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The film festival of the Royal Anthropological Institute – a personal memoir on its thirtieth anniversary. Paul Henley The film festival of the Royal Anthropological Institute (RAI) has been in existence since 1985. It has been a peripatetic event, moving from one host institution, usually a university, to another, mostly on a biennial basis. Like the RAI itself, it is aimed at those who are interested in archaeology as well as anthropology, and it has been primarily directed by academics on a voluntary basis, working in collaboration with the staff of the RAI in London. As I write, the most recent edition of the festival took place just over six months ago, in June 2015, at the Watershed, an arts cinema complex located in the refurbished harbourside area of Bristol docks, in the southwest of England. It was the 14th edition and consisted of the screening of some 60 films over the course of four days. Many of these films were in competition for one or more of eight different prizes, including an Audience Prize, while others were shown hors concours as part of thematic programmes devised by the organisers. In addition, there were a number of workshops and discussions on particular topics, including one on the potential of interactive documentary as a mode of ethnographic film-making and another ‘making of’ session on a recent television series on the Hamar pastoralists of Ethiopia, which had employed a fixed multicamera set-up to film their daily domestic life. However, in contrast to many previous editions of the festival, on this occasion there was no accompanying academic conference. By common consent, the quality and variety of the programme at Bristol were both excellent, continuing the high standards that the festival has achieved over the thirty years of its existence. So too were the technical facilities and the support of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology at the University of Bristol. Even so, this edition posed certain issues that have confronted the RAI festival ever since its inception as I know from personal experience, having been involved to some degree in every edition to date. Firstly, attendance at the screenings was disappointing: some of the films that would later be awarded prizes, and whose makers had come from a long way to support, played to very small audiences. Secondly, some of the films selected for screening and even some of those awarded prizes provoked controversy since they had been made by filmmakers with neither debt nor allegiance to academic anthropology and without any prior prolonged ethnographic research. On what grounds therefore, some participants asked, had they been included in the programme of an ethnographic film festival? On the “ethnographicness” of the RAI Film Festival A broad range of practical factors may impact on attendance at any film festival, including location and transport facilities, the precise calendar dates, the cost of registration and accommodation, and the effectiveness of publicity - to name only the most obvious. Yet the quality and nature of the programme also has an effect and it is here that there is a relationship to be considered between the level of attendance and what, after Karl Heider, we might call the “ethnographicness” of the films on offer (Heider 1975, 46). The important point to take on board here is that “ethnographicness” is a relative rather than an absolute quality and as such can be applied to a broad range of films, some of which will be more ethnographic than others. 2 The RAI has generally taken the view that if we were to restrict ourselves to films that are very strongly or obviously ethnographic in the sense that they have been made both by and for academic anthropologists and are based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, we would be unlikely to end up with a selection of films that was sufficiently strong either in number or in quality to sustain a stimulating festival with an international profile. Besides, to restrict ourselves in this way would be entirely contrary to the historical mission of the RAI, which, since its foundation in the nineteenth century, has been to act as a two-way bridge between the academic world and the broader public, not only providing a means whereby anthropologists and archaeologists can communicate their knowledge to non-academic audiences, but also a means of introducing ideas and interests from the outside world into the academy. Given this historical mission, it behoves us particularly to ask not only what academics can do for ethnographic filmmaking by non-academics, but also what non-academic filmmakers can do for the practice of ethnography by academic anthropologists. Typically, the RAI festival now receives over 300 submissions for one or more of its prizes. In selecting amongst this vast field of entries, the RAI has tended to adopt a rather catholic definition of the term “ethnographic”. In common with the practice in contemporary academic anthropology generally, in this definition, “ethnography” is