Download When the Global and the Local Collide: Gay Identity in Brazil and

When the Global and the Local Collide: Gay Identity in Brazil and
South Africa according to Parker and Reid
Tony Coelho
Reference:
Coelho, Tony. 2009. “When the Global and the Local Collide: Gay Identity in Brazil and
South Africa According to Parker and Reid.” Amsterdam Social Science, Vol. 1(2): p. 6-23.
(c) The Authors 2009. Published by Amsterdam Social Science. All rights reserved. For
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Amsterdam Social Science
When the Global and the Local Collide
WHEN THE GLOBAL AND
THE LOCAL COLLIDE
New Guinea, Herdt (1999) investigates the initiation rituals in which young
boys participate in homosexual activity with older men as a way to gain passage
into manhood. The idea that semen preserves one’s own sense of maleness is
incorporated into these rituals by which the youth fellate the older men and
swallow their semen. These same-sex rituals are part of the development of “male
gender identity” in Sambia (1999: 163). In addition, Sinnot (2004) uncovers
a set of categories used to identify female homosexuality in Thailand. These
categories are based on ‘gendered sexualities’ (Spronk 2007) and are essential
to the formation of same-sex relations. The following passage describes the
distinction between a tom and a dee:
Gay Identity in Brazil and South Africa
According to Parker and Reid
Tony Coelho*
Introduction1
1
Gay identity is linked to modernity and the Western world; a theory that has
been extensively explored by social historians such as Jeffrey Weeks and John
D’Emilio as they trace the emergence of gay communities in Western society.
Homosexuality without a doubt exists throughout the world from global cities
such as London, New York, and Sydney, to tribal societies such as the Sambia
in New Guinea (Herdt 1999). But the ‘gay’ label and the meanings attached
to it are irrelevant in cultures where homosexual behaviour takes on different
meanings for the individuals who partake in them. As Gloria Wekker states,
in reference to her work on female same-sex relations in Suriname, “Thinking
about homosexualities should start from the realization that ‘homosexualities’
should cross-culturally have in common sexual acts between same-gendered
people, but these acts are also different and contextually conceived in multiple
ways” (1999: 120).
Numerous social and anthropological accounts centred on specific locales and
cultures have revealed distinctive forms of homosexuality that differ from
modern Western conceptions of ‘gayness’. In his study of the Sambia men in
6
* Tony Coelho received his BA in Communications at the University of California Santa Barbara. In 2008 he graduated from the Universiteit van Amsterdam where he received an MSc
in Sociology. His thesis project concerns the intimate relationships between gay men and the
various methods used to manage sexual activity outside of the relationship.
“A tom is a tom by virtue of her self-assumed masculinity, and sexual attraction
to women is an assumed extension of being masculine. Dee ‘identity’ is the result
of having a sexual or romantic relationship with a tom. However, dee identity
is less formal than tom identity, and many women involved with toms stated
in interview that they thought of themselves not as dees but simply as women .”
(Sinnot 2004: 2)
Gender performance, either masculine or feminine, is therefore the basis
through which females are labelled as either tom or dee or simply a woman.
These examples are only a few in a vast array of research conducted worldwide.
What they both demonstrate is that behaviour does not necessitate a specific
gay identity. Neither the Sambia men nor the tom or dees in Thailand identify
themselves as gay, regardless of same-sex participation.
Globalization, however, is changing the way people incorporate homosexual
behaviour into their sense of self. Boundaries that separated cultures, states,
and entire continents have become porous to modern lifestyles and new ways of
thinking. The gay identity and the images it evokes are being spread throughout
the world creating what some might refer to as a global or international gay
identity. Dennis Altman, who explores the effects of globalization on sexual
identity in Global Sex (2000), writes, “Globalization has helped create an
international gay/lesbian identity, which is by no means confined to the western
world: there are many signs of what we think as ‘modern’ homosexuality in
countries such as Brazil, Costa Rica, Poland, and Taiwan” (Altman 2000: 87).
Individuals and communities in non-Western societies are beginning to adopt
the gay identity and its imagery which can run counter to local meanings of
same-sex behaviour. In their study of men who have sex with men in Turkey,
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When the Global and the Local Collide
Bereket and Adam (2006) discuss the effects of globalization processes on the
development of a sexual identity: “In Turkish society today, there are increasing
numbers of men who have sex with men (MSM) who are identifying themselves
as gey, and thus stepping away from the longstanding
gender-stratified system that has long characterized
same-sex relations between men” (Bereket and Adam:
131). In Tonga society modern influences are also
altering how the leitl or the transgendered peoples
identify and present themselves in the community.
