Download Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives In Marketing Practices[1

Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives in Marketing Practices1
Stephen M. Colarelli
Joseph R. Dettmann
Central Michigan University
RUNNING HEAD: Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
1
Portions of this paper are drawn from Colarelli (2003) and Colarelli, Alampay, and Canali (2002a).
1
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
2
Abstract
Firms spend considerable sums of money on marketing, and they continue to do
so because marketing works. However, marketing can only work if marketers have a
reasonably accurate view of human nature. We argue that many consumer products and
advertisements reflect an accurate view of human nature, a view that is compatible with
the tenets of evolutionary psychology. Implicit theories of human nature that are out of
synch with reality sell few products. We provide an overview of an evolutionary
perspective on marketing and examine connections between marketing practices and
evolved adaptations, including kin selection, prestige seeking, preferences for salt,
sweets, and fat, and savanna-like landscapes. We also examine adaptations that differ by
sex and how they are mirrored in marketing. Finally, we discuss some marketing
practices reflect evolutionary principles of variation.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
3
Although the relationship between academic psychology and marketing has a long
and mutually beneficial history (DiClemente & Hantula, 2000), the practice of marketing
– particularly advertising and product development – suggests a curious paradox. For
most of the 20th century an evolutionary perspective was almost absent in academic
psychology; yet during the same period, many consumer products and appeals used in
advertising reflected an implicit view of human nature similar to that articulated by
evolutionary psychology, which emerged only recently. The purpose of this article is to
draw attention to connections between an evolutionary perspective and marketing
practices. We hope that this will pique scholars’ and professionals’ interest in
evolutionary perspectives, encourage more formal applications of an evolutionary
perspective in marketing, and generate a greater interplay between marketing and an
evolutionary-oriented psychology. Finally, we hope that drawing attention to these
connections may stimulate evolutionary psychologists to look at marketing practices as
sources of data.
Unlike Saad and Gill (2000) who examined explicit, explanatory paradigms used
in the marketing literature and argued that few marketing scholars use an evolutionary
psychological framework, we are concerned with implicit views of human nature, how
they mirror evolutionary psychological thinking, and how marketing practices reflect
these views. We begin by providing a brief overview of an evolutionary perspective on
marketing. We then examine connections between marketing practices and evolved
human adaptations, such as prestige seeking and preferences for sweets, fat, and salt.
Finally, we discuss how some marketing practices reflect evolutionary principles of
variation.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
4
An Evolutionary Perspective
Evolutionary theory views the development of biological and social systems as
occurring through a process of variation, selection, and retention—occurring through a
slow process of small incremental improvements, rather than through a priori design
(Dennett, 1995). It is primarily concerned with "why" and "function" questions. Why do
humans prefer foods that are salty, sweet, and have a high fat content? What are the
possible adaptive functions of those preferences? The primary processes in biological
and social evolution are natural selection and sexual selection.
Darwin formulated three postulates of natural selection (Darwin, 1859), which we
modified slightly so that they are applicable to both biological and cultural evolution.
The first postulate is that without constraints, populations can expand indefinitely;
however, because resources are limited, the carrying capacity of an environment to
support any population is limited. The second is that the units in a population, such as
organisms or social structures, vary; that is, they differ in slight ways from one another.
These variations affect the ability of units to survive and replicate. The third postulate is
that many, but not all, variations are transmitted from generation to generation.
Variations that are associated with successful consequences, regardless of initial
intentions, are usually retained.
Darwin also proposed a theory of sexual selection (Darwin, 1871), although
refinements and implications of it were not developed until over a century later (Cronin,
1991; Miller, 2000). Traits evolve for different reasons under natural or sexual selection.
With natural selection, traits evolve because they are directly related to survival and
reproduction: for example, the osprey’s talons, the rabbit’s running speed, and nurturing
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
5
behaviors that female mammals exhibit towards their young. With sexual selection, traits
evolve because they are attractive to the opposite sex (Cronin, 1991). A classic example
is the peacock’s tail. It does not directly help the peacock survive and reproduce; in fact,
it is an encumbrance when peacocks are escaping from predators. However, a large,
colorful tail is attractive to peahens because it is a sign of health and genetic vigor.
Peahens are, therefore, more likely to mate with peacocks with large, colorful tails.
Sexual selection can also occur in social systems, where the criterion for replicating a
social process or artifact is its capacity to attract members of the opposite sex (Miller,
2000). Sexually selected social practices probably include displays of musical talent,
athletic prowess, poetry, repartee, and sartorial fashion.
The evolutionary perspective in the social sciences contains two broad subperspectives: evolutionary psychology and cultural evolution.
Evolutionary psychology. Evolutionary psychology is a synthesis of modern
psychology and evolutionary biology. It uses the logic of natural selection to examine
human mental processes and behavior. Two assumptions of evolutionary psychology are:
(1) that the human mind is modular, consisting of numerous psychological mechanisms
and (2) that these mechanisms are adaptations. An adaptation is any feature of an
organism that has been important to increasing inclusive fitness, that is, the propagation
of genes into future generations, either directly by mating and caring for offspring or
indirectly by helping kin survive and reproduce (Williams, 1966, 1996). Adaptations
serve a purpose, that is, a function, reflected in special design (Williams, 1966). The
function of wings on most birds is flight. The function of the eye is to enable an
organism to see. The distinguishing features of special design are: functionality,
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
6
reliability, complexity, and good design. Psychological mechanisms are heritable,
content-specific psychological processes that are activated in specific contexts associated
with solving adaptive problems, such as identifying and competing for fertile mates.
