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Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats: Maasai and Lions in
Kenya and Tanzania
Mara J. Goldmana; Joana Roque De Pinhob; Jennifer Perrya
a
Department of Geography, University of Colorado-Boulder, Boulder, Colorado, USA b Natural
Resource Ecology Laboratory, Colorado State University-Fort Collins, Fort Collins, Colorado, USA
Online publication date: 30 September 2010
To cite this Article Goldman, Mara J. , Roque De Pinho, Joana and Perry, Jennifer(2010) 'Maintaining Complex Relations
with Large Cats: Maasai and Lions in Kenya and Tanzania', Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 15: 5, 332 — 346
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Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 15:332–346, 2010
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DOI: 10.1080/10871209.2010.506671
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats:
Maasai and Lions in Kenya and Tanzania
MARA J. GOLDMAN,1 JOANA ROQUE DE PINHO,2
AND JENNIFER PERRY1
1
Downloaded By: [Roque de Pinho, Joana] At: 23:14 18 October 2010
Department of Geography, University of Colorado–Boulder, Boulder, Colorado,
USA
2
Natural Resource Ecology Laboratory, Colorado State University–Fort Collins,
Fort Collins, Colorado, USA
Research and conservation efforts often occur in areas outside of national parks
where people live, often side-by-side and sometimes in conflict with large carnivores.
In Tanzania and Kenya much of this work employs a human–wildlife conflict perspective
and is based in Maasai areas, where many of the few remaining lions exist. We argue
that while Maasai do come into conflict with lions, their relationship with the large cats
is far more complex and includes positive dimensions. With quantitative and qualitative data, including Maasai narratives, we illustrate the nuanced ways in which Maasai
relate with lions. Our aim is to highlight the complexity of Maasai perceptions of lions
and the importance of understanding these complexities for improved lion conservation.
The article contributes to a broader research agenda on human–wildlife interactions,
the importance of perceptions, and the value of ethnographic research in conservation
science.
Keywords lions, Maasai, conservation, Human-wildlife conflict, Tanzania, Kenya
Introduction
Conservation research and activities have dramatically increased in areas outside of
national parks, where people live, often side-by-side and sometimes in conflict with large
carnivores. In Sub-Saharan Africa, many of these efforts have focused on lions (Panthera
Joana Roque de Pinho is currently at Centro de Administração e Políticas Públicas, Instituto
Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, Lisbon, Portugal; Jennifer Perry is currently at Walsh
Environmental Scientists and Engineers, Boulder, Colorado.
We are grateful to the community members and local governments in the different study
sites. In particular we thank the following individuals for their support and assistance: Mungai
Well, Tipilit Ngoe, Kisiongo Makaa, Mshangama Ole Mape, Raconik Loishiro, Richard ole Supeet,
Justus ole Supeet, and Simayo Daniel. Funding for research was provided by the following institutions: Fulbright Hayes, the National Science Foundation, the Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, the
Fundação Luso-Americana para o Desenvolvimento and Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia
(Ministério da Ciência e da Tecnologia, Portugal). We thank the Tanzanian Commission for Science
and Technology (COSTECH), and the School for International Training for facilitating research in
Tanzania, and the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) for institutional affiliation and
logistic support in Kenya. We are grateful to the helpful comments made by the anonymous reviewers
on earlier versions of this article. All the usual disclaimers apply.
Address correspondence to Mara J. Goldman, Department of Geography, 260 UCB, University
of Colorado–Boulder, Boulder, CO 80309-0260, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
332
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Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
333
leo). In Tanzania and Kenya, a main focus has been in Maasai communities adjacent to
national parks where many of the remaining lion populations reside. Maasai are pastoralists
and agro-pastoralists, and thus highly dependent on livestock for social, cultural, and economic needs. Lions represent a threat to Maasai livelihoods by preying on their livestock.
Maasai, in turn, keep lion populations in check by hunting them. Most lion hunting is done
by young Maasai men, ilmurran (Olmurrani singular) in a celebrated practice called olamayio, which means “lion hunt” regardless of the reason. Such hunting practices have come
under close scrutiny recently, viewed as contributing to decreasing lion populations (Frank,
2006; Maclennan, Groom, Macdonald, & Frank, 2009). Consequently, lion research and
conservation efforts in Maasai areas are working to understand why Maasai hunt lions and
introduce measures to reduce its occurrence (Frank, 2006; Hazzah, Borgerhoff, & Frank,
2009; Ikanda & Packer, 2008; Kissui, 2008). Drawing from human–wildlife conflict discourse, conservation interventions often begin with the premise that there is a conflict to
resolve, and that awareness-raising is needed to introduce positive perceptions of lions into
the community to support their continued survival.
