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LETTER FROM THE DAIS
Dear Delegates,
My name is Natasha Thondavadi, and I am excited to welcome you to YMUN XXXVIII
and the Congress of Vienna simulation. I’ll be acting as your moderator for the conference, along
with fellow dais member Grayson Clary, and I hope to get to know all of you over the course of
our weekend together.
First, let us introduce ourselves. I’m a sophomore from Barrington, IL in
Jonathan Edwards College, the oldest (and best) of Yale’s residential colleges. I’m
a Classics major and just love languages (like Tamil! You’ve probably never heard
of it, but it’s awesome. All great viral YouTube videos can probably be traced back
to Tamil movies). In addition to YMUN, I’m the Architecture reporter for the Yale
Daily News and work on a few other (read: nerdier) publications.
Grayson Clary is from Rye, NY and is seriously as preppy as his name
sounds – yes, you can make fun of him for it. Grayson enjoys clothes from
Vineyard Vines, playing squash, and analyzing the intensities of life by
watching TV shows. He’s also a sophomore in JE (I know! So lucky.)
We’re also happy to introduce our great staffers, Danny Roza and Evelyn Robertson.
Danny is a freshman in Silliman College from Hagerstown, Maryland. He is undecided on his
major, but is interested in Chinese, Biology, and European history. In addition to staffing
YMUN, he is a student guide at the Yale Center for British Art and a member of the Independent
Party of the Yale Political Union. Evelyn is a freshman in Trumbull College and is considering a
major in linguistics, but also enjoys art classes. Her hobbies include ballet and reading fantasy
novels.
Now that you’ve heard all about us, I want to emphasize how incredibly interesting the
enormous potential of this committee as an exciting and significant simulation. It was at the
Congress of Vienna that Europe as we know it was created, and the political ramifications still
reverberate today. As delegates in this committee, you have the potential to completely change
those decisions, and thereby change the landscape of European history. There could be no
France! There could be no Germany! And I hope that when January 19th rolls around, you’ll be
as excited as we are.
If you have any questions at all, don’t hesitate to contact us. See you at YMUN!
Natasha Thondavadi ([email protected])
Grayson Clary ([email protected])
Danny Roza ([email protected])
Evelyn Robertson ([email protected])
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
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HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE
Taking place from September of 1814 to June of 1815, the Congress of Vienna
was a tremendously significant gathering of representatives from across Europe. The
objective of the meeting was to give Europe – ravaged by years of war, and reeling from
the dissolution of power structures that had been in place for centuries – a chance at
establishing a clear structure that could preserve peace and lead to a stable balance of
power among the various European nations.
The immediate backdrop for the Congress was the unrest incited by the French
Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, and the fragmentation of the Holy Roman Empire –
Napoleon’s initial surrender in May 1814 and the signing of the Treaty of Paris brought
an end to a near quarter-century of ceaseless strife on the Continent, creating the
opportunity for the Sixth Coalition (the countries allied against Napoleon) to convene a
session to broker a more lasting peace.
The timeline of this committee begins with the inception of the Congress, soon
after Napoleon’s presumable defeat, right when the delegates have begun discussions
both formal and informal to decide what to do with the Europe he has left in his wake.
The Congress hopes to define Europe’s new power structure by settling all residual
geopolitical issues involving France, parts of Germany, and other regions throughout
Europe, many of which are not united into clear states, lack clear political structures, and
have porous and undefined borders.
All of the European powers – major and minor – have chosen their most skilled
diplomats to attend the Congress and have invested them with the power to negotiate and
authorize treaties of immense importance. Home governments are waiting anxiously to
find out what settlements are produced and to see who will “win” and who will “lose” the
negotiations, with huge amounts of land and power at stake.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Congress of Vienna occurred as
the result of centuries of complex European
history, largely centered on France and
Germany. France accepted and rejected
revolutionary government after government
before being swept up in Napoleon’s
charismatic expansionism. Germany, a
collection of loosely bound self-governing
units, faced years of warfare both internally
and against the other European powers. It
was this backdrop that set the stage for the
Congress of Vienna, and these events that
must be kept in mind to establish the context
in which our committee will take place and
attempt to redraw the map of Europe.
1774. Second to the king came the clergy, or
the First Estate; then the nobles, or the
Second Estate; and finally the remaining
French subjects, or the Third Estate.
The Third Estate paid the taxes that
kept the state running, since both the
Catholic Church and the nobles were taxexempt. All three groups were included in
the Estates-General, France's consultative
body, but the king had not convened the
assembly for more than 100 years.
Many
things contributed
to the downfall of
the ancien régime:
among them were
Enlightenment
thought,
the
increasing
criticism
of
absolute monarchy
and an interest in
Louis XVI
republican
ideals.
Writers
such
as
Voltaire, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques
Rousseau critiqued the monarchy and the
Catholic Church and examined democratic
forms of government. In 1789, in the
aftermath of the American Revolution,
France was laboring under a national debt of
approximately 4 billion livres. Nearly 50%
of people in urban areas were unemployed,
and the lower classes were aggravated by
their lack of power in government – and
indeed, by a perceived lack of say in all
aspects of society, while continuing to
shoulder a crippling tax burden.
Historical Context for France
The French Revolution was a major
turning point in European history that
transformed France from a monarchy to a
republic. This social, political, and economic
upheaval began modestly and was meant to
limit royal absolutism. Yet as the
transformation
continued,
the
revolutionaries became more violent and
extreme in their aims. At first a campaign
for constitutional monarchy, the revolution
metamorphosed into ten years of turmoil
that resulted in six consecutive governments,
the execution of the king, and finally, a
dictatorship that set the stage for the
Napoleonic Era.
THE ANCIEN REGIME
The ancien régime, a phrase which
first appeared during the revolution, refers to
the structure of France before the French
Revolution. At the top of the regime's
hierarchy sat King Louis XVI, an absolute
monarch who had succeeded to the throne in
As a result of the social turbulence
and growing financial trouble, Louis XVI
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
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called the Estates-General to assembly for
the first time since 1614.
Frenchmen marched from Paris to Versailles
on October 5. The marchers forced the royal
family back to Paris and confined them. On
October 21, the National Assembly declared
martial law.