They are Darwinian algorithms that allow the mind to process information efficiently in
contexts where doing so has paid off in the currency of survival and reproduction
(Gigerenzer and others, 1999).
Evolutionary psychology is relatively new field; not surprisingly, there is a
healthy debate about the nature and number of psychological mechanisms. It is not
uncommon to see multiple interpretations of psychological studies with an evolutionary
perspective (de Waal, 2002). However, these debates are having the salutary effects of
improving theory and evidentiary standards for identifying psychological mechanisms
(Andrews, Gangestad, & Matthews, in press; de Waal, 2002). Keeping these caveats in
mind, Table 1 provides a provisional list of psychological mechanisms identified with the
evolutionary psychological literature.
_____________________
Insert Table 1 about Here
_____________________
The mind of present-day humans was shaped primarily during 1.2 million years of
the Pleistocene era, when humans lived as hunter-gatherers in Africa. Evolutionary
psychologists refer to this as the environment of evolutionary adaptedness (EEA). The
human mind is, therefore, not necessarily adapted to industrial and post-industrial society.
Moreover, changes in our mental mechanisms occur much slower than changes in
culture. Behavioral patterns that are deeply rooted in evolutionary history cannot be
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
7
quickly altered by cultural or technological change. Psychological mechanisms influence
a range of human behavior, although people are not necessarily conscious them.
Common misconceptions about evolutionary psychology are that it implies that
behavior is “genetically programmed” and that it downplays the role of learning. To the
contrary, a fundamental premise of evolutionary psychology is the interaction between
human nature and the environment. For example, all normally developing humans
acquire language. The developmental regularities of language acquisition across cultures
are evidence that language is an instinct in humans (Pinker & Bloom 1992). However,
the content of language – whether a person speaks French or English – is learned and is a
product of culture. Evolution has shaped the ease with which behaviors are learned, the
parameters of learning, and the contexts in which they are most readily acquired (Geary,
1995). Similarly, many adaptations are facultative—the phenotype varies depending on
environmental conditions to which the organism is exposed (Gaulin & McBurney, 2001).
Cultural Evolution. Cultural evolution is a process whereby social systems and
practices develop from variations and by a process of trial and error, rather than through
deliberate design (Campbell, 1975; Colarelli, 1998). With cultural evolution, acquired
characteristics, such as behaviors and values, are culturally selected and retained (Boyd &
Richerson, 1985; Campbell, 1975). Variations can arise through pure chance, improbable
combinations, imperfect imitation, and errors; they can also occur through guided
evolution (Boyd & Richerson, 1985). Guided evolution is evolution based on
forethought. It is the development and introduction of variations based on estimates that
some of them will produce desired results. Through cultural selection mechanisms (e.g.,
imitation), social systems select variations and (usually) retain those that are functional
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
8
(Colarelli, 1998). The efficiency of a new social practice does not ensure that social
systems will select it and use it. Circumstances must favor its inclusion into a pool of
variations, selection mechanisms must capitalize on it, and conditions must favor its
retention. Social units can “learn” to use a practice that is invalid for its intended purpose
because it produces other functional consequences or is compatible with evolved human
preferences.
The evolution of social practices is often a complex interaction of psychological
mechanisms, ecological conditions, and cultural transmission. An over-simplified model
might look like this: psychological mechanisms influence human decision rules and
preferences these influence the development of traditions and artifacts traditions and
artifacts influence survival and reproduction, which influence rates of cultural
transmission of traditions and artifacts. For example, like many other animals, humans
forage for food and other resources. Given the regularities in foraging behavior among
hunter-gatherers, it is a reasonable hypothesis that psychological mechanisms evolved in
humans that guide foraging behavior (Rajala & Hantula, 2000; Winterhalder & Smith,
1981). As the consumer society developed, new venues emerged for foraging—shopping
areas in cities, malls, and web pages. To some extent, the ancient psychological
mechanisms that guided foraging behavior of our ancestors also influenced the shape of
new foraging ecologies. Those new ecologies that produced beneficial consequences to
human survival and reproduction were more likely to be replicated. This brief example
suggests how the development of cultural artifacts (e.g., shopping centers) and traditions
(shopping) emerged from the interaction among psychological mechanisms, ecological
conditions, culture, and cultural transmission.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
9
Intuitive Evolutionary Thinking in Marketing
Companies spend considerable sums of money on marketing—$320 billion
globally in 2000 (Kloss, 2001). They do so because marketing works. Developing new
products that meet consumers’ needs can substantially improve a firm’s fortunes.
Effective advertising can make the difference between whether consumers ignore a
product or buy it. However, for marketing to work, marketers must base their activities
on a reasonably accurate view of human nature. What model might they be using? The
content of many advertisements and the nature of many consumer products suggest to us
that marketing practitioners are using a model of human nature that is implicitly based on
evolutionary psychology.
Consumption is a bio-social activity (Sherry, 1991). As such, psychological
mechanisms have played an important role in the development of preferences for many
consumer products and marketing practices (Burnham & Phelan, 2000). As the consumer
culture emerged, marketers tapped into psychological mechanisms in developing
products and advertisements. For example, John B. Watson was one of the first
psychologists to recognize the importance of emotional appeals in advertising, and he
used them in his work in advertising at the J. Walter Thompson agency (Buckley, 1982).
