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TECHNOLOGY AND ECONOMIC
PERFORMANCE
A Lecture Programme delivered at the
Technical University of Košice
Andrew Harrison
Teesside University
October 2009
Opening scenario: The high-definition DVD format war
Toshiba launched its new format HD-DVD player in March 2006. This was followed
six months later by Sony’s alternative format Blu-ray high definition DVD player. For
eighteen months the two rivals fought for supremacy in the format war to find a highdefinition replacement for the established DVD player. Toshiba finally conceded
defeat in February 2008 after a number of important film producers gave their
backing to Sony, allowing Sony’s Blu-ray players to set the industry standard.1 This
was in many respects a repetition of the battle between the Betamax and VHS formats
for the video player which preceded the arrival of the DVD – except that in the 1980s
Sony’s Betamax lost out to JVC’s VHS format.
In the end, the Blu-ray player won not necessarily because it had better
technology or produced a better quality picture, but because of the backing it received
from Walt Disney, Twentieth Century Fox, and Warner Brothers, key players in the
Hollywood movie industry. Microsoft, whose operating system needs to be
compatible with the new technology, especially to facilitate downloading from the
internet, had in fact backed Toshiba, as had Warner Brothers until its pivotal decision
to abandon Toshiba in January 2008. The support of the major film producers was
ultimately crucial as, without a reasonable number of films being produced in the
required format, the HD-DVD player would soon have become redundant. Other
factors, such as Blu-ray’s superior storage capacity and marketing success, including
Sony’s decision to incorporate Blu-ray into its market-leading PlayStation 3 games
console, also helped to secure victory for the Blu-ray format.
This story illustrates the way developments often occur in markets for
technological products. The high-definition DVD player is the latest generation in a
series of devices for playing films. Although it contains features undreamt of when its
earliest predecessors were developed, it is nevertheless an incremental innovation,
building on previous technologies. Like any technological development, it is the
product of a vast array of general and specialized knowledge, much of which is
publically available, some of which is protected. A particular feature of technological
products is that one product acts as a platform for another, as the Blu-ray player does
for films. This means that compatibility is important. Of course, it would be quite
possible to have two alternative formats, each with its own set of films, but there are
cost and marketing advantages in having a single format, especially if it attracts the
majority of consumers. The dominant format then becomes the industry standard.
This raises the issue of intellectual property rights, which should provide sufficient
protection to encourage profitable innovation whilst allowing the technology to be
shared by a wide range of producers and consumers. These issues, among others, help
to create the distinctive characteristics of the technological environment.2
10.1 Perspectives on technological change
10.1.1 Technological ‘revolutions’
Technological developments have occurred throughout history. Even in prehistoric
times primitive tools made out of stone, wood, and other natural materials represented
the technology of a particular period.3 However, in modern times, the most productive
period of technological development dates from the late eighteenth century to the
present time. This period has been the most productive, not so much because of the
number of inventions (which has been significant), but more especially because of the
impact of technological developments on productivity, GDP, and GDP per capita. The
early part of this period, from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century is
often described as the ‘Industrial Revolution’, which began in Britain, then spread to
other parts of Europe and North America. The most significant aspect of this period,
and indeed the period that followed the Industrial Revolution, is that technological
and organizational change led to sustained economic growth and continual
improvements in the standard of living in the countries concerned.
For centuries technological innovation had led to temporary or minor
improvements in living standards, but these benefits had generally been cancelled out
by conflict or population increases, leaving the majority of people little better off.
This is starkly illustrated in Figure 10.1, which is based on Angus Maddison’s
estimates of GDP per capita from the year 1-2003AD.4 According to Maddison, world
GDP per capita was only about half as much again in 1820 as it had been in the year 1
AD; this represents remarkably little economic progress during most of the first two
Millennia AD. The rate of increase was marginally higher in the West (mainly Europe
and North America), but Africa was slightly poorer in 1820 than it had been eighteen
hundred years previously. By 2003, however, GDP per capita was almost twenty
times higher in the West, the cradle of the industrial revolution, than it had been in
1820. Latin America and Asia lagged behind, though their GDP per capita had grown
significantly by the end of the twentieth century. African GDP per capita was about
three and half times higher in 2003 than it had been in 1820, though some individual
African countries experienced little, if any, improvement over this period. These
statistics illustrate the dramatic change that occurred after the onset of the industrial
revolution, particularly in the West, and also the way in which some parts of the
world have been left behind.
Figure 10.1: GDP per capita, major regions and the world, 1-2003AD
25000
20000
The West
15000
Asia
Latin America
10000
Africa
5000
The World
0
1
1000
1500
1820
1870
1913
1950
1973
2003
Source: Maddison, A. (2007), Contours of the World Economy, 1-2030AD, Oxford
University Press, Table 2.1, p. 70. The vertical scale represents ‘International Dollars’
valued at 1990 prices.
For some economic historians, the industrial ‘revolution’ was more of a
gradual process than the term ‘revolution’ implies.5 Certainly, there is often a long
time lag between an invention or discovery and the full extent of its applications. Joel
Mokyr divides the industrial revolution into separate phases leading up to the present
time, an approach which is useful in linking earlier developments with the recent
growth of information and communication technology.6 He describes the first
Industrial Revolution as the period from about 1760 to the mid-nineteenth century,
characterized by the development of coal mining, textile manufacture, the factory
system, and the application of mechanical inventions such as the steam engine. The
second Industrial Revolution, covering the period from the mid-nineteenth century to
1914, saw the development of industries such as chemicals and steel, the introduction
of the telegraph and telephone, the discovery of electricity, and the development of
the internal combustion engine, among others. The third Industrial Revolution
covered the period from 1914 to the early 1970s, a period which included the
introduction of assembly-line operations and product standardization as well as
developments in medicine, air travel, nuclear energy, and many other fields. The
period from the early 1970s to the present time is described as the ‘Information
Revolution’ or ‘Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Revolution’; this
period is characterized not only by the widespread use of the computer, but also by
the development of the ‘knowledge economy’ (see section 10.4 below), including the
use of the internet and the way in which ICT has transformed work practices and
everyday lives. Practical Insight 10.1 considers the application of ICT to the financial
services sector.
Practical insight 10.1: Electronic banking systems
Developments in financial services provide a useful illustration of the way ICT has
been transforming our everyday lives. Electronic funds transfer allows salaries and
payments of various kinds to be transferred directly from one bank account to another,
and credit and debit cards are gradually replacing the need for payments by cash or
cheque. Electronic systems enable us to do our banking online and allow call centre
staff to access our bank details from the other side of the world. They also link retail
outlets to the banking system and are increasingly connecting the banking systems of
developed and developing countries. Of course, these systems are not infallible and
international connections sometimes involve delays and unexpectedly high costs, but
electronic banking is undoubtedly changing the face of banking in many parts of the
world.
Question: What are the implications of electronic banking systems for competition in
the high-street banking sector?
10.1.2 Technology as an application of knowledge
A core feature of technology is that it represents the application of scientific or
practical knowledge. As technological products and processes have become more
sophisticated, the term ‘knowledge economy’ has been used to describe this
phenomenon. Of course, technological knowledge is not unique to the economies of
the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, but there is a perception that the
level of human skill and technological sophistication required in the modern world is
proportionately greater than in previous periods. The computer provides an
illustration of the importance of knowledge relative to physical resources. Consider a
personal desk-top computer. The computer is made up of various physical materials
and components and has an operating system and various software programs. The cost
of the physical materials represents only a small proportion of the computer’s total
value. Most of its value is contained in the knowledge required to design and build the
computer and its components, and to develop its system and application software.