In the annual Miss Galaxy Pageant, for example, the
leitl, who also identify themselves as ‘gay’, make use of
Western attributes by speaking English, representing
Western countries around the world, and taking on
exotic stage names (Besnier 2002).
The research of Richard Parker and Graeme Reid, which is the core of this
paper, are two exceptional examples that demonstrate the impact modern
homosexuality has had on non-Western civilization. Their works introduce
the reader to two diverse cultures that are literally an ocean apart. In Beneath
the Equator (1999) Parker examines the emerging gay communities in Brazilian
society while Reid, in How to be a ‘Real’ Gay (2007), uncovers unexpected gay
spaces in South Africa. What is significant about these two monographs and
differentiates them is that Reid introduces a gay community that exists in a
‘rural’ setting of South Africa while Parker gives an extensive, complex account
of gay culture in the ‘urban’ cities of Brazil. Yet their motives in presenting
these works are very much in correspondence with one another. Whether they
are presented in a rural or urban context, these authors demonstrate, through
personal accounts of local informants, the impact that modern homosexuality
has had on the lives of men who participate in same-sex behaviour. What these
researchers discover, nevertheless, is a distinctive form of sexual expression from
the Western world, which has been formulated by the local cultures and the preexisting meanings of gender and sexuality. The local contexts in both countries
revolve around a gender stratified system modelled after the heterosexual male/
female hierarchy where power is associated with the masculine figure while local
class structures play more of a significant role in Parker’s analysis of Brazilian
gay communities. Tradition and modernity thus clash in both these worlds,
creating a reinterpretation of what it means to be gay in Brazil and South Africa
and discouraging ideas of a global gay identity.
Globalization is
changing the way
people incorporate
homosexual
behavior into their
sense of self
Nevertheless, while both studies recognize the influence of modern ideas of
homosexuality, local contexts still play a pivotal role in re-shaping people’s
ideas of what it means to be gay, contributing to a complex system in which
the global (modern) and the local (tradition) are at odds with one another. In
Turkey, gay identified men co-exist with aktif-identified men. Aktif men would
never identify themselves as gay because of their masculinity and their active-role
of inserter in anal intercourse. The leitl of Tonga, even though they flaunt their
Western admirations, are still defined in terms of their position in traditional
gender structures and do not look very highly upon the modern gay lifestyle
in nearby New Zealand where masculine men identify as gay. These examples
and many others thus undermine the convergence of identities through the
processes of globalization cross-culturally. The global and local together are
developing different ways of interpreting one’s own sense of self and creating
new forms of expression that still remain unique when compared to a Western
gay identity. According to Altman (2001: 100):
8
“Homosexuality becomes a particularly obvious measure of globalization,
for the transformation of local regimes of sexuality and gender is often most
apparent in the emergence of new sorts of apparently ‘gay’ and ‘lesbian,’ and
even ‘queer,’ identities. Yet we must beware reading too much into these scripts.
What is happening in Bangkok, Rio, and Nairobi is the creation of new forms
of understanding and regulating the sexual self, but it is unlikely that they will
merely repeat those forms which were developed in the Atlantic world.”
This paper will look at the following key themes presented in both Parker’s and
Reid’s monographs that help narrate the complex interplay between modernity
and tradition in the formation of identities, behaviours, and lifestyles in
Brazil and South Africa: first, the economic and political developments that
have allowed for the influx of modern ideas from abroad and the growth of
gay communities; secondly, the categorization of men who have sex with men
through unique terminology and their meanings; third, the gay spaces which
have permitted sexual expression; and finally, the assertion of a modern gay
identity by local advocacy groups. Before exploring these works it is important
to first give a brief overview of the various discussions of homosexuality in
Western society and how a gay identity has come to take shape. These theories
are identified in Parker and Reid’s research as they set out to understand how
perceptions of homosexuality in Brazil and South Africa relate and differ to
modern forms of homosexuality in the West. There are several points that
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When the Global and the Local Collide
need to be made prior to continuing on. First, Parker and Reid’s focus is on
male homosexuality as opposed to female homosexuality. Secondly, Reid’s
research, which was conducted in the last few years, is very much more recent
than Parker’s research, conducted in the early to mid 1990s. It is important to
keep in mind that Brazilian society and societies in general are constantly being
altered through time. Reid’s depiction of the gay communities in Brazil may
not be a fair depiction of how it is today.
families and moved to urban cities to seek employment. Individuals became
freer to explore their homosexual desires in both the private and public sectors
of everyday life.