Most advertisers, however, probably did not consciously engineer advertisements based
on evolutionary principles; rather, advertising appeals emerged from an interaction of
psychological mechanisms, ecological conditions, cultural factors, and consequences.
Advertisements that appealed to an evolved preference were more likely to produce
effective consequences and be adopted. For example, an ad directed to young males that
features young and attractive females is likely to get their attention and develop a positive
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
10
emotion towards the product. Consumer products and advertisements are likely to tap
into evolved psychological mechanisms when they provide information similar to that
provided in contexts that gave rise to the evolution of a particular psychological
mechanism.
In the following sections we look at how advertising and product development
map onto psychological mechanisms. We dichotomize these mechanisms into those that
are common to both sexes and those that are characteristic of each sex. Whenever
possible, we provide three converging sources of evidence: contemporaneous, historical,
and cross-cultural. If a practice is evident over time and across cultures, then it is more
likely that the practice is based on an evolved psychological mechanism than on an
idiosyncratic feature of culture or history. After drawing connections between marketing
practices and psychological mechanisms, we look at how marketing practices reflect the
evolutionary principle of variation.
Some Adaptations Common to Both Sexes
Some psychological mechanisms, such as the preferences for savanna-like
landscapes or a fear of snakes, are less adaptive to people living in post-industrial
consumer societies than to our ancestors who lived as hunters and gatherers in Africa.
Others, such as kin-based altruism and status seeking, continue to be adaptive. Still
others, such as cravings for fats and sweets, are mismatched to the modern environment
because they lead to over-consumption and attendant health problems in resource-rich
modern environments. Yet most of our psychological mechanisms elicit strong
responses, and these in turn influence our susceptibility to consumer products and
advertising.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
11
Kin selection. One of the most powerful psychological mechanisms is kinselection (Hamilton, 1964). Kin selection is the tendency to behave altruistically to kin,
and increasingly so as relatedness increases. Among group-living species, kin selection
is a fact of life. The biological puzzle of altruism was solved by William D. Hamilton, in
what later become known as Hamilton’s Rule: natural selection will favor individuals
who incur costs to help another when it is in their genetic self-interest. For example,
natural selection will favor individuals to be twice as altruistic to someone who shares
50% of their genes (say, a child or a sibling) than to someone who shares 12.5% of their
genes (a first cousin). Numerous studies have found that genetic relatedness is correlated
with altruistic behavior. People are more likely to bequeath their estates to kin than nonkin (Smith, Kish, & Crawford, 1987). Parents typically invest more resources – such as
food and health care expenses – in genetic offspring than step, adopted, or foster children
(Case, Lin, & McLanahan,1999, 2000; Case & Paxton, 2001). Kin selection probably
influences the purchase of many products that people use to help relatives. These might
include toys, child safety products, insurance products, and financial planning services.
Life insurance is an example par excellence of kin selection. The primary
purpose of life insurance is to financially assist the insured person’s designated
beneficiaries, who are typically spouses, offspring, and other kin. Life insurance,
particularly term life insurance, provides no tangible benefit to the insured person during
her lifetime. Life insurance emerged as a viable consumer product concomitantly with
modernization, as extended families diminished and as people became dependent on
money for survival. In pre-modern and non-industrialized countries, if an adult with
children died prematurely, other family members were expected to take care of the
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
12
surviving spouse and children. For example, in some traditional societies it is customary
that an unmarried brother marry his deceased brother’s widow (Wilson, 1950/1964). Life
insurance is relatively unknown in traditional societies and in developing countries where
extended families and limited geographical mobility are the norm. Ninety-six percent of
all the life insurance sold in 1997 was sold in Europe, North America, and Asia, while
four percent of world sales were in Latin America, Africa, and Oceania (American
Council of Life Insurance, 1999).
Life insurers begin targeting consumers when they have their first baby (Grimm,
2002), and advertising copy for life insurance – directed at a wide variety of ethnic
groups – typically has a strong emphasis on family and providing for one’s offspring
(Barney, 2002; Marketing News, 1986). In 1997, 87% of full-time employees in medium
and large private firms in the US received life insurance as part of their benefits package
(US Dept. of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1997); in 1998, married couples with
children were almost twice as likely to own life insurance as people who were unmarried
(LIMRA, 2000). The connection between life insurance and kin selection is also
apparent in how changing demographics drive new approaches to selling life insurance.
As women become co-breadwinners or sole providers for their offspring, insurance
marketers increasingly target women (Myers, 1996).
Saving and paying for children’s college expenses is another prominent area of
consumer behavior related to kin-selection. In countries such as the United States parents
contribute substantially to children’s college expenses. For most intact families with
children under 18, saving for their children’s college education is their most important
savings goal (DeVaney & Chien, 2002). Parents, along with some help from the students
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
13
themselves, contribute about half of the cost of a child’s college education (Gladieux &
Hauptman, 1995). Over a typical four-year stint in college, parents in the US contribute
about $21,800 for a child attending a public university and $47,300 for a child attending a
private university (Vail, 2002). The financial planning and mutual fund industries offer a
variety of products for parents to help pay for their children’s college expenses. Many of
these are associated with Section 529 of the Internal Revenue code, which gives a tax
break for college savings. All 50 states have some sort of 529 plan (usually an annuity or
savings plan), and parents and relatives have already saved $21 billion in such plans
(Feigenbaum, 2002; Collegesavings.org, 2002). Advertising copy for college savings
plans acknowledges the power of kin selection by appealing to the desire of parents and
relatives to help with children’s education. For example, the ad copy for the Michigan
Educational Savings Program emphasizes that “parents, grandparents, [and]
relatives…may open an account and contribute…on behalf of a beneficiary” (MESP,
2002, p. 1; emphasis added).