no longer considered merely synonymous with the culturally exotic. That may still be the most widespread popular view, but this was an association that became obsolete in the academic world at least 80 years ago when anthropologists began to carry out ethnographic studies on the streets of Chicago. In this more modern definition, ethnography, be it filmic or textual, is typically taken to involve the study or exploration of the customary and recurrent forms of social and cultural life, regardless of the degree of cultural exoticism entailed. It may involve an account of exceptional events, of a political, or ritual nature, for example, but in the unfolding of those events, customary relations, ideas and values will in the ideal case be invoked, even highlighted or brought to light when normally they remain hidden. An ethnographic film defined in this way will often also be about particular individuals, and may even constitute highly personalised portraits, but it will be through these individuals’ idiosynractic life experiences that the film will offer a broader view onto the culture or society of which they are part. There is also a methodological and even an ethical dimension to this present-day definition of the ethnographic. In the ideal case, an ethnographic film will be based on the prolonged cohabitation of the filmmakers with the subjects and the film that emerges from this cohabitation will be one that is built upon the relationship of trust developed between subjects and filmmakers during this period. The resulting film will be at the very least non-judgemental, and may even be partisan in the sense that its aim will be to present the way of life of the subjects, not just as they understand it intellectually, morally or politically, but even, to the degree that the audiovisual medium allows it, as they experience it. In this way, an ethnographic film should be aiming to access what Bronislaw Malinowski, the original Ethnographer with a capital ‘E’, called the “subjective desire of feeling” and which he also pronounced, in those less gender-aware days, to be “the greatest reward which we can hope to obtain from the study of Man” (Malinowski 1932, 25). In applying this definition of the ethnographic to the films submitted to the RAI festival, the selection committees have generally worked to the principle that it is not necessary to be an academic anthropologist to make a film that is ethnographic – though as with crazy people in some offices, it can certainly help. Nor is it necessary for a film to conform to the 3 definition in every particular for it to be considered ethnographic: even if it deviates in some regards, its “ethnographicness” can still be sufficient for it to merit a place at the festival. It is also not necessary for films to conform to any particular style or genre: they can be observational, interview-based, commentary-led, archival or even fictional, and still manifest sufficient “ethnographicness” to be included. All subject matters are similarly possible. The upside of this broad definition of the ethnographic is that RAI has generally had a very rich field of films from which to choose. The downside is that it is often very difficult to choose between them. How does one assess self-consciously cinematic works in the mould of Robert Gardner, with the more soberly observational films of the kind made by David MacDougall? How does one compare a sophisticated documentary feature of the kind produced by Kim Longinotto with a much shorter film about, say, basket-weaving, that is based on extended firsthand field research but with a fraction of the budget, not to mention a relative absence of the technical film skills that Longinotto can call upon? This last comparison is complexified by the fact that the RAI film festival is supposed to cater to the needs not only of anthropologists but also archaeologists, many of whom have a particular interest in films about technology and “material culture”. Similarly, how does one balance the claims of archival films against those of ethnofictions, or the films made by students (which constitute a large proportion of the entries) against those made by more experienced filmmakers? And what should be the place of indigenous media producers? Should we also strive to find a place for art installations, websites and interactive documentaries, all of which pose logistical problems of exhibition? Over the course of its thirty-year history, the RAI festival has sought to come to terms with the diversity of the submissions that it receives in two related ways. Firstly, by the proliferation of prizes, so that there is now a prize for a broad range of different categories of film, thereby going some way towards avoiding invidious or absurd comparisons. Secondly, by the proliferation of strands, so that there are now usually at least three strands of film-screenings or more discussion-based events taking place simultaneously. But although these may sound like effective solutions, they merely replace one set of problems with another: not only do