This is typical of many technological products.
Whereas a single piece of information contributes to our knowledge, the sense
in which we are using the term ‘knowledge’ here is more than simply a collection of
information. Instead, knowledge represents the way in which information and
understanding combine to determine patterns and regularities in natural phenomena
and their application to the solution of practical problems. Mokyr distinguishes
between propositional knowledge (beliefs about natural phenomena) and prescriptive
knowledge (techniques for applying propositional knowledge).7 This broadly
corresponds with the distinction between scientific knowledge and technological
knowledge, though propositional knowledge may include practical knowledge gained
through experience as well as scientific knowledge. The role of technological
knowledge in economic growth and development is explored further in sections 10.3
and 10.4 below.
10.1.3 Spatial implications of technology
One of the characteristics of the ICT revolution that seems to distinguish it from
earlier industrial revolutions is the way in which it brings people, businesses, and
other organizations around the world closer together. To some extent this also
happened in earlier periods because of improvements in transport and communication,
but the instantaneous flow of information provided by the internet and wireless
communication seems to represent a revolution of an altogether different kind.
Frances Cairncross has described this phenomenon as the ‘Death of Distance’,
arguing that while the nineteenth and twentieth centuries witnessed the falling cost of
transporting goods and people respectively, the twenty-first century will be
characterized by the falling cost of transporting ideas and information.8 Electronic
commerce (e-commerce) bridges the physical distance between buyer and seller,
including both retail and business-to-business transactions, enabling them to find each
other more easily, make more informed choices, and reduce the cost of their
transactions.
Practical insight 10.2: e-Government
The breaking down of distance barriers is not restricted to the private sector. A
number of initiatives are being taken to link citizens with central and local
government through e-government schemes. Citizens can increasingly apply for
benefits, complete income tax returns, or exchange information with government
departments online. e-Government is also being considered as a way of encouraging
voters to engage with the electoral process, either through online voting, automated
telephone voting, or electronic voting at polling stations. The potential benefits in
terms of speed, efficiency, and cost saving are clear and late-night election counts
could become a thing of the past.
Question: To what extent do you think e-government will help to break down barriers
between government and people and lead to greater public engagement by ordinary
citizens?
For Thomas Friedman, technology is a flattening process that removes the spatial and
economic barriers that separate different parts of the world, especially between the
Western developed countries and technologically emerging countries like India.9 In
this sense, technology is starting to break down barriers between rich and poor
countries, allowing a multitude of business services to be offshored across an
increasingly ‘flat world’. Not only is information transferred rapidly across vast
distances, but so also are technological knowledge and economic wealth. This picture
of a world where distance no longer matters is of course exaggerated; otherwise, there
would have been no need for the huge increase in foreign direct investment that has
occurred in recent years. What is clear, however, is that businesses are now able to
undertake operations and communicate between different parts of the world with
relative ease. This facility is available to smaller organizations as well as larger ones
and also to private citizens. Perhaps belatedly, citizens are now also being connected
to local and central government much closer to home (see Practical Insight 10.2).
10.1.4 Technology and employment effects
In this section we consider the effect of technology on the labour market and the skills
profile of industries and countries. It has long been feared that the substitution of
technology for labour leads to unemployment. This concern dates back to the
Luddites who tried to destroy the new power looms that were replacing handloom
weavers in textile factories in early nineteenth century England – a concern which has
been expressed more peacefully in relation to the ICT revolution today. If one takes a
narrow perspective on the immediate effects of the introduction of labour-saving
technology at a particular workplace, it is clear that there are likely to be job losses for
the displaced workers. However, when considering the effect of technology on an
economy as a whole, there seems to be little if any long-term effect on employment.
This can be seen in Figures 10.2a and 10.2b in relation to employment and
unemployment in the US economy over the period from 1948 to 2008. The US
economy has maintained its ability to create employment, despite having probably
experienced more technological change than any other economy over this period. The
unemployment rate is more ambiguous, though its rise in the 1970s and early 1980s
probably has more to do with the inflation and recession that accompanied rising oil
prices at that time than with the impact of new technology.
Figure 10.2a: US employment level, 1948-2008
200000
150000
100000
50000
19
48
19
51
19
54
19
57
19
60
19
63
19
66
19
69
19
72
19
75
19
78
19
81
19
84
19
87
19
90
19
93
19
96
19
99
20
02
20
05
20
08
0
Employed Workers, June (000s)
Figure 10.2b: US unemployment rate, 1948-2008
19
48
19
51
19
54
19
57
19
60
19
63
19
66
19
69
19
72
19
75
19
78
19
81
19
84
19
87
19
90
19
93
19
96
19
99
20
02
20
05
20
08
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Unemployment Rate, June (%)
Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics
The lack of a negative impact of technology on overall employment,
especially in the longer term, is probably due to the way in which markets and
economies adjust to new technology. As well as reducing the need for direct labour in
the production process, technology increases output and reduces the cost of
production. Lower prices enable consumers to buy more, including new goods and
services created by the new technology. The new products then generate employment
opportunities to compensate for the loss of jobs in conventional production. In this
way, the ICT revolution has helped to reduce employment in former labour-abundant
industries such as car manufacturing or banking, and has created employment in the
computer, electronics, telecommunications, and related sectors. In particular, modern
economies are experiencing increased employment in the service sector as consumers
demand more sophisticated leisure services and businesses add value to their products
by offering support services to their customers. Technology also allows greater
flexibility in the use of labour, enabling an increasing number of people to work from
home or at other off-site locations. There is even some evidence to suggest that people
who work mainly with technology work longer hours and are paid more than more
conventional workers, though this may be because their roles generally require a
higher level of professional commitment and attract people with higher skills.10
10.1.5 Technology and the working environment
One of the most significant effects of technology has been on the working
environment. Most organizations have now vastly increased their ability to store,
process, and share information. This facilitates communication with colleagues,
customers, and suppliers at remote locations. For office workers, the computer has
replaced the typed documents and hand-written account books; for production
workers it has replaced the draughtsman’s drawing and the painstaking machining of
precision products. Marketers use PowerPoint presentations instead of overhead
projection and teachers have replaced their blackboards with electronic whiteboards.
The use of computer-aided design (CAD) and computer-aided manufacturing (CAM)
has transformed the manufacturing sector, allowing complex processes to be
undertaken rapidly and accurately. Technology has also revolutionized many other
areas of work, ranging from the use of DNA profiling in police investigations to
Kuala Lumpur’s driverless urban transit system.
Many tasks that were previously undertaken by teams of people or large
organizations can now be carried out by an individual or small business in a fraction
of the time. In this way, technology empowers small and medium-sized enterprises to
take on work that was once the domain of large corporations. Even international
markets are now within reach via the internet as long as customer requirements can be
met either electronically or using the services of one of the many international
logistics companies. In a similar way, technology is reducing the scale of
conventional production operations, allowing steel producers to use more efficient
mini-mills and motor manufacturers to produce differentiated finished products from
shared production platforms. These developments enable efficiencies to be achieved
with smaller scale at the same time as providing the customer with an individually
customized product. In a variety ways, therefore, technology is changing the
relationship between inputs, output, and the consumer.
