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A Process Control Model of Legislative Productivity in the House of Representatives: Testing the Eects of Congressional Reform Je Gill Department of Political Science Department of Statistics Cal Poly University E-mail: [email protected] James A. Thurber Department of Government Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies American University E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT We examine the eects of congressional reform on legislative productivity using a completely new methodology in political science based on queueing theory and industrial simulation and control software. The foundation of our analysis is the development of a process control model of legislative development. The model establishes a status quo productivity equilibrium based on empirical data from the rst 100 days of the 103rd House of Representatives, then stresses the system using the mandated productivity of the rst 100 days of the 104th House of Representatives. We compare the agenda based distribution of bill assignments from the \Contract with America" with a uniform assignment and nd that requiring a stable legislative system to greatly increase productivity has substantial eects on members' allocation of time. In particular, members are likely to reduce time considering legislation and increasingly rely upon partisan cues for vote decisions. The methodology is suciently general that it can be applied to almost any legislative setting. Our application focuses on the feedback response from an electoral shift, but the methodology can address any productivity question. Since all legislative bodies have dened processes by which initiatives ow, the modeling and simulating of these processes can illuminate eciencies and ineciencies. Queueing theory addresses the prevalent and generalizable scenario in which demand for legislative outcomes exceeds the short-term capacity of a legislative system. Prepared for the 1997 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 27-31, Washington, DC. Thanks to Scott Desposato, Heinz Eulau, and David George for helpful comments. 1 Introduction This research extends Easton's (1965, 1966, 1990) systems analysis of political institutions by analyzing empirical data on Congress. We model the legislative process as a discrete, modular series of events and transactions simultaneously occurring over consecutive time periods. The system is dened as a dynamic set of limited capacity resources which are required at dierent stages for particular legislation. Certain capacities such as a member's time, sta size, and committee structure are xed parameters, whereas quantities like time available for bill analysis, number of trips back to the district, constituent service, and bill sponsorship are variables. Summary statistics of the rst 100 calendar days of the 103rd House of Representatives are used to establish resource allocation and baseline capacities, whereas the observed productivity of the 104th is used to test hypotheses about congressional productivity. Productivity in our context simply means the quantity of legislation that passes through the committee structure and becomes a oor vote. The outcome of the oor vote is not considered, nor are the consequences of public laws. The model is developed by using statistical queueing theory and industrial control simulation which are typically applied to estimating and control of complex factory workloads and throughputs. Industrial engineers use this approach to identify and assess workows, bottlenecks, and throughput volumes, all of which have direct legislative equivalents. This new methodological approach allows the testing of hypotheses such as: what are the aects on various parts of the institution when a high volume of legislation is processed in short period of time (there were 302 oor votes in the rst 100 days of the 104th House compared to 135 oor votes in the rst 100 days of the 103rd House). Furthermore, what procedural factors or reforms contribute to a bill's haste or delay? Reforms in the 104th House of Representatives promise to have signicant and long term impacts on the legislative process as evidenced by similar eorts in the past (Oleszek 1989, Smith and Deering 1990, Thurber 1991b). This research explores the impact of these reforms on institutional eciency. We begin by creating a legislative development structure based on summary productivity and scheduling statistics of the rst 100 calendar days of the 103rd House of Representatives. These data, collected from the Congressional Record-Daily Digest, establish the baseline for a productivity equilibrium model. Essentially this model represents a status quo level of workload based on a well established pattern of productivity under Democratic control. Once the baseline parameters are determined, we stress the equilibrium 1 model by requiring it to process the workload from the rst 100 days of the 104th House of Representatives also collected from the Congressional Record Daily Diary. In order to replicate the legislative output (in terms of committee output and oor votes), we expect certain model parameters to change such as members' personal time, constituent service, sponsorship, caucus activity, or fund raising. 2 Political Structure as a System David Easton (1965, 1966) developed the idea of a system of politics not from a sociological or economics denition, but rather a biological perspective. He used the term systems analysis to describe a political system which has distinct environmental boundaries delineating external forces. External forces exert pressure on the elements of the political system, but they do so dierently from internal sources. As political systems age and endure they receive feedback from the external environment which aects the intra-system dynamics. This conceptualization of political systems has two dimensions. First, it is an empirical description of political behavior within some distinct environmental unit. Second, it symbolizes the working of the political system and its access points to the external environment. When Fenno (1973) identies congressional committees as being either corporate or permeable he species the quantity and strength of these access points by classifying the porousness of the boundary between a political system and the external environment. One primary benet derived from delineating political systems from their surrounding environment is that it denes endogeneity within the model. In doing so one can identify forces that remain internal to the political system and are therefore more malleable by decision makers, versus forces from the external environment that