Download Hasan Selçuk Türkmen

Geopolitical Transformation in the
Caucasus
History and Modernity
International scientific Conference
Batumi, 18 March 2016
Conference Organizers:
Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Institute of Poltiical Sciences at Ilia State University
This is a collection of abstract of papers presented at the conference
“Geopolitical Transformation in the Caucasus: History and Modernity”
(Batumi, 18 March, 2016)
ISBN 978 – 9941 -0 – 8631 - 1
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Contents
Lasha Tchantouridze
Resetting America’s “Reset” with Russia: Expect No Change with
the New US President ..........................................................................5
Hasan Selçuk Türkmen
Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy amid Turkish-Russian Confrontation:
Revisiting Ontological Security ...........................................................6
Emzar Makaradze
Turkey's Strategy In the South Caucasus and Relationship With
Georgia In 1991-2015 .........................................................................7
Ineza Zoidze
Transformation of ethnic groups and space politics in multicultural
regions (according to Caucasian example) ..........................................9
Cresnion Alexei
The role of the US in the modernization of the country. ...................10
The case of Moldova and Georgia .....................................................10
Murat Dogan
The Backgrounds of the Caucasus and Georgia ................................11
Sterpu Vladimir
Support of International Organizations in the Field of Security for
South Caucasus Region .....................................................................12
Edisher Japharidze
The modern Geopolitical transformations in the South Caucasus and
Near East ............................................................................................14
Malkhaz Matsaberidze
Geopolitical Situation in the Caucasus before the War of FebruaryMarch, 1921 .......................................................................................15
Levan Khutsishvili
Geopolitics of Georgian Cities ..........................................................17
Vladimer Napetvaridze
Internet in Geopolitical Context. Example of Caucasus Region .......19
Natalia Lazba
Realizing Caucasian conflicts from geopolitical point of view .........20
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Manana Darchashvili
Mikhako Tsereteli: Georgia in the Context of German Geopolitics
(1918) .................................................................................................23
Vakhtang Guruli
Geopolitical Situation in South Caucasus and Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom
(80-90-ies of the 18th century) ...........................................................24
Irakli Manvelidze
Giga Phartendze
Giorgi Katamadze
The status of the region of Adjara in Caucasus in the context of
geopolitical transformation in 1917-1921 years ................................26
Inga Mikhanashvili
Foreign Policy Priorities of Georgia and Armenia In Modern Times
...........................................................................................................27
Paata Sharashenidze
The Aims and Reasons of Recognition of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia................................................................................................29
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Lasha Tchantouridze
Norwich University
Vermont, USA
Resetting America’s “Reset” with Russia:
Expect No Change with the New US President
On March 6 2009, at their bilateral meeting in Geneva, US Secretary
of State, Hillary Clinton, presented a symbolic “reset” button to Russia’s
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergei Lavrov. Designed to ‘reset’ RussoAmerican relations on a positive note, the symbolic button had erroneously
inscribed the Russian word for “overload” instead of “reset.” True to its
symbolic promise, relations between the two major powers went into
overload for next five years, reaching their climax with Russia’s invasion of
Ukraine and annexation of Crimea. Since early 2009, the United States has
made a number of unilateral concessions to the Russian Federation, which
had been pursuing aggressive foreign policies toward its smaller neighbors.
The US has abandoned the ground-based mid-course missile defense plans
in Europe, it has allowed Russia to dismember Georgia, and impose an
arms embargo on it, the US has turned a blind eye on human rights
violations in Chechnya, and it has been very soft on the rigged elections in
Russia, and American decision-makers have chosen to ignore militant
rhetoric from Moscow especially regarding the disputed boundaries in the
Arctic. In 2014, the US and its allies stood aside when Russian annexed
Crimea, and fueled insurgency and civil conflict in southeastern Ukraine. In
September 2015, Moscow successfully deployed its armed forces in Syria,
and saved the Assad regime from collapse against the expressed policy
objectives of the United States. In short, President Obama’s policies have
managed to achieve a strategic retreat from US positions in Eastern Europe
and the Middle East, as the ‘reset’ policies substantially amounted to an
appeasement approach to Russia’s aggressive designs toward its neighbors.
As a result, Moscow has substantially reasserted itself as a great power;
pushing it back after the gains listed above will not be possible through
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diplomatic or economic means, and no other effective instrument is
available to the United States and its Western allies. American policies
toward Russia are not likely to change following the 2016 presidential
election. The front-runners from the rival parties, Donald Trump and
Hillary Clinton, do not differ much in terms of their vision of future RussoAmerican relations. Mr. Trump, who has no experience in international
politics and has never held a public office, expresses eagerness to make
deals with Mr. Putin – the two men have repeatedly voiced mutual
admiration. In Mr. Trump’s understanding, such deals can be made in
foreign policy just as they are made in business, i.e. a quid pro quo
understanding should do the trick. Accordingly, Russia’s ‘near abroad,’
including Georgia, the Caucasus, and Ukraine will become easily tradable
as they mean nothing to Mr. Trump, but it has huge strategic importance for
Mr. Putin. In an unlikely case of her victory in the elections, Mrs. Clinton
will likely continue the ‘reset’ policy line initiated under Obama, after all,
she was the main conduit of this policy for four years, and in her
presidential campaign she has not disowned or criticized any of Mr.
