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economic Insight Greater China Quarterly briefing Q3 2013 Cash crunch illustrates need for Chinese banking reform Welcome to ICAEW’s Economic Insight: Greater China, a quarterly forecast for the region prepared specifically for the finance profession. Produced by Cebr, ICAEW’s partner and acknowledged experts in global economic forecasting, it provides a unique perspective on the prospects for China over the coming years. In addition to mainland China, we also focus on the Hong Kong and Macau Special Administrative Regions. After several months of less positive economic data, a liquidity shock in late June was the last thing China needed. Although markets have now settled again, the episode has brought the difficulties of the country’s financial sector into clear focus. The supply of credit in China shot up in the wake of the global financial crisis as investment became the engine of growth, but it is increasingly clear that not all the ventures funded were wisely chosen. Meanwhile, tight regulation of the banking sector has sent investors seeking higher returns elsewhere, into the booming shadow banking sector. Is China’s credit bubble about to burst? This issue of Economic Insight: Greater China explores the outlook for the financial sector in the People’s Republic, exploring whether Chinese growth is at risk from shady debt management practices and how market liberalisation is needed to match funds with growth opportunities. Shibor shock On 20 June China’s interbank credit markets juddered to a halt, as the Shanghai Interbank Offered Rate (Shibor) 7-day interbank interest rate reached a record at 12%, while the rate banks paid to borrow from each BUSINESS WITH CONFIDENCE icaew.com/economicinsight other overnight soared to more than 13%. This sharp diversion from trend rates, illustrated in Chart 1, set banks scrambling to ensure they had sufficient liquidity to meet their obligations. Chart 1: Chinese interbank lending rates, SHIBOR, one week and overnight % 16 14 China’s credit accelerator In the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, China’s government primed the pump with an enormous fiscal intervention, pouring capital into vast infrastructure projects. As Chart 2 shows, the total amount of funding available to the economy from banks and other institutions (denoted total social financing1) peaked at 68% of GDP in 2009, but has remained above pre-crisis levels since. In fact, total social financing has grown consistently since the crisis, and the rate of increase accelerated further last year. 12 10 Chart 2: The growth of China’s shadow banking sector – Bank loans and total social financing, four quarter moving average and social finance as percentage of nominal GDP 8 6 4 2 0 August 2010 Feb 2011 August 2011 Feb 2012 1 Week August 2012 Feb 2013 August 2013 overnight Source: Macrobond % 80 5,000 70 4,000 60 50 3,000 40 2,000 The cash crunch had a number of immediate causes – customers made extra withdrawals before the Dragon Boat holiday, while businesses were also removing their funds to pay tax bills. Additionally, the government had recently initiated a crackdown on illegal capital flows, which probably worsened the short-term cash shortage. Short periods of illiquidity are relatively common in China, and not usually a cause for concern – the central bank simply steps in to provide the necessary funds and markets quickly return to business as usual. In this case, however, the People’s Bank of China (PBC) refused to step into the breach. Instead of injecting money, the PBC sold a small number of three-month bills, swapping less liquid assets into the economy. While the scale of this market intervention was not significant, the intention it signalled was – the authorities were not going to rescue banks this time. Why did the PBC refuse to provide liquidity? Instead, the PBC showed its determination to make banks comply with orders to reduce the amount of credit sloshing around the Chinese economy. Many firms have invested heavily in the years since 2009, in some cases creating capacity for which there is no market demand. Ship-building firm Rongsheng finds itself with yards sitting empty, struggling to pay its workers, while steel and concrete plants sit unused. As the pace of growth slows, it is clear that in some cases Chinese industry has got ahead of itself – investing before there was demand to justify it. From the viewpoint of the authorities, this sticky situation is the fault of the banks, who have issued too much credit to too many dud projects. The PBC set an explicit target for money supply growth, which implies a particular rate of credit growth. If banks overshoot this and then find themselves short of money, so the logic goes, they have only themselves to blame. icaew.com/economicinsight cebr.com 30 20 1,000 10 0 0 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 Q1 social financing, four quarter moving average bank loans, four quarter moving average social finance as a percentage of nominal GDP Source: Chinese National Bureau of Statistics, Cebr analysis While pre-crisis, most lending was through bank loans, the growth of credit since has been set apart by the development of the ‘shadow banking’ sector – non-traditional banking activities which are less intensely regulated and involve a greater degree of risk, often carried out by hedge funds and private equity groups. Two factors combined to encourage this. Firstly, a cap on the interest payable on bank deposits has driven investors into alternative assets as they seek out higher returns. Secondly, strict limits on credit provision have encouraged banks to move certain types of loans off their balance sheets and into Wealth Management Programmes (WMPs) – not dissimilar, in some ways, to the collateralised debt obligations which proliferated