are more dicult to control or predict. Any collection of actions and entities can conceivably be called a set, but to be a logically constructed set there must be repeated, meaningful interactions between within-set actors and objects. We therefore impose a sense of order on a collection of behaviors when dening it as a set. Congress is a well-bounded political system in American politics. Although Congress is a permeable political system using Fenno's (1973) description (non-autonomous, easily observable), it contains sub-units which are relatively corporate. These tend to be the highly specialized, highly technical policy subsystems (Thurber 1991a) that exist at the least visible level of the political process. Easton sees feedback loops as central to the operation of 2 political systems. This cycle of information provides congressional decision makers with the ability to alter their behavior dependent on perceptions expressed by the public, president, and opinion leaders. The rst 100 days of the 104th House represent a classic example of a feedback response. The Republican leadership perceived a clear mandate from the electorate for their election agenda, the Contract with America (Cassata 1995). This stimuli served as a primary agenda setter for a large proportion of the legislative input to the system. Conversely, we see the 103rd House as unremarkable in this regard, and therefore a ideal candidate for the \typical" House. This contrast is exploited in the model by requiring the modied structure of the rst 100 days 103th House to accommodate the feedback response of the 104th House. Table 1: Productivity: 1st and 2nd 100 Days, 104th House First 100 Days Second 100 Days Days in Session 58 41 Hours in Session 528 343* Total Votes 293 248 % Votes on Friday or Monday 25 13 Bills Passed 54 33 Hearings 688 429 Markups 134 165 *Through Thursday, July 20. First 100 days: January 4 - April 13. Second 100 days: April 14 - July 22. Source: CQ's Congressional Monitor, Monday July 24, 1995. One basic element of the congressional system is proposed legislation. Bills are assigned probabilistically to committees based on empirically observed assignment ratios. Committees process bills dependent on their respective committee structure. Committee productivity time is a function of the number of subcommittees, committee sta, complexity of legislation, and other parameters. Few bills are assured passage from the committee (Barry 1995), and the model assigns a probability passage to each bill derived from observed passage ratios. If the bill passes committee than it queues up for the House oor through the Rules Committee. Finally, the model provides time for consideration on the oor under very general conditions. At each phase of the productivity model, work-ow statistics are generated. 3 Table 2: House Floor Activity First 100 Days Session 102nd 103rd 104th Hours 186 208 536 Days 44 44 58 Mean Hours/Day 4.23 4.73 9.24 Source: Congressional Index, Congressional Register. We require the productivity of the rst 100 days of the 104th House on a productivity structure determined by the 103rd House, including the Republican reforms, and look at the ramications. Table 1 shows the dramatic dierence in the productivity in the rst 100 days of the 104th compared with the subsequent 100 days This provides an indication of the personal and legislative adjustments required by introducing a radical feedback response to external electoral stimuli. Representative Frank R. Wolf (R-VA) summarized the impact of the rst 100 days of the 104th Congress on the personal lives of members as follows (CQ Congressional Monitor, July 25, 1995, p.6): \The schedule is atrocious. We cannot continue to go night after night like this. We are frankly going at break-neck speed and that is eventually going to destroy families." Table 2 illustrates Representative Wolf's point by comparing the oor activity for the rst 100 days of the three most recent Congresses. 1 3 Classic Queueing Theory Queueing theory developed around the beginning of the twentieth century primarily as a tool for analyzing the increasingly complex industrial production environments developing at that time. The intellectual development of the eld begins with A.K. Erlang (Erlang 1917, 1935, Brockmeyer, Halstrom, & Jenson 1960) through his inuential work in telephony. 1 Our count of Hours in Session compiled from the Congressional Record Daily Diary and the Congressional index diered from CQ's by eight hours, a 1.5% dierence. 4 3.1 A Simple Example of Complexity Complexity in queueing models rises quickly as the number and capabilities of resources increases. For instance, if one were to analyze the waiting time of a piece of legislation, the model would be quite simple provided that there was only one deliberative body (committee or oor) serving a single line of bills and each transaction took the exact same amount of time. In this case, waiting time for each bill is simply the product of the transaction time and the number of bills in the queue ahead of this bill. Now let the mean be xed but there exists variance in the length of each transaction. One can now get the mean waiting time for bill by dividing the number of bills served by the length of the service period, but this is the expected value of a wait, not a determination of any single bill's exact waiting time. Furthermore, suppose that there are multiple service sub-units of the deliberative body or legislature that can serve any item in the queue of bills and each of these bodies has diering eciencies and therefore diering mean service times. This adds considerable complexity to the analysis as there is no certainty about the order in which bills are paired with deliberative bodies. Now suppose that there is a preference queue available for particularly important bills (perhaps authorizations or appropriations) only: \nonuniform" service queues by function. Analysis of this model enhancement requires an estimate of the proportion of priority bills. Now does the priority queue server process other bills if there are no priority bills waiting? These last two issues address queue discipline : the order in which bills are served. Is the priority queue server selected because of experience and eciency? If so, this would make the service in this queue more ecient as well as having a smaller expected queue (fewer bills to process). Can bills go to other alternate deliberative bodies if the expected wait is too long? Do the servers try to identify bills in line with particular political signicance. In some scenarios there is a grocery store type of arrangement where bills can queue up for only one server but select from several alternative queues. As each new feature is added to the model, simple statistics such as expected bill waiting time become less informative about the behavior of the system as a whole. All of these questions raise substantial modeling challenges even though they are actually quite simple legislative situations. It is this problem that led Erlang to attempt to construct a rigorous theory of queueing (which can also be applied to the queueing of bills in Congress). 