Consistent with a kin-selection hypothesis, families with two genetic parents
contribute more towards college expenses of their offspring than do families with step
children. Zvoch (1999) found that step parents began financial planning for college later,
set less money aside for college, and spent less per year on educational expenses than two
genetic parents. Anderson, Kaplan, and Lancaster (1999) found that compared to
stepchildren, genetic offspring of two married parents were more likely to attend college,
more likely to receive money for college, and more likely to receive more money.
Genetic children of current mates received an average of $4,293, while step children of
current mates received an average of $1,828 (in one year in 1990 dollars). Xhosa men in
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
14
South Africa also contribute significantly more money to their genetic children’s
educational expenses than they do towards their stepchildren’s educational expenses
(Anderson, Kaplan, Lam, & Lancaster, 1999). The educational attainment of genetic
offspring is also higher than step, foster, or adopted children (Case, Lin, & McLanahan,
2001).
Status and prestige. Status and prestige have nearly universal appeal among
humans. Status is associated with rank in a hierarchy and greater resource entitlement,
which in turn is associated with greater survival and reproductive advantage (Betzig,
1986; Perusse, 1993). Status can be attained by control of economic resources, political
or military power, legitimate authority, or by having valued skill and knowledge. Prestige
is a particular type of status—the quality of having attained status by skill in a particular
domain (Barkow, 1989; Henrich & Gil-White, 2001; Treiman, 1977). Prestigious
individuals, therefore, are regarded as possessing socially useful skills and knowledge;
they receive deference and entitlements accordingly. Prestige is valued because it is
associated with skills that allow people (both males and females) to compete for resource
acquisition, which it turn enhances their ability to reproduce and care for offspring
(Barkow, 1989). On the other hand, people can attain high status but have relatively low
prestige. In this section we will focus on the connection between prestige and marketing
because prestige is valued and sought by both males and females. Because status – that
is, entitlement to reward based on rank in a hierarchy – is more actively pursued by
males, we examine the connection between status and marketing in a later section where
we look at adaptive differences between males and females.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
15
People acquire skills and knowledge in a variety of ways – books, lectures,
seminars, training programs – but the oldest method has been that of social learning, by
imitating skilled individuals. Long before widespread literacy and commercial
vocational training, people acquired skills by observing and working with master
practitioners (Colarelli, 2003). Even today, one of the most effective methods of
acquiring a skill is for an individual to become a member of a community of practice in
which he or she can observe and work with more skilled individuals (Colarelli, 2003). In
addition to imitating skills, people typically imitate other behaviors of prestigious
individuals (Henrich & Gil-White, 2001). The psychological mechanism that predisposes
people to imitate high-prestige individuals evolved because it helped to solve the adaptive
problem of efficiently identifying and gaining useful skills, values, and beliefs (Henrich
& Gil-White, 2001). Because it may not always be possible to identify precisely which
behaviors contribute to skill acquisition and prestige, it may have been adaptive to err on
the side of excess and copy as many behaviors as possible from prestigious individuals.
Ownership and displays of prestigious consumer goods (i.e., status symbols) are,
to some extent, cultural equivalents of the physical traits that biologists call “honest
signals.” Honest signals are traits that are difficult to fake. Conspecifics (i.e., members
of the same species) use honest signals as evidence of a potential mate’s health,
robustness, and genetic quality (Zahavi, 1975). The male lion’s mane, for example, is
associated with indicators of health, such as lower parasite counts; female lions
preferentially mate with males with full, lustrous manes (Withgott, 2002). Thus, the
display of prestigious consumer goods can be a type of honest signal of mate value. A
man who wears expensive clothes is signaling to potential mates (and male rivals) about
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
16
his resources and skills at acquiring wealth; such men are generally perceived as more
attractive by females (Ellis, 1992). Women displaying prestigious consumer goods are
also sending signals about their resources and expectations for resources. Consumer
goods, however, can be fallible honest signals. A person of reasonably modest means
with access to credit can give the impression of having more status than he actually has
by going into debt or spending all of his discretionary money on status symbols.
The appeal of prestige is widely used in marketing. Mainstays are products that
enhance skills. Self-help books on everything from cooking to romance to management
are staples in the marketplace. More than 1,700 business titles were published in 1996
alone (Chadderdon, 1998). Approximately 102 million cooking and crafts books were
sold in the United States, accounting for over 10 percent of national book sales
(American Booksellers Association, 2002). Books in the “psychology” and “recovery”
categories (e.g., family life, love, sex, marriage, diet, health, exercise, and personal
grooming) accounted for 6.3 percent of US book sales in 1998.
Normally one achieves prestige through years of hard work. Marketers, however,
promote products to create the illusion that consumers can bypass time and effort. They
do this with status symbols—artifacts that signal an individual’s prestige or status.