in Western banks before the global financial crisis. These investment vehicles – in effect a form of regulatory arbitrage – group together a range of assets. Some, such as government bonds and interbank loans, are less risky, while others, including loans to local governments and property developers are much more so. economic insight – Gre ater Chin a Q3 2 013 Wealth Management Programmes offer returns of around 5% – far more than the 3.3% maximum available on bank deposits, making them almost irresistibly attractive to those with cash to invest. The combined value of WMPs rocketed to reach 8.2 trillion yuan at the end of March – an eightfold increase over the last four years, according to government data. There appears to have been a further surge in demand over the past few weeks, with Benefit Wealth, a Chengdu-based consulting firm, suggesting that a record 1,137 WMPs were sold in the two weeks to 28 June – an increase of about 50% over the first half of the month. Despite their popularity, however, there are serious concerns about the long-term viability of such products. Most WMPs have a short lifespan – about three-quarters mature in less than six months, according to Fitch Ratings. This creates a problem of maturity mismatch, where the investment vehicles mature long before the underlying assets. With more investors buying in, financial institutions need more cash to pay off maturing products – meaning they either have to borrow on money markets or issue new products. If liquidity dries up, WMPs could quickly begin to fail. Moreover, as the Chinese economy slows, it is highly likely that some of the underlying assets will fail to perform, leaving financial institutions counting the cost. A lack of transparency about the assets underlying WMPs and poor understanding of the risks involved add to the potential for market upset. Many investors struggle to distinguish between WMPs and time-deposits, despite the fact that 70% of WMPs do not guarantee their premiums. If the products should fail, the clamour from investors may force Chinese banks to offer compensation – meaning the bank’s liabilities could be far larger than expected. The China Banking Regulatory Commission has taken some initial steps to reduce risk in the WMP market, by capping investments in non-standard assets, banning pooling of assets and requiring banks to isolate the risks of such investment vehicles from other operations, but the risk from bad loans remains a serious concern. How did bad loans become a problem? China has an extraordinarily high level of credit for its level of development, as illustrated in Chart 3. South Africa, for example, has roughly the same level of GDP per capita as China, but net domestic credit (a measure of total credit to both government and the private sector) is worth just 80% of GDP, compared to 155% in China. China’s leverage levels are more comparable to those of an advanced economy – although the US, France, Germany and Australia all have lower levels of net domestic credit, despite their much higher levels of development. Moreover, in the People’s Republic credit expanded rapidly after the financial crisis, from 121% of GDP in 2008 to 145% in 2009. While many emerging markets, including India, Brazil and Turkey increased domestic lending at this time, China’s expansion of credit was by far the most dramatic. Chart 3: Net domestic credit as a percentage of GDP and GDP per capita % 250 Net domestic credit as a percentage of GDP, 2012 Banking innovations ramp up risk in China’s financial sector Japan Spain 200 UK Hong Kong Italy China 150 South Korea Australia France Germany Thailand Brazil 100 US South Africa Chile India 50 Turkey Kenya Russia Mexico 0 0 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 2012 GDP per capita, US$ Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank, Cebr Analysis This credit fuelled the massive expansion in investment, which supported GDP growth as global demand slumped and net exports collapsed, as illustrated in Chart 4. Investment became increasingly important to the Chinese economy as its contribution to growth surged, and it now accounts for fully half of the country’s GDP. With so many resources seeking opportunities, it is inevitable that some have not been allocated wisely. While Chinese credit has been growing twice as fast as GDP, the marginal return on every yuan lent has fallen dramatically. In many cases there is simply not demand for the capacity that has been developed. This trend has been encouraged by the preferential treatment large state-owned enterprises face in gaining credit, which has encouraged enormous levels of investment in heavy industries like steel, aluminium, solar panels and ship building. Unfortunately, the world simply isn’t growing fast enough to provide custom for these new production facilities. Other loans have been used to invest in property, driving up prices without providing a productive return. Worryingly, statistical analysis suggests that over-investment of this sort is positively associated with the probability of an economic crisis.2 Poor investments and high leverage create a perfect storm for markets Most of this investment has been bankrolled by credit, and where this is the case capital spending must bring in additional income to pay off the loans. If these returns fail to materialise, as no market is found for the goods produced with additional capacity or land prices begin to fall, the loans made to finance the investment must be rolled over or written off; this can pose a risk to the financial sector and broader economy. As it becomes clear that China has developed excess capacity in certain sectors, questions are being raised over the volume of loans which will fail to meet their repayment schedules or are ‘nonperforming’. It is apparent that many of these loans are being rolled