THE NATIONAL AND LEGISLATIVE
ASSEMBLIES
The assembly began in May 1789,
but the Third Estate and some other
supporters split from the Estates-General on
June 17, 1789. They declared themselves the
French National Assembly and set to work
on creating a national constitution.
The National Assembly passed a
series of liberal reforms, among these
abolishing the nobility and reorganizing the
French bureaucracy. Louis was soon forced
to accept the new Constitution of 1791 that
provided for a limited monarchy. The
Constitution also created a new legislature to
replace the National Assembly. On October
1, 1791, the unicameral French Legislative
Assembly convened.
Rumors grew
about
an
upper class
conspiracy to
do away with
the
Third
Estate, and as
soldiers
The Legislative Assembly's single
year in power was characterized by friction
between Louis XVI, who could veto any law
passed by the assembly, and the majority of
representatives who were wary of the king's
intentions. Meanwhile, the revolution had
begun to concern the other powers in
Europe, as revolutionary supporters, known
as Jacobins, were growing in number.
gathered
around Paris,
the angry crowd raided buildings, looking
for weapons during a three-day frenzy. On
July 14, the mob stormed the Bastille, the
armory-prison that had become a symbol of
the tyranny of the ancien régime. After
taking over the building, the crowd
slaughtered the overseers and freed the
inmates.
Storming of the Bastille
In April 1792, Louis XVI, hoping
that war with Austria and Prussia would
result in a French defeat and allow him to
reestablish his lost authority, asked the
Legislative Assembly to declare war. The
assembly, hoping to unify the nation with
military victory abroad, acquiesced. France
went to war against Austria and Prussia, the
first in a series of conflicts known as the
French Revolutionary Wars.
Outside of Paris, peasant uprisings
known as the Great Fear coincided with the
urban revolution. On August 4, prompted by
the rioting of the common people, the
National Assembly abolished serfdom, old
feudal privileges, and ecclesiastical tithing.
The National Assembly made into law the
new civil equality on August 26 with the
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the
Citizen.
Upset by several defeats in the war
and suspecting Louis of betrayal,
revolutionaries began demanding the
overthrow of the monarchy. After
successfully storming the Tuileries – the
royal palace on the banks of the River Seine
– on August 10, 1792, they imprisoned the
royal family. In the following month, mobs
As the revolution grew, the king rejected the
abolition of feudalism and the Declaration of
the Rights of Man. In response, angry
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
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of Parisians invaded the city's prisons and
massacred imprisoned clergy and nobles.
The Legislative Assembly was dissolved
and replaced by the French National
Convention. After convening on September
20, the Convention abolished the monarchy
and proclaimed a republic.
ages of 18 and 25. Much of the old officer
corps was either forced into exile or
executed, which allowed new, nonaristocratic officers to rise rapidly through
the ranks. The French Army grew to 1
million troops. In addition, in October 1793,
as part of its goal to be a completely secular
government, the Convention abolished the
Gregorian calendar, which had Christian
associations, and replaced it with what it
viewed as a more scientific one. The 12
months were renamed, each month was
divided into three so-called decades rather
than weeks, and the year 1793 became
known as year I.
THE REPUBLIC: CONVENTION AND
THE REIGN OF TERROR
The next phase of the French
Revolution was characterized by political
extremism. In December 1792, the
Convention voted to try Louis XVI for
treason. Convicted and condemned to death,
the former king was beheaded on January
21, 1793. The execution sent shockwaves
throughout Europe.
Finally, in July 1794, in what is
known as the Thermidorian reaction (named
after the revolutionary month Thermidor, as
termed by the new calendar), the
Convention overthrew Robespierre and put
an end to the Reign of Terror. Moderates in
the Convention hoped to revive the original
principles of the revolution, but a power
struggle ensued.
In the spring of 1793, the
Convention established the Committee of
Public Safety (CPS), a 12-man committee
that would function as the executive branch
of the revolutionary government. The CPS
began to use their broad powers to root out
so-called enemies of the revolution.
DIRECTORY AND CONSULATE
In 1795, wanting to decentralize
power to prevent another Robespierre, the
Convention drew up a new constitution that
established the French Directory. Under this
fifth revolutionary government, France was
to be governed by five directors, chosen by a
bicameral legislature divided into the
Council of Five Hundred and an upper
chamber of 250 "ancients." Ruled by the
bourgeoisie, the Directory was plagued by
the same problems encountered by the
Convention.
Struggles
between
revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries
persisted, and war in Europe raged on.
The counterrevolutionary tactics of
the CPS soon became known as the Reign of
Terror. Under the direction of Maximilien
Robespierre, the CPS executed tens of
thousands of people by guillotine in the
name of the revolution. At least 300,000
suspects were arrested,
17,000
were
officially
executed, and many died in
prison or without trial.
Meanwhile, the Convention
continued to pass legislative
reforms. In August 1793, the
revolutionary government
Maximilien
imposed
the levée
en
Robespierre
masse, a conscription of all
able-bodied men between the
On November 9, 1799, Napoleon
Bonaparte, a military hero of the
revolutionary wars in Europe, overthrew the
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
6
Directory in a coup d'état. Emmanuel
Sieyès, who had helped plan the coup, drew
up the Constitution of 1799, which
established the French Consulate, the sixth
and final revolutionary government. As first
consul, Napoleon used his broad, dictatorial
powers to bring the turmoil of the 10-year
revolution to a close. In 1802, he was
appointed consul for life, and in 1804, he
proclaimed himself emperor Napoleon I of
France.
Wars, the Austrians made peace with France
in February 1801. Great Britain and the rest
of Europe followed suit with the Treaty of
Amiens (1802) on March 25, 1802. France
was finally at peace after 10 years of
continuous warfare, and Napoleon's
popularity soared.