Marketers use existing status symbols as well as cultivate new ones. Advertisements
coöpt the prestige-imitating mechanism by associating a product with prestige—by
portraying a functional relationship between a product and a skill, by associating a
product with prestige (without a functional relationship), or by cultivating an image that
the product is expensive.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
17
Portraying a functional relationship involves associating the product with
skillfulness in a particular domain. A classic strategy is to portray celebrities, known for
a particular skill, using the product. IBM has an advertising campaign that portrays
celebrity intellectuals using IBM’s laptop computers (Morgan, 2002). Nike ads show
celebrity athletes wearing Nike shoes and clothing. The implicit message is that if the
consumer uses the product she can be more skillful or at least create a first-impression
that she is skillful in a particular domain. Uniliver has successfully used the celebrityassociation strategy for Lux soap for years and in many cultures. Among the female
celebrities that have appeared in ads for Lux are Joan Collins, Jane Fonda, Audrey
Hepburn, Sophia Loren, Elizabeth Taylor, and Raquel Welch (Rijkens, 1992). Lux is
Unilever’s premier international brand, and it is a world leader in sales.
The imitation mechanism can also be coöpted by associating a product with a
prestigious person even though there is no functional relationship between the product
and a skill. This creates an aura of prestige surrounding the product and consumers who
buy it. This can be seen in celebrity endorsement of products unrelated to the celebrity’s
skill, such as a famous opera singer wearing a Rolex watch. Industry observers attribute
the surge in demand for premium cigars to the advertising strategy of associating cigar
smoking with an upscale lifestyle (Frank, 1999). “The link is promoted by magazines
like Cigar Aficionado, whose covers portray cigar-smoking celebrities such as Arnold
Schwarzenegger, Madonna, and Demi Moore” (p. 31). However, cigar makers were
using prestige appeal to sell cigars as early as the 19th century (Jones, 1979). For
example, one advertisement in 1892 for General Arthur Cigars portrays a young woman
dancing in a formal gown, surrounded by men in tuxedos tipping their top hats to her
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
18
(Jones, 1979, p. 58). Prestige appeal is also common cross culturally. A good example is
After Eight chocolate mints. In the 1960’s After Eight sought to internationalize its
product. It used a marketing strategy that appealed to prestige (depicting well-heeled
people marveling over the product), and the campaign apparently worked. The mints
grew in popularity throughout Germany, Holland, Italy, and France (Rijkens, 1992).
Price also signals prestige. Cultivating an image that a product is expensive can
increase prestige appeal. Owning and displaying an expensive product can signal that the
owner has the surplus resources to buy the product and therefore the skills to acquire
substantial resources. Over a century ago the economist Thorstein Veblen (1899/1953)
adumbrated the connection between consumer goods and prestige appeal when he coined
the term conspicuous consumption—the “specialized consumption of goods as an
evidence of pecuniary strength.” (p. 60). He also anticipated the notion that a
psychological mechanism (“a heritage from the past”) may be responsible for
conspicuous consumption (p. 165). Products that are commonly marketed as status
symbols are ornaments that are readily displayed, such as jewelry or watches. A $40
Timex wristwatch keeps time just as well as a $14,000 Patek Philippe, but the Patek
Philippe signals that its owner has resources and (possibly) the skill to acquire resources.
Advertising such status symbols is anything but novel in the realm of marketing. Upscale
watches have been marketed as status symbols for decades (Jones 1979) and this
continues unabated, as a cursory glance through the pages of most upscale periodicals
will attest.
Preferences for sweets, fat, and salt. People across the world share preferences
for sweets, salt, and fat; they share aversions for foods with a bitter, rancid, or putrid taste
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
19
(Rozin, 1976). During the approximately 1.2 million years that humans lived as huntergatherers, people evolved a preference for foods with a high nutritional value (Buss,
1995). Protein, carbohydrates, and minerals are essential for nutrition and health. Foods
high in fat were the most efficient form of calories and often had high concentrations of
protein. Foods that were sweet, such as ripe fruits, generally indicated high levels of
nutrients, especially carbohydrates. A salty flavor indicated high mineral content—
particularly sodium chloride, a mineral that humans cannot live without (Pocock &
Richards, 1999). People who preferred those tastes would be more likely to survive and
reproduce than people who had preferences for bitter and putrid foods, which are
associated with poisons and rotten food. People’s preferences would motivate them to
seek out such foods. However, because they were relatively scarce and difficult to
acquire, people could not consume them to excess. In the modern era, fats, sweets, and
salt are readily available.
These evolved preferences have played a significant role in the development and
advertising of consumer food products. Salt was one of the first commodities and
consumer products. Records show that salt was used in trade and in food preparation by
the Chinese and Egyptians over 4000 years ago, and salt has remained an essential
flavoring and preservative (Kurlansky, 2002). Although people do not experience a
craving for salt, they notice its absence and prefer foods with salt. The modern snack
food industry capitalizes on humans’ need for salt by creating an array of salty snacks—
potato chips, salted nuts, tortilla chips. In 1999, consumers ate 6 billion pounds of salty
snacks, with annual sales reaching $19 billion. Potato chips led the pack with $4.7 billion
in sales (Howell, 2000). Snack foods with a low-salt content do not sell well.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
20
Sweets and fats are also staples of the consumer food market. Consumers in the United
States spend approximately 21.5% of their total food expenditures on oils, fats, sugar,
confectioneries, and soft drinks; while not as high in other countries, expenditures on
these food items still remain a significant portion of total food expenditures (Euromonitor
International, n.d.). One study of television food advertisements directed to children
found that 63% were for foods with high concentrations of fat and/or sugar (Wilson,
Quigley, & Mansoor, 1999). Coca-Cola, first mixed in 1866, is a historical and global
example of the success of a product that has coöpted the human preference for sweets. It
is one of the most (arguably the most) recognized brands in the world. In 1998 CocaCola ranked 8th on the list of global advertisement spenders and was first in product
global presence, being present in 69 countries (Kloss, 2001). People’s preferences for
fat, sweets, and salt also contributed to the growth of fast food restaurants. If people did
not like the taste of greasy hamburgers and salty french fries, these restaurants would
have quickly gone out of business (see, e.g., Kramer, 1997).