5 3.2 Basic Principles of Queueing Theory Queueing theory begins with the analysis of input streams, which is the ow of proposed legislation in this study. This input stream of events over time is homogeneous when there exist a countable (not necessarily nite), discrete set of outcomes, n , dened on some probability space such that in any specied interval, a nite number of these outcomes occur. Denote n i as the arrival time of the i + 1st event in the nth stream that begins with n . Then m + 1, the number of events in the nth time period determined by n m (the m + 1st and last event in this interval), is a random variable (Gnedenko and Kovalenko 1989). The most basic approach is to model arrival times by the number of events events in a given arbitrary length time period such as the rst 100 days of a given Congress. This approach is a special case of continuoustime Markov chains called a Poisson process, and it considers the number of arrivals per time period of length t as a random variable. Fry (1965) demonstrates that under a fairly general set of conditions, that these random x ,t) variables are distributed Poisson(t) having the pmf: f (X j; t) = t Xe . Thus f (X jt; ) is the probability that exactly X arrivals occur in the t length time period where is the intensity parameter of the stream. The conditions that lead to this distribution of arrivals are often roughly paraphrased outside of the statistical literature and therefore deserve closer attention. Consider a time t and a time t + t where t is some small arbitrary interval. The required assumptions can be expressed as (Gross & Harris 1985 p.21, Bunday 1986 p.3, Assmusen 1987 p.64): Innitesimal Interval. The probability of an arrival in the interval: (t : t) equals t + (t) where is the intensity parameter discussed above and (t) is a time interval with the property: limt! tt = 0. In other words as the interval t reduces in size towards zero, (t) is negligible compared to t. This assumption is required to establish that adequately describes the intensity or expectation of arrivals. Typically there is no problem meeting this assumption provided that the time interval is adequately granular with respect to arrival rates. Non-simultaneity of Events. The probability of more than one arrival in the interval: (t : t) equals (t). Since (t) is negligible with respect to t for suciently small t, the probability of simultaneous arrivals approaches zero in the limit. + + ( ) ! ( ) 0 6 I.I.D. Arrivals. The number of arrivals in any two consecu- tive or non-consecutive intervals are independent and identically distributed. Since the number of events within intervals is distributed Poisson(t), under these assumptions , then the expected number of events is simply t, with variance t. Under typical conditions one would like to know the distribution of events in a homogeneous stream for a time period of size t: (Ti : Ti ). The three assumptions above were required for establishing that the number of events for a given interval is distributed Poisson(t). Now the concern is with the distribution of these arrivals within the interval. Three simple conditions are required to put a parametric form on this stream: Stationarity of the Stream. The probability of X events occurring in (Tj : Tj ) is independent of j. No Memory in the Stream. There exists pairwise, mutual independence for any two intervals. More specically, P (X = x in (Tj : Tj ) does not depend on P (X = x in (Tk : Tk ) for any j 6= k. Satised under the I.I.D. Arrivals requirement above. Non-simultaneity of Events. Two events cannot occur (arrive) at the exact same point in time. Also required above for the parametric distribution of the number of arrivals in a given interval. A homogeneous stream that meets these three conditions is said to be a simple stream and can be shown to be uniformly distributed within specied intervals (Gross and Harris 1985). If it has already been established that the arrival pattern meets the requirements for a Poisson distribution for the number of arrivals, then to establish the uniform distribution of arrivals within time periods only the stationarity of the stream needs to be established. So under a fairly general set of conditions one can apply a parametric form to both the number of events in a given time period and the distribution of their arrival within that time period. We can also put these three conditions into the context of Congressional productivity. Stationarity of the Stream implies that the probability of bill 2 +1 +1 +1 +1 2 Note that this simple scenario provides no under-dispersion or over-dispersion. For such cases, the input stream could be modeled with the binomial (under) or negative binomial (over) pdf's. See King (1989). 7 introduction on the 57th day of the session is independent of being on the 57th day. Or simply put, there is not a \special" day in the period of study where bill ow is altered. The memoryless feature requires that the ow of bill introduction on some given day be independent of the ow of bill introduction on another day. Non-Simultaneity of Events means that two bills cannot be introduced into the system at exactly the same time. In practice, we can tolerate mild deviations from these requirements and still produce valid inferences. Queueing theory not only models event occurrences, but also the service received upon arrival. A rough but useful method of modeling simple service times is to approximate the length of service using the exponential x distribution: f (xj ) = e, (Kinchin 1955, 1956). There are two motivations for this approach. First, the exponential distribution is memory-less (Markovian): it contains no serial dependency . Specically that the probability of observing s , t occurrences given t previous occurrences is equal to the probability of observing s , t occurrences before any observations are taken. Thus the time required to service the nth arrival is independent of the time required to service the n + 1st arrival. Recalling our bill introduction example, the length of time required for a deliberative body to consider a bill (service time) does not aect the length of time required to consider the next bill in then queue. Second, given the mathematical behavior of the exponential