The peace lasted only until May
1803, when France returned to war with
Great Britain. Austria and Russia soon
entered on the side of the British. In the
summer of 1805, Napoleon swiftly marched
his army across Europe and orchestrated a
stunning defeat of the Austrian Army at the
Battle of Ulm. However, the victory was
offset by British admiral Horatio Nelson's
annihilation of a combined Franco-Spanish
fleet during the Battle of Trafalgar on
October 21, 1805. Napoleon redeemed
himself on December 2 during the Battle of
Austerlitz, when his heavily outnumbered
army defeated a combined Austrian and
Russian force. As a result, the Russian
troops retreated to Poland, and Austria made
peace with Napoleon through the Treaty of
Pressburg.
The revolutionary dream of a French
Republic would not be fully realized until
1871, after the fall of the Second Empire
under Napoleon III.
THE NAPOLEONIC WARS
In 1806, Napoleon turned his
attention to Prussia and decimated the
outdated Prussian Army at the Battle of Jena
on October 14. Napoleon completed his
conquest of Prussia and set his sights on
Russia in under two months. After suffering
a setback at the Battle of Eylau, Napoleon
defeated the Russians at the Battle of
Friedland. This defeat resulted in the Treaty
of Tilsit, by which France and Russia
became allies and divided Europe between
them. Over the next several years,
Napoleon's troops invaded Spain and
Portugal, annexed the Papal States, and
successfully defeated an uprising in Austria.
Napoleon I
Napoleon I waged a series of wars to
protect revolutionary France from its
European enemies. At the height of his
power, he controlled most of continental
Europe. He defeated the Austrians at the
Battle of Marengo on June 14, 1800.
Bringing an end to the French Revolutionary
After Napoleon conquered Spain and
removed King Ferdinand VII in 1808, the
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
7
Spanish people rebelled with guerrilla
warfare tactics, which led to the Peninsular
War in Spain and Portugal from 1808 to
1814. The Spanish won about 30 battles in
the Peninsular War, the British and
Portuguese won approximately 50 battles,
and the French won more than 100, with
about 10 undecided battles.
now asking for peace and for civil and
political liberties.
By the Treaty of Chaumont in March
1814, Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Great
Britain bound themselves together for 20
years, undertook not to negotiate separately,
and promised to continue the struggle until
Napoleon was overthrown. When the allied
armies arrived before Paris on March 30,
Napoleon had moved east to attack their rear
guard. The Parisian authorities, no longer
overawed by the emperor, lost no time in
negotiating with the allies.
During
the
Peninsular
War,
Napoleon notoriously erred by opening a
second front in Russia. Napoleon invaded
Russia with about 600,000 men in June
1812. Napoleon was unable to win
decisively at the Battle of Borodino in
September and was forced to retreat a month
later since he was lacking supplies. The
Russians savagely attacked the retreating
French forces, and the bitter cold froze many
of Napoleon's troops. Fewer than 100,000 of
Napoleon's men made it back to France
alive.
As president of the provisional
government, Talleyrand proclaimed
the
deposition of the emperor and, without
consulting the French people, began to
negotiate with Louis XVIII, the brother of
the
executed Louis
XVI.
Napoleon
abdicated on April 6.
The next challenge to Napoleonic
France was the War of Liberation, which
pitted Austria, Great Britain, Prussia,
Russia, and Sweden against France in 1813.
At the Battle of Leipzig in Saxony in
October 1813, Napoleon's 185,000 troops
were pitted against an allied force of more
than 350,000 troops in what was the single
largest battle of the Napoleonic Wars. After
three days of fierce fighting and after
suffering substantial losses, the French were
forced to retreat.
By the Treaty of Fontainebleau, the allies
granted him the island of Elba as a sovereign
principality, an annual income of two
million francs to be provided by France, and
a guard of 400 volunteers. He also retained
the title of emperor. He arrived at Elba on
May 4.
In France, however, the Bourbon
Restoration was
soon exposed to
criticism. Though
in
1814
the
majority of the
French
people
were tired of the
emperor,
they
had expressed no
wish for the
return of the
Bourbons. They
were
strongly
In January 1814, France was being
attacked on all its frontiers. The allies
cleverly announced that they were fighting
not against the French people but against
Napoleon alone, since in November 1813 he
had rejected the terms offered by the
Austrian foreign minister Klemens, Prince
von Metternich, which would have
preserved the former territory of France. The
Legislative Assembly and the Senate were
attached to the
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
8
Louis XVIII
essential achievements of the Revolution,
which Louis XVIII’s influence seemed to
threaten. The apathy of April 1814 quickly
gave way to mistrust.
Sweden were represented. The rulers of the
minor states of Europe put in an appearance.
With them came a host of courtiers,
secretaries, and ladies to enjoy the
magnificent social life.
The Congress of Vienna is set to
begin in 1813. Austria, Prussia, Russia, and
Great Britain, the four powers chiefly
instrumental in the overthrow of Napoleon,
had concluded a special alliance among
themselves with the Treaty of Chaumont, on
March 9, 1814, a month before Napoleon’s
first abdication. The subsequent treaties of
peace with France, signed on May 30 not
only by the “four” but also by Sweden and
Portugal and on July 20 by Spain, stipulated
that all former belligerents should send
plenipotentiaries to a congress in Vienna.
Nevertheless, the “four” still
intended to reserve the real making of
decisions to themselves. Two months after
the
sessions
began,
however,
Bourbon France was admitted to the “four.”
The “four” thus became the “five,” and it
was the committee of the “five” that formed
the core of the Congress of Vienna.
Illustration of the Congress
Representatives began to arrive in
Vienna toward the end of September
1814. Klemens, prince von Metternich,
principal minister of Austria, represented his
emperor, Francis II. Tsar Alexander I of
Russia directed his own diplomacy.
King Frederick William III of Prussia
had Karl, prince von Hardenberg, as his
principal minister. Great Britain was
represented by its foreign minister,
Viscount Castlereagh. When Castlereagh
had to return to his parliamentary duties,
the Duke of Wellington replaced him, and
Lord Clancarty was principal representative
after the duke’s departure.
sent
The restored Louis XVIII of France
Talleyrand. Spain, Portugal, and
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
9
Historical Context: Germany
Holy Roman Empire resembled an actual
empire less and less. Feudalism became the
political and societal modus operandi,
decentralizing power to an even greater
extent.