Obama’s foreign policy initiatives.
Hasan Selçuk Türkmen
PhD Student
METU (Middle East Technical University) Ankara, Turkey
Area Studies
Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy amid Turkish-Russian
Confrontation: Revisiting Ontological Security
The purpose of this paper is twofold. Firstly, it elaborates on foreign
policy making of Azerbaijan in the face of the recent Turkish-Russian
confrontation that has forcefully come to the scene after the jet crisis of 24
November 2015. With the exception of 2008 Russian-Georgian War, the
preceding decade witnessed cooperative and tranquil relations between
Turkey and Russia, which provided a fruitful setting for Azerbaijan in
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maintaining its own foreign policy making efforts without much
controversy. However, as Turkish-Russian relations have suddenly soured
after 24 November 2015 jet crisis, Azerbaijan have been facing to deal with
a delicate balance. Thereby, secondly, this paper juxtaposes this delicate
situation in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the recent Turkish-Russian
confrontation within the context of ontological security.1 Traditionally,
Azerbaijan and Turkey have discursively committed to develop their
bilateral relations on the basis of Turkic brotherhood.2 While concrete
geopolitical considerations and rational calculations have conventionally
outweighed Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, culture and identity aspects as
parts of ontological security in its relations with Turkey provide challenges
for foreign policy making of Azerbaijan. Under such framework, this paper
aims to contribute to analyses of recent foreign policy making of
Azerbaijan, the literature that incorporates the concept of ontological
security in foreign policy analysis, and elaborations on geopolitical
transformation in the Caucasus.
Emzar Makaradze
Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Turkey's Strategy In the South Caucasus and Relationship With
Georgia In 1991-2015
In the early 90s of XX century the disintegration of the Soviet Union
and the emergence of independent states played a crucial role in the
development of Turkish regional policy.
There were various aspects of Turkey’s interest towards the
Caucasus. Before the end of "The Cold War" Turkey dealt well with the
tasks of the North Atlantic alliance in connection with the Soviet Union.
During the confrontation it served the function of a restraining link and
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there is nothing surprising in the fact, that Turkey, together with the
Western strategists, recognized the sovereignty of the South Caucasus and
Central Asian countries and thereby, practically, extended its geopolitical
area, while Russia was as much as possible abridged in geopolitical space
not only in the South Caucasus, but also in Central Asia and the Balkans.
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union the principles of Turkish
foreign policy were reviewed and its approach towards the region was
respectively changed. The main objectives of Turkish Republic were the
obtaining a leadership role in the region and the strengthening its influence.
By the statehood recognition of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Ankara
has again reiterated its support for the Western course. The situation,
established in the Caucasus, ethnic problems, security issues of Turkey
have brought new opportunities to it.
With the recognition of independence, the government of Turkey has
established diplomatic relations and opened official representative offices in
the South Caucasus countries.
Georgia has become a very important partner-state. After the end of
"The Cold War" Georgia wished to reduce the Russian political influence
in the region. The Turkish government has been increasing the political,
economic and military support to Georgia for two decades. Ankara
considers Tbilisi to be the exit bridge to the South Caucasus and Central
Asia. Unlike Russia, which was interfering in the internal affairs of
Georgia, using to its advantage the ethnic clashes, occurring in Georgia, and
finally recognizing the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on
the August 26, Turkey has always accepted and supported Georgia's
territorial integrity.
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Ineza Zoidze
Associate Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Transformation of ethnic groups and space politics in
multicultural regions (according to Caucasian example)
Ethnic groups of multicultural regions use the following strategies of
communication: 1. increase or decrease of social distance with other
groups; 2. an attempt to sustain one’s own culture with ethnic or religious
features. This process is permanently followed by transformations of ethnic
groups; in particular, new ethnic groups are evolving or some ethnic groups
are being assimilated with others. Research of such issues especially in
ethnically diverse region as Caucasus requires a systematic approach and
analysis of not only those factors connected with group contacts (social and
economic relations, cultural contacts, etc.) but also other independently
generated factors (state politics, media attitudes, external factors, etc.)
Empirical analysis is important. It has been defined that in multicultural
regions a strategy of cultural contacts is being developed which causes
decrease or increase of social distance.
During relationships between ethnic groups cultural aspects take the
first place which can explain different issues. Not only issues concerning
ethno genesis but also socialization processes of individuals can be
researched from cultural point of view and this process is connected with
separate social groups, ethnicities and regions.
At early stage of modernism uniqueness and identity of ethnic groups
was due to their language, religion, geopolitical space. At the postmodern
stage ethnic affiliation criteria have changed and such terms became
popular as individualism, identity. Therefore, a new research approach
concerning ethnicity emerged in scientific literature which is connected
with substantive research of social boundaries of ethnic groups.