distribution, a large proportion of the random variables will have a relatively short service time, whereas a small proportion will have a substantially longer service time. This tends to reect empirical observation. As any president who has a special interest in particular legislation can attest, most bills are dealt with fairly routinely but periodically there is always a case that requires substantial work on the the part of Congress (Davidson 1991, 1996). So the exponential distribution for service times is selected because it approximately resembles empirical observation and it meets the three conditions described above for a simple stream. Suppose the ith bill's waiting time is denoted: !i . The analyst might be interested in knowing things like: P (!i > t), the probability that the ith bill waits longer that the time period (possibly not getting served), or P (!i > tjk), the probability that the ith bill waits longer than the current time period given k people ahead in the queue. This is obviously dependent in some way on the eciency of the serving system. This eciency is denoted as t indicating the number of bills that can be serviced in period t with: 1 3 3 For a proof of this property of the exponential distribution, see Gross & Harris 1985, Section 1.9 8 Et = . Feller (1940) showed that the probability that k bills are ahead of an arbitrary entrant is: Pk = k,Pk, 1 (1) 1 k This can be thought of as the ratio of the arrival rate of k-1 bills times the probability that k-1 bills arrive, to the system's ability to serve k bills where the kth arrival is our bill of interest. So to establish the state of the system at some arbitrary loading based on the state of the model at the beginning period (bills can queue up before the system starts functioning: the beginning state is not degenerate), look at the product of all of the arrival probabilities prior to the state of interest: Pk = j, P = ( )k P k! j , j k Y 1 0 (2) 0 1 provided that < . Since k equals some positive integer with probability one, it is possible to determine P (no waiting time) for given , , and (Gnedenko and Kovalenko 1989): 0 , ( ) ( )k P = k! + !( , ( )) k For =1 and =2, note the following forms for P : X +1 1 (3) 0 =0 0 = 1 ) P = 1 , 0 2 , =2 ) P = 2 + 0 This makes intuitive sense since if (service time) is much greater than (intensity parameter of arrivals), then the probability of no waiting time approaches one for these two cases. Erlang (1917) applied the exponential distribution to service time ( = ) in the absence of a pre-existing queue to derive E (!i ) = , V ar(!i) = 2 , and showed that whenever (the number of uniform servers), the queue tended to 1 as successive time periods follow. For example, suppose our hypothetical legislative body had only one deliberative committee ( = 1) 1 1 9 1 and that the expected arrival of bills exactly coincides with this committee's mean processing time of 10 bills per month, = = 3 so = . Then there will be no queue, provided that the bills arrive over the time period at exactly 3 day intervals. Since this is unlikely to occur for any reasonable choice of t, the queue in this scenario will accumulate without abatement. For this reason, systems designers typically make the restriction: 0 < < . The probability that the waiting time exceeds t for an arbitrary ith entrant is expressed as the probability that there will be the same or more individuals in the system as there are servers. This is dependent on the sum of the conditional probabilities that meet this criteria: the probability of k in the queue (Pk ) times the probability that the ith individual waits longer than the time period given k in the queue (P (!i > tjk)): P (!i > t) = 1 X k Pk P (!i > tjk) (4) = provided again that < such that the waiting times converge. Erlang's (1917) construction leads to the following results for the expectation and variance of the waiting time (both of which are dependent on , the probability that all servers are busy at some arbitrarily chosen time. E (!i ) = , , ) V ar(!i) = (2 , 2 where : P = 2 2 ( ) P ( , 1)!( , ) 0 Continuing with our example where = 1 and = 2: = 1 ) P = = 2 ) P = (5) ( ) 2 + 2 It is also important, particularly from a service provider's point of view, to consider the total waiting time in the aggregate for a time period. Since 10 t events are expected to occur in time period (Tj : Tj ), the total mean +1 expected waiting time and its variance can be expressed as: E X V ar i !i = (t)( , ) X i (6) !i = (t) (2 ,, ) 2 2 (7) Because and t exist only in the numerator of the total mean waiting time, this total increases rapidly as time increases for systems that begin with a long queue. Such situations often occur when cases are allowed to queue up before service commences. This well known scenario is seen in the provision of governmental services with limited delivery times (motor vehicles oce, welfare distribution, etc.). 3.3 Motivation for a Software Simulation of Queueing Section 3.2 introduced the basic probabilistic derivation behind simple queueing scenarios. It is clear that the calculation of even the simplest statistic (mean waiting time) can become elaborate and technical as the conguration of the system increases in complexity. At a very early point in the process of making the model resemble some reasonably interesting political system such as Congress, the parameterization of the model is no longer available as a close ended set of equations (Morgan 1984). Since the objective is to model a very complex political system, Congress, and it is desirable to have more informative statistics than those discussed in this section (intermediate productivity measures, thresholds on re-parameterization), another approach is required . An obvious complication arises since the committees ( = 22) are not uniform servers: legislation cannot be sent to the next available committee, it is directed by its content and the jurisdiction of the committees. At this point we turn to queueing systems modeling with software explicitly designed to imitate and report on complex queueing congurations that escape close ended probabilistic analysis. Simulation results and model inferences will be placed in the context of this discussion of basic queueing theory. 4 4 The Congressional productivity model of congressional legislation developed here is actually a special case of the very general class outlined above and can be denoted as: M=Ek =22 (Asmussen 1987, Bunday 1986) for the Markovian (Poisson) distribution for arrival time, Exponential(k) (simple Erlangian) distribution for service time, and 22 for the number of servers (i.e. committees). 