From its very beginnings, German
society could not be considered a modern
state with a national identity, as we know it
to be today, but merely a geographic
expression.
For example, in ancient
Germany, with the exception of loose
military alliances, society was organized
into independent and competitive heritagebased clans.
In the 1500’s, the Lutheran
Reformation stripped the Holy Roman
Empire of even more unity. Ambitious
northern German princes saw the
Reformation as a means to assert their
political and economic sovereignty over not
only their emperor, but the Pope as well.
Bitter and devastating religious wars ensued
throughout the German states. In 1555,
most of the fighting was temporarily brought
to an end by the Peace of Augsburg, which
gave German princes a choice between
Lutheranism and Catholicism. The political
ramifications of the Peace of Augsburg were
profound. After this, the nearly 300 German
states that composed the Holy Roman
Empire were not only nearly entirely
politically independent of each other, but
they also lacked a common religion. In this
sense, the Holy Roman Empire was a stark
contrast to states such as France, England
and Austria, whose central governments
were becoming stronger as their leaders
centralized power.
The
expansion
of
Charlemagne and
the Carolingian
Empire
into
Germany in the
8th
and
9th
centuries posed
the first challenge
to this system.
Charlemagne
instituted a series of
Charlemagne
reforms to promote
unity throughout his empire. For example,
Charlemagne forcibly converted his
territories to Christianity and standardized
currency, education and the Bible.
After Charlemagne’s death, the
Frankish Empire splintered, and the German
region became the Holy Roman Empire in
the twelfth century. Although the Holy
Roman Empire was at first a relatively
unified state, German leaders managed to
establish independent authority for their
respective cities, bishoprics, dukedoms and
principalities. Emperors were elected by
diets, or legislative assemblies of the leaders
of the various states, and generally had very
little power. Indeed, as time passed, the
The Holy Roman Empire’s lack of
central authority and unifying institutions
rendered it incapable of containing smallscale conflicts. Religious fighting between
and within various German states was
ubiquitous after the 1550s, and set the stage
for the most wide-spread and destructive
war on the European continent yet: the
Thirty Years’ War. The Holy Roman
Empire became witness to unprecedented
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
10
warfare as religious conflict among the
states grew more acute and the major
powers of Europe, such as Austria, France
and Sweden, capitalized on the Empire’s
weakness by incessantly pillaging it and
using it as their battleground.
plan came to fruition through cunning
politicking and support from the Junkers, the
class of Prussian nobility. A string of
Fredericks
and
Frederick
Williams
succeeded him, each one fortifying Prussia’s
position on the international stage. In time,
Prussia became a highly centralized,
cultured and bureaucratic state. Multiple
wars with Austria over possession of the
province of Silesia earned Prussia a
formidable reputation. Prussia was indeed
the only new power to rise to prominence
after the Thirty Years’ War.
The Peace of Westphalia ended the
Thirty Years’ War and shaped foreign
affairs on the European continent for the
next century. The peace agreement gave
German princes the rights to choose any
religion and to conduct their own foreign
affairs. The Thirty Years’ War left the Holy
Roman Empire ravaged and decimated. All
told, the war had reduced the German
population
by
nearly a third,
and
caused
severe economic
depression,
population
dislocation and
property damage.
This was seen as a threat by the
already-established states of Europe, notably
Austria and France. The tension between the
powers resulted in the Seven Years’ War,
which pitted Prussia and Britain against
France and Austria in a continent-wide
struggle for dominance. King Frederick II
(r. 1772-1786) won the war, in part due to
tactical brilliance, in part due to the
incredible luck of gaining Russia’s support
midway through the war. Prussia emerged
from the war not only with land gains but
also with a staying presence in European
affairs.
The
German states of
the Holy Roman
Empire now had
unrestrained
freedom
to
Frederick William
recover from the
abject
destruction left in the wake of the Thirty
Years’ War. The Kingdom of Prussia
emerged as the leading state of the Empire.
Under the leadership of the “great elector”
Frederick William (r. 1640-1688), Prussia
relentlessly pursued strengthened absolutism
at home and Europe-wide influence abroad.
Frederick William was a savvy nobleman
from the prominent Calvinist Hohenzollern
family of Berlin and knew that the key to
asserting Prussia’s dominance amidst a time
of extreme political upheaval was through
centralized power and a strong military. His
Prussia, along with the rest of the
Holy Roman Empire, was on the cusp of
entering a glorious age of centralized,
absolutist rule.
Therefore, Frederick
William II (r.
1789-1797),
King Leopold II
(r. 1790-1792),
the Emperor of
the
Holy
Roman Empire,
and
King
Francis II (r.
1792-1806), his
successor, paid
strict attention
to
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
11
the
Charles William Ferdinand
tumultuous revolutionary activity in France.
of territory until the Treaty of Amiens in
1802.
Intimidated by the Revolution’s
radical ideologies and fearful of the prospect
of those ideas spreading across borders,
German leadership decided to release two
statements. First, King Frederick II issued
the Declaration of Pillnitz in 1791,
threatening
France
with
Prussian
intervention if the Royal family was ever
harmed. Second, in 1792, Charles William
Ferdinand, the Duke of Brunswick, released
the Brunswick Manifesto, which reiterated
the sentiments of the Declaration of Pillintz.
These two documents outraged the French
citizenry, and eventually led to war between
France and an Austrian-Prussian coalition.
Prussian-Austrian forces initially succeeded;
however, at the Battle of Valmy in 1792, the
French forces, swelled by recent drafts,
triumphed over the German-Austrian army,
and forced Prussia to withdraw from the
fighting.
By 1806, most non-Prussian German
states in the Rhineland and western
Germany were under French control. At this
point, Napoleon was secure in his power and
decided to reorganize the German states in
order to provide a buffer zone between
France and the rest of the continent, as well
as to improve government efficiency. He
amalgamated these states into the
Confederation of the Rhine. The Holy
Roman Empire was officially abolished.
Also in 1806, under the leadership of
King Frederick William III, Prussia decided
to go to war with France independent of any
coalition. Napoleon responded by crushing
the Prussian army in less than three weeks.
From 1806 to 1812, nearly all of
Germany was under French control.