10.1.6 The global picture
It is clear from section 10.1.1 above that technological developments have not
occurred evenly across different regions of world. The US economist, Jeffrey Sachs,
has suggested a classification of countries according to whether they are technological
innovators, technological adopters, or technologically excluded.11 Technological
innovators are defined as countries with ten or more patents per million inhabitants
and technological adopters are those where high-tech exports account for at least 2 per
cent of GDP; the remainder are classed as technologically excluded. Whilst these
definitions are somewhat arbitrary, they give a broad indication of a country’s stage of
technological development. The technological innovators account for about 15 per
cent of the world’s population and include the USA and Canada, most of Western
Europe, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Australia. The technological adopters
include Mexico, Argentina, Chile, most of Central and Eastern Europe, South Africa,
southern and western India, eastern and south-eastern China and much of South-East
Asia. This leaves most of Africa, large parts of Asia, most of Central America, and
the northern half of South America ‘technologically excluded’.
The above picture is of course a changing one as countries progress from one
category to another, as Taiwan and South Korea have done in recent years. A number
of other indicators could also be used to determine the extent to which technology has
permeated the everyday lives of a country’s citizens. These might include the level of
telephone, mobile phone, or internet usage, for example. Internet usage is now a
prime indicator of technological connectivity, something which is becoming
increasingly important in international business. Table 10.1 compares internet usage
in each of the main regions of the world, though it is important to note that usage also
varies considerably between individual countries. Despite the vast increase in internet
usage since the mid-1990s, less than a quarter of the world’s population were using
the internet in 2008. The reasons for the differences between countries and regions
will depend on factors such as education, income, the availability of telephone
connections and power supplies, and the level of peace and security, among other
things. Remoteness of geographical location may also isolate some regions, even
within a particular country, though joint-ventures with multinational enterprises in
innovator countries may accelerate the technological progress of an otherwise less
developed country.
Table 10.1: World internet usage, June 2008
Regions
Internet Penetration
(% of population)
Africa
5.3
Asia
15.3
Europe
48.1
Middle East
21.3
North America
73.6
Latin America & Caribbean
24.1
Oceania/Australia
59.5
Total
21.9
Source: www.internetworldstats.com
% of World Internet
Usage
3.5
39.5
26.3
2.9
17.0
9.5
1.4
100.0
10.2 Sources of technological change
10.2.1 Uncertainties of technological change
Before considering the factors that lead to technological change, it is important to note
that technological change is affected by a large number of uncertainties at every stage
of the process. First of all, it is unclear at the outset whether an idea or invention will
realize its full potential or even produce more modest positive outcomes such as a
quality improvement or cost reduction. Even if a product turns out to be technically
successful, there is no guarantee it will be a commercial success. This was the case
with the Anglo-French Concorde supersonic aircraft. The planning and design process
for the Concorde began, with the support of the British and French governments, in
the early 1960s. The aircraft went into service in 1976 and was finally withdrawn in
2004 after a period of uncertainty following a major accident near Paris and a number
of technical problems.12 Concorde was well ahead of its time technologically, but its
commercial success was limited by the fact that most of its potential customer airlines
withdrew their orders after a number of international airports refused it permission to
land because of what they perceived to be excessive noise.
In some cases the eventual success of a discovery may be dependent on further
discoveries in the future. Thus, for example, the drug aspirin was developed by
scientists during the latter half of the nineteenth century, and was marketed
successfully during the twentieth century until the launch of paracetamol and
ibuprofen in the 1950s and 1960s. Its popularity was then revived in the 1980s after
its effectiveness as an anti-clotting agent in preventing heart attacks and strokes had
been established – something which was not foreseen by its original discoverers.
Similarly, there may be unforeseen applications of a particular invention, such as the
use of computer technology to create digital photography, or complementary
inventions may create unforeseen synergies, as for example with the combined use of
laser and computer technology to guide or track missiles and other weapons.
Alternatively, a technology with significant potential may be held back by unforeseen
problems or lack of public or consumer acceptance. This has been the case with the
genetic modification of plants and animals, especially in Europe (see Practical Insight
10.3). Even when a new technology becomes commercially established, it is difficult
to know how soon it will be replaced by a superior technology.13
Practical insight 10.3: GM crops
Genetic modification techniques have been applied to the development of synthetic
insulin, human growth hormone, a number of vaccines and drugs, and the prevention
of genetic disease, among many others. One of the more controversial applications of
biotechnology has been the creation of plants which are resistant to pests and disease.
This technology could reduce the need for pesticides and potentially bring increased
yields, cost reduction, and security of supply to farmers and the food industry around
the world. For the developed countries the potential benefits include increased
productivity and profitability; for the least developed countries GM crops could help
to create sustainable agriculture and ensure essential food supplies. Inevitably, the
genetic modification of crops raises concerns about the potential dangers of GM crops
‘contaminating’ organic crops, encouraging the spread of increasingly virulent crop
diseases, or causing harm to people, wildlife, and the natural environment. There are
also suspicions about the motives of companies like Monsanto, which dominate the
worldwide supply of GM crops. Whilst GM crops are now well established in the
United States, the public is much more sceptical in Europe.14
Question: In the light of these issues, how would you assess the future development
potential of GM crops?
10.2.2 The process of technological change
A useful way to think about how technological change occurs is to use Joseph
Schumpeter’s terminology of invention, innovation, and diffusion.15 Invention is the
initial idea or discovery, perhaps including a prototype or trial to determine its
feasibility. Innovation involves the commercial development of an invention, often by
a large company rather than the original inventor; the term ‘innovation’ is also
commonly (and confusingly) used to describe the entire process. Diffusion describes
the spread of the innovation to other firms, products, or industries. Each of these
stages is an essential part of the process of technological change and a number of
factors may help or hinder the progress of an idea from one stage to the next. These
factors include the nature of the invention, the level of potential competition, the
availability of finance (risk or venture capital), the degree of legal protection available
(intellectual property rights), the willingness of commercial enterprises to give their
backing to the idea, and the role of government policy. These factors in turn will
depend on the general economic climate and society’s attitude towards risk taking. In
reality, the process may be less linear than suggested by this three-stage approach,
with different aspects of the process overlapping each other, and indeed Schumpeter
saw it as an evolutionary process – an essential part of the ‘creative destruction’ of a
capitalist system, where change is driven by entrepreneurial foresight and the
outcomes of good or bad commercial decisions.
It should not be assumed that all innovation is radically new. In fact, most
innovation involves incremental changes to existing products, services, or processes.
Whilst the first electronic cash dispensing machine might be described as a radical,
fundamental, or macro innovation, the spread of cash machines to shopping centres,
universities, and train stations would be regarded as incremental or micro innovation.
Of course, innovation is not restricted to technology; even a new type of financial
product or a new marketing strategy might be described as an innovation. The
development of technology is often an iterative learning process, where one
innovation is followed by others over a period of time as new discoveries are made
and new applications found. This is frequently the case with the discovery of new
drugs or medical techniques. For example, in 1928 Alexander Fleming discovered the
natural antibiotic properties of penicillin, though it was not until the 1940s, after a
series of further studies and the need to treat war-time casualties, that penicillin was
used to destroy disease-causing bacteria in humans, eventually leading to the
development of other antibiotic drugs. A crucial element in this process is the way in
which different technologies or discoveries interrelate with each other to develop the
full potential of a product or process. This was the case with the discovery of DNA
(see Practical Insight 10.4).