11 4 Discrete-event Simulation Modeling Simulation of queueing models originates in industrial engineering where it is often too expensive, complex, or dangerous to experiment with the conguration of some production environment. Typical applications include modeling workloads and throughputs in various parts of a factory with the goal of replacing production bottlenecks with more ecient alternatives. The approach is to take the owchart of interdependent discrete events required to develop a product, and to determine numerical estimates of the time required at each step and/or station. Once this is done \transactions" are fed to the model in sequence, and queueing statistics are accumulated. Simulation is necessarily a simplication and imitation of empirical phenomena, and therefore does not include every feature of an actual system. Well constructed simulations focus on the key procedures and leave out less signicant events. As a result, queueing simulations should incorporate features which specically aect throughput and waiting times. These simulations leverage the smallest set of modules and descriptions into the most informative description of system performance and limitations possible. Time-unit models describe changes in subsystem values resulting from a series of consecutive events. Therefore, this approach could be considered a special case of Markov chain models since system occurrences in the j th time period depend probabilistically on occurrences in the (j , 1)th time period (Grimmit and Stirzaker 1992) even though the input stream is a memory-less series of independent, identically distributed random variables. Since elaborate models can produce complex state-change statistics, statistical software is used to incorporate the stochastic component as well as to record these statistics . We selected GPSS (General Purpose Simulation System) due to its wide use and well known features . GPSS is well-suited to the application of legislative workloads with relatively simple, discrete time processes and a large number of inputs (Gordon 1975, Solomon 1983). 5 6 5 Specialized packages include: ACSL, CSMP, DYNAMO, GASP, GPSS, MODSIM, SCERT, SIMAN, SIMFACTORY, SIMNET, SIMPROCESS, SIMSCRIPT, and SLAM 6 Developed by IBM in the early 1960's as a product designed to appeal to large corporate manufacturers, GPSS evolved through numerous extensions and onto a wide range of hardware platforms. GPSS is the most general of the listed simulation packages, and is therefore limited in its ability to model some complex continuous processes (which is not a issue here). 12 4.1 GPSS Modeling The fundamental unit in a GPSS simulation is a transaction : a bill in our case. These are generated at the beginning of a predened sequential structure and generally progress through the model by capturing resources called blocks. Blocks alter or detain transactions like a body welding station in an automotive factory simultaneously alters and detains unnished cars. The predened sequential structure of these events is called the block diagram and it determines the order of events for the transactions. Complex systems are modeled through the order and attributes of these blocks. In general blocks are of two types in a GPSS model: facilities resources and storage resources. The chief dierence being that in addition to being identied with a particular activity, storage resources can accommodate multiple transactions. This distinction means that limited resources are often simultaneously in demand by transactions which are queueing up for the service. As the ow of transactions traverses the system, details on block usage and transaction queueing are collected. The primary output of the model is a summary of these statistics over a given time period or the open-ended interval that produces a specic output quantity. We dene system resources in which blocks are committees, subcommittees, members' oces, and the oor of the House. This construct, although greatly simplied from detailed working of Congress, provides a basis for understanding legislative ow as a function of time within congressional subunits. Congressional resources that impact the ow of transactions include member and committee sta, time alloted, eciency of the oor, specialization of committees, and member expertise. 5 The Process Control Model We are concerned strictly with measuring legislative productivity as a function of the structure of Congress. Our leverage results from focusing on those factors in the House of Representatives which restrict or consume productivity resources in the ow of legislation during the rst 100 calendar days of a new Congress. Bills are assigned to appropriate committees by the House leadership. In our model these assignments are counted from the Congressional Record Daily Diary and therefore include multiple and sequential referrals. This is an important consideration since committee workload is a function of assignments not just the sum of introduced legislation (Davidson and Vincent 1987). Multiple referral of bills is an increasing trend over the last 20 years (Davidson and Oleszek 1994), and currently about 20% of all 13 bills are referred to more than one committee (Table 4). Multiple referrals adjusted as a percent coming out of the committee module are much higher: 44.27% in the 102nd (Davidson and Oleszek 1994). This trend continues even though the Republican reforms of the 104th House prohibit joint referrals thus limiting multiple referrals to sequential and split assignments. Bills that pass the committee vote are submitted for scheduling and may nally reach the oor in the rst 100 days. Bills that pass committees but are not scheduled during the rst 100 days are placed in a storage queue for later consideration. 