HOMOSEXUALITY IN THE WESTERN WORLD
As previously stated, the term ‘gay’ and the meanings attached to it have been
viewed as a Western construct evolving in regions such as the United States,
Europe, and Australia. The most important characteristic of a gay identity has
been its link to modernity. Altman states, “Sexuality becomes an important
arena for the production of modernity, with gay and lesbian identities acting
as markers for modernity” (2001: 90). Gay identity is also based on notions
of detraditionalisation, egalitarianism, and autonomy as presented through
Weeks’ (1998) notion of the sexual citizen. All of these concepts are interrelated
and tie into modernity. Detraditionalisation signifies a break from a traditional
gender hierarchy, familial ties, or religious values due to “material and cultural
changes” (Weeks 1998: 41). Homosexuality fits into detraditionalisation in that
it challenges the family unit and contradicts religious teachings. Egalitarianism
refers to social equality regardless of sex or sexual orientation; an ideal that is
strongly promoted by the gay social movement. Egalitarianism also undermines
relationships where gender roles associated with the traditional dominant
male/passive female binary have been replaced by egalitarian principles. As
Weeks states: “There is strong evidence that the achievement of egalitarian
relationships is in fact more likely outside heterosexual relationships” (1998: 42).
With regards to autonomy, Weeks describes the “anything goes libertarianism”
that has emerged in the West allowing for individual expression (1998: 44).
10
Individualism or autonomy as a core trait to homosexual identity can be
traced back to D’Emilio’s socio-historical analysis of the emergence of a gay
community in America. He links the formation of a gay identity to industrial
capitalism: “Cumulative historical processes – the spread of capitalist economic
relations, industrialisation and the socialisation of production, and urban
growth – were shaping a social context in which homosexual desire might
congeal into a personal identity” (1983: 22). Industrialisation and urbanisation
permitted autonomous personal lives to surface as people separated from their
Stigmatisation and differentiation is also synonymous to a gay identity as
expressed by Altman’s opening sentence in The Homosexual: “To be a homosexual
in our society is to be constantly aware that one bears a stigma” (1971: 1). Once
an individual “comes out of the closet”, a common narrative “foundational to
accounts to modern homosexuality” (Seidman et al. 2002: 427), they exclude
and differentiate themselves from a dominant heterosexual structured society.
But the ‘gay’ label also signifies belonging and community. Once a person
identifies as gay, they are immediately placed into a pool of others alike who
bear the same stigmatisation. Social institutions have helped build a group
identity by bringing self-identified gay men together. D’Emilio mentions the
bar as such an institution, “The bar fostered an identity that was both public
and collective” (1983: 32). In these social spaces like-minded people can meet,
form friendships, and explore their sexuality. According to D’Emilio these
institutions have been the foundation of gay urban sub-cultures where space
has been set apart for the homosexual to express himself with others alike
(1983: 30).
Altman similarly refers to this social setup as the “gay world”. “For those
who are willing and able to come out more honestly with themselves, the gay
world offers a more meaningful source of identity and community ... offering
considerable variety, social diversity and sexual opportunity” (1971: 16). Altman
mentions the ‘camp’ lifestyle as one of these various modes for expression, but
stresses that “nothing and everything is typical in the gay world,” meaning
there are various ways of expressing oneself (1971: 19). In similar fashion,
Weeks describes the “gay world” as a social community and how “it provides
the context for the articulation of identity, the vocabulary of values through
which different ways of life can be developed, the accumulated skills by which
new possibilities can be explored and hazards negotiated, and the context of
the emergence of social movements and political campaigns which seek to
challenge the existing order” (1998: 192).
The formation of a gay social movement is essential to modern homosexuality.
A democratic state is the founding basis for which the gay social movement
could emerge. According to Altman, “The Western gay/lesbian movement
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When the Global and the Local Collide
emerged in conditions of affluence and liberal democracy, where despite other
large issues it was possible to develop a politics around sexuality, which is more
difficult in countries where the basic structures of political life are constantly
contested” (2001: 97). Gay activist groups spread ideas of equality, diversity,
and belonging; ideals associated with modernity. The major influence of the
gay movement has been the essentialist approach as expressed by Jan Schippers:
“Indeed many gay men and women themselves have stressed that the formation
of a positive homosexual identity is important in the struggle for equal rights
in and acceptance by society” (1988: 142). Homosexuality as a universal, innate
human characteristic is the gay movement’s argument for inclusion into the
wider community as opposed to homosexuality as a choice or construct.
and Reid recognize how important these developments are to understanding
homosexuality and the emergence of gay communities. The following is a brief
overview of the developments that have transpired within the last century as
described by Parker and Reid.