over, avoiding the need for banks to write them down as losses. As Chinese growth slows, however, the country will at some point have to face its significant debt burden. More worryingly, China does not yet appear to have weaned itself off its investment-led trajectory, with icaew.com/economicinsight cebr.com economic insight – Gre ater Chin a Q3 2 013 Q1 2010 investment Q1 2011 Q1 2012 consumption Q1 2013 net exports Source: Chinese National Bureau of Statistics, Cebr analysis Does China face a financial crisis? China has overstretched itself with investments, increasingly funded through the shadow banking sector where lack of transparency increases the risk of contagion in a crisis. There is the potential for a cascade of defaults if growth slows suddenly, as the government attempts to rebalance the economy or as a result of a natural disaster, and the financial sector could quickly find itself in difficulties. Considering the nature of Chinese overinvestment in comparison to other emerging markets which experienced a crisis after a period of strong investment-driven growth, recent IMF analysis suggests that the chances of a crisis in China would be as high as one in five.3� In reality, the chance that China is running headlong into a financial crisis is much lower than this. To begin with, unlike the governments of some South East Asian countries which were caught in the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, the Chinese authorities have the resources to bail banks out if need be, thanks to a high level of existing savings and foreign currency reserves, and the population’s remarkable propensity to save. Not only is China’s debt relatively low, but it is also largely held domestically – external debt is only about 7.2% of GDP. This gives the Chinese government far more power to deal with any financial difficulties than the governments of advanced countries, which rely on the support of their foreign creditors. Chinese firms and local governments have mostly borrowed from the Chinese people, and while a spike in defaults would have serious political consequences, there is no doubt that it could be resolved. The government has also already indicated its willingness to bail banks out, having spent 483bn yuan recapitalising lenders since 2003 and wiped out 1.4 trillion yuan of bad loans. In all likelihood China’s current credit bubble will be deflated gradually, but there are risks to this. While the ratio of non-performing loans is likely to rise from its current level of 1%, these defaults are unlikely to create significant disruption in the wider economy. Growth will slow, however, as the economy engages in a corrective period, with lower profits. One reform that would achieve all of this is the liberalisation of interest rates paid on deposits. This would drive rates up, obliterating the need for investors to seek returns in the shadow sector. Liberalising interest rates would also increase the rates State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) face, forcing them to confront the true costs of their inefficient investments. While setting limits on credit to politically-powerful SOEs could be politically impossible, liberalising interest rates could provide the authorities with a neat solution to the problem of SOE borrowing. Developing capital markets will provide another source of finance for firms Chinese businesses would also benefit from a focus on developing the country’s capital markets. At present, a lack of stock market depth forces companies to depend on banks for lending, limiting their options particularly in the face of government restrictions on the volume of loans. Poor returns have also played a role in driving investors into the shadow banking sector. Although China’s stock market is relatively well capitalised in comparison to other emerging markets, as shown in Chart 5, current regulations prevent it from growing faster. The state retains control over initial public offerings (IPOs), constituting a serious barrier to market access. The current quota system of access to the exchange means some companies listed are of questionable quality, while other firms with stronger credentials find themselves unable to list. Chart 5: China’s stock market in perspective % 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Poland Q1 2009 Chile -6 Germany -4 Brazil 0 -2 Despite the risks inherent in the shadow banking sector, it has played an important role in channelling funds to smaller enterprises which would otherwise struggle to gain credit. Any reform to try and reduce risks by increasing transparency and bring money back onto balance sheets must be offset by actions to encourage lending to these firms. France 2 Japan 4 Thailand 6 China 8 UK 10 South Africa 12 As part of its drive to rebalance the economy, the government must ensure that incentives discourage investment where it is unlikely to be productive. At present, lending is biased towards large state-owned enterprises, although these often lack the dynamism of smaller firms. Local governments also face perverse incentives at present to invest in projects they know will not generate returns, as this provides an instant boost to the area’s GDP, increasing chances of promotion for officials. The central authorities must consider carefully how they can prevent distortions of this type. South Korea Chart 4: Relative contributions of sectors to China’s GDP growth rate Let markets decide which investments are worthwhile US investment’s share of GDP ticking up in the second quarter of 2013. If existing investments are already failing to provide returns, channelling further credit-based resources down this path is unlikely to prove fruitful, and may spell trouble for the economy in the medium term. Stocks traded, total value (of GDP) Source: World Bank, Cebr analysis icaew.com/economicinsight