Practical insight 10.4: The discovery of DNA
Francis Crick and James Watson are generally credited with having discovered the
structure of DNA in 1953. Along with Maurice Wilkins, who carried out further
research in this area, they were awarded a Nobel prize for their work in 1962. Watson
and Crick’s discovery, however, was built on the earlier work of a number of
scientists dating back to Gregor Mendel and Friedrich Miescher in the 1860s. Watson
and Crick’s discovery was in fact made possible by examination of X-ray images of
DNA taken by Rosalind Franklin in 1951. Further discoveries were made in the
ensuing years, notably the deciphering of the genetic code by Marshall Nirenberg, Har
Khorana, and Severo Ochoa in the 1960s and DNA cloning by Herbert Boyer and
Stanley Cohen in 1973. These developments provided the foundations for the
biotechnology industry and genetic engineering. The discovery of DNA has led to
numerous applications in many fields.16 One such application is DNA profiling
(previously known as genetic fingerprinting), a technique which was discovered by
Alec Jeffreys in 1984 but was not used in criminal investigations until the 1990s.
Question: Why do you think there is often a time lag between a scientific discovery
and its practical applications?
10.2.3 Path dependence and standardization
Processes of technological change are often path dependent, as are change processes
in the social and natural sciences. Path dependence means that a sequence of events is
shaped in a persistent way by a particular event in the past.17 A classic technological
example of path dependence is provided by the standard railway gauge, where the
distance between the inside edges of many of the world’s railway lines is 1,435 mm
(4ft 8½ in). Although the origins of such an unusual measurement are unclear and a
number of alternative gauges have been used, standard gauge began to emerge when
George Stevenson was building his early public railways in England in the 1820s and
has gradually become the dominant gauge since then. Having a standard gauge is
clearly useful for manufacturers of rolling stock and to facilitate connections between
railways in different regions and countries. Whilst there may be a number of
advantages in having larger or smaller gauges, the cost and disruption caused by the
changeover to a different gauge would be enormous.
Path dependence is not always as long term as the railway example. In some
cases, new technology creates an opportunity for a new standard to be set. This is
illustrated by the development of the standard video format in the 1980s (when VHS
won the format war over the rival Betamax system) and the success of Sony’s Blu-
Ray format over Toshiba’s HD-DVD player in 2008 (see opening scenario to this
chapter). Even over a relatively short period, the advantages of having a single
technical standard generally outweigh the benefits of having a choice between
alternative systems. It should not be assumed, however, that path dependence
necessarily precludes the option of an alternative system or prevents switching
between systems. An example of the former is the persistence of Apple in a market
dominated by Microsoft (mainly because of Apple computers’ specialized uses);
examples of the latter are converters that allow switching between 115V and 220V
electricity supplies or between UK and continental European electric plugs.
The advantages of standardization are reinforced by the concept of lock-in.
Once a particular standard becomes established, consumers and suppliers of
complementary products, such as films in Blu-Ray format, become locked into this
format. Not only are the costs of changing to an alternative format high for producers,
they are also high for consumers. How many of us have collections of old 33 rpm (or
even 78 rpm) vinyl records, cassette tape recordings, or videos we can no longer play
or afford to replace? Similar issues arise when an organization is choosing a new
computer system, which is now typically a networked system used throughout the
organization. Regardless of whether the system turns out to be the most effective, the
initial decision creates lock-in effects which favour continued use of the system even
when the technology is becoming outdated – unless relatively low-cost upgrades are
available. Markets for technological products and services are often characterized by
high fixed (sunk) costs in the form of set-up and switching costs, which help to
reinforce the advantages of standardization, whereas the variable costs of producing
multiple copies of films or software in a standard format are low.
Practical insight 10.5: The QWERTY keyboard
The standard typewriter keyboard has an apparently peculiar arrangement of letters,
often known by the first six letters of the top line of letters ‘QWERTY’. The first
commercially successful typewriters to have this arrangement were produced by the
Remington Company in the 1870s. Little did they know that the arrangement would
become the standard for millions of computers around the English-speaking world, as
well as the system taught on typing and computer courses, explained in typewriting
manuals, and used in a variety of computer programs. Although thought to have been
designed this way to achieve maximum typing speed, the arrangement has been
criticized as inferior to alternative layouts such as the Dvorak keyboard. Whatever its
relative merits, the QWERTY keyboard represents a prime example of path
dependence and lock-in. Given that keyboards are now normally independent
components which can easily be replaced, manufacturers could presumably devise
alternative layouts at relative low cost. From the user’s perspective, however, lock-in
may be a more difficult problem to overcome.18
Question: How difficult do you think it would be to introduce an alternative, more
efficient keyboard layout?
The benefits of standardization also increase where networks are involved.
Examples of technological networks include the internet and worldwide web,
intranets within organizations, fixed telephone systems, and mobile phone networks.
Network effects may also arise where compatibility or interoperability between
hardware and software or between system and application software is required. This is
the case with Microsoft’s dominant Windows operating system, which is discussed in
the context of competition theory in the case study in chapter 9. Microsoft achieved
dominance over its main rival, Apple, in the early 1980s after its deal to supply IBM,
the dominant hardware producer at the time, with its DOS operating system. Although
more difficult to use than Apple’s system at that time, the Microsoft system gradually
became established as the industry standard. This standard became a platform for
Microsoft’s and its competitors’ software, a position which it has largely maintained
to this day. This example illustrates path dependence from the time Microsoft made
its deal with IBM, the lock-in of consumers and competitors because of the need for
compatibility, and the self-reinforcing network effects which are a particular benefit
to users of Windows-compatible programs and files.19 Further discussion of network
effects can be found in section 10.3.3 below. Another example of path dependence
and lock-in which has stood the test of time is the well-known QWERTY keyboard
(see Practical Insight 10.5).
10.2.4 Open-source technologies
Technologies that are developed through a process of public cooperation are known as
open-source technologies. The open-source phenomenon is becoming an important
alternative way of doing business. Perhaps the best known examples are in the form
of open-source software, such as the Linux operating system, Mozilla Fox web
browser (the rebirth of Netscape), Apache, which powers many web servers, and
Sendmail, which handles a large proportion of e-mail traffic. The open-source
approach can also be found in the area of product development, as for example
Collabnet’s coordination of collaborative software projects or, on a smaller scale,
BMW’s invitation to its customers to co-design the ‘telematic’ features of its cars
(safety, phone, tracking devices and other electronic equipment connected to
computerized networks). In principle, open-source technologies are examples of
collective action that can be found in a variety of fields, ranging from open-source online encyclopaedias (such as Wikipedia) to community social projects. In each case,
members of the public contribute their time and expertise voluntarily to the
development of the open-source project, improving and refining it over a period of
time. The open-source nature of the project may then be protected by copyright
restrictions to ensure it remains freely available. Some projects may be more
coordinated, others may operate on a freer basis, but the outcome is always the result
of collective effort.