One of the major criticisms of a gay identity, as presented by Schippers in critique
of essentialist debate, has been its limiting scope. Scholars have found the gay
identity to be limiting on people’s self images and behaviours. It confirms the
hetero/homosexuality binary where an individual is either one or the other
and there is not much room to move around. Most importantly, defining
homosexuality as an identity does not explain “cross-cultural differences in
homosexual role and behaviour” (1988: 143), especially where individuals
who participate in same-sex behaviour do not question their heterosexuality.
This is the purpose of Parker and Reid’s research. Both authors set out to
unravel distinct forms of homosexuality in the non-western world that do
not necessarily correspond to the Western model. There are various examples
observed throughout the gay communities of Brazil and South Africa that
clearly demonstrate the influence that modern homosexuality, encompassing
ideals of individualism, egalitarianism, and community, not to mention style,
has had on people’s sense of self in a global era. At the same time there are
various examples that show differences between modern homosexuality as
developed in the West and the local reinterpretations of what it means to be a
gay individual.
DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
12
In the same way that gay communities have been able to evolve in the West
due to economic and political developments according to D’Emilio (industrial
capitalism) and Altman (democratisation), the same can be attributed to the
emergence of gay communities in Brazil and South Africa. These countries have
experienced major economic and political developments, which have opened its
borders to the modern world and invited an influx of western influences. Parker
Brazil had gone through a period of “structural dependence, industrial
development and urban growth” (Parker 1999: 102). The country entered
the international market and became dependent on trade, local government
investments led to growing industries starting with the 1950s, and, where
previously Brazil was almost entirely rural, urban
growth began to take form. There was a population
shift from rural to urban areas such as Rio de Janeiro
and urban life became central to Brazilian society
(ibid. 105). There have also been major political
developments in Brazil. The military regime that
once governed the country, gave way to the “Brazilian
Miracle”, a period where industry rapidly expanded
(ibid. 111). Nonetheless, major debt followed and
redemocratisation replaced military rule in the late
1980s. This process of redemocratisation coincided
with the opening up of the Brazilian economy; a period referred to as the
abertura or opening. Redemocratisation’s emphasis on neoliberalism has paved
way for democratic debate on issues of citizenship and rights introducing
homosexuality to the floor (ibid. 113).
A democratic state
is the founding
basis for which
the gay social
movement could
emerge.
South Africa has also gone through a process of industrialisation and
urbanisation. Reid does not focus on the specifics of these developments, but
recognizes a clear shift from rural to urban life. It is the political developments
that are at the core of Reid’s background analysis of South Africa. These
developments have occurred more recently than in Brazil. The apartheid
era, which transpired throughout the twentieth century, was replaced by a
democratic state in 1994. In addition, a constitution was adopted in 1996 “that
protected citizens from discrimination on basis of sexual orientation” (Reid
2007: 147). According to Reid (2007: 206):
“Political developments in the country culminating in the adoption of an
internationally precedent setting constitution in 1996, signified a rupture with
the past, not only in terms of institutionalized racial discrimination but also in
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terms of gender and sexuality where unashamedly patriarchal forms of social
organization and control gave way to a legal framework in which equality was
guaranteed on the basis of gender and sexual orientation.”
These developments are an important framework in which to understand the
formation of gay identity and community according to Parker and Reid. Urban
cities in Brazil and South Africa have become settings for a structured gay
identity closely mirroring Western homosexuality. Relating back to D’Emilio,
urban city life in both Brazil and South Africa has opened up possibilities
for individualism and anonymity, grounds on which various homosexual
expressions and communities could develop. In addition, Brazil and South
Africa have gone through similar processes of democratisation, which,
again, has allowed for the expression of homosexuality and the emergence
of gay communities. As Altman states, it is in a democratic society where gay
social movements can form and both works show how this is indeed true.
Although these countries have gone through major economical and political
developments, which have helped introduce modern forms of sexual expression,
the local context centred on traditional gender roles and class structures still
remains an important part in people’s lives and serves an integral role in how
gay communities are uniquely constructed in these countries.