5.1 Committee Parameters Summary data on committee parameters form the basis of variance in committee workload and processing capability. Due to the Republican reforms, the committee structure of the House diered from the 103rd to the 104th Congress'. The Republican leadership eliminated three standing committees (District of Columbia, Merchant Marine & and Fisheries, and Post Oce & Civil Service). Table 3 summarizes these changes along with the high-level associated committee parameters used in the model. Table 3 shows the dramatic decrease in committee sta associated with the Republican reforms of the 104th House. However, the number of members on each committee stays relatively constant. There are three basic productivity parameters in the model, identied by the quantity of: proposed legislation, legislation that successfully passes committee, and legislation considered on the House oor. These are xed values in both stages of the model development. In the process of establishing the equilibrium productivity model of the 103rd House, these three 7 7 In some cases the committee transformations were straight-forward name changes. For example, it seems natural to think of the Government Reform and Oversight Committee as the natural her to the Government Operations Committee since William Clinger (R-PA 5) went from ranking minority member of Government Operations to chair of Government Reform and Oversight, and when John Conyers (D-MI 14) left Government Operations after the 103rd, the second ranking Democrat Cardiss Collins (D-IL 7) became the ranking minority member of Government Reform and Oversight. The jurisdiction and many members of the eliminated Post Oce and Civil Service Committee were split between the Subcommittee on the Postal Service (under Government Reform and Oversight) and the Subcommittee on the Civil Service (under Government Reform and Oversight). Similarly the jurisdiction and some members of the eliminated Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee were transferred to the Subcommittee on Fisheries, Wildlife and Oceans (under Resources), and Subcommittee on the Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation (under Transportation and Infrastructure). The District of Columbia Committee became the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia under Government Reform and Oversight. 14 Table 3: House Committee Attributes 103rd House Committee 104th House Size Sub's Sta Appropriations Budget Rules Ways & Means 60 43 13 38 13 0 2 6 101 49 29 90 Banking Education & Labor Energy & Commerce Foreign Aairs Government Operations Judiciary 50 43 44 45 41 35 6 6 6 7 6 6 76 102 160 99 74 70 Agriculture Armed Forces M.M. & Fisheries Natural Resources Public Works Science, Space, & Techn. Small Business Veterans Aairs 45 56 46 43 63 55 45 35 6 6 5 5 6 5 5 5 51 76 60 76 81 87 47 39 District of Columbia House Administration Intelligence PO & Civil Service. Stds.of Conduct 12 21 19 24 14 3 6 3 5 0 34 62 25 70 10 Prestige Committees Policy Committees Constituency Committees Service Committees Committee Size Sub's Sta Appropriations Budget Rules Ways & Means 58 42 13 39 6 0 2 5 109 39 25 23 Banking Econ. & Educ. Oppor. Commerce International Relations Government Reform Judiciary 51 43 49 44 51 35 5 5 4 3 7 5 61 69 79 68 99 56 Agriculture National Security Resources Trans. & Infrastructure Science Small Business Veterans Aairs 49 55 44 61 50 43 33 5 7 5 6 4 4 3 46 48 58 74 58 29 36 House Oversight Stds. of Conduct Intelligence 12 10 16 0 0 2 24 9 24 Prestige Committees Policy Committees Constituency Committees Service Committees Source: Ornstein, Mann, and Malbin, 1994, Vital Statistics on Congress, and CQ Congressional Sta Directory, Volume 2 1994 & Summer 1996. Notes: 1. Representatives associate sta not counted toward committee sta. 2. Subcommittee sta included in committee sta. 3. Budget Committee associate sta not counted was 41 for the 104th House. 3. Sta number for Standards of Ocial Conduct Committee includes two employees of the Oce of Advice and Education. quantities dene variable levels that support such productivity. In the second stage, considering the 104th House, these three quantities are changed to reect that institution's priorities. Table 4 summarizes these xed values. The 104th House diered dramatically from previous Congress' in terms of oor activity. While members obviously do not need to be on the oor every hour that the House is in session, increased oor activity will certainly lead to greater demands on each legislators time. Table 2 shows the dramatic increase in oor activity in the 104th House compared with the two previous. The 104th House had almost three times as many in-session hours as the previous two Houses. Despite the fact that the Republican leadership required 14 additional working days, the mean session hours per day was still well over nine, this increased burden is likely to aect committees dierently. 15 Table 4: Bills Assigned, First 100 Days Committee Names from 103rd House Proposed Referred Floor Votes 103rd House 104th House 1714 1952 135 1526 2023 302 Appropriations Budget Rules Ways & Means 9 101 54 542 6 23 44 355 Banking Education & Labor Energy & Commerce Foreign Aairs Government Operations Judiciary 101 158 196 40 72 168 125 131 271 63 149 253 Agriculture Armed Forces Natural Resources Public Works Science & Technology Small Business Veterans Aairs 60 75 98 69 25 9 41 81 89 142 155 27 8 28 District of Columbia House Administration M.M. & Fisheries P.O. & Civil Service Stds.of Conduct Intelligence 9 78 42 104 0 2 Prestige Committees Policy Committees Constituency Committees Service Committees 68 1 4 Source: Congressional Index, Congressional Register. 5.2 Simplifying Assumptions The previously discussed tradeo between parsimony and realism is implemented through a series of simplifying assumptions. This section lists each of these assumptions and the associated rational. Most of these are derived from the special circumstances seen in the rst 100 days of a new Congress. Model Assumptions 1. Constant Expectation. The average time it takes to process a bill in a specic committee does not vary across the considered Congresses in the model. This means that given identical inputs and identical parameter values (sta size, number of hearings, number of subcom16 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. mittees, hours in chambers) the expected value of the processing time is identical in the 103rd and the 104th Houses. This does not imply a uniform distribution of processing times, and it does mean that the actual means will be identical since the two stage model specically changes the parameter values listed in Table 3 for the 104th House. Processing Order. The order of bill processing by a given committee is not important since seriality is conned to 100 days. Because the bill ow from the 103rd House is used as a baseline for the productivity equilibrium model, then every bill that successfully passes through a committee in the rst 100 days does so regardless of the order. The second stage model reecting the 104th House is mandated to process bill ow dictated by the observed quantities for that period regardless of order to the oor. Corporate Committees. Using Fenno's (1973) denition of corporate, we assume that for the rst 100 days exogenous eects on the individual committees are unimportant. This is equivalent to asserting that for the rst 100 days productivity eects are driven by endogenous leadership forces and an agenda derived from the recent election. Examples of non-included exogenous eects include: inuence from the executive branch, communication with elites in the district, and contact with interest groups. Core