In this regard, Caucasus is an interesting object for research the
multicultural environment of which is due to geopolitical position as well as
ethnic diversity, ethnic self-consciousness and identity issues in geopolitical
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framework especially in the era of globalization. Multi ethnicity in a certain
region in the process of globalization may become a basis for formation of
geo ethnic region.
Cresniov Alexei
Republic of Moldova, Moldova State University,
The Faculty of International Relations, Political and Administrative Sciences, the
Department of International Relations,
PhD student, University Lecturer
The role of the US in the modernization of the country.
The case of Moldova and Georgia1
Moldova and Georgia are countries, which showed great results in
democracy and liberalization promotion. The US is one of the main actors
that played an important role in democracy and economic development in
these countries. It is important to evaluate the role of the US in the
democratization and liberalization of both countries, to show main
objectivities of US agencies and programs, which operating in Moldova and
Georgia.
Comparing two Cooperation Strategies implemented in Moldova and
Georgia, directions of cooperation should be pointed out. Hence, USAID
has almost the same policies towards democracy promotion and economic
growth, however the Georgia-USAID Cooperation Strategy has one
important distinction from the Moldovan one, USAID is working on
“This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff
Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework
Programmer: Possibilities and limits, challenges and obstacles of transferring CEE
EU pre-accession best practices and experience to Moldova’s and Georgia's preaccession process. EU-PREACC Grant Agreement Number: PIRSES-GA-2012318911. Project period: 01.03.2013-28.02.2017”
1
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increasing of engagement with the occupied territories. The MoldovaUSAID Cooperation Strategy has no such direction, however it with wellknown that US has some projects in Transnistria, following article will
cover them.
The main conclusion of the article is that US’s activity in Georgia is
much higher than in Moldova. According to the Georgia-USAID
Cooperation Strategy, USAID plays an essential role in coordinating the
donor activity in Georgia. As part of donor coordination efforts led by the
Ministry of Finance, USIAD continues to participate in various donor
coordination forums. On the contrary, USAID in Moldova, according to the
Moldova--USAID Cooperation Strategy, has no such function.
Murat Dogan
International Black Sea University
Study Process Administrator
The Backgrounds of the Caucasus and Georgia
The Caucasus region is one of the most significant region within its
geographical and geopolitical importance in international relations. So, it
has been focal points for powers in any term of the world policy.
Geographical and geopolitical location of the Caucasus makes the region
important in international relations. The geographical and geopolitical
significant of the region have attracted powers’ attention during the whole
history. Thence, the Caucasus region was affected and occupied by then
great powers throughout history. The occupations caused diversity and
issues in the region in point of such as ethnicity, culture, linguistic, or
regional. Transformation in the Caucasus region depending on its
geographical, historical and geopolitical indicators influenced on the newly
independent states like Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia after dissolution
of the U.S.S.R in 1991. In the fact, the attraction of the Caucasus remains
its influence for power in 21st century. Especially, Georgia as an important
part of the Caucasus is the most affected country among the newly
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independent states after the dissolution of the U.S.S.R. At the same time,
Georgia was also affected with regard to domestic and foreign policies in
the Caucasus. This article examines historical, geographical, and
geopolitical backgrounds of the Caucasus region because these
backgrounds reflect the significance of the Caucasus region in international
relations. The works analyses also Georgia as a sample of the whole
Caucasus because Georgia experiences most of issues and diversity of the
region in her territory after collapse of Soviet Union. The diversity and
issues which Georgia experienced led Georgian policies and perceptions
about the regional relations or relations with states out of region. In the
study, the Caucasus region was analyzed within backgrounds and some
issues in Georgian territory were studied arising from Russian Federation as
a heritor of Soviet Russia.
Sterpu Vladimir
Republic of Moldova, Moldova State University, Faculty of International
Relations, Political and Administrative Sciences, Department of International
Relations, PhD student, university lecturer
Support of International Organizations in the Field of Security
for South Caucasus Region2
From the point of view of regional security, the South Caucasus is a
region which borders both, Europe and Asia, and includes three former
soviet republics – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The security directions
of post-Soviet states were determined by the advice, guidance, training and

“This research was supported by a Marie Curie International Research Staff
Exchange Scheme Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework
Programmer: Possibilities and limits, challenges and obstacles of transferring CEE
EU pre-accession best practices and experience to Moldova’s and Georgia's preaccession process. EU-PREACC Grant Agreement Number: PIRSES-GA-2012318911. Project period: 01.03.2013-28.02.2017”
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funding provided by international organizations in this field. International
funding and grant possibilities redirected the security course of these states,
since national donors were not available in the post-Soviet context. Through
the mechanisms of cooperation held by international and local actors, as
conferences, workshops and training programs, governmental agencies
became familiar with the international way of conducting reforms in the
field of security, learning new ways to carry out activities and to cooperate
with international organizations.
Nowadays we can notice a trend of balancing Russian involvement
and increasing that of US and Europe in the South Caucasus region. The
increase of American interest in the region comes together with the
decrease of Russia’s dominance. Although the international organizations
played a big role in redirecting the course of the concerned countries,
however, it is hard to draw a strict line and to identify the exact time and
extent of activation of international organizations. Also, Russia continues to
try to strengthen its positions in the region, being at the same time an
important regional player throughout the whole process of international
involvement.