GAY TERMINOLOGY
14
The terminologies used to categorize men who participate in same-sex practices
and their meanings demonstrate the relationship between modern forms of
sexual identification and traditional forms based on gender roles and class
structure. In the South African town of Ermelo under study, the terms are based
on a traditional heterosexual gender hierarchy. Reid explains, “Terms such
as gay/straight are borrowed from Standard English and recast as categories
of gender instead of sexual orientation” (2007: 39). A distinctive gender
performance is bound to each term. The terms ladies and gents are used to specify
men who are feminine (ladies) and men who are masculine (gents). Ladies and
gents are typically paired up in relationships. It is uncommon for two ladies to be
paired up and vice-versa. The lady is viewed as the ‘woman’ of the relationship
with the passive role in sexual intercourse while the gent is the ‘man’ and active
partner. In fact, it is only the lady that adopts the gay identity. The gent does not
identify himself as gay and is typically involved in heterosexual relationships.
In addition, ladies are described as hyper-feminine (Reid 2007: 29). They are
stylish, fashionable, and wear women’s clothing, very similar to what western
When the Global and the Local Collide
society would label as trans-gendered. The local community also views them as
modern. And just like women, ladies are most susceptible to violence by both
gents and the public. On the other hand, gents are the ‘real’ men and are seen
as objects of desire for the ladies. They are demanding, cheaters, powerful, and
resort to domestic violence if need be. Other terms, such as the Greek Salad, is
used with men who take on the role of lady and gent; perceived as someone who
is confused.
In Brazil the terms are also based on a traditional gender hierarchy as well as
class structure. The terms bicha/viado and homens are used to distinguish from
the feminine men (bichas/viado) and the real men (homens) (Parker 1999: 31).
Bichas are most similar to the ladies and normally take the passive role in sexual
penetration. Homens maintain their masculinity by taking on the active role in
anal intercourse. Similar distinctions are made between male hustlers (miche)
and their clients (maricon). Miches are the masculine and active partner and just
like homens and gents they would “need not in any way call into question their
heterosexual experience and masculine identity” (Parker 1999: 68). A myriad
of other terms also exist, for example, travesti for transvestites and troca troca
for men who both take on active and passive roles. The labels miche and travesti
imply class and are reserved for low-income sex workers. The go-go boy- a term
borrowed from English lexicon --is reserved for the more well-off sex worker
and is associated with modernity. The term ‘gay’ would only be reserved for
bichas and travesties as it would for the ladies in South Africa.
The above terminology highlights the intricate relationship between modernity
and cultural tradition. The term ‘gay’, a western term, is mainly reserved
for feminine men. The other terms, such as gent or micha, are also based on a
gender hierarchy and class structures and do not correspond to a gay identity.
Particularly fascinating is how these labels are fixated to specific spaces within
the city or town and how the adoption of these labels is changing as we move
from the rural to urban setting in Africa or the suburbs to the city centre in
Brazil. As we shall see, no longer is the term ‘gay’ fixated to feminine men
such as the lady in South Africa or bicha in Brazil when the distinction between
rural and urban is taken into account. The following section will explore the
relationship between gay spaces, identification, and expression in these nonWestern societies.
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When the Global and the Local Collide
GAY SPACES
gay shops: “establishments familiar in the international gay world” (ibid. 141).
It is also in the Zona Sul where the ‘gay’ label takes on the same meaning as in
the West and is no longer restricted to the feminine bichas or travesties. Feminine
or masculine men in either the passive or active sex role refer to as ‘gay’.
Areas where gay communities emerge are also important in understanding
the influence of a gay identity on local interpretations of homosexuality.
According to Parker, “Gay spaces give homosexual men the option of
socializing with other like-minded men and allow a particular lifestyle free
from violence and discrimination in the outside world” (1999: 90). As described
above, industrialisation, urbanisation, and democratisation are integral to
understanding the emerging gay communities in both the traditional and
modern avenues of the city (Brazil) or town (South
Africa). Urban settings, associated with modernity,
individualism, detraditionalisation, have been able
to forge gay communities resembling the Western
model. The rural setting, however, provides a challenge
for the emergence of gay spaces since tradition and
conservative ideals remain embedded in the local
culture. Parker untangles the complex system of
gay spaces in the urban cities of Rio de Janeiro and
Fortazela where in Rio tradition and modernity are
linked to particular city spaces and Fortazela in general
is viewed as more traditional compared to Rio. Reid
surprisingly uncovers gay spaces in the rural towns of
South Africa where tradition plays an integral role in
people’s lives and juxtaposes the rural to urban cities
such as Johannesburg and Durban.