However, in 1812, Napoleon’s luck and
battle prowess ran out. After a failure in
Russia, the French were substantially
weakened. Occupied Europe seized its
opportunity. In October 1813, Prussia,
Russia, Austria and a number of other
German states engaged the French in battle
at Leipzig, a trading city about 100 miles
south of Berlin. After three days, the French
were driven out of Germany. Germany had
thrown off the yoke of France.
Soon after, France commenced an
invasion of the continent, occupying swaths
of land in northern Europe including
Although Germany was no longer
under French political control, the political
impacts of Napoleon were irrevocable and
profound. The Holy Roman Empire was
history. Feudalism was eliminated. The
rights of trial by jury and protection from
arbitrary arrest were established and
fostered. German nationalism was born. For
absolutists trying to reestablish their
authority, there could be no greater threats.
Battle of Leipzig, 18
the whole of Belgium and the Rhineland. In
1795, the Prussians made peace with the
French Republic and ceded the left bank of
the Rhine River. France continued to invade
other German states, gaining large amounts
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
12
With the Congress of Vienna fast
approaching, the fate of Germany could not
be more uncertain.
HISTORICAL RECORD: WHAT ACTUALLY HAPPENED
Below are concise histories of what
was actually decided at the Congress of
Vienna. These should by no means limit
what you, as delegates, decide. This is
merely intended to give you an idea of the
different possibilities you may pursue and
the issues that are the most important. You
should feel fully free, however, to take this
committee in an entirely different direction.
Since France was to retain its
sovereignty and much of its territory, the
question then became in whom to invest the
authority of the state. There was
considerable disagreement within the
Coalition on this point. At first, in 1814, the
throne was offered to Napoleon on the
condition that France retreat to its 1792
border, but he rejected the proposal; after his
return during the Hundred Days, the offer
was not repeated. Disagreement was chiefly
focused on whether the new ruler of France
would be a member of the Bourbon family,
a member of the Orléans family, or a
member of Napoleon’s own family. In the
end, largely at the skillful urging of
Talleyrand, the Sixth Coalition chose to
restore the House of Bourbon to the throne
of France; Louis XVIII then became King of
France
The Treaty of Paris of 1814 defined
France’s role in the post-Napoleonic
European system; the First Treaty of Paris,
signed in 1814, was updated and hardened to
reflect Napoleon’s brief resurgence during
the so-called “Hundred Days.” Still, the
punishments levied against France were
remarkably light thanks to the able
diplomacy
of
Charles-Maurice
de
Talleyrand-Périgord,
the
French
representative to the Congress of Vienna. In
fact, the First Treaty of Paris had France
paying no reparations at all.
Under the stiffer terms adopted in the
Treaty of Paris of 1815, France would return
to the borders it held in 1790, giving up all
the lands won in the French Revolutionary
Wars and the Napoleonic Wars but retaining
a number of territories that the nation had
lost to the other European powers, and
would pay reparations to the tune of 700
million francs, along with all expenses
associated with the temporary occupation of
France by the armies of the Sixth Coalition.
A map showing the agreements of the Congress of
Vienna
France, albeit with the powers of the
monarchy somewhat restricted by a new
constitution, instituted at the insistence of
the occupying armies of the Sixth Coalition.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
13
Louis took the crown in what was
legally established as the 19th year of his
reign, despite the fact that he had never
before possessed the throne. This was a
pointed institutional denial of the French
Revolution; in the newly official timeline,
Louis XVII would have inherited the throne
from Louis XVI in 1793, and Louis XVIII
would then have begun his rightful rule in
1795. In reality, Louis XVII had never held
the crown (he died in prison, still the heir
apparent), but this effort by the aristocracy
to reject France’s revolutionary past was
typical of post-Napoleonic politics.
powers, as Poland was in various historical
episodes and as the French originally feared
after Napoleon’s defeat. France could have
been allowed to keep larger swathes of its
empire or forced to surrender territory it had
already possessed before the Revolution.
The throne could have gone to the
unpredictable Napoleon again, or a member
of his family, a move that would have meant
the continuation of imperial rule. The throne
could have gone to a member of the more
liberal House of Orléans, as it would after
1830’s July Revolution, potentially fast
tracking France’s modernization by several
decades. The Sixth Coalition could even
have restored the
French Republic
as it existed and
was
internationally
recognized at the
end of the French
Revolutionary
Wars with the
Peace of Amiens,
before the rise of
Napoleon.
Tellingly, Louis XVIII did not take
up the title of “King of the French” as Louis
XVI did during the early days of the
revolution and as Louis-Philippe would after
the July Revolution, a reflection of the
decidedly conservative principles that
triumphed at the Congress of Vienna.
Despite new constitutional restrictions on
the king’s rule, this was still an absolute
rather than a popular monarchy. This
wholesale repudiation of that stretch of
French history and strain of French thought
would have serious consequences for the
further development of European politics in
the 19th century, particularly in its failure to
address latent socio-political issues that
would resurface in later revolutionary
episodes across the Continent; France had
incubated a particularly virulent conception
of democracy during the revolution, and
Napoleon’s armies spread it as they marched
across Europe.
Louis XVIII
All these potential histories would
have had radical consequences for the
further
development
of
European
international politics and society.
Germany
In sum, the Congress of Vienna took
an approach to post-Napoleonic France that
was essentially regressive, an effort to return
to European politics as they had existed
before the French Revolution. As inevitable
as history seems in retrospect, the result
could have been very different. France could
have been partitioned among the victorious
Out of the shambles of the Holy
Roman Empire and the political uncertainty
left behind after Napoleon’s decisive victory
at Austerlitz, the French Empire assembled
the fragmented German states into the
Confederation of the Rhine, which Napoleon
imagined together as a useful buffer on his
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
14
empire’s eastern border. With Napoleon’s
defeat, the powers of the Sixth Coalition
sought to remake Central Europe into a form
that would be conducive to their interests; to
that end, they created the German
Confederation, a weak association of a
variety of German speaking states largely
under the influence of Prussia and the
Austrian Empire that would endure more or
less intact from 1815 until 1866.
was subsumed into the Empire, having done
little to maintain the balance of power in
Central Europe and even less to avoid the
nationalist groundswell that the Sixth
Coalition had feared in 1815.