Committee Work. For the rst 100 days, members restrict their committee activity to standing committees only: no select or special committees. This assumption means that time spent in select or special committees during the 100 days period is negligible. The single exception to this limitation is the inclusion of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. Core Legislation. For the rst 100 days, the House concentrates on legislation derived from a desire by leadership to show feedback response from the recent election. This means that considered legislation by committees and the oor is restricted to bills and joint resolutions only, no concurrent resolutions, or simple resolutions. Uniform Generation. Bill generation prior to assignment to appropriate committees is distributed uniformly over the rst 100 days (a simple stream). This means that there is no sub-period of heightened activity during the 100 day period. This does not imply that 17 the distribution of bills from the committees to the oor schedule is uniform. 7. Constituent Service. Members will restrict constituent service to days that the House is not session during the rst 100 days. For the 103rd House this is 56 days (100-44), and for the 104th House this is 42 days (100-58). This set of assumptions outlines the queueing structure of the model. By restricting the inclusion of details we are attempting to specify the internal policies and procedures that systematically aect legislative ow. The result of this set of restrictions thus resembles (with substantially more complexity) the simple example discussed previously. Therefore we are not asserting that each of these assumptions is strictly true. Instead we are claiming that they are accurate to the extent to which empirically observed counterexamples are either rare or immaterial to the analysis of legislative productivity. 6 Model Results 6.1 Productivity Equilibrium Model The 103rd House introduced 1714 bills in the rst 100 days, making 1952 referrals of bills to committees with 135 oor votes (Table 4). When these productivity requirements were levied on the GPSS model, the mean committee was required to process one bill every 2.0527 days for the period. Committee processing capability varied, these summaries are aggregate results. In addition to the 135 bills sent on to the House oor, 121 bills were rejected in committee, and 1458 bills were still unprocessed when the model nished after 44 in-session days. The GPSS model shows that there was a mean of 909.70 bills in the committee queues, and a mean of 22.86 bills in the oor queue. The committee queues had a maximum capacity of 1801, and the oor queue had a maximum capacity of 71. Interestingly, the oor queue was empty at the conclusion of 44 days run-time. This indicates that the committee system is signicantly slower in processing than the oor despite having 22 servers. These quantities, supported by the resources of the 103rd House (sta, subcommittees, bill distribution), form the productivity equilibrium model. The burden of bill processing fell disproportionately by committee type. Prestige Committees processed 30.99% and Policy Committees processed 37.65% of the total bills. In contrast, Constituency Committees processed 19.31% and Service Committees processed 12.05% of the 18 total bills. This is consistent with theories that link policy oriented committee work and members' concern with reelection (Fiorina 1989, Davidson & Oleszek 1994). One way to evaluate the relative eciency of the committee system is to compare the results described above to a simple stream queueing model as described in Section 3.2. This tests the question as to whether committee specialization hinders productivity. If the legislative agenda is highly disprortionate relative to division of specialization in House committees then certain committees will have longer queues relative to others. Conversely, if the bill ow exactly replicates the specializations of committees, then the committee servers will exactly replicate a set of uniform service queues. In other words allowing uniform service by committee is functionally equivalent to an exactly perfect match between proposed legislation and committee assignment in terms of productivity results. Now we analyze the workload of the 103rd using the observed productivity data outlined above, but assume the existence of 0 = 22 uniform servers (denoted 0 to remind us of the uniform assumption). This is summarized: Intensity Parameter referrals) = 44:3636 t = 1952( 44(days) t = 1 ) = 44:3636 Service Time votes) = 135( 44(days) = 3:0682 Servers 0 = 22 Probability of No Waiting Time P = 0 22 X k =0 ( :: 44 3636 3 0682 k! )k + ( :: ) 22!(22 , ( :: 44 3636 ,1 22+1 3 0682 44 3636 3 0682 )) Probability all Servers are Busy P = ( = 3:1535693x10, ) (3:1535693x10, ) = 0:02397182 (22 , 1)!(22 , :: ) : : 44 3636 2 7 3 0682 44 3636 3 0682 19 7 That the probability of an empty queue for some arbitrary bill in the input stream for the rst 100 days is zero should not be surprising. In fact, it would be surprising, given the values for and , if this was anywhere else but close to zero. The interesting result above is that the probability of all servers being busy is a little over 2%. Conversely, in the simulation the assignments of bills was shown to be highly disproportionate, sending some bills to long queues. This is seen in the GPSS simulation result indicating that the average (total) committees queue was 909.7. 6.2 Stressing the Stable System If the exact structure and committee productivity capacity of the 103rd House is held constant but the introduction rate (1526 bills, 2023 referrals) of the 104th is applied, then only 141 bills are processed through to the oor. This experiment includes the Republican elimination of 3 Service Committees and 58 days in session but no other reforms. There was a mean of 911.59 bills in the committee queue, and a mean of 23.22 bills in the oor queue. Unlike the 103rd House, there were two bills waiting for oor action when the time period terminated. Nearly the same number of bills were sent to the oor even though only 19 committees functioned as servers and there were twice as many multiple referrals (497 versus 238). Part of the reason that the 104th committee structure kept relative pace was the increased number of days in session: 58 versus 44 in the 103rd . The increase in multiple referrals is interesting given the Republican reform that disallowed simultaneous multiple (joint) referrals. The disproportionality of assignment to committee was more even more extreme in this simulation: 49.04% of the legislation was assigned to Policy Committees. Prestige Committees (21.16%) and Constituency Committees (26.20%) processed about the same amount, whereas Service Committees were very inactive (3.61%) reecting the priorities expressed in the Contract With America and the Republican leadership's attitude about the activities of Service Committees. We now analyze the stressed system with uniform servers as was done with the workload equilibrium model. This provides the following analysis: Intensity Parameter referrals) = 34:8793 t = 2023( 58(days) t = 1 ) = 34:8793 20 Service Time votes) = 302( 58(days) = 5:2069 Servers 0 = 19 Probability of No Waiting Time P = 0 19 X k ( :: 34 8793 =0 5 2069 k! )k ( :: ) + 19!