three strands disperse the audience, which historically has often been small enough anyway at the RAI festival, but at the same time, it increases the costs of running the festival. For each prize has to be judged and the judges’ expenses paid, and each strand has to be accommodated in its own screening facility, thereby usually increasing room and equipment hire costs. In my personal view, the only way to square this particular circle is to increase the attendance substantially so that there is sufficient audience to fill every session adequately. But one of the longstanding obstacles to doing this has been the fact that historically the RAI festival has been a moveable feast, never remaining in the same location for more than two consecutive editions, thereby making it difficult both to build up a local audience and to develop a familiar brand that will attract people from afar. This mobility also increases the cost of running the festival over the longer term, since in every new location, a new infrastructure has to be devised and created. 4 The origins of the RAI Festival As it is presently constituted, the RAI festival represents the amalgamation of two previously existing events – a “one-off” film festival and a film prize competition - that have been subsequently overlain by all sorts of later accretions. The “one-off” film festival took place in September 1985 at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), which is part of London University. It was a “one-off” in the sense that it was originally conceived as an isolated event, rather than as the first of what would become a series of festivals. The intention was that it would be international in nature but that it would also reflect the range of ethnographic filmmaking initiatives taking place at that time in the UK. Over the course of three days, there were screenings of a number of relatively recent, mostly acclaimed ethnographic films, which had been selected by the organisers and arranged around three themes: life crises, change and development, and cultural self-expression. The first day was chaired by Colin Young, then head of the National Film and Television School (NFTS) in the UK and a leading supporter of ethnographic filmmaking, while the second and third days were chaired by the eminent filmmakers David MacDougall and Jean Rouch respectively. A generous grant from UNESCO enabled the organisers to keep the registration fee low and to invite a number of participants from what was then still known as the “Third World”. The programme of screenings was enhanced by a number of ancillary events, including a one-day pre-Festival conference focused on the use of film in multicultural educational contexts to combat racism. There were also a number of supporting events, well-attended by the general public, at the National Film Theatre, the Institute of Contemporary Arts, the French Institute and the British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA) in Piccadilly. The latter served as the location for a memorable double bill consisting of Jean Rouch’s bizarre paen to pre-industrial life, Dionysos (1984), and Robert Gardner’s aboutto-be-released masterwork, Forest of Bliss (1986). Both filmmakers were present for the discussion afterwards but as the films, each in its own way, had mostly stunned or perplexed the audience, this proved to be rather fragmentary. This was still within the highwater period of the patronage of ethnographic filmmaking by British television and the Festival was opened by Sir Denis Forman, CEO of Granada Television and godfather of the Disappearing World strand (Forman, 1985). With each film based on the field research of a consultant anthropologist, this strand had been running since 1969 and had completed nine series by this point, representing 34 films (it would go on to produce a further 22 films in 7 series, finally ending in 1993). After a number of more thematic series broadcast in the late 1960s and 1970s, the BBC had recently set up a new unit at Bristol to produce the Worlds Apart strand, modelled on the Disappearing World formula. This strand had begun broadcasting in 1982 and was already into its second series. Meanwhile, Channel 4 had come on-stream and had signalled its intention to support ethnographic filmmaking, not only by broadcasting Nanook of the North (1922) on the centenary of the director Robert Flaherty’s birth in 1984, but also by commissioning films by the anthropologist-filmmakers Hugh Brody and Toni de Bromhead (for the latter, see de Bromhead 2014). The RAI itself had also played an important part in promoting ethnographic film during this period. In fact, it had supported ethnographic filmmaking since at least as far back as the early 1950s when it had provided the anthropologist Harry Powell with a camera that he used to shoot sequences of kula exchange in the Trobriand Islands. Later, in the 1960s, the RAI Film Committee had been formed. But the promotion of ethnographic filmmaking 5 at the RAI had entered a new phase with the appointment of Jonathan Benthall as the Director in 