Human–wildlife conflict studies in general presuppose that the relationship of concern is one of conflict (Jackson & Wangehuk, 2001; Treves & Karanth, 2003), which
places limitations on the research and proposed solutions. Even when mixed methods
are used (e.g., Hazzah et al., 2009), the main tool often remains surveys for quantiative analysis and the focus is often on understanding the root of “conflict” and ways
to ameliorate it. Other research on human–wildlife (and Maasai–predator) relations has
focused on human perceptions of and attitudes toward wildlife (Kaltenborn, Bjerke,
Nyahongo, & Williams, 2006; Lichtenfeld, 2005; Maddox, 2003; Romanach, Lindsey,
& Woodroffe, 2007). Understanding local attitudes and perceptions toward wildlife is
seen as an important step toward understanding where and why conflicts exist and
thus, for designing conservation strategies (Woodroffe, Thirgood, & Rabinowitz, 2005).
Yet studies are often framed along Western analytical categories and thus may miss
much of the complex and sometimes ambivalent ways in which local people think
about, and relate with, wildlife as expressed in ethnographic work (Goldman, 2007;
Nadasdy, 2003, 2007; Watson & Huntington, 2008). We suggest that conservation interventions could be improved via a more nuanced and sensitive appreciation of local
perceptions of wildlife; perceptions that can be better understood through a mixed
methods approach that includes in-depth ethnographic engagements with the concerned
communities.1
In this article we move beyond conceptions of “conflict” in defining Maasai relations with lions in two separate geographic contexts: In three group ranches surrounding
Amboseli National Park in Kenya and in two villages located between Tarangire and Lake
Manyara National Parks in Tanzania. We argue that while Maasai do come into conflict
with lions, their relationship with the large cats is far more multifaceted than is often presented in the media (Barrett, 2007; Crilly, 2006; Roach, 2006) and conservation-related
literature (Frank, 2006; Frank, Hemson, Kushnir, & Packer, 2006). We show that according
to Maasai, people–lion relationships are complex, not always clearly defined, and include
positive dimensions.
We present quantitative and qualitative data to highlight the unique ways in which
lions are perceived and respected within Maasai communities. We show that while lion
hunting may be recognized as a sign of “conflict,” it also underlies positive perceptions
of lions. We argue that some of the positive perceptions could provide the foundation
for more participatory lion conservation strategies. We touch on some of these suggestions in the discussion and conclusion sections. The focus of this article, however, is on
334
M. J. Goldman et al.
Maasai perceptions of lions. Our aim is to highlight how complex and nuanced these perceptions are. Understanding these complexities is important for informing conservation
interventions. We contribute to a broader research agenda on human–wildlife interactions,
the use and limits of a human–wildlife conflict approach, and the importance of local
perceptions and knowledge (and ethnography) in conservation science.
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Study Design and Research Methods
This study draws on quantitative and in-depth qualitative data to produce a cross-country,
comparative study. The goal is to assess Maasai perceptions of lions across a diversity
of land tenure and political contexts. We show that with minor exceptions perceptions of
lions are consistent across both areas. Research was initially conducted in the Tanzania
and Kenya study sites independently by different researchers. After discussions comparing
findings, collaborative analysis began and a follow-up study in Tanzania was conducted to
more closely follow the methods used in Kenya to facilitate comparison.
Study Area
Data come from research conducted in Maasai communities in two wildlife-rich ecosystems across the Tanzanian–Kenyan border, the Tarangire-Manyara Ecosystem in Tanzania
(TME), and the Greater Amboseli Ecosystem in Kenya (GAE).
Maasai are primarily pastoralists who live in many of the areas surrounding national
parks in northern Tanzania and southern Kenya. Maasai individuals are organized socially
by their general age-level, which determines social relations and responsibilities: Men proceed from being young uncircumcised boys, to circumcised ilmurran,2 to elders; women
go through the stages of being young uncircumcised girls, young brides, mothers, and
finally grandmothers. For men, there is a formal system of organized, named age-sets, a
new one started every 10–15 years, into which young men are initiated at circumcision
(as new ilmurran), and to which they belong for the remainder of their lives. This system
effectively mediates interactions between elders and youth, men and women, and provides
the foundation of Maasai social structure (Goldman, 2006).
The ilmurran have historically acted as the “Maasai army”—responsible for protecting the community in general, and cattle in particular, from raids, predators, and drought.