Open source products and projects are public goods; that is, there is nonrivalry and non-exclusion. The use of open-source software or a community facility
by one individual does not decrease the benefit to other users (non-rivalry) and, once
it is available, everyone can benefit (non-exclusion). Like other public goods, opensource projects may suffer from the free-rider problem, where some potential
contributors shirk and still enjoy the benefits, but they may also achieve significant
positive externalities – benefits to all users, not just to those who contribute towards
the project’s development. Whilst the public benefits are often considerable, it is not
always clear why an individual contributor is motivated to do so. However, if the
collective benefits to all contributors exceed the private costs of their individual
contributions, this may provide sufficient incentive. Other incentives may include the
desire to improve on existing (closed-source) products or the satisfaction of helping to
create something that brings benefits to society.20
10.2.5 The evolution of technology markets
It is by no means certain whether new product development in technology markets is
demand-driven or supply-driven. Is the consumer urging electronics manufacturers to
produce high definition DVD players because of the poor quality of existing DVD
players, or are research and development departments always trying to push forward
the technological boundaries? Research by Paul Geroski suggests that new products
are driven by supply-side technological developments.21 In the early stages of the
development of a new market, there is often competition to create an industry
standard. Over a period of time a dominant standard emerges and competition
gradually brings improvements to the industry standard. As a product approaches
maturity, process improvements often become more important than product
improvements and dominant firms concentrate on trying to reduce their costs.
Product innovation then comes mainly from newer firms or firms outside the
mainstream. This pattern was evident in the 1980s when new personal computer
manufacturers such as Compaq started to challenge IBM in the PC market, despite
IBM-compatibility setting the dominant industry standard at that time.
On the other hand Danny Quah argues that, unless there is sufficient demand
for a new product or new technology, it is unlikely to take off.22 China, he argues, has
been at the forefront of technological development throughout much of its history and
was the world’s most advanced industrial economy in the Middle Ages. However,
according to Quah, for the next three or four hundred years, until recently, China fell
behind Europe and America, largely because its feudal system did not provide the
right demand conditions for the market to take off. Demand drivers may be at work at
various stages of the development process. The internet, for example, was initially
developed to meet the specialized needs of academics and the military, but as the
technology improved it was gradually made available to businesses and the general
public. However, it is unlikely that the internet would have continued to develop as it
did if the public had not been keen to use the new technology.
10.2.6 Incentives and technological change
The system of incentives in a country is likely to have an impact on its technological
development. In general terms, incentives are created by a country’s institutional
structure, including both formal and informal institutions. Perhaps the most important
formal institutions in this context are the rules relating to intellectual property rights.
Without the protection provided by patents, copyrights, licences, and trademarks, the
incentive to innovate is considerably weakened, as the returns needed to justify the
investment will quickly be lost to competitors. On the other hand, an overly protective
patent could give the patent holder monopoly rights for an extended period of time
and slow down potential diffusion. A balance therefore needs to be found between
these two extremes. The commercialization of intellectual property (IP) developed by
universities, research institutes, and new graduates is also becoming an important
issue, leading to the development of science parks and business incubation units. In
addition, informal institutions may be influential in encouraging innovation,
particularly attitudes towards entrepreneurship and the taking of risks, and the
possibility of significant rewards.
Governments and organizations such as the European Union may also play a
role in providing incentives. Governments can intervene by providing tax and other
financial incentives when private financial institutions are reluctant to support new
ventures. Short-term government intervention may help to provide seed capital or a
protective environment for a new venture, but success in the longer term will depend
on the market for the product. Competition provides an important element of the
incentive structure, creating the rewards for success. Indeed, the level of technological
sophistication, both in relation to products and organizational processes, has a key
impact on an organization’s competitiveness both at home at abroad. Research
suggests a significant correlation between the level of technology (measured by R&D
and patents) and international competitiveness as indicated by the trade performance
of a variety of industrial sectors.23 It should be noted, however, that countries with
remarkably different government policies, competitive environments, and institutional
structures, such as the USA and Japan, have been able to achieve significant
technological development in recent years.
10.3 Technology and economic performance
10.3.1 Technology, productivity, and economic growth
There are basically two ways in which an economy can achieve economic growth:
either by increasing inputs such as labour, capital, and raw materials, or by increasing
the productivity of its inputs. Thus, for example, China’s manufacturing industries
along its prosperous eastern seaboard have attracted labour from its northern and
western regions to help maintain their rapidly expanding output. However, whilst an
increase in the quantity of labour may be necessary in the early stages of new
economic development, such a policy is unsustainable in the long term as even
China’s massive human resources are insufficient to sustain the country’s recent rate
of growth. In the longer term, continued economic growth requires higher
productivity: output increasing at a faster rate than inputs. Indeed, increased labour
and other inputs only account for part of China’s recent economic growth. A growth
rate of around 10 per cent per annum since the early 1990s would not have been
possible without considerable productivity growth. Whether China will be able to
sustain this growth rate in the future is a matter of debate; this issue is considered in
Practical Insight 10.6.
Productivity is achieved through improvements in the capacity or quality of
inputs, for example as a result of improvements in education and training or advances
in technology. Whilst improvements in human capital are clearly of vital importance,
technology has played a pivotal role in productivity improvements in many sectors
since the Industrial Revolution. The term productivity is most commonly used to
describe labour productivity, measured by output per worker or per hour worked; note
the important difference between these two measures, as an increase in the number of
hours worked will raise the former but may even reduce the latter. In studies at the
national level, total factor productivity is often used, though because of the difficulty
in measuring the productivity of other inputs such as capital, it is sometimes measured
as the residual – the amount by which an increase in output exceeds an increase in
inputs. Using this method of measurement, however, total factor productivity may not
be fully evident during the early stages of technological innovation, such as in the US
economy when the ICT revolution was accelerating in the early 1990s, or when an
economy is slowing down, as in the US in the early 2000s, despite the continuing
pace of technological change.
Nevertheless, productivity improvements provide a significant element of the
explanation for the long-run superior economic performance of the world’s most
successful economies, whether large or small.24 However, it is important to
distinguish between the many incremental innovations that help to increase
productivity and economic growth on a regular basis and the more fundamental
innovation which occurs at particular points in time. Innovations such as the steam
engine, electricity, or the computer are sometimes described as general-purpose
technology – technology which has a number of applications which are discovered
over a period of time. Countries that have developed an innovative environment are
able to generate continual improvements in productivity through a series of
incremental innovations, whereas fundamental innovation in the form of a new
general purpose technology may initially cause a decline in productivity as resources
are transferred from old technologies to new ones and old industries start to decline
before the new industries have become established. This appears to have been the case
with US labour productivity after the introduction of computer technology in the
1970s, but productivity then began to increase as the new general purpose technology
and its applications came into general use (see Figure 10.3).25
Figure 10.3: US productivity growth in the non-farm business sector, 19472007
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
1947‐73
1973‐79
1979‐90
1990‐95
1995‐2000
2000‐07
Average Annual Change in US Output per Labour Hour (%)
Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics
Practical insight 10.6: When will China overtake the United States?
Table 10.2 indicates that the US economy was roughly twice as big as the Chinese
economy in 2007, valued on a purchasing power parity basis (see section 4.4.1). It
was in fact just over four times as big on an official exchange rate basis though, given
that the Chinese renminbi was almost certainly undervalued, purchasing power parity
probably provides a more reliable indicator. However, the Chinese economy grew
over three times as quickly as the US economy between 1990 and 2006, so at this rate
China is clearly catching up with the United States. Using the following formula, it
can be calculated that it will take China approximately 11 years from 2007 (i.e. 2018)
to become the world’s largest economy.