1974. Under his editorship, RAIN, the newsletter of the RAI, began to carry regular reviews of the ethnographic films screened on television as well as more general comment pieces about ethnographic film. One of the thematic series that appeared on British television in the 1970s, Face Values (David Cordingley, 1978), was originally proposed to the BBC by a committee of the RAI chaired by Edmund Leach. Although it had featured the then royal patron of the RAI, Prince Charles, as an unlikely anchorman (which had at least ensured high viewing ratings), the series received what are euphemistically known as “mixed notices”. However, this did not deter the RAI from its continued support of ethnographic filmmaking. In the 1980s, this took a very different form in the shape of a scheme developed in collaboration with the National Film and Television School whereby, with the aid of funding from the Leverhulme Trust, a number of post-doctoral academic anthropologists were trained in practical filmmaking over the course of one or two years. This scheme, which I was very fortunate to be part of myself, was in full flow at the time of the first RAI film festival and the two of us then on the scheme, the enthnomusicologist John Baily and myself, were invited to show preliminary cuts of the films that we had made. However, this first festival did not feature any sort of competitive element. The origins of this aspect of the festival lay in an entirely different initiative of the RAI Film Committee that predated the festival by a number of years. The first RAI Film Prize was awarded in 1980 to David and Judith MacDougall’s well-known film, The Wedding Camels (1977). Although a considerable number of films had been entered for this competition, only the prize-winning film had been screened publicly. The same procedure applied in 1982, when Kim Mckenzie’s film, Waiting for Harry (1982) won the prize. But in 1984, four shortlisted films were screened at the RAI’s headquarters, which were then still located in offices rented from the Royal Asiatic Society in Queen Anne Street. The judges’ decision to award the film to Gary Kildea’s film, Celso and Cora (1983), generated some controversy since a number of those present, including myself, felt that while Celso and Cora had many merits, Melissa Llewelyn-Davies’ magnificent film, The Women’s Olamal (1984) had a better claim to be considered the best specifically ethnographic film in that year’s competition (Henley 1984). In 1986, the RAI Film Prize was supplemented by a second prize funded by Robert Gardner. This was named in honour of Basil Wright, who had been one of Grierson’s protegés in the celebrated GPO documentary film unit in the 1930s and whose work Gardner greatly admired, particularly his quasi-ethnographic film, Song of Ceylon (1934). This prize was to be awarded, Gardner stipulated, to a film “in the ethnographic tradition” that communicated “a concern for humanity" and took advantage of the “evocative faculty” of film to do so. This allowed for a sort of division of labour between the prizes: the Basil Wright Prize came to be adopted as a means of recognizing works, such as those of Gardner himself, or indeed Basil Wright, that exploited the aesthetic potential of film in an artistic or poetic manner, while the RAI Film Prize came to be reserved for more aesthetically realist films, typically concerned with social or political topics. The first recipient of the Basil Wright Prize was the Franco-Bulgarian director Gueorgui Balabanov, for his artistically constructed meditation on mortality (an appropriately Gardnerian theme) in the film Pomen (1979), while the RAI Prize that year was awarded to the more straightforwardly realist observational film, Two Ways of Justice (1985), 6 which was one of Melissa Llewelyn Davies’s Maasai Diary series broadcast on BBC2, and which contrasts the Maasai way of administering justice with that of the Kenyan state. These awards took place in the SOAS cinema in the presence of Basil Wright himself, whom I was delegated to look after. Sadly, however, Wright was by then rather infirm and seemed confused as to what he was doing there. He died the following year, aged 80, and was commemorated in an elegant obituary published by Gardner in the recently launched RAI magazine, Anthropology Today (Gardner 1988). In 1988, the screening of the short-listed finalists, now for two prizes, moved out of London for the first time when it was hosted in Manchester by the Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology. This had been established at the University of Manchester the previous year with myself as its director. The event was held at the Cornerhouse, a local arts cinema, and was attended by both academics and members of the general public. However, it seemed to us a great shame that we then had to return the eighty or so other films that had been submitted for these prizes from all over the world without ever showing them in public. It was out of this sense of lost opportunity that the idea of combining the prize screenings and the