One of their duties has been to participate in organized lion hunts (olamayio), where the
lion is hunted by spear and the first two ilmurran to draw blood are celebrated and admired
for their strength and bravery. Today, many ilmurran work away from home at paid jobs
and/or are pursuing education (May & McCabe, 2004; McCabe, 2003). Despite these
changes, ilmurran are often still expected to protect cattle and be actively involved in olamayio although it is now illegal in Kenya and only tolerated in Tanzania after prey on
livestock occurs. This is important for understanding how ilmurran feel about lions, and
how, perhaps paradoxically, the existence of the celebrated (if successful) lion hunt actually underlies positive attitudes toward the animal by ilmurran and within Maasai society
at large, including women.
Today, Maasai are undergoing rapid social changes under the influence of Western
education, Christianity, land privatization, changing livestock breeds, and livelihood
diversification including cultivation, wage labor, and gemstone trading (in Tanzania)
(BurnSilver, Worden, & Boone, 2008; Hodgson, 2001, 2005; Homewood, Kristjanson,
& Trench, 2009; McCabe, 2003; Roque de Pinho, 2009; Sachedina, 2008). As herders,
Maasai have also always been involved in livestock trading. Tourism activities, frequently
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
335
linked to community-based conservation initiatives, have also increased in Maasai areas,
but often with limited benefits (Nelson, Gardner, Igoe, & Williams, 2009; Roque de Pinho,
2009; Sachedina & Nelson, 2009).
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Methods
Research methods included semi-structured interviews, with the same questions asked in
both sites to elicit and compare specific information on perceptions of lions and of olamayio in the GAE in 2002–2004, and in the TME in 2008. Ethnographic data (informal
and formal in-depth interviews, group interviews, free-list tasks, and participant observation) were collected at both sites between 2002 and 2004, and in 2009, as well as in the
TME again in 2005, 2007, and 2008. While the quantitative data from the semi-structured
interviews were collected at different times, ethnographic data collection overlaps across
sites facilitating comparison.
In the GAE, data were collected in three study areas (Osilalei, Emeshenani, Namelok
and Kalesirua swamps) that span three “Amboseli Maasai” owned group ranches (GR),
respectively, Osilalei,3 Olgulului-Lolarrash, and Imbirikani. In each study area, 32 households (HH) were randomly selected and both HH head and one dependent were interviewed. The final sample (n = 191) includes 109 men (57%) and 82 women (43%).
The interviewed HH heads included six women and one olmurrani. The interviewed dependents included 11 ilmurran, 71 adult women, 5 girls, and 7 boys (with most children and
ilmurran away at school or herding). These interviews specifically explored Maasai perceptions of and attitudes toward lions, as well as their beliefs about how lions, people, and
livestock relate. Additional ethnographic data were obtained, including over 100 hours of
stories, narratives, and open-ended conversations.
Fieldwork in the TME was carried out between January 2002 and January 2004,
6 months in 2005, and 1 month each in 2006 and 2007 in two “Manyara Maasai” villages (Oltukai and Esilalei) in Monduli District, Tanzania. The researcher resided full time
in one of the study villages and obtained over 300 hours of ethnographic data regarding Maasai relationships with lions through unstructured interviews, observations, and
discussions after lion hunts, trips to national parks, and showing pictures of lions to informants. Semi-structured interviews regarding grazing patterns and “troublesome” animals
were also conducted with a random sample of HH heads from both villages in 2003
(n = 43). In April 2008, additional semi-structured interviews in both villages (n = 55)
repeated questions previously asked in the GAE regarding perceptions of lions and human–
lions relations. Interviewees were selected randomly from three separate groups: ilmurran
(n = 17), elders (n = 21), and women (n = 17).
While samples in both study locations are representative of the general population,
they are not consistent (in size and makeup) across sites. This is due to the fact that collaboration occurred after most field research had already been conducted and similiarities
of data across sites were discovered. We present these data for illustrative comparative
purposes.
Results
Here we present data on local attitudes toward lions from semi-structured interviews in
both study sites. We complement these data with quotes obtained in the course of these
semi-structured interviews, as well as from additional unstructured (group and individual)
interviews.
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M. J. Goldman et al.
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Maasai Feelings About Lions
In the TME, 55 individuals were asked, “How do you feel about lions?” Responses to this
question were far from straightforward, suggesting the complexity inherent in Maasai–lion
relations. It was often difficult for people to say whether they simply liked or disliked lions.
Lions provoked intense feelings of awe and admiration as well as fear and resentment, and
feelings about the animals varied with the context.