The region brought the attention upon itself because it is one of the
oldest and potentially richest oil and gas producing areas in the world.
Some states representing transit territories automatically became involved
in the battle for energy between the great world powers. Because of the
increasing influence of western partners, Russia has chosen again the
methods of ‘Realpolitik’ to seal its negotiations borders. In this case,
international organizations are mandatorily necessary to monitor the
situation in the region.
An investment-receptive environment in the South Caucasus is the
key for regional development. Numerous difficulties have prevented the
area from succeeding during the transition. Problems with economic and
political security, development strategy and prevailing corruption have been
and are still a major obstacle for stimulating investments. The countries
have been working in cooperation with international organizations to
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resolve some of these problems, but much remains to be done in the near
future.
Edisher Japharidze
PhD Candidate in Political Science
University of Coruna
A Coruna, Spain
The modern Geopolitical transformations in the South Caucasus
and Near East
In the article is describing Geopolitical condition of couth Caucasus
and near East. After the Second World War south Caucasus included three
independent countries, there are: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan and they
are continuing to exist as Sub regions. The South Caucasus region policy is
very important for another countries in the world because Georgia is crossroad between Asia and Europa. Georgia is corridor of long-haul traffic from
Asia to Europe. Naturally many country tries to have trade monopoly on
this region, for example Russia, Turkey, Europe and Near East Countries.
Today on the ground of world political situation, future of Caucasus
regions are dependent on the two strategic project, on the one hand the west
is trying to have monopoly according to an American Conception of the
“New silk road’’ on the central Asian energy supply without Russia and
China and another hand Russia is going to crate Eurasian Union for the
New silk road significance. Near East region policy is very strained today
because the situation is same as in South Caucasus. All big organizations
and countries want to have monopoly in oil rich regions. It is very
important to know that Near East region included following countries:
Israel. Territory of Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, modern Turkey, Iraq
and east Syria, and Iran plateau: Syria, Afghanistan, and West Pakistan.
Finally, near east geopolitical condition role and significance are
stipulated by three reason: Oil, there are in total 900 bn barrel oil in the
region. The Second reason is transit road as a corridor between India and
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China and third reason is religion fundamentalism which means life with
religious rules.
Malkhaz Matsaberidze
Doctor of Political Science
Director of the Institute of Political Science
Professor, Iv.Javakishvili Tbilisi State University
Geopolitical Situation in the Caucasus before the War of
February-March, 1921
The weakened positions of Russia and Turkey paved the way to the
independence of the Caucasian countries in 1918-1920. These two states
were defeated in the I World War, facing harsh internal and external
circumstances. From the spring of 1920 the situation was radically changed
in the Caucasus. The Great Britain and other states of the West (France,
U.S.) gave up their positions in the Caucasus, thus the Soviet Russia and
Turkey got a free hand in the entire region. These two countries tried to use
each-other in their war against the West and attempted to reach a deal on
the division of the South Caucasus between each-other.
In April, 1920, the Soviet Russia occupied and Sovietized
Azerbaijan, whereas in the Autumn 1920, Armenia was defeated in the war
against Turkey, which led to distribution of its territory between Turkey
(capturing the Western part of the country) and Russia (imposing the Soviet
rule in its Eastern part under the consent of those time government of
Armenia).
In the beginning of 1921 the Democratic Republic of Georgia was
the only independent state in the Caucasus. In January 1921, the member
countries of Antanta de-jure recognized the independence of Georgia,
although it did not provide security guarantees. Georgia was found in a
harsh geopolitical situation. Russia was the main threat for Georgia. Had
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Russia respected the Agreement of May 7, 1920, neither Turkey posed
pretenses to Georgia, nor Armenia and Azerbaijan, Sovietized by Russia,
would act against the country. The recognition of independence of Georgia
from by the Soviet Russia was a tactical move, as Russia would act
militarily against Georgia if situation would become ripe for it.
The Soviet Russia was cautious and tried to mask its attempts of
annexation of Georgia. Rebellion in the Lore district of Georgia, which was
also claimed by Armenia, is believed to be backed by Russia. The war
against Georgia was portrayed by Moscow as its support to the rebellion of
the workers of Georgia.
In spite of complicated geopolitical situation, in case of successful
defeat of the rebellion of Lore, Russia might stop its aggression against
Georgia. Although, the political elite of Georgia failed to properly assess
the existing situation: the de-Jure recognition of Georgia, as well as friendly
statements made by the governments of Russia and Turkey, were
mistakenly perceived as guarantees of security.
