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The Korean War
In 1950, American troops were once again in the thick of battle.
This time they were fighting in Korea. Colonel Gilbert Cleck, a
tank commander, recalled one desperate clash in the early days of
the war:
future. Backed by an American occupation force, General Douglas
MacArthur ruled Japan for seven years. He took power away from
the emperor and abolished the armed forces. MacArthur also wrote
a new Japanese constitution that called for representative
government. Though the United States and Japan had been bitter
enemies, they became strong allies. American aid helped to ease
the humiliation of Japanese defeat.
Antitank guns caught us on a curve several miles
short of our objective. The tanks caught partially afire
and the crews were wounded. But three of the tanks
were still operable…I was not going to let several
hundred thousand dollars’ worth of American
equipment sit back there on the road. I yelled, “Who
around here thinks he can drive a tank?” A couple of
ex-bulldozer operators and an ex-mason volunteered.
They got about three minutes’ checking out and off
they went.
Cleck’s column was led through ambush after ambush back to
safety. The drive back taught them valuable lessons about Korea.
The fighting would be tough and gritty-and there would be no easy
victories.
Building a New Japan
The story of American involvement in Korea goes back to WWII.
During the war, Japan ruled much of Asia and the Pacific. With its
defeat in 1945, however, it lost not only its empire but also its
independence. Who would govern the land once dominated by
Japan? Who would govern Japan itself?
Since the United States had played the biggest part in winning the
Pacific war, it claimed the right to occupy Japan and shape its
Korea Divided
Korea was a more complex problem. Japan had ruled Korea from
1910 to 1945. United States and Soviet troops moved in, in August
of 1945, to accept Japanese surrender. Afterwards, neither nation
wanted to remove its troops.
At wartime conferences, the Allies agreed to divide Korea into two
zones at the 38th parallel. The Soviet Union would occupy the
North and the United States would occupy the South. Plans were
made to reunify Korea with national elections. But these plans-like
the plans to reunify Germany – fell victim to the tensions of the
cold war.
By the time Soviet and American forces left Korea in 1949, there
was little hope for peaceful reunion. Korea was deeply divided.
North Korea was now a well armed Communist satellite, ruled by
Kim Il-Sung. In the South, the United States had built up the
dictatorial government of an American-educated Korean, Syngman
Rhee.
North Korea Invades the South
Both of these aggressive rulers sought to reunify Korea by force.
Each side had started a number of border skirmishes. Rhee
frequently threatened a full-scale invasion of the North. His forces
were no match for the Communists, however, and he never
followed through on his threats.
In 1950, American intelligence services reported a massive build-up
of North Korean forces along the 38th parallel. On June 25, the
North Koreans struck, crossing the 38th parallel in force. The South
Korean army was soon in full retreat.
Kim Il-Sung may have believed he could defeat the South without
drawing the United States into the war. Earlier that year, Secretary
of State Dean Acheson had outlined American policy in the region.
He said the United States would keep communism behind a
“defensive perimeter” that stretched from the Aleutian Islands to
the Philippines. Korea was not mentioned or included within the
perimeter. Critics later charged that Acheson’s speech encouraged
the Communists to attack. Yet, Acheson was not alone in his view
that Korea was of secondary importance to American policy.
General MacArthur and other military leaders also indicated that
Korea was not vital to American interests.
When fighting broke out, however, American leaders quickly
agreed that the United States should intervene. The occupation of
Japan was scheduled to end soon, and American officials feared
that a Communist victory in Korea might threaten Japan. Perhaps
more important, Truman had been accused of “losing” China in
1949. Another Communist victory, even in a small country such as
Korea, would be political suicide.
Truman Responds
Truman received the news of the North Korean invasion while
resting at his home in Missouri. For a few days it was unclear how
he would respond. Then, on June 27, 1950, Truman ordered air
strikes against North Korean forces. He also sent arms to South
Korea. Truman, however, did not want American forces acting
alone in Korea. He asked the United Nations Security Council to
seek a resolution calling on other nations to help the South.
The Soviet Union probably would have vetoed the action, had the
Soviet delegate been present for the vote. However, at this time the
Soviets were boycotting the Security Council to protest the
Council’s refusal to recognize the new Communist government of
China. The failure to veto the Korean resolution was a serious
blunder for the Soviets. Now, the effort to defend South Korea had
gained support from other nations.
On June 30, 1950, Truman ordered American troops to South
Korea, calling the move a “police action.” He appointed General
Douglas MacArthur commander of the UN forces. The confident
MacArthur announced, “If Washington will not hobble me, I can
handle it with one arm behind my back.”
From Pusan to Inchon
The first weeks of the war were grim for the Americans. It looked
as if the North Koreans might push them and their South Korean
allies right into the ocean. By the end of July 1950 the enemy was
within a few miles of the city of Pusan, on the very southern tip of
the Korean peninsula.
Heavy reinforcements began arriving in the South in August.
Along with several large American divisions, small contingents of
British, French, and Canadian troops set up positions in the South.
All told sixteen nations sent soldiers to South Korea. Americans,
however, comprised 90 percent of the UN forces.