The mixed emotions associated with lions was perhaps best expressed by the words of
one woman: “I would like the lion if he could be taken from the bush and tied under a tree so
we could see him everyday, but he couldn’t attack anything.” This desire to “domesticate”
the lion (or at least to have it in a controlled setting) shows its dual nature as both an
attractive and threatening animal. This woman appreciated lions, but because they pose
such an imminent threat, could only say she would like them if certain conditions were
met. Similarly, we repeatedly observed that Maasai often express joy and admiration when
observing lions in parks or in pictures. Yet the sight of a lion near their livestock or their
home provoked fear and hatred. An individual can both like and dislike, admire and hate
lions and some people expressed such sentiments quite clearly, with statements such as:
“I like lions, but sometimes they attack our livestock and then I hate them” (Olmurrani,
Esilalei); and “If I just hear the name I like it. Well, I like it, but it is also our enemy”
(Woman, Oltukai). Such mixed responses appear in Table 1 as “both liking and disliking
the lion” and comprise 9% of responses (n = 55).4
However, several people listed in Table 1 as “liking” the lion, expressed some conditionality, such as “I like the lion, but only when he doesn’t attack our livestock” (Olmurrani,
Esilalei). Keeping this in mind, nearly half of the people interviewed in TME (47%)
responded positively, saying that they liked the lion, while 40% explicitly spoke about
hating or disliking the lion. The picture looks quite different when disaggregated by gender and age, with only the ilmurran responding in the positive (77%; Table 1). This may
seem surprising since the ilmurran are most responsible for killing lions. Yet the very practice of hunting lions is associated with respect for the lion as a brave and smart animal, as
well as the esteem one gains from proving himself strong enough to defeat such a fierce
opponent. Lions are, in essence, the perfect match for the ilmurran and the most worthy
of a fight. Lion hunting maintains the image of the ilmurran as the protector of society, as
discussed below.
In contrast with the situation in the TME, no olmurrani mentioned liking lions in the
GAE. However, fewer ilmurran named the lion as a disliked animal (only 3%), as compared
to 50% of the elders, and 48% of the women (n = 177) (Table 2). Similarly to Manyara
Maasai, Amboseli Maasai showed complex and at times conflicting feelings about lions.
We asked informants to free list the animals they liked, disliked, found beautiful and
Table 1
Feelings about lions in the TME (n = 55; numbers in parentheses
are percentages)
Women (n = 17)
Ilmurran (n = 17)
Elders (n = 21)
Total (n = 55)1
Like
Dislike
Both like and dislike
7 (41)
13 (77)
6 (29)
26 (47)
7 (47)
3 (18)
12 (57)
22 (40)
2 (12)
1 (6)
2 (10)
5 (10)
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
337
Table 2
Attitudes toward lions across age/gender groups among people who listed lion
as “liked” or “disliked” in the GAE (n = 177; numbers in parentheses
are percentages)
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Women (n = 75)
Ilmurran (n = 11)
Elders (n = 91)
Total (n = 177)
Like
Dislike
Both like and dislike
2 (11%)
0 (0%)
17 (90%)
19 (11%)
36 (47%)
2 (3%)
38 (50%)
76 (42%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
0 (0%)
ugly; as well as the ones they feared, would like to see disappear from their land, and the
ones they would “rescue” if they were going extinct. Informants then ranked their listed
species. The free lists allow feelings about lions to be understood in relation to feelings
about other species. For instance, while 44% of informants (n = 190) reported disliking
lions, more (47%) reported disliking (actually hating!) hyenas, and 44% disliked elephants
(Figure 1).
People who listed the hyena, elephant, jackal, and wild dog as “disliked” often
included a statement of scorn or disdain for these animals. Hyenas are perceived as ugly,
filthy, greedy animals, while elephants “kill people and cows for no reason.” Lions, on the
Other
8.4
Hyena
46.8
Elephant
44.2
Lion
43.7
Buffalo
23.2
Rhino
16.3
Widebeest
15.8
Leopard/cheetah
15.8
None
12.1
Snake
8.4
Jackal
8.4
Baboon
6.8
All
6.3
Hippo
6.3
Zebra
5.3
0
10
20
30
Percentage
40
50
Figure 1. Species listed as “disliked” in GAE. Values are percentages of informants who listed each
species as “disliked” (n = 190; multiple species allowed). “Other” includes species listed by less
than 1% of the informants.