festival into a single event was born. Accordingly, we proposed to the RAI Film Committee that we would host a second edition of the film festival at Manchester that would also incorporate the 1990 edition of the film prize screenings. Although some members of the Committee had their doubts, our proposal was accepted. The RAI Film Festival had hit the road in more senses than one. The trajectory of the RAI Film Festival The 1990 edition of the festival was considerably more substantial than the first edition that had taken place five years beforehand. Over 350 people registered for the 1990 event, including many of the leading visual anthropologists and filmmakers of the day, from all over the world (Fig. X-1). A large proportion of the attendees were students. Due to a bursary fund set up in memory of another of Grierson’s protegés, Harry Watt, the RAI was able to pay the airfares of a number of participants from the global South. It extended over five days, Monday to Friday, running from 9:00am to 11:00pm, and involved the screening of over 80 films as well as a conference at which there were some 60 presentations and various specialised workshops. A selection of papers from this conference was later edited by my Manchester colleagues, Peter Crawford and David Turton, into a volume that would become an important landmark in the literature of visual anthropology (Crawford and Turton 1992). The nine films shortlisted for the RAI and Basil Wright prizes were screened in a single strand over three evenings. The other two evenings were dedicated to a series of special events: a lecture named in honour of Sir Denis Forman and given by Peter Loizos, as well as to the screening of recent works by the two leading monstres sacrés of ethnographic film: Ika Hands (1988) by Robert Gardner, and Jean Rouch’s backhanded ethnofictional tribute to the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution, Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité … et puis après? (1990). The latter was so recently released that it had not yet been subtitled into English, but Rouch himself was on hand to give a simultaneous translation in his celebrated Maurice Chevalier accent. During the day, there were two or more parallel strands consisting of conference presentations, non-competitive screenings (a sort of salon de refusés for films submitted for the two main prizes) and films shortlisted for two new prizes, one for Material Culture and Archaeology, and the other a Student Prize sponsored by JVC in the form of a then state-of-the-art VHS video recorder. 7 The 1990 edition established the general model for the RAI Film Festival, but it is one that subsequent editions have found difficult to emulate. This is because in addition to its sheer novelty value and the general buzz about ethnographic filmmaking that existed in the UK at that time due to television patronage, the 1990 Festival benefitted from certain conditions that its successors have not enjoyed, at least not to anything like the same extent. Most importantly, the 1990 festival received substantial sponsorship from Granada Television both in the form of cash and in the use of its Studios, and also from the University of Manchester, partly in the form of cash, but more importantly in the form of entirely free facilities and excellent technical support. The University of Manchester also sponsored the event to a major degree in the sense that the three principal local academic organisers of the event - David Turton, Peter Crawford and myself - all dedicated several months of our time to the festival and were further supported by the secretarial staff of the Department of Anthropology. All this was done with the blessing of the then head of the department, Marilyn Strathern, since the festival was seen as an important way of putting Manchester ‘on the map’ as far as visual anthropology was concerned. Although the festival certainly did achieve this aim, it is very unlikely that at the present time when the activities of all UK university academics are overshadowed by the need to produce outputs for research assessment exercises - that any head of department, whatever the strategic advantages, could readily agree to so much staff time being dedicated to the running of a film festival. For, sadly, as far as these research assessment exercises are concerned, a film festival counts for very little. But in the early 1990s, research assessment exercises still lay in the future, so in order to put into practice the lessons that we had learned from the 1990 edition, in 1992 we again offered to host a festival incorporating the film prize screenings at Manchester, thereby establishing the biennial rhythm that has persisted, with one brief hiccup, to this day. As 1992 was the year when the world was marking the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Columbus in America, films about the Native peoples of the Americas were prominent in the programme. It also featured two days of presentations and workshops aimed at a critical evaluation of the way in which Native Americans