GDPn = GDP0 (1 + g)n
Where GDPn is GDP in n years, GDP0 is GDP now, and g is the percentage growth
rate expressed as a decimal.
Of course, this calculation assumes that both the Chinese and US economies will
continue to growth at a constant average annual rate. In practice, this will depend on a
number of factors. As the Chinese economy is coming from behind, it has been able
to acquire technology from more developed countries, so most of its productivity
improvements have resulted from technology transfer rather than home-grown
innovation. This will become more difficult as China develops, so for this and other
reasons its growth rate will almost certainly slow down.
Questions: What factors are likely to determine how long it will take for the Chinese
economy to become the world’s largest economy? Why will it take much longer for
China’s GDP per capita to catch up with the United States?
Table 10.2: The Chinese and US economies
GDP ($US trillion)
PPP basis
2007
China
6.99
United States
13.84
Source: CIA WorldFactbook and IMF
GDP per Capita
($US), PPP basis
2007
5,300
45,800
Average Annual
GDP Growth Rate
1990-2006 (%)
9.8
3.0
10.3.2 The role technology in theories of economic growth
A number of attempts have been made to explain why long-run economic growth
occurs and why some economies grow faster than others. However, in recent years
two explanations have dominated the debate. The first body of theory is known as
neoclassical growth theory and is built on the work of Robert Solow.26 Solow argued
that about 80 per cent of US economic growth during the first half of the twentieth
century could be explained by technical progress, with 20 per cent resulting from
increases or improvements in labour and capital. Technical (or technological)
progress should be interpreted loosely to include changes in work practices and
business organization, among other things, as well as technological innovation.
However, neoclassical growth theory regards technological progress as an exogenous
factor, something which is not specifically explained in the theory but which is a
crucial determinant of economic growth. As the capital stock of a country depreciates,
new investment is needed to ensure continued economic growth. The level of
investment required to maintain constant economic growth depends on population
growth and improvements in labour productivity as well as the rate of capital
depreciation.
From the 1980s onwards, Paul Romer27, Robert Lucas28 and others developed
what has become known as new growth theory or endogenous growth theory as a way
of explaining how economic growth occurs. In their model, technological progress is
determined endogenously (within the model) as the outcome of a number of processes
at work in an economy, in particular the level of technological knowledge and quality
of human capital. Within this approach, the focus of attention turns to the way in
which government policy, education, competition, intellectual property rights and
other factors create incentives to generate technological innovation. An important
implication of endogenous growth theory is that, unlike neoclassical theory where
capital depreciation leads to decreasing returns from capital investment, the
conditions leading to endogenous growth may create increasing returns as various
factors interact with each other to create a climate of continual innovation. The
creation of knowledge is a prime example of increasing returns, as even research and
development by private firms creates spin-off benefits for other firms and the
economy as a whole. Clearly, technological progress plays an important role in both
theories, but the concept of increasing returns presents a new way of thinking about
how economies grow – an idea which is used extensively in complexity theory (see
sections 1.2 and 9.3.5).
10.3.3 Network effects and increasing returns
Networks are an important feature of technology markets; examples include
telephones, faxes, the internet and intranets, radio and television, electronic exchanges
such as Ebay, credit cards and electronic banking systems, and software that is
interoperable with operating systems on hardware such as computers, games consoles,
or DVD players. Business and social networks are also common. Network effects are
the benefits to individual users that arise as the number of users increases. Having a
telephone is of little value if no-one else has one, but its usefulness increases
exponentially when there are millions of users around the world. This is an example
of increasing returns, as the returns or benefits to each individual increase as the size
of the network increases. Network effects are sometimes described as network
externalities because prices charged for the use of a network do not necessarily fully
internalize the benefits to all users, as the addition of a new user creates positive
externalities for other users; the benefits to the owner of the network may, however,
be fully internalized.
It should be noted that networks may grow rapidly as they approach a critical
mass of users, but the more profitable connections are likely to be made first, leaving
network growth to slow down as the remaining connections become less profitable.
Whilst increasing returns may continue, their rate of increase is likely to slow down
and returns may even start to decrease if the network’s size leads to inefficiencies or
other negative effects for users. In general, however, networks are likely to generate
positive feedback effects, where the actions of individual users or interactions between
users create benefits for the network as a whole, helping to produce increasing
returns. Network effects, which are particularly important in technology markets, are
therefore likely to reinforce the impact of technology in generating endogenous
growth.
10.4 The knowledge economy
10.4.1 A new economy?
The ten-year upturn in the US economy which occurred throughout the 1990s was
unprecedented both in its duration and in the fact that economic growth accelerated
during the second half of the decade when one would normally have expected a
downturn in the cycle. The most common explanation for this phenomenon was that
the internet, whose use grew more rapidly in the USA than elsewhere, had facilitated
a huge expansion in the ICT sector, which in turn had led to accelerating
improvements in productivity and economic growth. This view was reinforced by the
fact that inflation had remained low despite low unemployment, presumably because
of falling costs and competition, and by the boom in the number of dedicated dot.com
companies and their stock market valuations. The term new economy has been used to
describe these ICT companies, not only the dot.coms (a number of which went out of
business when their share prices collapsed in 2001), but also companies in the
computer, telecommunications, and other branches of the ICT sector. The new
economy seemed to represent the new technology and its superior ability to increase
productivity and add value, as opposed to the ‘old’ economy of traditional
manufacturing whose contribution to economic growth was declining.29
With hindsight, this characterization of the new economy seems out of place,
not only because of the bursting of the dot.com bubble, but because ICT has
increasingly spread to most parts of the developed economies, including many of the
‘traditional’ industries. Perhaps a more useful term to describe the ‘new’ economy
that has grown out of the ICT revolution is the term knowledge economy.
‘Knowledge’ industries encompass not only computing and telecommunications but
also the many manufacturing and services industries which use technological and
other advanced forms of knowledge. Of course, knowledge industries have been in
existence for centuries, but knowledge as a resource, embodied in educated and
skilled workers and technology and other knowledge products, has become
increasingly important in most modern developed and emerging economies. It has
been estimated that knowledge industries, defined as high- and medium-tech
manufacturing, high-tech services, financial services, business and communication
services, health, education, and cultural industries, accounted for 41.4 per cent of total
employment in the EU15 member states in 2005.30
10.4.2 Knowledge as a quasi-public good
If knowledge is fundamental to the process of technological change and the
development of a modern economy, it is worth considering how it differs from more
conventional resources. Most goods that are exchanged in a market economy are
private goods. Private goods are normally both rival and excludable; that is,
consumption of a good by one individual precludes consumption by others (rivalry)
and particular consumers may be prevented from consuming the good if desired
(excludability). This applies to resources such as labour, capital, raw materials, and
manufactured components. Public goods, such as defence or law and order, are nonrival and non-excludable. Knowledge has many of the characteristics of a public good
in that it is always non-rival and partially non-excludable. It may therefore be
described as a quasi-public good. Although new knowledge is often generated by
private individuals or businesses and competitors or customers can be denied access
to it by intellectual property protection or password restrictions, once knowledge
comes into the public domain it is non-rival; no matter how many people ‘consume’
it, each consumer has access to the same knowledge.31
Although the value of knowledge may depreciate if it is not kept up to date,
new knowledge can immediately be shared with any number of users without
necessarily diminishing its usefulness. The production and consumption of knowledge
may therefore give rise to significant increasing returns to society as a whole.