338
M. J. Goldman et al.
other hand, often elicited awe, admiration, and a sense of pride, even as people expressed
hatred and discontent over the losses they cause. There was even a degree of tolerance
for lion predation on livestock compared to other animals, as reflected in the following
quotes:
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If a lion kills a cow, that’s because it’s hungry! Lions don’t just kill like elephants. [The elephants] kill for no reason because of their bad temper: they kill
people and don’t eat [them]! They kill cows and they don’t eat [them]!; they
kill goats and don’t eat [them]! The lion instead is very reasonable: if it kills a
cow, it eats it so it makes it its food. (Elder, Olgulului-Lolarrash GR)
The lion is better because if it gets in a herd of cows, it is just looking
for food to eat, which is fine. But the hyena, that is witchcraft: it just kills and
doesn’t eat. (Elder, Imbirikani GR)
Asked to free list the animals they liked, only 10% of informants (n = 190) named the lion
(Figure 2). However, coming sixth in preference, after five herbivores (gazelles, giraffe,
zebra, eland, wildebeest), this makes the lion the favorite carnivore. Lion was also listed as
the “most liked” animal by 4% of the informants. Among dangerous animals, it is preferred
to elephant and buffalo. Fear was the predominant feeling expressed about lions, cited by
52% of informants as an animal they feared (n = 191). But elephants were feared even
more (68%). When people were asked if they would let the lion go extinct, only 33%
responded positively, well below elephant (42%) and hyena (41%). A similar proportion
(30%; n = 190) would “rescue” the lion if it were going extinct, ahead of elephant (19%).
In the TME, informants were asked to list the species they perceived as “troublesome,”
defined by informants as animals that interfered with their livelihoods (e.g., crop raiding;
predation on livestock) (Figure 3). Cited by 30% of informants (n = 43), lion came well
after zebra (listed by 81%), hyena (70%), porcupine (54%), elephant (48%), jackal (40%),
and warthog (33%) (Figure 3). While lions attack cattle, which are far more valuable than
the sheep and goats targeted by jackals and hyenas, it is the way in which jackals and
hyenas behave that causes scorn and disgust, as shown earlier for Amboseli. Both were
criticized for taking more than they can eat, and wreaking havoc on herds. Therefore,
these data, in addition to reflecting actual and potential costs that certain animals inflict
on Maasai, also reflect the ways in which Maasai judge an animal’s character, something
we further explored by asking why Maasai liked or disliked lions.
Why Maasai Feel the Way They do About Lions
In the TME, among the 31 informants who liked, or both liked and disliked the lion, the
two most prominent reasons cited for liking this animal included its perceived value for
tourism (23%) and the joy associated with an olamayio celebration (23%). Olamayio is
recognized as having historical and contemporary importance, whereas the value of lions
for tourism is seen as something new: “I like lions because now they are a source of
income compared to past times. [The lion] can bring tourism into our country” (Woman,
Esilalei).
Since ilmurran are the main participants in olamayio, the association between ilmurran and lions was sometimes given as reason enough to like lions, as expressed in the
following statement by an Esilalei olmurrani: “if I hear a lion, I will be very happy even
if I don’t see him. (Why?) Because I am an olmurrani!” However, the value of lions for
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
Other
12.1
Gazelle
38.4
None
35.3
Giraffe
35.3
Zebra
25.3
Eland
21.1
Wildebeest
12.6
Lion
10
Ostrich
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339
8.4
Elephant
6.8
Oryx
4.7
Buffalo
3.2
0
10
20
Percentage
30
40
Figure 2. Species listed as “liked” in the GAE. Values are percentages of informants who listed each
species as “liked” (n = 190; multiple species allowed). “Other” includes species listed less than 1%
of the time.
olamayio was also expressed by elders and women, as seen in the two following statements
from Esilalei: “When I was young, an ilmurran, I liked lions because when they attacked
our livestock, we could kill them and celebrate and be proud. [And now?] I still like the
lion, like in the beginning, because it still has that importance to us.”
Women, too, mentioned the importance of olamayio as a reason for liking lions. As one
woman from Esilalei stated, “I like lions, although it is a dangerous animal. Lion killing
is a part of our culture, especially for ilmurran.” These data suggest that the very act of
hunting lions is not only a symptom of conflict; it is also a key component of Maasai
culture, which brings about associated feelings of joy and respect for lions by all comunity
members. Other reasons for liking lions included it being a “neighbor,” a creation of God,
and having a beautiful “voice.”
Similarly, in the GAE, among the informants who “liked” lions, the most cited reason was new tourism-related economic benefits (37%; n = 190): “it is a good animal
that brings tourists the most” (Elder, Olgulului-Lolarrash GR); “Nowadays I also like
the lion because I’ve heard it is the main producer of money although I don’t like them
to be close to my boma”5 (Elder, Imbirikani GR). Aesthetics was the second most frequently mentioned reason for liking lions (32%). Positive feelings were associated with
the lion’s perceived “beauty,” a concept that includes such physical characteristics as the
animal’s strength, mane and body shape, as well as moral dimensions (i.e., its bravery
and straightforwardness). Interest and fascination in the lion was named by 26%, while
11% liked the lion because it was “polite,” respectful, and comparatively less harmful than
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M. J. Goldman et al.
