the negotiations regarding the Association Agreement were successfully going on before the Brussels Summit, including a deep and comprehensive free trade agreement, but Armenia suddenly decided to join the Customs Union instead of signature to the Association Agreement. The government's major argument was that Yerevan would have benefit from deepening the trade relations with the members of the Customs Union. The paper also deals with the opinions of the Armenian experts regarding Armenia’s joining the Customs Union; they believe it was the result of Russia’ pressure; Armenian experts perceive the Customs Union as an economic rather than political union and admit that the reasons of Armenia's joining are mostly related to the political and security issues. Notwithstanding the different foreign political priorities of Georgia and Armenia they still maintain close economic and political relations. Armenia wants to enter the EU market via Georgian market and take advantages granted by the EU to Georgia after the signature to the Association Agreement; the Government of Georgia promises Armenia to help in the mentioned. Georgia's geopolitical role will be even more strengthened in terms of deep and comprehensive Free Trade Area, which increases the opportunities to deepen trade relations in our region. 28 As a result of the analysis of the materials compiled in the paper the following conclusions may be made: - Implementation of the Association Agreement will draw closer Georgian legislation to the EU legislation; - Common European values shall be strengthened in the country; - The capacities of the institutions promoting democracy and the rule of law shall be supported; As for Armenia's accession to the Customs Union, we believe that it has a formal character. It is unlikely that Armenia becomes a full member of this Union, as it has no customs border with any of the countries of the Union. Paata Sharashenidze Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University Doctoral Student The Aims and Reasons of Recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia Russian-Georgian conflict of the year 2008 and the subsequent recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on August 26 of the same year may be considered the beginning of the new stage in Russia’s expansion policy. Such policy is currently continued in Ukraine and Syria. As the process is still under way, political assessments and opinions have not been completely formed so far. The paper is an attempt to research the aims and reasons of recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. These aims and reasons should be envisaged while defining future political priorities of Georgia and the ways of achieving state stability. The recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia has drawn a line of confrontation between Russia and the West. This line of confrontation 29 became more vivid after Russia annexed the Crimea and occupied Eastern Ukraine. The study of the aims and reasons of recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is important not only for drawing the new geopolitical picture of the Caucasus, but also for better understanding of Russia’s expansion policy after the above-mentioned recognition. 30