The reactionary efforts of the
victorious powers at the Congress of Vienna
backfired at least in part in the case of
Germany; the German Confederation,
designed to prevent the rise of German
nationalism, served instead as an instrument
in the hands of Otto von Bismarck to
promote it, a tool towards the end of
German unification. That unification, under
a conservative, nationalist state, would have
enormous consequences for European
politics, particularly as regards Germany’s
eventual role in the First and Second World
Wars. Central Europe could have developed
very differently at the hands of the Sixth
Coalition.
In
creating
the
German
Confederation, the Sixth Coalition was
operating under the same reactionary
principles that had guided its response to
France. The loosely bound German
Confederation would, they hoped, hem in
French ambitions to the east, maintain the
balance of power between Prussia and
Austria, and serve to hamstring nascent
German nationalist sentiment (nationalism
being an ideology that was, at the time,
anathema to many of Europe’s conservative
regimes).
They
could
have
left
the
Confederation of the Rhine as it was - that
is, without the inclusion of Prussia and
Austria – a move that might have impeded
the Prussian rise to dominance in a later
unified Germany. Alternatively, they could
have left the many German states
independent and unconnected, creating a
political quagmire in Central Europe that
might have significantly delayed the
economic and political development of that
region, potentially to Western Europe’s
advantage. They could even have restored
the Holy Roman Empire as it existed before
its dissolution during the Napoleonic Era,
returning Emperor Francis II, some member
of his family, or another emperor entirely to
the throne. Any and all of these choices
could have spurred the development of a
vastly different Central European political
landscape and a vastly different Germany
than the ones that did in fact come to be.
As time would prove, the German
Confederation stalled but did not stifle
German nationalist ambitions, which would
express themselves in the unsuccessful
revolutions of 1848 and
would
finally
be
realized through Otto
von
Bismarck,
Minister-President of
the Kindom of Prussia
and then Chancellor of
the German Empire
after its unification. Bismarck succeeded
through both a canny marriage of
conservatism and nationalism that co-opted
nationalist sentiment away from its earlier
liberal ties and a savvy manipulation of the
international political system; the result was
an extremely powerful and distinctly
conservative German state that leapt quickly
to great power status. The Confederation
Otto von Bismarck
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
15
ROLE OF THE COMMITTEE
Addressing the complex array of interlinked problems facing the Congress of Vienna is
can incredibly important undertaking – nothing less than the future of Europe is at stake. The
main questions that delegates in this committee should consider are the fate of France and the
remnants of Holy Roman Empire, and the following are some lenses by which we can frame the
problem:
1. Should France be left as one country? After the Napoleonic wars, can it be trusted to exist
as a unified state?
2. If so, should it have a military?
3. What should be done with the many competing groups striving to take power in Germany
and other parts of the former Holy Roman Empire?
4. Similar questions may be asked about the status of the various states striving for
predominance in the Italian peninsula.
We do not expect you as delegates to draw a detailed map of all of Europe’s future
borders. Rather, we expect you to come in with a well-researched notion of your character and
country’s policy and then to try to see that achieved on the major points under discussion.
Ideally, the committee will produce a broad political framework that will serve as a guide for
Europe in centuries to come, while dealing with crises and political intrigues which may arise
along the way and change the course of the Congress.
STRUCTURE OF THE COMMITTEE
Committee Positions
THE FOUR GREAT POWERS OF THE
SIXTH COALITION
protect is multinational identity, and, along
with the emperor, developed his support for
the idea of a balance of power in Europe.
Prince Klemens
von Metternich
(Austria)
Klemens
von
Metternich was
a conservative
Austrian
Prince Klemens von
statesman
Metternich
instrumental in
restoring Austria to importance in the period
before and during the Congress of Vienna.
Metternich began his involvement in the
contentiousness of the European map in
1803, when he became the Austrian minister
in Berlin. Though he was unable to form a
military alliance against France with
Frederick William III as he had hoped,
Metternich spent his ambassadorship
observing Prussia’s inner conflict, leading
him to predict the nation’s downfall well in
advance.
Metternich then shifted his eye to
Napoleon’s war against Russia in 1812. He
advocated for the independence of Austrian
troops under Prince Karl Schwarzenberg
who were fighting alongside the French.
Though he had the chance to switch his
allegiance to Russia in January of 1813,
Metternich proclaimed Austria’s neutrality
to the world. This, however, was simply a
diplomatic ploy to avert attention from the
Austrian military while it rearmed. Despite
the caveat that Austria would re-enter the
war if Napoleon refused to acknowledge his
terms of peace, he negotiated an armistice
between Austria, Prussia, and Russia,
buying his army even more time. When
Metternich finally did declare war on
France, he promised the Southern German
states that, if they joined the Allies, they
would not forfeit the gains they had made
with Napoleon. Thus, Metternich’s main
goal during the war was not only to achieve
military dominance, but also to set up a
structure of Austrian alliances to
counterbalance Russia and Prussia in the
event of Napoleon’s loss.
By 1806 Metternich had moved to Paris,
where he began reporting on the state of
Napoleonic government to his home
country. These reports included encouraging
news about Napoleon’s army that ultimately
proved to be false, as Austria’s loss in the
Battle of Wagram in 1809 suggests.
Nevertheless, Metternich was still appointed
minister of foreign affairs by Emperor
Francis I of Austria. Metternich’s main
achievement in the following two years was
to link Napoleon to Austria through
marriage, which perhaps kept the nation
from being the emperor’s prime target. He
also advocated for, but failed to achieve, a
reorganization of the Austrian state to
This diplomatic strategy culminated in the
Congress of Vienna, held in Austria largely
due to the Metternich’s work over the
previous two years. During the conference,
he hoped to form two confederations, one
with Germany and the other with Italy. He
also aimed to oppose other European
powers’ plans of eliminating France,
working with Lord Castlereagh to preserve
its identity to balance Russia’s power.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
17
Napoleon’s attack, Castlereagh advocated
fiercely for the union and was instrumental
in its eventual passage. Prime Minister Pitt
then provided Castlereagh with the
opportunity to serve as the Secretary of State
for War for the whole United Kingdom in
1805. After engaging in various government
duties on and off, he became the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs and the leader of the
House of Commons in 1812.