The abundance of junk food is taking a toll on human health. In 1999, 60% of
Americans adults were classified as overweight and 27% as obese. Twenty five percent
of American children are overweight and 10% are obese (Economist, 2002). While
sedentary lifestyles and lack of exercise contribute, the excessive consumption of fats and
sweets plays a significant role. One strategy to combat the problem is to reduce the
amount of fat in food or to develop fat substitutes. However, given our evolved
preferences for fats and sweets, such strategies have been ineffective. Consumers do not
like the taste of low fat foods (Hamilton, Knox, Hill, & Parr, 2000); unfortunately,
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
21
finding a fat substitute that tastes like the real thing has proven illusive (Taylor &
Linforth, 1998).
Preferences for savanna-like landscapes. Psychological mechanisms for
landscape preferences evolved because landscapes with certain features were more
conducive to survival and reproduction than others. This why most people still regard
certain types of landscapes and landscape features as more beautiful, and hence, attractive
than others (Kaplan, 1992; Orians & Heerwagen, 1992). This is consistent with
Thornhill’s definition of beauty: “beauty is the moving experience associated with
information processing by aesthetic judgment adaptations when they perceive
information of evolutionarily historical promise of high reproductive success” (1998, p.
557). Most people instinctively find pictures of clear, flowing water more beautiful than
a pool of stagnant water, grassy landscapes with scattered trees and lakes more attractive
than arid, treeless landscapes, and mountains or hills in the distance more attractive than
flat terrain. Clear, flowing water usually has fewer potentially harmful bacteria than
stagnant water; savanna-like landscapes have higher concentrations of resources for landdwelling, omnivorous primates (Orians & Heerwagen, 1992); mountains and hills convey
a sense of mystery and a desire to lean more about a landscape (Kaplan, 1992).
Empirical studies have found that people have strong preferences for such ancestral cues
as “water sources, oasis, flowers, ripe fruits, savanna (open forests that give easy visual
access), growth and leaf patterns of healthy savanna trees, closed forest canopy (shelter),
caves (with easy access to outside landscape), and mountains” (Thornhill, 1998, p. 562).
These evolved preferences are commonly used in advertising. Marketers use
attractive landscapes to evoke positive emotional associations. Landscape features have
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
22
often been used, in our culture and in others, to distinguish among brands and to impart
desirable associations (Gould & Minowa, 1994; Goodrum & Dalrymple, 1990).
Mountains, mystery, and adventure are de rigueur in marketing campaigns for sport
utility vehicles (Messaris, 1997). Landscapes appealing to evolved preferences for
verdant savanna-like landscapes, mountains, water, and flowers are also prominent in
marketing resorts (e.g., Steinauer, 2002; Successful Meetings, 2001). To anyone who has
spent any time in a hotel or resort, it is obvious that landscape features influence the price
of a room. Rooms with a view of mountains or lakes are inevitably more expensive than
rooms with a view of a parking lot.
Interestingly, even products that can be harmful are given a healthy patina
through clever associations with beautiful landscapes. Advertisement for Kool cigarettes
superimpose a pack of Kools over a sparkling river surrounded by lush greens and
wooded patches (Leiss, Kline, & Jhally, 1986, p. 196). Alcoholic beverages, such as
Coors Beer, are frequently marketed in a similar manner, with the product superimposed
over a mountain stream running through a beautiful landscape.
Adaptive Differences Between Males and Females
Men and women differ in some evolved mechanisms. This is due to different
adaptive problems faced by the sexes and to differences in traits favored by sexual
selection (Buss, 1994; Miller, 2000). Because of the physiological and psychological
demands associated with gestation, birth, lactation, and attachment, human females
provide more parental investment in offspring than males (Andersson, 1994). Parental
investment is the effort and resources devoted to an offspring that improves its chances of
survival and that also limit the parent’s ability to invest in other offspring (Trivers, 1972).
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
23
The welfare of children is more dependent on the mother staying alive than the father
(Högberg & Broström, 1985). Therefore, natural selection favored women who were less
prone to risky and aggressive behavior. Although contextual factors (e.g., threats to
offspring) can trigger aggressive behavior in women, women are, on average,
significantly less aggressive, more fearful, and less prone to take risks than men (A.
Campbell, 1999). Women’s greater parental investment also helps to explain why
women are more nurturing and have a greater interest in children than do men (Geary,
1998).
Women are also the primary arbiters in mating relationships (Geary, 1998). Their
greater parental investment motivates women to be more selective in their choice of
short-term and long-term mates. It is in females’ genetic interests to mate selectively
with “high quality” males. Women attend to a larger number of attributes of potential
mates and are more discriminating in their choice of mating partners. Females favor
males with traits associated with resource acquisition, health, good genes, and kindness.