In February 1921, the Russian invasion of Georgia came as a total
surprise for the government of the country. The military mistakes of the
Georgian army made it easy for Russia to fulfill its tasks. In addition, the
Georgian government erroneously assumed that it could use Turkey against
Russia. According to the agreement, signed on March 17, 1921 in Moscow,
the Soviet Russia and Turkey agreed to set the new borders in the South
Caucasus. Although Turkey failed to gain additional territories of Georgia,
namely the city of Batumi and the Batumi district, mostly due to the severe
resistance of the Georgian army. Turkey incorporated the gained territories
in the Caucasus, whereas the Soviet Russia created the puppet Soviet
Republics in the South Caucasus, which all joined the Soviet Union a bit
later.
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Levan Khutsishvili
Assistant-Researcher in Institute of Political Science
Of Ilia State University
Geopolitics of Georgian Cities
During the centuries main geopolitical actors were states, but as
Dutch-American sociologist Saskia Sassen admitted, last couple of decades
changed the picture. Globalization and technological progress almost
vanished the time and spatial borders and world is not as much separated as
it was in mid-ages. Among this processes the most significant is
development of ICT technologies, also rise of scale and mobility of global
capital. Before, world economy was based on inter-state cooperation, but
after successful privatization processes in many states, after opening the
national economic doors for foreign companies and after appearance of
several transnational companies of global market, traditional economical
interactions were modified and new geopolitical actors “Global Cities”
were born. There is several definition of Global City, but all of them
consists some fundamental ideas. Global Cities are:
 Home to major stock exchanges and indexes
 Influential in international political affairs
 Home to world-renowned cultural institutions
 Service a major media hub
 Large mass transit networks
 Home to a large international airport
 Having a prominent skyline
And if we will try to locate geopolitical importance of Global Cities
in one sentence, then we can say that they are Metropolises where is
concentrated the world economy management tools and resources. Here we
speak about New-York, Tokyo, London, Shanghai, and Hong Kong,
Singapore and so on, those are the cities that control the global capital.
But, except that Global Cities, there are several middle and small
cities that in the conditions of non - controlled urbanism, and high
competition for economic, political, social and cultural goods, are trying to
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find their place on the worlds geopolitical map. And among those cities we
should also consider Georgian cities.
Important Geopolitical location of Georgia always determined and
determines its involvement in significant global economic and political
projects, also because of this, Georgia was/is a central player in Caucasus
region and it can be the reason of importance of Georgian cities in regional
level. But situation changes constantly, for example collapse of Soviet
Union seriously modified geopolitical map of the world and it changed the
reality of many countries – one of them is Georgia. Now country is trying to
find its place among the democratic states, thou it is connected with several
reforms and changes, also changes in urban spaces. As globalization makes
cities more and more important, it’s interesting to find out present situation
of Georgian cities. How important is their role in regional and global level?
What are the obstacles and potential for development? This article aims to
find answers on those questions, and for this article will analyze
geopolitical importance of the cities from the historical perspective taking
in consideration modern global tendencies and based on this knowledge
will make conclusions about perspectives of development. Also, article will
bring successful example from different countries. One of them is example
of Baltic Sea Region. In 1992 Baltic States created the document “Strategy
and vision of Baltic Sea Region development for 2010”.
And if we will analyze facts, it will be clear that ranking system
helped cities of Baltic States to realize situation, set priorities and make
practical steps toward the development, and in the long term period it
brought the results, like in 2009 Vilnius was an “European Cultural
Capital” and 2023 one of the cities from Lithuania will have the same title.
It is a great honor and increases world influence of the cities. It is one of the
chances for small or middle sized cities to find their place in the global
urban map, and Georgian cities, according to their geopolitical location,
have huge potential to obtain important place among the leading cities of
the world.
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Vladimer Napetvaridze
Assistant-researcher at Institute of Political Sciences:
Internet in Geopolitical Context. Example of Caucasus Region
Historical changes played a crucial role in formation of new
geopolitical order. 16th century is a period of big geographical discoveries,
20th century is assumed as an era of industrialization and oil, as for 21 st
century it can be considered as the epoch of Internet and digital
technologies. From 1995 till today, popularity and importance of internet is
growing dramatically. Nowadays there are 3.5 billiard internet users in all
over the world. States are trying to establish electronic governance;
therefore it’s important to study how internet is delivered to different
countries. In particular this is about optical fiber cables and its political
importance.
There are some forces trying to intercept internet provider companies
in the Caucasus region. This article analyses what forces are trying to have
control over optical fiber cable and what possible threats it could have for
national security.
Optical internet in Georgia is delivered by underwater optical fiber
cable, linking Poti, Georgia to Balchik, Bulgaria over a distance of
approximately 1,200 km. It supplies Georgia, as well as Azerbaijan and
Armenia with internet. The project has been implemented by Georgian
internet provider company Caucasus Online. Costs of construction was up
to $40 million. Although the project was done at 2008, companies from
Azerbaijan tried to buy rights for optical fiber cable at 2007, when building
process was in progress.
In 2016 the information was spread about Balchik - Poti internet
cable; according to this information, Russian company “Vimpelcom”,
which is giant organization, working in information technologies field, was
trying to buy mentioned cable. This means that Russian company could
have an ownership on the biggest part of Georgian, Armenian and
Azerbaijanian internet infrastructure.