Metternich also played a key social role as
the Congress’ host, spending much time
entertaining monarchs with the hope that his
diplomatic objectives could be achieved
without their interference.
Baron Johann von Wessenberg (Austria)
As the deputy to Austrian statesman
Klemens von Metternich, the Baron Johann
von Wessenberg served as a diplomat during
the Napoleonic wars and as Austria’s
secondary delegate to the Congress of
Vienna. Wessenberg’s first involvement in
anti-Napoleon politics occurred in 1808,
when he served as the ambassador to the
Prussian
court
in
Berlin. He intended to
convince Prussian King
Frederick William III
to join the fifth
coalition
against
France, but the king
had fled to East Prussia
in
response
to
Baron Johann von
Napoleon’s advances.
Wessenberg
Wessenberg, unable to
fulfill his mission,
returned home and departed on other
diplomatic travels around Europe – for the
two years preceding the Congress of Vienna,
Wessenberg represented Austria’s interests
in London, France and Milan. After
returning home in 1814 to attend the
Congress of Vienna, the Baron’s main focus
became Metternich’s vision of creating a
united German confederation with an
Austrian core.
Castlereagh’s main
objective at the
time
was
to
maintain
the
alliance
between
Napoleon’s
enemies and he
Viscount
began to draw up
Castlereagh
plans for postNapoleonic Europe even before the end of
the war. He secured negotiation rights for
the United Kingdom and determined the
terms of agreements between the allies
through a series of treaties before the
Congress of Vienna. The Treaty of
Paris, the most well known of these
settlements, restored the Bourbon Monarchy
and created a separate kingdom out of the
Low Countries. With these British policy
aims already achieved, Castlereagh was left
to play a particularly unencumbered role at
the Congress of Vienna. Thus, Castlereagh
hoped to enact his vision of Europe more
generally at the Congress, with a focus on
strengthening central Europe, preventing
Russian and Prussian representatives from
attempting to obtain unfairly large land
settlements, and establishing a tradition of
regular meetings between large European
powers.
Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh
(United Kingdom)
Known as one of Britain’s most
distinguished foreign secretaries, Viscount
Castlereagh began his political career in the
Ireland before the passage of the Act of
Union that joined Ireland to Great Britain.
Compelled by the growing fear of
Duke of Wellington (United Kingdom)
Arthur Wellesley began his career in public
service in the army. He fought in several key
colonial battles in the late 1790’s and was
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
18
knighted and made a Member of Parliament
upon his return to England. After briefly
serving in the domestic government, he
became commander of British forces on the
peninsula in 1808. After driving British,
Portuguese, and Spanish forces to a victory
against Napoleon, Wellesley was given the
title of the Duke of Wellington, by which he
is now more commonly known. In his role
as the preeminent English military hero of
the time, he spent a year in the Foreign
Service, during which he attended the
Congress of Vienna as a representative for
the United Kingdom.
began representing Russia in various
embassies across Europe. That same year, he
moved to southern Germany, hoping to
secretly report to Alexander I about
Napoleon’s troops as Alexander began to
question his support of Napoleon. He also
collaborated over the Peace of Tilsit in 1811.
During the Franco-Russian war in the next
year, Nesselrode served as the diplomatic
secretary to several significant Russian
generals and had been appointed as the
minister of foreign affairs by the Congress
of Vienna. During the Congress, Nesselrode
hoped to assert Russia’s claims on Poland,
though Alexander I, who was also present at
the conference and didn’t work very closely
with his foreign minister, often subordinated
him.
Karl August von Hardenberg (Prussia)
Karl August von Hardenberg was a Prussian
statesman and administrator. After serving
in a variety of administrative and diplomatic
positions, he became prime minister with
full powers in 1810. After Napoleon’s
campaign in Russia, Hardenberg secretly
advocated for an alliance with Russia, which
was solidified in 1813. In his diplomatic
negotiations he strove to liberate Prussia
from French rule and obtain more territory.
Alexander I (Russia)
Alexander Pavlovich, also known as
Emperor Alexander I, was the sole ruler of
Russia during the Napoleonic wars. Though
he enjoyed some military successes in the
early part of his reign, Alexander’s first
encounters with Napoleon resulted in
devastating losses for
Russia. Alexander, trying
to win over Napoleon
through their mutual
enmity with Britain,
agreed to the Treaty of
Tilsit,
though
many
Alexander I
thought this would lead to
only
further
battles
between the two emperors. This period of
friendship between the two men is thought
to have relied on Alexander’s acceptance of
Napoleon in a time when many other
European royals looked down upon the
Frenchman for possessing power beyond his
birth. After a five-year period of peace,
Napoleon invaded Russia due to rising
hostilities between the two nations.
Napoleon claimed that the invasion was
justified since he planned to liberate the
Frederick William III (Prussia)
The king of Prussia from 1797 to 1840,
Frederick William III led Prussia to its
defeat in the battle of Jena in 1806
immediately after renouncing his isolationist
foreign policy. After losing most of its land
in the resulting Peace of Tilsit, Frederick
William’s ministers carried out reforms to
restore the country to enough strength to
reenter the Napoleonic Wars in 1813.
Frederick William hoped to fight foreign
invaders off of German soil and hoped to
regain Prussia’s lost territory during the
Congress of Vienna.
Count Karl Nesselrode (Russia)
Karl Nesselrode, a Russian diplomat, and
minister of foreign affairs from 1814
onwards, began his career in 1806, when he
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
19
Though he served as Napoleon’s foreign
minister, Talleyrand did not agree with
several of the emperor’s strategies. Thinking
the emperor too aggressive, Talleyrand
wanted to protect France’s newly attained
possessions by staying out of conflict with
England and Russia. While in the emperor’s
service, though he was eventually dismissed,
he communicated secretly with Alexander I
and Louis XVIII, who he eventually helped
reestablish to power.