Zebra
Hyena
Porcupine
Elephant
Jackal
Warthog
Lion
Leopard
Ostrich
Reedbuck
Wildebeest
Tortoise
Rabbit
Falcon
Wildpig
Gazelle
Aardvark
Cheetah
Hippo
81.4
69.8
53.5
48.8
39.5
32.6
30.2
18.6
16.3
11.6
9.3
4.7
2.3
2.3
2.3
2.3
2.3
2.3
2.3
0
20
40
60
Percentage
80
100
Figure 3. Wildlife species free listed as troublesome in the TME. Values are percentages of
informants who listed each species as “troublesome” (n = 43; multiple species allowed).
other animals (i.e., rhino, elephant, hyenas). These feelings are reflected in the following
quotes:
If you pass near a lion you must stop and look at it! You’re never tired looking
at it! The colors are good, it’s a strong animal. . . . I just like its body, the way
it is strong. (Elder, Olgulului-Lolarrash GR)
The lion. . . . It is just emotional for people! Maybe because it’s strong
and fierce. . . . If we hear that a lion is there, everybody goes and wants to see
it. (Woman, Imbirikani GR)
Contrasting with the situation in the TME, only 5% of Amboseli informants named olamayio as a reason for liking the lion. Since all hunting is illegal in Kenya, this likely
affected what informants were willing to share regarding their views on lion hunting. It is
also possible that the very illegality of hunting has reduced these positive associatons.
However, some did share the joy, pride, and importance related to olamayio, as expressed
in the following: “Even though [the lion] eats people, I like the lion because [it is] killed by
ilmurran and [the] skin gets decorated with beads and made into the flag of the emanyata6
and the olmurrani will have a new name so it is very important” (Elder, Imbirikani GR).7
For some, the pride gained in killing a lion and the lion’s beauty is combined: “[The
lion] is very beautiful, [it is]very prestigious to kill a lion for the Maasai! It gives you
honor. Even when you see a lion in pictures, you just like to watch it” (Elder, OlgululuiLolarrash GR).
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
341
Many in Amboseli, similarly to TME informants, also perceived lions as being akin to
ilmurran—strong, beautiful, and brave:
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If you find a lion and you can take your time watching it, you can imagine
an olmurrani when you look at a lion. You can also imagine a bull. . . . So a
lion builds up so much in the mind! I don’t know what’s really inside the lion,
but it must have something magic inside. It’s really principled. . . . He’s a hero
absolutely ! If it decides it is this way, it will be that way and that’s it. It’s not
a joke! (Elder, Olgulului-Lolarrash GR)
Lions are also thought to be clever. Elders and ilmurran in the TME, on separate occasions, described in great detail the way that lions prey on cattle, coming to a boma on
three consecutive nights, attacking only on the third night. The first two nights are for
“scouting”—seeing what the boma is like, if there are dogs or ilmurran. In explaining this
process the men shook their heads in amazement and explained that lions were “very clever
indeed.” Lions are accorded a high degree of intelligence, something that most Maasai
respect, even if it often leads to trouble. In a group interview with ilmurran in the TME,
they stated, “lions are like people. They have intelligence (akili) like people. They can tell
if someone is smart, or afraid, or slow.”
The main reasons mentioned for disliking lions in both study sites include lions attacking livestock and/or and people, and fear.8 Yet additional qualitative data suggests that
Maasai believe that lions do not present an unusual or unnatural threat to people who are
not threatening them, and lions are not the most feared animals, compared to rhino, elephant, and buffalo. Some informants expressed a mix of appreciation of lions as harmless
toward non-threatening humans and resentment of lion’s preying on livestock:
“When you walk in the bush, you have nothing to fear from lions: a lion will
not get you. Lions are only dangerous if you spear them, if you provoke them.
Otherwise, you can pass on their side and they will do nothing to you. They
also protect you in the bush at night, especially the children and the women.
Lions will protect them against other bad animals and in the morning will
bring them to their bomas” (So, the lion is a good animal?) “No! It’s a very
bad animal! Because, why does it eat our animals?”
Maasai attest that hunting lions keeps them afraid of people, and that attacks on people have
risen as a result of prohibitions on lion hunting, protected area demarcation, and wildlife
conservation in general.9
Stories about Lions, Women and Children: The Positive Potential
In this section we present local stories10 that provide a window into the rich and subtle
interpretations of Maasai–lion relations, by Maasai themselves, to complement the quantitative data on attitudes. In both study areas, well-known stories chronicle the adventures of
women walking in the bush who, instead of being attacked by lions, were actually protected
by them. Such stories usually end with an offering to the lion of a slaughtered animal, and
letting it go in peace. A story from GAE:
A woman and her donkeys loaded with water were on their way from a
swamp inside Amboseli NP, back home on the park’s outskirts. The sun was
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setting and she was still inside the park when a lion appeared to her. She was
not scared. Instead she simply told the lion “Let me go.” When she reached
her family’s settlement in the darkness, still followed by the lion, someone
disclosed the presence of the lion. When they saw the lion, the ilmurran
became very excited and wanted to spear it. But an elder restrained them
from doing so and ordered them to take a goat, kill it outside of the boma
and leave it for the lion to eat “because we must thank this lion for not
having killed this mama and maybe having protected her against other wild
animals.”