They prefer males who exhibit signs of high social status and wealth (expensive
ornamentation, age) or who have the ability to gain high social status (intelligence, social
dominance, competitiveness, height), are in good health and have good genes (height,
firm musculature, athleticism), and display a temperament compatible with being a good
husband and father (kindness; Ellis, 1992). Recent studies provide evidence of the
reproductive consequences of some of these preferences. Tall males father more children
than shorter males (Pawlowski, Dunbar, & Lipowicz, 2000); women are more attracted to
men with masculine facial features during that part of their monthly cycle when the
probability of conception is highest (Penton-Voak, & others, 1999).
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
24
It is in males’ genetic interests to mate with a wide variety of healthy, fertile
females. Males pay attention to fewer attributes of potential mates than women do,
attending to primarily physical cues related to health and fertility. These include youthful
appearance, a waist to hip ratio of about .70 (fertility and health), smooth skin (youth,
absence of parasites), lustrous hair (youth), full lips (high estrogen level), and a bouncy
gait (youth, energy). When seeking out long-term mates, males are also attentive to traits
that signal that a woman would be a good mother and sexually faithful (Buss, 1994).
Members of each sex engage in intrasexual competition to compete for access to
desirable members of the opposite sex. In most primate species, including humans, malemale competition is more intensive than female-female competition. In male-male
competition, males compete with one another for status, resources, and social dominance.
They do this ultimately to gain access to sexually receptive females (Geary, 1998).
Female-female competition involves competition for high quality males for mating and
marriage partners. Women typically compete with one another for resources by
presenting themselves in ways that are viewed as attractive to men, ways that “mirror the
attributes associated with male choice of mating partners, such as physical attractiveness”
(Geary, 1998, p. 137).
Marketing and Adaptive Differences between Males and Females
Personal advertisements, where people advertise themselves in periodicals and on
the Internet in hopes of attracting a short- or long-term mate, are a particularly revealing
arena to examine the interplay of evolved sex differences and marketing. Males are more
likely to advertise their professional and financial status, while women typically advertise
attributes related to physical beauty (Greenlees & McGrew, 1984); older women are less
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
25
demanding in what they require in a mate, whereas older men are more demanding
(Campos, Otta, & Sequeira, 2002). Height, education, resources, and age of male
advertisers are positively related to the number of responses from females. Age, weight,
and education are negatively related to female hit rates (Pawlowski & Koziel, 2002).
Evolved preferences. Much of traditional marketing mirrors evolved sex
differences. Product development and advertising reflect the constellation of evolved sex
differences grouped under the categories of communal (concern for others, interpersonal
harmony) and agentic (task emphasis, competition) orientations. Women are more
communal and men more agentic (Archer, 1996). Marketing practices reflect females’
greater interest in children and safety. Advertisements for child-care products are much
more evident in publications and programming directed at women (Reda, 1994;
Shermach, 1994). Products related to personal and child safety are also directed more
towards females (Garfield, 1999). One reason that women became a major market for
sport utility vehicles is their ostensible safety features, such as larger size and all-wheel
drive (Scotti, 1998). The sales of romance novels and wedding products reflect women’s
preferences for romantic involvement and committed relationships over short-term sexual
liaisons. Women are the primary consumers of romance novels, which account for
almost 50% of all paperback books sold (Discount Store News, 1996). Harlequin, a
major publisher of romance novels, sold 205 million books in 1992 in 108 countries and
26 languages (Economist, 1993). Magazines, services, and products related to weddings
are almost exclusively aimed at young women (Fine, 2000). There are plenty of
magazines for brides; we are not aware of any for grooms.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
26
The development and marketing of toys is largely gender specific. Girls’ toys
typically reflect females’ greater interest in beauty, infants, and nurturing, while boys’
toys reflect a greater preference for competition, rough and tumble play, and mechanical
objects (Fitzgerald, 1993). Gender specificity with children’s toys has paid off
handsomely. Mattel’s Barbie doll accounted for $1 billion of Mattel’s $1.6 billion in
total sales in 1991 (Brandweek, 1993). Mattel’s “He- Man: Masters of the Universe,” an
aggressive, muscle-man action toy, was one of the most successful boys’ toys ever
introduced (Mandese, 1990). Gender-based toy preferences appear to be due more to
innate propensities than to socialization. Alexander and Hines (2002) found that young
male and female vervet monkeys exhibited gender-typical preferences for toys. Male
monkeys spent more time than females playing with a toy car and females spent more
time playing with a doll.
Women also tend to form closer ties with same-sex friends than men; female
groups are less hierarchical than male groups (Colarelli, Alampay, & Canali, 2002b;
Fisher, 1999). Marketers have taken advantage of intensive, flat female networks by
engaging women to directly sell to their friends. Tupperware parties are a classic
example. Approximately 72% of American women have attended a Tupperware party;
with 34% of American women attending over six. Tupperware parties have also been
successful across cultures. Tupperware has sales consultants in over 100 countries, with
80% of sales occurring overseas (Verburg, 2002). The economic success of women’s
micro-industries financed by the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh is an example of a
consumer services based on the nature of female relationships (Yunus, 1999). Ninetyfive percent of the Grameen Bank’s borrowers are women (Wahid, 1999). The Grameen
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
27
Bank originated in 1976 (and was chartered as a bank in 1983) in Bangladesh to provide
credit without requiring collateral to poor, primarily female, villagers. New borrowers
are required to join a small group of established borrowers. Obtaining a loan is based on
the approval of peers in the group. Default by any individual in the group results in all
group members having their credit line suspended or drastically reduced. The Grameen
Bank is one of the most successful Third World economic development programs to date.