Many military experts thought MacArthur’s assault was a crazy
gamble. It would weaken the still-vulnerable forces in Pusan. And
the Ocean tides at Inchon were very dangerous. The tides at Inchon
change by 32 feet and there was only a three day period of time per
month where the tides even get high enough to maneuver ships
down the narrow passage to Inchon. Unless the landings were
perfectly timed, the landing forces might drown or be exposed on
open beaches, making them an easy prey for North Korea units on
shore.
The arrival of more troops shored up the defensive line in the
South. At that point, General MacArthur made a daring move.
Leaving part of his forces in Pusan, he decided to strike the North
Korean rear. He landed a large naval force at Inchon, on the
western coast near the 38th parallel.
Tidal Variation at Inchon
General Edward M. Almond stated Inchon was, “the worst possible
place where we could bring an amphibious assault. MacArthur
recognized the risks, he stated, “I realize that Inchon is a 5,000-togamble, but I am used to such gambles…we shall land at Inchon
and I shall crush them.” The gamble worked. On the morning of
September 15, MacArthur’s forces stormed the beaches of Inchon.
They quickly regained the South Korean capital of Seoul, and drove
south. At the same time UN forces advanced north from Pusan.
The North Koreans were caught in between. Within two weeks half
of the North Korean troops were either killed or imprisoned. The
others fled back to North Korean territory.
soldiers, not expecting to meet heavy resistance, began to lighten
their load by discarding extra supplies and ammunition.
In November 1950, American planes bombed bridges on the Yalu
River, the border between North Korea and China. The Chinese
threatened to enter the war if the bombing continued. MacArthur
assured Truman that the threat was meaningless. Or, he said, if the
Chinese did enter the war, they could be handily defeated.
North to the Yalu River
The American goal at the start of the war was to push back North
Korean forces to the 38th parallel. That was in keeping with the
policy of containment. After Inchon, Truman changed his mind. It
was not enough he believed, to hold communism at the 38th
parallel. He called for the liberation of territory that was already
under Communist rule. Thus with Communist forces in retreat,
Truman gave MacArthur the green light to invade North Korea.
For a short time it looked as if UN forces might win a complete
victory. MacArthur’s forces moved rapidly north. He confidently
promised to “have the boys home by Christmas.” In the media this
became known as the “Home by Christmas Offensive.” American
MacArthur was wrong on both counts. The Chinese did join the
war, and their entry wrecked the American plan for victory.
Several hundred thousand Chinese soldiers crossed the Yalu,
driving UN forces south. When MacArthur called for the bombing
of mainland China, Truman rejected the proposal. The Chinese
invasion raised the possibility of a further widening of the war.
Wanting to avoid another global war, Truman once again began to
call for the limited goal of containing communism.
MacArthur Fired
In the winter of 1950-1951, Chinese troops drove UN forces back
below the 38th parallel. By March 1951, MacArthur regained some
ground Military lines hardened around the border between the
North and the South. Truman began to think about ending the war
without a further effort to invade the North.
The long stalemate angered MacArthur. He believed strongly that
he could achieve victory if Truman would allow him to use the full
weight of America’s firepower in Korea. He called for attacks on
China. He argued in favor of creating a new front in China with the
support of the Nationalist Chinese forces from Taiwan. He even
suggested the use of atomic bombs. A proud and strong-willed
man, MacArthur felt that he knew best how to handle the war.
Truman, he said, was fighting a limited war – a war in which
nations limit their objectives or the resources they use. MacArthur
called it “an entirely new war,” a war fought with “one hand tied
behind out back.” “In war,” he said, “there is no substitute for
victory.”
His superiors informed MacArthur that he had no authority to make
policy. Despite repeated warnings to follow orders, MacArthur
continued to criticize the President. Worse, he made his criticisms
public. Truman, just as stubborn as MacArthur, refused to stand for
this sort of behavior. He was trying to put together a settlement of
the war and could no longer tolerate a military commander who was
trying to sabotage his policy. On April 11, 1951, Truman made the
shocking announcement that he had fired MacArthur.
The firing of MacArthur sparked a furious debate in the United
States about the war. Just what were American objectives in Korea,
people wondered. Few protested involvement in the war, but
changes in policy confused people. Truman came across as
indecisive and inept. By contrast, MacArthur appealed to many
Americans as a strong champion of national pride and power.
When he returned to the US, he received a hero’s welcome.
Yet there was also widespread support of the principle that the
President was commander-in-chief of the military. MacArthur had
clearly disobeyed his superior. Furthermore, few Americans really
wanted to risk a nuclear war by invading China. To do that, warned
General Omar Bradley (a World War II hero), would be to fight
“the wrong war, in the wrong place, at the wrong time, with the
wrong enemy.”
Truman survived his clash with MacArthur, but he remained
trapped in an unpopular war. His domestic legislation that he
termed, the Fair Deal, never received much congressional support.
Now as the fighting dragged on and his popularity sank, his
domestic legislation had little chance of passing.
In 1951 with a presidential election approaching, both political
parties began to look for a leader who could restore national
confidence. The republicans did not have to look too far. They
chose one of the biggest heroes of World War II – General Dwight
D. Eisenhower.