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When this story was recalled to women in the TME, they unanimously responded that
there were many stories like this, for this sort of thing has happened many times. There
were even stories of people from this village, as follows:
A mama had left her husband’s boma for her father’s home. She had been
walking for three days. She was tired and hungry and stopped to pray. She
prayed to God that she arrive safely. The woman was carrying a young child
and had become so weak that she could barely walk. She saw a lion in the
distance, was startled, and sat down and cried. The lion just sat and watched
the mama. Then the lion killed a young gazelle, walked towards the mama,
dropped the gazelle in front of her and walked away. The lion did not go far
but sat at a distance and watched as she ate the gazelle. Another lion came
to take the gazelle and the original lion pushed the intruder out of the way so
the mama could continue eating. The woman kept walking and came across the
footprints of a group of ilmurran. She followed the footprints and an olmurrani
came out of the woods and saw her. She asked for water, which he brought her
and she bathed her child. The olmurran told the woman they were at orpul11
and that she should wait and he would bring her some meat. The lion was
watching all of this and came to sit with the mama. When the olmurrani saw
the lion he wanted to kill it but she said, “No, do not kill it, it was sent by
God!” So the ilmurran left the lion alone and helped the mama find her way to
her father’s boma and the lion went home.
Another story tells of a woman who traveled to a temporary boma with a child on her back:
On the way a lion walked ahead of her and then behind her, as if he was trying
to stop her from going. She was tired. She placed her child on the ground,
thinking that this would appease the lion, and continued on her way. When
she reached the boma she was in tears and explained to the elders that there
was a lion and she was afraid. Ilmurran followed her tracks back and found
the lion, with the child still sitting at its feet. The lion, it turns out, was trying
to stop another lion from killing the child. The mother felt so ashamed that
she offered her own breast milk to the lion [by putting it in her hand], so he
would forgive her. The ilmurran went to fetch a goat and gave it to the lion
to eat.12
Other stories discuss how in the past, ilmurran could be protected in battle (against other
tribes) by the power of a lion. A local healer (oloiboni) would make a protective medicine
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
343
to be handed to a live lion by an olmurrani. Once this was done, the ilmurran were thought
to be safe in battle, for the fiercest of all animals had accepted their protective charm.
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Discussion
We have shown that in two different Maasai locales feelings about lions are complex and
nuanced, displaying both negative and positive dimensions, often held by the same individuals. Fear of lions is natural and expected (Kruuk, 2002) and while often noted as a reason
for hating the animal, this fear also translates into fascination and admiration. In contrast,
no Maasai would admit to being “afraid” of hyena, an animal for which they feel only
scorn, hatred, and disgust (even the question “are you afraid of hyenas?” provokes laughter). A strong, armed (with a spear), and trained olmurrani would not be afraid of a lion.
Lions are resented when they attack cattle, yet this is also seen as a natural behavior and the
lion is respected for killing only what it can eat. In fact, we have illustrated that it is often
difficult for an individual to say whether they like or dislike lions, making it even more
difficult to draw conclusions across groups. Nonetheless, our findings do suggest there
are positive dimensions to Maasai perceptions of lions, which is relevant for conservation
efforts in Maasai areas. Others have suggested that the very existence of lions in Maasai
areas today is partly due to the tolerance they display toward the animals (Lichtenfeld,
2005; Maddox, 2003).
As conservation interventions involve Maasai communities, these positive perceptions
of lions should be investigated and acknowledged. While lion hunting may be seen as
posing a risk to lion populations (particularly in Kenya, see Frank et al., 2006, Hazzah,
2006), lion hunting as part of olamaiyo also contributes to maintaining an appreciation of
the lion. We illustrated here that hunting lions should not be seen simply as a reflection of
lion–people conflict (Hazzah et al., 2009; Ikanda & Packer, 2008; Kissui, 2008). Our data
illustrated that the lion kill itself was listed by informants as a reason for “liking” lions.