cebr.com economic insight – Gre ater Chin a Q3 2 013 As an initial step, relinquishing control over IPOs would allow the market to judge the credit worthiness of firms and provide another way for businesses to seek finance. Further liberalisation of the Qualified Foreign Institutional Investors (QFII) programme, to allow foreign companies greater access to financial markets, could both increase the supply of capital available to firms and encourage innovation, spurring the maturation of China’s capital markets. Chart 6: Greater China GDP growth forecasts % 10 8 6 4 2 Efforts to ease the credit cycle will constrain growth across Greater China Early indicators of economic conditions continue to suggest that Mainland China is slowing in 2013. Investment continues to drive the economy, but as returns fall so must the pace of expansion. Furthermore, with much of this investment fuelled by credit, an increase in the number of non-performing loans will derail the growth train. While in all likelihood the People’s Republic will avoid a hard landing, the careful management needed to avoid this while rebalancing the economy from investment towards consumption will affect growth. As investment growth slows, domestic consumption will continue to increase, propelled by rising wages – the 12th five-year plan set the goal of an annual minimum wage increase of at least 13%. Economic prospects should improve next year with the US expected to hit growth of 2.5% and the eurozone finally emerging from recession, kicking the global economy into recovery mode and boosting Chinese exports. Neither consumption nor exports are likely to grow fast enough to compensate for stagnation in investment, however, and so growth is likely to edge downwards in the short run. Although the PBC has boosted liquidity in markets since June, banks are likely to have become more cautious as a result of the squeeze. While the government could step in with fiscal stimulus to support growth, statements from Premier Li Keqiang suggest that if this does occur it will be on a much smaller scale than in previous years. This and a sweep of negative leading indicator data have led us to reduce our growth forecast for 2013 to 7.2%. The pressures of rebalancing the economy lead us to expect a further deceleration in growth to 7.0% in 2014 and 6.8% in 2015. 0 Mainland Hong Kong 2013 2014 Macau 2015 Source: Cebr Hong Kong’s GDP growth will be constrained this year as the global economy remains subdued. Slowing growth in the Mainland will also restrict the Special Administrative Region’s (SAR) expansion, although the economy could get some benefit from the liquidity squeeze in China through its position as the main external market for renminbi. In 2013 growth of about 2.9% is expected. As the eurozone eventually begins to recover in 2014 and the US overcomes its fiscal tightening, the SAR should see prospects pick up in 2014, with the rate of output expansion accelerating to around 4.0% before moderating to around 3.7% in 2015. Growth in Macau is tightly tied to that of its larger neighbour, and as China struggles to rebalance Macau is likely to feel the pinch. Things may be slightly less bad than previously feared, however – the new Mainland administration has yet to restrict travel to the SAR, and gambling revenues continued to grow strongly in the first four months of the year, with hotels running at 95% occupancy. The liquidity squeeze and wobbles in Chinese financial markets are likely to reduce the amount of money gamblers are willing to spend in the second half of the year however, leaving growth over 2013 as a whole at 8.0%. Investment in new casinos and rising wages in China are likely to push growth up to 8.6% in 2014 and 9.2% in 2015. 1 Total social financing includes bank loans (both renminbi and foreign currency), trust and entrust loans, bank acceptance bills, corporate bond financing, and other funding sources such as insurance, micro lending and industry funds. This is a flow concept, showing the net increases in each component over a given period. 2 Il Houng Lee, Murtaza Syed and Liu Xueyan (2012), Is China Over-Investing and Does it Matter?, IMF Working Paper WP/12/277 3 Ibid. icaew.com/economicinsight cebr.com economic insight – Gre ater Chin a Q3 2 013 For enquiries or additional information, please contact: Vivian Yu T +86 10 8518 8622 E [email protected] Cebr The Centre for Economics and Business Research is an independent consultancy with a reputation for sound business advice based on thorough and insightful analysis. Since 1993 Cebr has been at the forefront of business and public interest research. They provide analysis, forecasts and strategic advice to major multinational companies, financial institutions, government departments and trade bodies. ICAEW is a world leading professional membership organisation that promotes, develops and supports over 140,000 chartered accountants worldwide. We provide qualifications and professional development, share our knowledge, insight and technical expertise, and protect the quality and integrity of the accountancy and finance profession. As leaders in accountancy, finance and business our members have the knowledge, skills and commitment to maintain the highest professional standards and integrity. Together we contribute to the success of individuals, organisations, communities and economies around the world. Because of us, people can do business with confidence. ICAEW is a founder member of Chartered Accountants Worldwide and the Global Accounting Alliance. www.charteredaccountantsworldwide.com www.globalaccountingalliance.com ICAEW Greater China Room 706, Tower E1, Oriental Plaza No.1 East Chang An Avenue Dong Cheng District Beijing100738, China icaew.com/china ICAEW Chartered Accountants’ Hall Moorgate Place London EC2R 6EA UK icaew.com © ICAEW 2013 MKTPLN12406 08/13