International spill-over effects will also spread the benefits to other countries keen and
able to take advantage of it. Where knowledge is developed through open-source
technologies such as the Linux operating system or the Wikipedia on-line
encyclopaedia, it is intentionally non-excludable and is therefore a pure public good.
However, even when knowledge is partially excludable, its non-rivalry characteristic
makes it significantly different from conventional resources. For this reason, the
knowledge economy may have greater potential to create dynamic endogenous
growth than an economy based on more conventional resources.
10.4.3 Technological innovation and creativity
The story of technological innovation involves the generation of new ideas, designs,
inventions, and discoveries which combine human effort, accumulated knowledge,
and other resources over a period of time. This is a creative process. Creativity is of
course not restricted to technological developments. It can be found in the arts and
also in a wide range of business and social activity. A marketer who finds an
imaginative way to promote a new product or a banker who develops an innovative
financial product may be acting creatively. What is important is that, whilst the use of
existing techniques or technologies in familiar ways may be routine, the continual
adaptation or novel application of ideas and technologies is a creative activity.
Practical insight 10.7: A creative quarter for Middlesbrough?
The author’s university town of Middlesbrough in North-East England has introduced
a number of regeneration initiatives to overturn its legacy of urban decay following
the decline of traditional heavy industries like shipbuilding. One of the more
ambitious initiatives is the DigitalCity project.32 This project is jointly sponsored by
the University of Teesside, Middlesbrough Borough Council, the north-east regional
development agency, One NorthEast, and a number of local business organizations.
The DigitalCity project builds on the existing expertise of the University of Teesside
in media technology and digital animation, and aims to combine this expertise with
new and growing businesses by providing business units with close access to
academic researchers. It will also serve as a vehicle for the commercialization of
academic projects.
Although initially focused on the digital media, the intention is to promote
creativity rather than purely technical expertise. Whilst initial developments involved
the provision of specialist facilities on the university campus, the second phase of the
project involves the establishment of a creative district in a previously run-down area
of the town. This district has been named the ‘BoHo Zone’, aiming to combine
Middlesbrough’s (and its football team’s) nickname, ‘Boro’, with the creative feel of
London’s famous Soho district. The BoHo Zone incorporates a building providing
live-work accommodation for artists, specialists in digital media, and other creative
professionals alongside refurbished historic buildings in the hope of establishing a
supportive environment for creative activity of various kinds.
Question: To what extent do you think a creative community of this kind is viable
and on what factors is its success in regenerating economic activity likely to depend?
Some researchers have argued that creativity, in its wider sense, is an
important driver of local, regional, or even national economic development. Richard
Florida has published extensively on this theme, arguing that the ‘creative class’,
including creative professionals in a variety of fields, helps to stimulate the economic
development of towns and cities and contributes to the economic success of nations.33
Florida uses an index of creativity to indicate a region’s creative and economic
potential. The creativity index includes the ‘creative class’ share of the workforce, the
proportion of high-tech industry, the number of patents per capita, and, more
controversially, the proportion of gay people (the ‘gay index’) as a proxy for the
degree of tolerance and openness. Whilst Florida’s methodology and results have
been criticized, the importance of creativity in technological innovation and economic
development is nevertheless increasingly being recognized. Practical Insight 10.7
provides an example of an industrial town trying to recreate is creative history.
Discussion questions
1. What factors might need to be present to allow a technological adopter country to
become a technological innovator?
2. What factors are likely to influence the progress of an invention from conception to
full commercial development?
3. How important is path dependence in the technological development process?
4. To what extent is a high level of demand necessary to facilitate the development of
technology markets?
5. What is the link between technology, productivity, and economic growth?
6. What is the significance of non-rivalry for the spread of knowledge?
Suggested research topics
1. Select a specific country which can be described as either a technological adopter
or technologically excluded. Identify the changes that would need to occur for the
country to become either a technological innovator or technological adopter
respectively.
2. Choose a specific example of a general purpose technology (or fundamental
innovation) and identify the main influences on its development.
3. With reference to a specific industry, investigate the extent to which knowledge has
become relatively more important than conventional resources in recent years.
Case study: The changing use of the internet
By the end of the 1990s, Microsoft had overtaken Netscape’s early lead in the web
browser market, using the dominant position of its Windows operating system as a
platform to launch its Internet Explorer web browser software. By early 2009,
Microsoft’s Internet Explorer had around 75 per cent of the web browser market, with
Mozilla Firefox (Netscape’s open-source successor) in a distant second place with 18
per cent, Apple Safari (which can also be used on a Windows operating system) in
third place with 4 per cent, and Opera in fourth place with 1 per cent of the market.34
During this period, internet usage increased dramatically and the worldwide
web was increasingly being used as an interactive medium rather than simply to make
information available. Examples of this trend include the use of blogs and podcasts,
the development of social networking websites such as Facebook, Friends Reunited,
or Twitter, and video-sharing websites such as YouTube – developments which have
collectively been described as Web 2.0. The popularity of this type of website has
encouraged a number of businesses to consider ways of using them as a tool for
marketing their products or for making links and sharing ideas with other businesses.
Web 2.0 technologies may prove particularly useful for small businesses, enabling
them to develop support networks with similar or complementary businesses.
Alongside these developments, the internet is increasingly being used to create
web platforms, where applications such as word processing and spreadsheets can be
accessed via a web browser rather than as desk-top software. Microsoft launched a
test version of its hybrid computer platform, Live Mesh, in April 2008, and Firefox
offers its users similar facilities. The ‘browser war’ intensified in September 2008
when Google, better known for its internet search engine, launched its own free web
browser, indicating its intention to challenge Microsoft in the battle for supremacy in
web platform technology. Web platforms provide greater integration between webbased and conventional desk-top operations and allow documents to be stored on
remote servers, enabling users to access files from anywhere via a web browser. This
means there is no need to have particular software on each computer. These
developments are likely to offer the prospect of fully integrated web services over the
next few years.
Although web-based applications are not yet as sophisticated as conventional
software, this may change as competition to provide integrated web platforms
increases. The arrival of Google in the web browser market is also potentially
significant, given Google’s success as an internet search engine. Whether Microsoft
will be able to retain its dominant position in the web browser market remains to be
seen, but if web platforms become the norm, Microsoft’s desk-top software may be
under threat. Computers will still need an operating system, but the choice of
operating system may be less important if users transfer to web-based applications. A
new struggle to achieve the dominant standard will emerge among web platform
providers, though Microsoft may still hold on to its committed MS Office users for
some time to come.
Inevitably, there will be teething problems with the new technology and the
full benefits of web-based applications may not emerge for some time. Security issues
may also increase if everything is carried out online and the need to speed up internet
connections may become a pressing issue. No doubt these concerns will gradually be
resolved over a period of time. Whatever happens, however, business use of the web
for networking and other computer-based activities is likely to increase substantially
in the coming years. What is less certain is the impact these developments will have
on the conduct of business, improvements in productivity, and economic growth.35
Case study questions
1. What potential benefits might social networking websites offer to small businesses?
2. Do you consider web platforms to be a fundamental or incremental innovation?
Explain your answer.