had been represented in Western media. A particular innovation of this edition of the festival, and one that has subsequently become a regular feature, was the offering a Life Achievement Award. In fact, on this occasion, we made two such awards, one to Timothy Asch and the other to Brian Moser, both of whom had made distinguished contributions to ethnographic filmmaking about Native peoples of the Americas. A high point of this edition was the presence of three Native American filmmakers, which was made possible by a combination of grants from UNESCO and the Harry Watt fund. These filmmakers were Noemi Gualinga, a Canelos Quichua from Ecuador, and Mokuka and Tamok from Central Brazil, both of whom had worked with the late Terry Turner on the Kayapo Video Project. Turner himself was also present and gave that year’s Forman Lecture at the festival, using it to attack those who had suggested that the use of video technology by native peoples was merely another means by which these peoples were being subjugated to Western values and political control (Turner 1992). Although the 1992 event also took place over five days and required a great deal of effort to deliver, it was a significantly smaller event than its predecessor. Attendance was down by a third, and there were fewer international participants. There were also fewer films and far fewer conference presentations. As the 1990s progressed, this process of shrinkage would continue. The television patronage of ethnographic filmmaking in the UK dwindled over this decade, making it increasingly difficult to get sponsorship for the 8 festival from that source. At the same time, as the neo-liberal agenda progressively invaded the life of universities, the charges that they made for the use of their facilities increased. Meanwhile, academics themselves became increasingly jealous of their time on account of the mounting obligation ‘to publish or perish’. In the face of these pressures, it became very much more of a challenge for the festival to balance its budget. It was only due to the remarkable self-sacrificing efforts of colleagues at the University of Kent that the festival was sustained through its fourth and fifth editions in 1994 and 1996, while in 1998, it was colleagues at Goldsmiths who took up the challenge (see Fig. X-2). By now the festival had become an event of only three days, typically spread over a long weekend, with considerably lower attendance than had been the case in the early 1990s, and with far fewer international participants. At the same time, however, the number of films submitted for the prizes had increased as a result of the fact that, with the digital revolution, film production had become much cheaper. It was therefore getting increasingly difficult to squeeze a representative sample into the time available. At the SOAS festival in 2000, there were three concurrent strands of films throughout the three days, but there was no accompanying conference. In the early years of the millennium, the festival almost died but after a three-year hiatus, it was rescued from oblivion by the generosity of colleagues at Durham. (This at least had the beneficial consequence of putting us out of phase with the equally biennial Göttingen International Ethnographic Film Festival, which is similar in many regards to the RAI festival). In 2005, the ninth edition was hosted at Oxford where it was attached to the events celebrating the centenary of the teaching of anthropology at the university. Here the conference element of the festival was restored, with a two-day workshop on archives and the history of visual anthropology preceding the three days of screenings. But attendance at the festival itself remained relatively modest. For the tenth edition, in 2007, the festival returned for the third time to Manchester. Here, with the support of colleagues in the Drama department, we were able to recapture some of the scale of the earliest festivals with the aid of what was, in effect, the last hurrah of the sponsorship of ethnographic film by Granada Television. Although the Disappearing World series had itself disappeared in 1993, Granada Television was still supporting the Granada Centre in a modest fashion, including funding the Forman Lecture. The festival opened with what would prove to be the very last Forman Lecture, with Sir Denis himself sitting in the front row. This ‘lecture’ actually consisted of an interview by Hugh Brody of the feature film director Kevin MacDonald. Over four days, some 76 films were screened, including 12 films as part of a ‘China Day’. The usual range of prizes was assigned, plus a new one, the Intangible Culture Prize for the best film on music, dance or performance (see Fig. X-3). There were workshops on such topics as visual anthropology in Latin America, anthropology on television and the visualization of childhood. The end of the screenings also overlapped with the start of a major 1½ day conference, Beyond Text, organized by my Manchester colleagues Rupert Cox and Andrew Irving, in collaboration with Chris Wright of