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The importance of arterial internet cable and interests from different
parties will be discussed in this article. Also, there will be analyse the
possible threats of Georgian national security, in case if state loses control
over its internet infrastructure.
Natalia Lazba
Assistant Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Realizing Caucasian conflicts from geopolitical point of view
Conflicts in general and in particular in the Caucasus became one of
the leading factors of instability in the world. It is difficult to deal with
conflicts as it has tendency to spread wider involving more and more actors
which in turn creates a serious threat to not only those involved in a conflict
but also to others in the world
XX century was a historical period which was mostly full of
international conflicts. The biggest conflicts of this period which had a
serious influence on humanity were the two world wars with their largescale death and destruction.
After collapse of the colonial system (in 1943-1959 twenty countries
got independence; in 1960-1970 about 50 countries also got independence;
during this period in total 100 new countries which were before colonies
got independence) military conflicts started among new sovereign states on
the basis of ethno-religious, ethno-political and socio-economic reasons as
ethnic groups appeared on different territories.
After the Cold War it seemed that conflicts wouldn’t start for a long
time. American scientist Fukuyama expressed such opinion in his work
“The End of History and the Last Man” (1992) in which he says that
competition of ideologies ended and liberal principles proved to be most
acceptable for the mankind. However, this theory didn’t prove to be
realistic after some time. Events started to develop rapidly and in a different
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way. Number of local and regional conflicts increased dramatically. They
became tougher and more complicated. Most conflicts started on the
territory of developing and post-soviet states. Emergence of new states in
the Caucasus which are not recognized by the international community
significantly alters the geopolitical shape of the region.
After collapse of bipolar world system regulation of regional and
local conflicts became one of the main problems for major international
organizations as well as one of the main foreign directions of leading world
powers.
Ala Bibilashvili
Researcher, Institute of Political Science, Ilia State University
The Role of Islam in Politicization of Religious Discourse in
Northern Caucasus
Northern Caucasus region has a big strategic importance in Russian
geopolitical space. It arranges the spacial contact between Russia and
Caucasian States and supports Russia’s positions in Black Sea and Caspian
Sea regions. Peace building and stability in Northern Caucasus region is
considered as an important factor of security system creation not only in
Caucasus, but in whole Eurasian area.
After Russian Empire collapse the people of the North Caucasus had
a chance for reunion and creating the state based on the traditional national
values. The republics of the North Caucasus recognized the Soviet
government, but their main request was legalization of the Shariat rules and
traditions. Administrative reforms were held according to the political and
ideological unifications that were made on the next stage of the
revolutionary changes. At the same time an ethno – territorial principle of
the organizational and structural arrangement of the Northern Caucasus
people were not violated.
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The dismantle of the Soviet Union and creating new sovereign states
were the vain conditions for the “Parade of Sovereignties”. These things
were the main factors for the Northern Caucasus republics and their people
to express the national consciousness and opportunity to show their own
points of views.
The analysis of the ideological constants and value modifications of
the social-economic development of the North Caucasian Republics show
that after 90-s of last century mental construction of the north Caucasians
the dominant idea was based on the principals of ethnic nationalism and
ethnic self-determination. That dominant idea was connected to the
political, governmental and business-structural development of the region.
Permanently this idea has been changed by the radical fundamental Islamic
ideology determined by the concept of Imamat – the Islamic theocratic
State and has been considerably expanded the role of the modernized
Islamic trends and its influences.
The presented article analyses the trends of religious influences at
North Caucasian Republics and its indicators and parameters. The
supporters of the Modernized and radical Islam ideology preached about the
Islamic theoretical state that would be based of social equality. Such
egalitarian tendencies are considered as the main factor of the influence of
the fundamental Islam. The article underlines the importance of the “Saint
Islam” for the further social, moral, and value system development of North
Caucasia as the alternative way against the Russian imperial conquerors and
a symbol for the rebuilding of destroyed statehood, the bases and
fundamental part for building social state. It played a major role in the
development of the protest movements against Russia.
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Manana Darchashvili
Researcher at the Political Sciences Institute of Ilia State University
Mikhako Tsereteli: Georgia in the Context of German
Geopolitics (1918)
Mikhako Tsereteli, a worthy representative of the Georgian political
thought met the 26th of May, 1918, the day of declaration of Georgia
independence, in Berlin, Germany. In his speech in honor of the Georgian
delegation at the ceremonial meeting of the Georgian-German Society
dedicated to this event, in “Esplanado” hotel on May 27, he expressed his
vision of the political future of Georgia and its place in the international
politics.
After studying his speech, it becomes clear that the issues of political
orientation and territorial structure of Georgia occupied his thoughts for a
long time.
Mikhako Tsereteli paid much attention to the Georgian-German
relations. He tried to convince partners that free, powerful and wealthy
Georgia would be more useful for the German interests in the East than the
destroyed and enslaved country. Georgia could help Germany, serve its
interests and open to it the immense wealth of Caucasus, if it was
economically developed itself. Only in this case Georgia due to its
beneficial geopolitical location could break a path to the East, the Central
Asia, for Germany. In addition, Tsereteli believed that the common spiritual
interest would further strengthen the ties between the two cultural nations,
rather than a purely material interest.