3. Given that the full potential of web platforms is not likely to be achieved for some
time, what does this tell us about the process of innovation?
4. There is considerable uncertainty about the way web platforms will develop. What
are the main reasons for this uncertainty?
5. How are web platforms likely to affect work practices and productivity?
6. What benefits might arise to the web platform provider who achieves a dominant
standard?
7. Are there any incumbent advantages to Microsoft when developing web-based
applications, given the widespread familiarity with its Office software?
8. What are the implications of the increasing use of web-based applications and
social networking websites for our access to knowledge?
Notes and references
1. Financial Times (18th February 2008), ‘Last showing for Toshiba’s DVD format’;
Financial Times (19th February 2008), ‘Betamax memories erased as Blu-ray
triumphs’; CBS News (19th February 2008), ‘Toshiba quits; Sony’s Blu-ray wins
DVD war’; and Financial Times (19th February 2008), ‘Sony wins next-generation
DVD battle’.
2. Main sources: Financial Times (5th January 2008), ‘Breakthrough for Blu-ray as
Warner gives full support’; Financial Times (7th March 2008), ‘Sony and Microsoft
in talks on sharing Blu-ray’; and The Guardian (19th February 2008), ‘Sony's BluRay wins HD DVD battle’.
3. The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines ‘technology’ as ‘the application of
scientific knowledge for practical purposes’.
4. Source: Maddison, A. (2007), Contours of the World Economy, 1-2030AD, Oxford
University Press.
5. See, for example, Lipsey, R. G., Carlaw, K. I., and Bekar, C. T. (2005), Economic
Transformations: General Purpose Technologies and Long Term Economic
Growth, Oxford University Press, p.258: ‘The Industrial Revolution was not a
sudden event that came more or less from out of the blue. Instead, it was the
contingent culmination of evolutionary paths that had been in place for centuries.’
6. Mokyr, J. (2002), The Gifts of Athena: Historical Origins of the Knowledge
Economy, Princeton University Press, chapter 3, pp. 78-118.
7. Mokyr, J. (2002), op. cit., p. 4.
8. Cairncross, F. (2001), The Death of Distance 2.0: How the Communications
revolution is Changing Our Lives, Harvard Business School Press, chapter 2.
9. Friedman, T. L. (2005), The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Globalized World
in the 21st Century, Penguin Allen Lane
10. For a detailed discussion of the employment effects of ICT, see for example
Freeman, R. B. (2002), ‘The Labour Market in the New Information Economy’,
Oxford Review of Economic Policy, vol. 18, no.3, pp. 288-305.
11. Sachs, J. (2000), ‘A new map of the world’, The Economist, 24th June.
12. For a comprehensive history of the Concorde project, see:
http://www.concordesst.com
13. For a discussion of technological uncertainties, see Lipsey, R. G., Carlaw, K. I.,
and Bekar, C. T. (2005), op. cit., pp. 86-87.
14. For a discussion of the pros and cons of GM crops, see for example: UK Cabinet
Office Report (2003), Fieldwork: Weighing up the Costs and Benefits of GM
Crops.
15. Schumpeter, J. A. (1994), Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Routledge, first
published in 1942.
16. A fuller discussion of the discovery of DNA and its applications can be found at
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/sci_tech/2003/dna_at_50/default.stm.
17. A fuller discussion of path dependence can be found in David, P. A. (2007), ‘Path
dependence – A foundational concept for historical social science’, Cliometrica,
The Journal of Historical Economics and Econometric History, vol. 1, no. 2, pp.
91-114.
18. A discussion of path dependence and the lock-in effect in relation to the
QWERTY keyboard can be found in David, P. A. (1985), ‘Clio and the economics
of QWERTY’, American Economic Review, vol. 75, no. 2.
19. Further implications of network effects in the context of technical standardization
can be found in: Gandal, N. (2002), Compatibility, standardization, and network
effects: some policy implications’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, vol. 18,
no.1, pp. 80-91.
20. See Myatt, D. P. and Wallace, C. (2002), ‘Equilibrium selection and public-good
provision: the development of open-source software’, Oxford Review of Economic
Policy, vol. 18, no.4, pp. 446-461.
21. Geroski, P. (2003), The Evolution of New Markets, Oxford University Press.
22. Quah, D. (1999), The Weightless Economy in Economic Development, Centre for
Economic Performance Discussion paper, no. 417.
23. Fagerberg, J. (1996), ‘Technology and competitiveness’, Oxford Review of
Economic Policy, vol. 12, no. 3, pp. 39-51.
24. For a detailed practical discussion of the implications of increased productivity,
see Lewis, W. W. (2004), The Power of Productivity, University of Chicago Press.
25. See Helpman, E. (1998), General Purpose Technologies and Economic Growth,
MIT Press.
26. Solow, R. (1956), ‘A contribution to the theory of economic growth’, Quarterly
Journal of Economics, vol. 70, pp. 65-94.
27. Romer, P. (1986), ‘Increasing returns and long-run growth’, Journal of Political
Economy, vol. 94, pp. 1002-37 and Romer, P. (1990), ‘Endogenous technological
change’, Journal of Political Economy, vol. 98, pp. S71-S102.
28. Lucas, R. E., Jr (1988), ‘On the mechanics of economic development’, Journal of
Monetary Economics, vol. 22, pp. 3-42.
29. For a discussion of the ‘new economy’, see Temple, J. (2002), ‘The assessment:
the new economy’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, vol. 18, no. 3, pp. 241264.
30. Brinkley, I. and Lee, N. (2007), The Knowledge Economy in Europe: A Report
Prepared for the 2007 EU Spring Council, The Work Foundation, Table 1, p. 7.
31. For a discussion of knowledge as a quasi-public good, see Romer, P. (1990),
‘Endogenous technological change’, Journal of Political Economy, vol. 98, pp.
S71-S102.
32. DigitalCity website (http://www.dcbusiness.eu/).
33. Florida, R. (2002), The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Transforming
Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life, Basic Books.
34. the counter.com, Global Browser Statistics, 1st February to 31st March 2009,
www.thecounter.com/stats
35. Main sources: Financial Times (23rd April 2008), ‘Microsoft unveils hybrid
computing platform’; Financial Times (6th August 2008), ‘Web 2.0: The salvation
of SMEs’; Financial Times (1st September 2008), ‘Google launches internet
browser’; Financial Times (4th September 2008), ‘Google admits Chrome designed
to repel Microsoft in browser wars’; and Financial Times (27th January 2009),
‘Business starts to take Web 2.0 seriously’.
Suggestions for further reading
Practical treatment of the impact of technology:
Cairncross, F. (2001), The Death of Distance 2.0: How the Communications
revolution is Changing Our Lives, Harvard Business School Press
Friedman, T. L. (2005), The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Globalized World
in the 21st Century, Penguin Allen Lane
More theoretical approaches to the process of technological development and the
knowledge economy:
Lipsey, R. G., Carlaw, K. I., and Bekar, C. T. (2005), Economic Transformations:
General Purpose Technologies and Long Term Economic Growth, Oxford University
Press
Mokyr, J. (2002), The Gifts of Athena: Historical Origins of the Knowledge
Economy, Princeton University Press
Foray, D. (2004), The Economics of Knowledge, MIT Press
The role of productivity in a modern economy:
Lewis, W. W. (2004), The Power of Productivity, University of Chicago Press.