Goldsmiths College. This was dedicated to the exploration of the relationships between anthropological understanding, sensory perception and aesthetic practices, including filmmaking. A collection of papers from this conference, as well as a DVD, has been published very recently (Cox, Irving and Wright 2016). In the course of the entire five days, over 500 people attended one or more 9 sessions of the festival-conference, a figure that dwarfs even the numbers achieved at the 1990 festival. The RAI festival facing the future The momentum recaptured by the tenth festival has generally been sustained over the last four editions at Leeds Metropolitan University in 2009, at University College London in 2011 (see Bishop 2012), in Edinburgh in 2013 (the first time that the festival had been held outside England) and, most recently in Bristol in 2015. Both the quality and quantity of the films submitted for the prizes have improved steadily over this period, resulting in a progressively more elaborate programme. Several new prizes were added to list, including an Audience Prize in Leeds (2009) and the Richard Werbner Prize in London (2011), to be awarded to early career academic anthropologists for films that complement a textual ethnography. In 2015, as a one-off at Bristol, an Environmental Issues prize was also awarded. The continuing vigour of the festival during this period was in large measure due to the sterling efforts of the RAI Film Officer, Susanne Hammacher. In addition to playing a leading role in the management of the film prize screenings, she also helped to orchestrate a series of stimulating workshops that ran in parallel with the screenings and covered such diverse topics as participatory film-making with street children and community groups, archives and intellectual property rights, and interwar travelogues and colonial filmmaking. The Edinburgh edition (2013) also featured Factish Field, an art and anthropology ‘summer school’ that ran alongside the festival. Another development during this period represented a welcome return to the partnership with the Center for Visual Anthropology at the University of Southern California which had played such an important part in the success of the 1990 festival but which had subsequently lapsed. Re-established with the 2013 Festival, this partnership not only allows for the participation of colleagues from USC in the celebration of the festival in the UK, but afterwards, a selection of films from the festival are screened in Los Angeles. USC also make a generous contribution to the budget of the festival. However, with the arguable exception of the 12th Festival at UCL in 2011, which could draw on the entirely exceptional conditions of London, there was still a tendency during this period for there to be a mismatch between high quality of the programme and the size of the audience that the Festival was able to attract. As I write, this is the main challenge that we are confronting as we make preparations for the 15th RAI Film Festival, which will again take place at the Watershed in Bristol, in the spring of 2017. However, as the newly appointed director of the festival, I have every confidence that we will be able to meet this challenge. Indeed, we are already putting in place a series of formal Partnerships with anthropology departments and film schools at a regional, national and international level that will address this challenge directly, aiming to ensure not only a diverse and high quality programme, but also a substantial audience, a healthy balance sheet, and an organisational model that will carry the festival forward for at least another thirty years. 10 Bibliography Bishop, John. 2012. “Reflections on the 12th RAI International Festival of Ethnographic Films.” American Anthropologist 114(3): 528-529. Cox, Rupert, Andrew Irving, and Christopher Wright, eds.. 2016. Beyond Text: Critical Practices and Sensory Anthropology. Manchester University Press. Crawford, Peter, and David Turton, eds.. 1992. Film as Ethnography. Manchester University Press. de Bromhead, Antoinette. 2014. A Film-maker’s Odyssey: Adventures in Film and Anthropology. Højbjerg: Intervention Press. Forman, Denis. 1985. “International Festival of Ethnographic Film: Opening speech, 24 September.” Anthropology Today 1(6): 2-4. Gardner, Robert. 1988. “Obituary: Basil Wright.” Anthropology Today 4(1): 24. Heider, Karl. 1976. Ethnographic Film. Austin: University of Texas Press. Henley, Paul. 1984. “The 1984 RAI Film Prize.” RAIN 62: 9-12. Loizos, Peter. 1992. “Admissible evidence? Film in anthropology.” In Film as Ethnography, edited by Peter Crawford and David Turton, eds., 50-65. Manchester University Press. Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1932. Argonauts of the Western Pacific: an account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagos of Melanesian New Guinea. 2nd impression. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. First published in 1922. Turner, Terence. 1992. “Defiant images: the Kayapo appropriation of video.” Anthropology Today 8(6): 5-16. 11