Conflict and appreciation, as well as “like” and “dislike” are hard to impose on a much
more nuanced reality. Schematically, we could say that Maasai like lions except when they
kill livestock, then they do not like them, except when ilmurran hunt the lion, then they like
them because it is an important cultural act that also helps reassert the power and strength
of the ilmurran to protect society (and in which the whole community partakes through the
subsequent celebrating). Even as olamayio is increasingly less practiced, for being illegal,
discouraged by conservation initiatives and Christianity, its memory among older people
underlies positive perceptions of lions.
Additional insight into Maasai feelings about lions can be gleaned from oral narratives. In general, Maasai oral literature explains events, and the “way things should be.”
Stories convey tales of morality and behavioral expectations related to different kinds of
wildlife as well as different kinds of people (Kipury, 1983). Stories are handed down from
elders to their children, and modified to fit particular contexts. The fact that similar stories
about lions exist in both sites suggests that these stories are central to Maasai beliefs and
expectations of lion behavior and people–lion relations. Whether the stories convey true
events or not is of less relevance than the moral of the stories—that lions are also allies of
people; that lions and people can have positive interactions and share respect. The stories
also suggest that for Maasai not all lions are alike, that they show individuality and agency
and that people respect those lions that have helped them, just as they target for elimination
particular lions that have caused loss.13 The story of the woman offering her breast milk to
the lion in request for forgiveness illustrates the need for Maasai to respect lions and to not
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unduly wrong them. Similar ideas were expressed when the lion was spared from being
killed and presented with a slaughtered animal in gratitude.
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Conclusion
As elucidated by interviews, participant-observation, and Maasai stories, lions play a
unique role in Maasai society and psyche. Simultaneously feared and admired, loved and
loathed, the lion is a valuable species, unlike any other to Maasai. Yet the value of lions
to Maasai is contingent on many factors—their ability to hunt the animals (and celebrate
the hunt), the tourism revenue lions may bring to communities, the cost that lion predation
inflicts in a community, and the fascination that the animal elicits. We did not explore the
economic aspects of Maasai–lion relationships in this article. We tried instead to expose
the existence of non-economic factors shaping Maasai perceptions. While Maasai may
resent lions that prey on their livestock, their feelings about lions are not limited to the
economic loss they experience. This means that economic interventions in and of themselves designed to “reduce conflict” and promote lion conservation may be limited in effect
(Woodroffe et al., 2005).
Appreciation of the complexity of Maasai–lion relations could improve the efficacy of
lion conservation efforts in Maasai areas, by encouraging more collaborative and fruitful
interactions with the communities. The positive perceptions that Maasai have of lions can
be used as a foundation to gain support for lion conservation initiatives. For example, the
presented narratives could initiate dialogue between Maasai and conservationists and challenge the actions by some Maasai of poisoning or overhunting lions (Hazzah et al., 2009).
Such actions are not accepted as moral by many Maasai themselves. Indigenous Maasai
ways of undertanding and talking about lions could thus be catalyzed for community-wide
conservation actions.
Through participatory projects, and solid social science research that draws on indepth ethnographic engagements with communties, the nuanced and complex ways in
which Maasai interact with lions can be fully realized and the positive perceptions
promoted and strengthened, so that lions remain more valuable alive than dead.
Notes
1. While mixed-methods research has been conducted (e.g., Hazzah, 2009), there has not been any
in-depth ethnographic data collection on community interactions with lions.
2. “The circumcised ones,” frequently called “warriors” in English or “moran” in Swahili.
3. Land in Osilalei is a “group ranch” but has been subdivided since the early 1990s and households
own individual plots of land, of about 100 acres each.
4. These represent responses that explicitly stated both “like” and “dislike” only.
5. Boma is Swahili for a Maasai settlement, groupings of houses and joint kraals for livestock.
6. A settlement inhabited by ilmurran and some of their mothers.
7. In part of the Kenyan study area, the two first ilmurran to draw blood (the “owners of the lion”:
olopeny olowaru) are given a prestigious “lion name.”
8. In TME 74% of those who disliked lions (n = 27), cited “attacks” (on people and/or livestock)
as the main reason, while 22% cited fear. In the GAE, 25% of those who disliked lions (n = 76)
cited attacks on people, 20% attacks on livestock, and 30% attacks on both.
9. Dangerous animals are perceived as “knowing” that they are protected by the government, that
people are not allowed to kill them and thus as “taking advantage” of that situation.
10. As often occurs with stories, details change and are re-exaggerated for effect, but the association
with particular people (still alive) suggests the stories have a base in reality.
Maintaining Complex Relations with Large Cats
345
11. Meat feasting camp for ilmurran, where married women are not allowed.
12. For Maasai, an offer of breast milk is the ultimate sign of peace, forgiveness, and trust.
13. In the TME there was a lion responsible for multiple predations. Men tracked this particular lion
and spared others encountered along the way, which were not the “problem lion.”
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