It is noteworthy that the ideas expressed by Mikhako Tsereteli in a
number of publications had a strong Western political orientation. He
believed that with the help of the West European countries Georgia would
secure its independence, find its place as an independent subject in the
world political map and become a worthy partner to the European countries.
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Vakhtang Guruli
Professor, Doctor of Historical Sciences, St. Andrew the First Called
Georgian University of Patriarchy of Georgia (Tbilisi)
Geopolitical Situation in South Caucasus and Kartl-Kakheti
Kingdom (80-90-ies of the 18th century)
In 1772, Erekle II, King of Kartli has officially requested protectorate
of the Russian Empire, with one of the conditions of dislocation of the
Russian troops in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom. For almost a decade, the Empire
government has left the request of Erekle II without any attention. In late
seventies and early eighties significant changes have occurred in
international relations. Russian-Prussian alliance on one hand and AustrianFrench on the other were subject to certain modifications. With
participation of England, Russia and Austria started to become increasingly
close. This process was caused by the fact that Russia was seeking the allies
in the fight for gaining influence in the Near East. The first stage of
Russia’s politics in the Near East was establishment of the RussianAustrian alliance against Ottoman Empire in 1781 and the second stage was
so called Greek Project developed by the Empress Catherine II. This
project intended decomposition of the Ottoman Empire and creation of the
Russian-oriented countries of the Christian peoples conquered by the
Ottomans. Russia was able to attack Ottomans from Balkans and from
South Caucasus. This implied that Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has acquired
certain functions in the eastern policies of Russia (Greek Project). And
the results showed up: on 24 July 1783, the protectorate treaty was made
between Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom and Russia (Treaty of Georgievsk) and on
3 November of the same year, two Russian battalions were dislocated in
Tbilisi. Treaty of Georgievsk has changed geopolitics of Caucasus. If
Russia assigned powerful military forces in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom, it
could seriously endanger both, Ottomans and Iran. In addition, from South
Caucasus Russia could successfully fight for conquering of North
Caucasus. Grigory Potemkin and Alexander Bezborodko, the supporters of
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the radical direction of Russia’s eastern policies (Greek Project) intended to
defeat Ottoman Empire at one blow, the single war. The supporters of
moderate line have been making long-term plans. Empress Catherine II has
supported the medium line and in 1783 terminated negotiations with the
Emperor of Austria on dividing of Ottoman Empire. Success of the
moderate line resulted in rejection of the plan of dislocation of powerful
Russian troops in Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom by Catherine II/ Geopolitical
situation in South Caucasus has changed again. Russia did not intend to
attack Ottoman Empire or Iran from South Caucasus any more. Two
Russian battalions were not able to ensure security of Kartl-Kakheti
Kingdom. With the instigation of Ottomans Moslem leaders of North
Caucasus have been permanently attacking Kartl-Kakheti. The existing
heavy situation became catastrophic. In 1787, after commencement of
Russian-Ottoman war, Russian government refused to start actions against
Ottoman Empire from South Caucasus and withdrew the troops already
dislocated. Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has lost its function in the eastern
politics of Russia.
In 1795-1796, the main line of Russia’s eastern politics was
destruction of Iran and creation of the Christian state in its stead. In
December 1795, two Russian battalions entered Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom. In
March 1796, Russian army, under command of Valerian Zubov attacked
Iran from North Caucasus, via Derbent. Geopolitical situation in North
Caucasus has changed again. Kartl-Kakheti Kingdom has acquired certain
function in the plan of attacking Iran. The main part of Russian army
(Caspian Corps) has attacked central part of Iran while its other part
(Caucasus Corps), commanded by Alexander Rimsky-Korsakov, together
with Kartl-Kakhetian troops had to act against Iranian khanates of South
Caucasus. Caspian Corps successfully attacked and Erekle II and Alexander
Rimsky-Korsakov agreed upon joint military actions. On 6 November 1796,
Catherine II deceased and new Emperor, Paul I stopped campaign against
Iran. Geopolitical situation in South Caucasus has changed again. KartlKakheti Kingdom has lost its function in Russia’s eastern politics once
more.
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Irakli Manvelidze
Associate Professor of Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Giga Phartendze
Giorgi Katamadze
The status of the region of Adjara in Caucasus in the context of
geopolitical transformation in 1917-1921 years
After the First World War changing geopolitical situation in
Caucasus was caused by rival parties’ struggle for interests and its influence
on Batumi district.Specific features of the region, incompatibility between
the interests of big countries, Georgia’s foreign political relations and other
contradictions had their influence on the process of defining the status of
Batumi district. In contrast to the interests of England, Turkey, Germany,
Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia it is important to pay attention to the
politics of Tbilisi concerning the status of the region which was adequate to
the geopolitical changes in Caucasus.