The rural setting
provides a
challenge for the
emergence of
gay spaces since
tradition and
conservative ideals
remain embedded
in the local culture
16
Parker presents an in-dept examination on the gay spaces within major urban
cities and less developed cities of Brazil. He discovers a multitude of various
sexual spaces both on the streets and in established gay venues in the city of Rio,
which is known as the ‘centro’ for gay life in Brazil, and Fortaleza, viewed as
less developed but still one of the “fastest growing major urban centres” (1999:
159). The different regions in Rio and where gay communities exist, very much
relate to class structures. Rio is divided into four zones: the centro, zona sul,
zona norte, and zona oeste. The centro is comprised of the middle-class while
Zona Sul is where the elite reside. It is in the Zona Sul that “gay life has come
out into the open” (ibid. 140); more precisely on the beaches of Copacabana
and Ipanama where tourism flourishes. Ipanama most closely resembles the
modern gay life in the West. It is a location where attractive wealthy men
mingle and where the gay commercial market thrives with discos, gay saunas,
It is in the Zona Norte and Oeste that the lower class resides. Gay establishments
exist in these areas, but not as profusely as in other parts of Rio. As an informant
of Parker’s explains:
“Indeed, the gay establishments and enclaves that have developed here might
well be described as in many ways very different from those of the Zona Sul
or even the Centro- characterized by at least one of our informants as an
‘archaic homosexuality’ in contrast to the more ‘modern’ and ‘middle-class’
homosexuality of the better-off sectors of town.” (ibid. 149)
What is meant by an “archaic homosexuality” is that these areas are associated
with traditional values, conservatism, poverty, and danger. Men need to be
more discrete with their same-sex encounters in order to avoid violence and
discrimination. The Zona Norte is also where traditional terms such as micha,
travesti, and bicha thrive, as opposed to the ‘gay’ label that is taken on by the
modern gay male used in Zona Sul.
What is integral to the spatial settings of gay communities throughout Rio is
that the social types who inhabit these areas are not restricted to its borders.
Classes and identities all cross different zones. A micha or travesti, for example,
can venture off to different zones and find wealthy men as clients. Desire is
essentially tied to the “negotiation of difference” (Parker 1999: 64), where both
pleasure and danger are confronted with unexpected sexual encounters. As
Parker states, “This intermixing is vital for the gay community” (ibid. 151).
Even though the Brazilian gay community, particularly in the Zona Sul, closely
resembles those of western society, it is the intermingling of classes, social
types, and identities that differentiates from the western gay world and makes
the Brazilian gay world its own.
Fortazela represents the conservative Brazil, which is more family oriented
and still holds strong ties to Catholic values. Gay life is more restricted in
Fortazela since the traditional is firmly in place. The focus of gay life is on the
street, instead of the household since it is difficult to bring someone home
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When the Global and the Local Collide
when most men live with their families (Parker 1999: 164). Nevertheless, the
gay commercial enclaves that have emerged “have become essential to the
emerging sense of gay community” (ibid. 168). These spaces have provided
men the opportunity to escape their households and enter a social space, which
promotes homosexual behaviour and expression. The “Boate Rainbow” bar is
a particular social space that welcomes homosexual expression and embodies a
modern gay identity. The use of Rainbow in the bar’s name clearly exemplifies
a modern influence and Parker describes the aesthetics of the bar as “first world
gay” (ibid. 170). As in Rio, gay life in Fortazela is still linked to gender roles,
class and status. Although “Boate Rainbow” is reminiscent of a Western gay
bar, the gay community that inhabits this bar and other commercial enclaves in
Fortazela are distinctive from the gay communities in the West that are based
on sexual orientation.
difference and equality. The blending in with the community is also apparent
in another gay space: the beauty pageant. In the beauty pageants, ladies can look
as elegantly as ‘real’ women and even compete directly with them amongst
an audience comprised of heterosexuals and homosexuals from nearby rural
towns and even urban cities such as Johannesburg.