(19 , ( :: 34 8793 ,1 19+1 5 2069 34 8793 5 2069 )) = 0:001234007 Probability all Servers are Busy ( : : ) (0:001234007) = 7:767363x10, (19 , 1)!(19 , : : ) This analysis shows that under the assumption of uniform servers, the 104th House was more ecient than the 103rd . The probability of no waiting time was still small, but it was four orders of magnitude better than that of the 103rd . In addition, the probability that all servers are busy for some arbitrary entrant is nearly zero. The reason for this surprising result can be seen by evaluating the ratio of the intensity parameter to the service time. This is essentially a measure of productivity eciency for the committee system. P = 34 879 2 5 5 2069 34 879 5 2069 103 rd 104 th = 14:4592 = 6:69866 So the committee system of the 104th House was driven to process a greater proportion of the input stream (bills) by the leadership. Also, this greater eciency is performed with 19 uniform servers (committees) instead of 22 for the 103rd House. Next the GPSS model is recongured to replicate the exact output of the committee system to the oor queue. So the introduction and assignment rates are unchanged from above, but the model must send 302 bills to the oor. In order to replicate this empirically observed output, the non-Service Committees had to be 3.92 times more ecient. This means 21 that despite committee sta cuts (Table 3), the elimination of proxy voting by chairs, elimination of rolling quorums, and mandatory open meetings, these committees had to dramatically improve their eciency. This produces an obvious question as to how can a committee structure increase its productivity eciency with decreased productivity resources? One possible explanation is the Republican reform which included a reduction in members' committee assignments in the 104th House. Members sat on a mean of 5.9 committees and subcommittees in the 103rd House compared to a mean of 4.8 in the 104th (Davidson 1995). 7 Conclusion This research develops a new methodological approach to analyzing the workload of legislatures. By modeling bills as transactions and committees as processing resources, we are able to test hypotheses about limiting resources and mandating productivity. Queueing theory is a tool which takes a throughput structure along with the capabilities of the elements of that structure and tests various scenarios regarding output. Our perspective is to see Congress, the House of Representatives in particular, as processor of legislation in the classic factory oor sense. While this approach ignores many of the features that make Congress such an interesting political body, it allows the parsimonious investigation of one important aspect of legislation. Productivity is a particularly important aspect of Congress as policy areas become more technical and complex, and by extension, eciency is the associated measure of productivity given a specic time interval such as the rst 100 days. There are other areas that can be explored with this new methodology. It would interesting to compare two Democratically controlled Houses with regard to rules changes or committee reconguration. Other resources can be included such as interest groups and the executive branch. Clearly the time period is not limited to the rst 100 days of a new Congress. However, many complexities emerge when modeling longer periods. The core output measure provided by this methodology is eciency with regard to structural changes in the process of legislating. Therefore any aspect of a legislature that is non-independent of eciency is a potential model in this context. It has been argued that eciency and representation are not necessarily at odds (Thurber 1995). We look at eciency as having some expressed cost. Requiring the committee system to produce a signicantly higher output with reduced resources implies a greater burden members. Mem22 bers make allocative decisions with respect to their time. If the burdens of committee work and oor activity increase dramatically, then members are certain to reduce time spent on other activities. Certainly members reduce their personal time during a bounded period of substantially increased legislative activity. However, for a 100 day period, it is unreasonable to think that legislators can function with less than 8 hours per day for personal use (including sleep). So in order for committees to be 3.92 times more productive, other congressional activities must be curtailed such as campaigning (not a big issue in the rst 100 days of a new Congress), constituent service (often delegated), caucus and party activity (not very exible), and most importantly time considering and writing legislation. If legislators decreased their deliberation and bill consideration time to meet a specied time table, then one would expect partisan voting to increase as each member looks for time saving cues. This is exactly what occurred. For example 141 of the 230 Republicans had party unity scores of 100 on the 33 bills identied as the implementation of the Contract with America (Congressional Quarterly, April 1, 1995). The party unity score for freshman Republicans (n=73) during the rst 100 days of the 104th was 96 compared with 93 for the entire rst term. The eect of requiring a stable legislative system to vastly increase output was described by Minority Leader Gephardt (Congressional Quarterly, April 8, 1995): \This hundred days is a self-imposed national emergency that made no sense. Its caused all of them to jerk stu through the procedure much faster than it should be. There hasn't been enough committee consideration or oor consideration." The model presented here partially agrees with Mr. Gephardt in that we have found evidence to suggest that the committee system was unable to spend nearly as much time considering individual legislation. An eciency increase of 3.92 times means that a committee spends mean of 74% less time (in days) on each bill, and less time on the functions of deliberation and education (see Thurber 1995). 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