New geopolitical situation in Caucasus in 1918-1921 played an
important role in giving special status to the region of Adjara. In 1918
Germany and its ally Ottoman Empire had their interests concerning
Batumi. The Brest truce fully satisfied interests of the Ottoman rule. At the
end of 1918 Germany and its allies were defeated in the war. Batumi was
occupied by England. During the English occupation Batumi issue was a
matter of international discussions which was caused by the European
countries’ wish to weaken British influence in the region. Porto-Franco was
a status which could regulate different interests in Batumi. But this couldn’t
be achieved because of change in configuration of military-political powers
in Caucasus. From the middle of 1920 Russia and Turkey actively started to
discuss Batumi issue. This process ended up by dividing Batumi district
into two parts. Part of Batumi that was voluntarily refused by Turkey had
an autonomous status (because of Turkish demand). After the war
defeated parties didn’t have enough military-technical and economic
possibilities to defend their interests in Batumi by military actions. There
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was a change in the configuration of powers. Clearly, in this short period of
time different interests could be balanced by giving special status to the
region. These were Porto-Franco and Autonomy. In both cases different
powers thought that their interests would be defended but it was a matter of
time how things would develop.
It should be noticed that in 1918-1921 discussions concerning the
status of the region and its autonomy was a problematic matter because of
radical and non-predictive events in Caucasus.
After analyzing events concerning Batumi in 1918-1921 it can be
concluded that in conditions of weak Georgian rule new geopolitical
situation in Caucasus was defining whether Batumi would remain as part of
Georgia.
Inga Mikhanashvili
Assistant-Researcher in Institute of Political Science Of Ilia State University
Foreign Policy Priorities of Georgia and Armenia in Modern
Times
The paper deals with the policy priorities of Georgia and Armenia the EU Association Agreement and Armenia's joining to the Customs
Union.
In the article I focus on the “Eastern Partnership” program which
aims at Euro integration of Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia,
Azerbaijan and Belarus.
The main demand of the European Union to these countries was
ensuring democracy, perfection of the governance system and stability. This
program included political association and gradual economic integration of
these countries with the EU.
The Association Agreement is the agreement that involves political,
trade, social, cultural and security fields. For gaining the Associate
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membership status the EU obligates the partner countries to implement
political, economic, commercial and judicial reforms.
After signing the Association Agreement Georgia shall get closer to
the EU in all areas. Implementation of the Association Agreement will
contribute to the establishment of Georgia as a European type state.
Besides, it envisages even more closing of Georgian legislation to the
legislation of the EU. The most of Georgian experts assessed this
Agreement as a historical dream of Georgia which shall become the
precondition for entry into the European family.
Cooperation with Armenia as the “Eastern Partnership” participant
country and the EU was conducted within the scopes of four thematic
platforms. EU - Armenia bilateral trade relations were well regulated by the
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. Also, the negotiations regarding
the Association Agreement were successfully going on before the Brussels
Summit, including a deep and comprehensive free trade agreement, but
Armenia suddenly decided to join the Customs Union instead of signature
to the Association Agreement. The government's major argument was that
Yerevan would have benefit from deepening the trade relations with the
members of the Customs Union.
The paper also deals with the opinions of the Armenian experts
regarding Armenia’s joining the Customs Union; they believe it was the
result of Russia’ pressure; Armenian experts perceive the Customs Union as
an economic rather than political union and admit that the reasons of
Armenia's joining are mostly related to the political and security issues.
Notwithstanding the different foreign political priorities of Georgia
and Armenia they still maintain close economic and political relations.
Armenia wants to enter the EU market via Georgian market and take
advantages granted by the EU to Georgia after the signature to the
Association Agreement; the Government of Georgia promises Armenia to
help in the mentioned. Georgia's geopolitical role will be even more
strengthened in terms of deep and comprehensive Free Trade Area, which
increases the opportunities to deepen trade relations in our region.
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As a result of the analysis of the materials compiled in the paper the
following conclusions may be made:
- Implementation of the Association Agreement will draw closer
Georgian legislation to the EU legislation;
- Common European values shall be strengthened in the country;
- The capacities of the institutions promoting democracy and the rule
of law shall be supported;
As for Armenia's accession to the Customs Union, we believe that it
has a formal character. It is unlikely that Armenia becomes a full member
of this Union, as it has no customs border with any of the countries of the
Union.
Paata Sharashenidze
Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University
Doctoral Student
The Aims and Reasons of Recognition of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia
Russian-Georgian conflict of the year 2008 and the subsequent
recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on August 26 of the same year
may be considered the beginning of the new stage in Russia’s expansion
policy. Such policy is currently continued in Ukraine and Syria. As the
process is still under way, political assessments and opinions have not been
completely formed so far. The paper is an attempt to research the aims and
reasons of recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. These aims and
reasons should be envisaged while defining future political priorities of
Georgia and the ways of achieving state stability.
The recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia has drawn a line of
confrontation between Russia and the West. This line of confrontation
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became more vivid after Russia annexed the Crimea and occupied Eastern
Ukraine. The study of the aims and reasons of recognition of Abkhazia and
South Ossetia is important not only for drawing the new geopolitical picture
of the Caucasus, but also for better understanding of Russia’s expansion
policy after the above-mentioned recognition.
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