Gay spaces in South Africa have also emerged. Reid’s core focus is on the gay
niches that exist in the rural towns of South Africa. These niches are more
tied to gender performance than to class structure; class being more integral
to Parker’s work. Reid uncovers two distinctive spaces: the hair-salon and
beauty pageants. The hair-salon in the rural town of Ermelo serves as a setting
for homosexual expression and belonging. It allows ladies to socialize and be
comfortable with their hyper-femininity without the discomforts of the outside
world - not necessarily because of their differences of sexual orientation, but
because of the challenges that women in general face (Reid 2007: 71). As
previously stated, ladies are viewed like women, so like women they carry the
same burden as biological women do because of their effeminate and passive
attributes. Gents are not the ones that are under threat of, for example, rape and
therefore because of their acceptability as heterosexual men do not congregate
in niches such as hair-salons.
18
Ladies in hair-salons perform, in what Reid refers to as, hyper-femininity; acting
and dressing as girls. As hairstylists the ladies are best at their work being in
tune with hip hairstyles of modern times. The hair-salon also serves as a ‘gay
enclave’ where people interact (straight women, hairstylists, and friends) and
where younger ladies can learn about ‘gay style’ (Reid 2007: 90). Members of
society view the ladies sense of style as modern (more Western-like) and unAfrican. Yet the ladies are able to assimilate with the rest of society because they
complement the gender hierarchy. As Reid establishes, the lady/gent system
assimilates to a local gender system, while the Western model is based on
With the introduction of democracy in South Africa, spaces for ladies to express
their hyper-femininity have widened in the rural towns of South Africa. No
longer are forms of expression restricted to the hair-salon or beauty pageant.
Ladies have taken the opportunity to express themselves out in the open. Reid
gives a particular example in which the younger generation of ladies, in the wake
of the democratic state in 1994, decided to dress in their lady attire to school.
Reid interpreted these actions as a form of coming out; a narrative attributed
to modernity but reconstructed in the local. The ladies did not come out and
say they were gay but came out by expressing their femininity (ibid. 110). Gay
spaces in the rural town of Ermelo and other towns alike have thus expanded
from the gay niches of the hair-salon and beauty pageant, to the outside.
While his key focus is on the rural towns, Reid nevertheless recognizes the
liberation that urban centres offer for same-sex exploration and identity, which
is closely related to the modern gay world, just as Parker does when referring
to the commercial centres of Rio. In Urban cities such as Johannesburg, gay
spaces and the forms of homosexual expression within these spaces are more
similar to forms of homosexuality in the West. Reid explains that in the city
life all men are ‘gay’ regardless of sexual roles in the passive/active binary.
He states, “A gent in Ermelo can be a ‘gay’ in Johannesburg” (ibid. 53). The
contrast between sexual expression in the urban city of Johannesburg and the
rural town of Ermelo is most evident in the following example where the urban
and rural collide: The ladies are appalled to hear from Sipho, a masculine male
from Johannesburg, that he identifies as a gay male (ibid. 54). Sipho presents a
contradiction to the gender stratified system that the ladies represent. Overall,
the urban and the rural gay spaces of South Africa demonstrate a dynamic of
modernity and tradition.
GAY ACTIVISM
The gay social movement, as previously stated, has been viewed as a modern
phenomenon taking shape in the Western world. Gay activist groups assert a
gay identity and promote ideas of equality, individualism and citizenship in
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When the Global and the Local Collide
a society that discriminates on the basis of sexual orientation. The gay social
movement has transcended throughout the globe. Altman (2001) explores the
formation of international gay activist groups and institutions. Gay activist
groups have been able to network with other “like minded” groups around the
world sharing a common language based on a human rights discourse. ILGA is
a popular international gay activist group:
identity in favour of a western model as well. Instead of giving a broad account
of the activist system in Africa, Reid focuses on a specific incident in which a
gay activist attempts to promote a modern gay identity. Bhuti, one of Reid’s
informants and comrades, plays an integral role as activist. Reid describes
Bhuti as “clearly inspired by a modern gay identity” (Reid 2007: 137). Bhuti
became a spokesperson to a series of workshops on how to be a real gay. These
workshops promoted a modern gay identity, “based on sexual orientation
instead of femininity” (ibid. 134). Bhuti was not very fond of the lady/gent
binary that was common in Ermelo and instead favoured an egalitarian
approach where men all identified as gay. There are two points that Reid draws
from these workshops and the activist approach in general. First, Reid reveals
the influence the local still had on the ways Bhuti sought to change peoples’
perceptions of homosexuality. New terms adopted by a global gay lexicon were
recommended to be adopted as self-categorizations. But yet, Reid observes,
“these new terms, drawn from a global lexicon, remain infused with locally
familiar meaning.” Indeed, the new terms still revolved around gender roles.