Russian serfs, which was actually a key
domestic policy aim of Alexander’s. The
campaign did not go as planned for
Napoleon, and Russia’s victory caused the
Russian people to begin to regard Alexander
as divine. Alexander then represented Russia
at the Congress of Vienna, leaving less to
his minister than others and fervently
working on the resolution himself.
OTHER
SIGNATORIES
TREATY OF PARIS (1814)
OF
THE
Louis XVIII (France)
The King of France from 1814 to 1824
(though he began to hold the title in 1795),
Louis XVIII originally remained in Paris
when the Revolution broke out, hoping to
become a royal candidate, but eventually
fled in 1791. He then fiercely promoted the
royalist cause around Europe, refusing to
accept
compensation
payment
from
Napoleon in exchange for the renunciation
of his royalty. After Napoleon’s defeats, he
was received into Paris under a restoration
negotiated by Talleyrand.
Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord
(France)
Napoleon’s foreign minister, more often
known simply as “Talleyrand,” served under
nearly every French
regime for half a century.
Talleyrand was notorious
for his unmatched ability
to
deceive
fellow
statesmen
and
seek
bribes, shifting political
allegiance often and
Charles Maurice negotiating in secret with
de Talleyrandpublic enemies.
His
Périgord
vision of France involved
a painless transition from
the old regime to the new coupled with the
preservation of France’s territorial interests.
Marquis Don Pedro Gómez de Labrador
(Spain)
After a long career under various European
royals, the Marquis de Labrador was
appointed Spain’s foreign ambassador,
despite being well known for his weakness
of character and diplomatic incompetence.
The Marquis, having
accompanied Pope
Pius VI in exile, was
well
versed
in
religious matters and
advocated a special
alliance
between
Spain and the Holy
See, though it was
eventually rejected.
As
Spain’s
Marquis de Labrador
representative to the
Congress of Vienna,
Talleyrand began his career in the Church
and soon gained powerful administrative
positions; however, after using his influence
to advance his own agenda for France’s
future, he was excommunicated from the
Church by Pope Pius VI in 1791. Talleyrand
then acted as an unofficial envoy to England
until expelled due to the revolutionary
government’s bad mark against his name;
however, he returned after the formation of
the Directory and began to serve on-and-off
as France’s foreign minister for the rest of
his career.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
20
Gomez hoped to restore the deposed
Bourbons to the thrones of Spain’s Italian
possessions and to regain control over
Spanish colonies in South Americas, some
of which had revolted during the Napoleonic
invasion of Spain.
disputed Scandinavian land, such as
Swedish Pomerania and the Duchy of
Lauenburg.
Cardinal Ercole Consalvi (Papal States)
Regarded by many as one of the greatest
statesmen to ever serve the papal court,
Cardinal Ercole Consalvi entered his public
career in 1783 by Pope Pius VI. In 1796 he
was made assessor of a military commission
created to prevent the intervention of French
revolutionaries. When the French general
Duphot was killed in Rome, despite a lack
of involvement by the Papal States, the
French army invaded Rome and deprived
the Pope of his sovereignty. Though
Consalvi was arrested, he returned soon
after and was made cardinal and Secretary
of State under Pope Pius VII in 1800.
Pedro de Sousa Holstein (Portugal)
Also known as the Duke de Palmela, Pedro
de Sousa Holstein began his career in
Portugal’s foreign service in 1802. He
commanded Portuguese troops along with
the Duke of Wellington during Napoleon’s
peninsular campaign and represented
Portugal in various European conferences
from the 1802 to the Congress of Vienna,
which resulted in his future permanent
position as Portugal’s minister of foreign
affairs.
Count Carl Lowenheim (Sweden and
Norway)
Count Lowenheim held both administrative
and military positions for Sweden during the
time of the Napoleonic wars. He was a
lieutenant general, but achieved more fame
due to the paintings he made while abroad
than because of any significant military
accomplishments. Due to the Treaty of Kiel,
in which the King of Denmark-Norway had
ceded Norwegian territory to the King of
Sweden, Lowenheim represented both
Sweden and Norway at the Congress of
Vienna, advocating for these nations’
interests in land lost due to various treaties
over the prior forty years.
Consalvi
then
worked to protect
the Pope’s role as
the
head
of
Christianity in the
eyes
of
the
OTHER REPRESENATIVES
Cardinal Ercole
European
states,
Consalvi
particularly
by
helping create the
French Concordat. When Napoleon was
crowned emperor in 1804, Consalvi was
blamed for the Pope’s refusal to become a
vassal under the emperor and was forced to
step down by 1806. Later, after refusing to
assist in the ceremonies for Napoleon’s
second marriage, he was deprived of all
property and sent into forced retirement.
Count Niels Rosenkrantz (Denmark)
Count Niels Rosenkrantz was a foreign
policy advisor to Danish King Frederick VI.
Though the King was also present in Vienna
at the time of the conference, Rosenkrantz
played an important role in negotiations over
After Napoleon’s abdication, Consalvi was
reappointed Secretary of State for the Papal
States and represented the Pope in
negotiations in France, England, and the
Congress of Vienna, where he hoped for the
reinstatement of lost papal territories.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
21
RULES AND PROCEDURE
This committee will operate within the constraints of a modified, somewhat-less-strict
form of parliamentary procedure. Expect little time on the Speaker’s List (if any) and many
moderated and un-moderated caucuses, as we try to move substantive debate along quickly so
that many points of view may be expressed on these complicated issues. We may, however,
modify procedure as we go forward in such a way as seems most conducive to the particular
needs of the committee.
Votes both procedural and substantive will generally be decided on the basis of a simple
majority—on certain matters, we might modify this to demand a higher threshold for approval.
We will give you more detailed information when the conference arrives. Delegates will also
have the opportunity to correspond with their home government and undertake certain unilateral
actions via notes.
Though the committee will not be run as a rapid-fire crisis committee, delegates should
be prepared to respond to unexpected events quickly and thoroughly via one-off documents.
Ultimately, we are hoping that delegates will work together to produce a comprehensive and
practical treaty, laying out a broad framework for Europe’s future.
CONGRESS OF VIENNA
22
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