The second point that Reid makes regards the activist approach and its focus
on “difference”. In the rural town of Ermelo, ladies, for example, assimilate
into their surroundings by adhering to the local gender hierarchy. According
to Reid, “Ladies and style allows for social integration and acceptance within
an existing sex/gender system.” On the other hand, the activist approach is
promoting identity based on difference. What Bhuti and the workshops are
trying to do is promote an identity that differentiates individuals from the
local. Reid concludes, “The metropolitan tendency to categorize on the basis
of sexual and gender difference is strangely discordant here, where gender is
the primary organizing principle of sexual identity” (ibid. 154). Meanings of
equality do not seem appropriate in the rural town of Ermelo.
“In 1978 the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) was formed
at a conference in Coventry England. While ILGA has largely been driven by
northern Europeans, it now has member groups in more than seventy countries
and has organized international meetings in several southern cities.” (Altman
2001: 99)
The gay social movements in Brazil and South Africa have played a large role
in changing the way people interpret their homosexual behaviour. Parker and
Reid demonstrate how gay activist groups have attempted to integrate the local
into the global by promoting ideas of egalitarianism and autonomy in place of
a gender structured gay community.
Parker gives a broad overview of the gay activist groups that have emerged in
Brazil. He recognizes the importance that these groups have had in introducing
“sexual rights into the spheres of public debate” (Parker 1999: 90). Gay activist
groups have also been determined to promote a safe environment for gay
individuals to express themselves without the fear of discrimination and
violence. Viewed as a modern construction, the gay social movement, according
to Parker, does “not simply imitate what is done abroad, but proclaims
participation in a broader global movement” (ibid. 156). As a global gay social
movement, activist groups thus “focus on modern gay issues which share a
number of features in common with gay communities in other parts of the
world” (ibid. 159). One of these features is the assertion of a gay identity based
on sexual orientation instead of gender roles. The movimento homosexual has
been essential in promoting a modern gay identity as they try to “reorganize
the power relations that stake out the sexual field” (ibid. 41). The movimento
homosexual has sought a more “structured and self-conscious gay community”
that mirrors that of the West (ibid. 90).
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Gay activism in Ermelo has sought to change traditional forms of homosexual
CONCLUSION
The idea of a global gay identity is very far from the truth when apparently crossculturally there are various ways in which people interpret their homosexual
behaviour. The way homosexual men in Brazil and South Africa identify
themselves in relation to same-sex behaviour is heavily based on traditional
gender roles and class. Parker and Reid have given an extensive account of two
cultures that have been affected by global ideas of homosexuality but have not
necessarily adapted the gay identity in the same way as in the West. The gay
terminology used to identify men in Brazil and South Africa is very much based
on gender roles and class status instead of sexual orientation. Gay spaces in
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Brazil and South Africa allow for particular forms of homosexual expression
that differ and relate to modern homosexuality.
The rural and urban setting as broad social gay spaces is important in
recognizing the intermingling of tradition and modernity. There are interesting
parallels between the rural and urban cities in Brazil and South Africa. What
is taking place in the rural towns of South Africa is quite similar to what
Parker lightly touches on in the less developed cities of Brazil and suburbs
of urban cities. The gay spaces in the rural are more limited and restrictive,
since the rural harks back to traditional values. In addition, what is occurring
in Parker’s urban cities of study is similar to the urban cities in South Africa
such as Johannesburg. These urban settings are more adaptive to a gay identity
reminiscent of the West. The gay social movements have greatly contributed
to incorporating modern forms of homosexuality into the lives of locals.
Nevertheless, Reid questions their effectiveness in a society that adheres to a
sexual identity based on integration with the rest of the community instead of
differentiation.
There are numerous other examples that Parker and Reid introduce to help
explain the importance of the local culture in interpreting same-sex behaviour.
What is integral to their studies are the voices of the numerous informants that
have helped narrate the complex system of homosexual identity, behaviour,
and lifestyle that is unique to Brazil and South Africa. These cases, however,
are only two within a pool of others where we are witnessing unique forms of
homosexual expression. As presented in the introduction of this article, the
intermingling of the global and the local in creating varied notions of what it
means to be gay is occurring in other non-Western countries such as in Turkey
and Thailand. With the voices of informants cross-culturally, we can better
understand the influence that a gay identity has throughout the world.
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