By 1998, it established 1,118 branches, providing service to 38,766 villages. It has 2.3
million borrowers, $2.5 billion in cumulative loans, $185 million in savings, and a 98%
loan collection rate.
One of the strongest evolved preferences among males is the desire for young,
fertile females. The adage “sex sells” is a truism in marketing. Beautiful women have
been used in ads to sell everything from cars to scientific equipment. Using females as
sex objects in advertisements is routine in many countries (Caudle, 1994). It is also an
example of classical conditioning in advertising (cf. Gorn, 1982). Beautiful women are
prominently placed in print ads to attract readers’ attention and are, for heterosexual men,
an unconditioned stimulus. They stimulate a pleasant, sexually arousing response in
sexually mature males. Marketers take advantage of this evolved mechanism by pairing a
beautiful woman (unconditioned stimulus) with a product (conditioned stimulus). The
goal is to evoke the same reaction in males who view the product (conditioned response)
as they exhibit when viewing an attractive female (unconditioned response). That ads
using attractive women routinely appear in even highbrow newspapers attests to the
power of this mechanism. Beautiful females are also a feature of certain products that
appeal to males, particularly literature, visual art, and pornography. Erotica has existed
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
28
throughout history, is found across cultures, and has been a minor staple of literature and
the visual arts (Loth, 1961). The appeal of pornography to males has become particularly
evident with advent of the Internet. The audience of Internet porn sites is approximately
84% male (Weiss, 2001). There are approximately 50,000 porn sites in countries
throughout the world (Gruenwedel, 2000). In 1999, web porn accounted for 70% of the
online paid content market (Kavanagh, 1999). Porn is also a mainstay of the pay-perview cable TV market, accounting for 69 percent of sales (Gruenwedel, 2000).
Same-sex Competition. People engage in same-sex (intrasexual) competition to
make themselves more attractive to the opposite sex than their competitors. A central
arena of female-female competition is physical attractiveness. This helps to account for
the appeal of cosmetics to women and for the success of the cosmetics industry: the
function of cosmetics is to enhance physical beauty. Women are the primary consumers
of cosmetics; men account for only 7% of the market share (www.cosmeticmarket.com,
1996). Cosmetic advertisements date back (at least in America) to the 1750s (Goodrum
& Dalrymple, 1990). Newspaper ads portrayed attractive women using a variety of
cosmetics, such as soaps, make-up, and hair products. Although advertisements have
changed to reflect the times, their core themes have remained constant: slowing the aging
process, beautifying one’s hair, and enhancing a body part. Many cosmetics ads portray
attractive women as young and fertile. An ad for Palmolive soap, appearing in 1928, is
illustrative. It depicts a young female holding a bouquet of flowers and reads: “He
remembered that schoolgirl complexion. Youth is charm, and youth lost is charm lost, as
every woman instinctively realizes” (Goodrum & Dalrymple, 1990, p. 130).
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
29
Much of male-male competition involves competition over status, resources, and
reputation (Buss, 1994, 1999). Not surprisingly, marketers have used this to their
advantage. Young males in the US gain status and reputation primarily through athletic
prowess (Coleman, 1965). Sports magazines, which illustrate male-male competition and
promise improvement of readers’ competitive abilities, have huge circulations
(www.magazine.org, 2002). Nearly all universities in the US spend proportionately more
on male than female sporting programs (www.chronicle.com, 2002). For many
universities, money spent on male teams more than doubles that which is spent on female
sporting teams. As males age, male-male competition centers more on work and money
than athletics. Not surprisingly, the readership of the major management and finance
periodicals – Fortune, Forbes, and Business Week – is primarily male (Corazza, 1984).
Two of the best-selling men’s magazines, Playboy and Sports Illustrated, appeal
to men’s interest in beautiful young women and male-male competition. Sports
Illustrated and Playboy were ranked 16th and 17th, respectively, in average annual
circulation in 2001 (www.magazine.org, 2002). The two best-selling women’s
magazines (ranked sixth and seventh) were Better Homes and Gardens and Family
Circle, which feature articles on home, children, food, and relationships. Men’s Health, a
hybrid men’s magazine that features articles on relationships, food, as well as male-male
competition ranked only 44th. Products that assume no or little sex differences in
sexuality and competitive orientation often fail in the marketplace. The magazine, Sports
Illustrated Women, a female-oriented version of Sports Illustrated featuring articles on
female athletic competition and adventure sports, printed its last issue in December 2002,
after only two years on the market (Colford, 2002). Playgirl, a female version of
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
30
Playboy, featuring sexually explicit pictures of men, had to revamp its content and format
to resemble more traditional women’s magazines to stay viable (Calvacca, 1998).
Variation and Selection
Evolution by natural selection occurs through small incremental changes, and
variation is a critical element in this process (Colarelli, 2003; Dawkins, 1986). Small
variations – mutations, imperfect imitations, mistakes, and new ideas – are the stuff from
which new biological and cultural adaptations evolve. Of the many variations a system is
exposed to, only a few survive, at least for a while. Sufficient variation helps a system
cope with uncertain futures by improving the probability that some variations will enable
the system to adapt to unpredictable changes in the environment.
Systems typically develop structures that maintain requisite – neither too much
nor too little – variation (Colarelli, 2000; Williams, 1996). Sexual reproduction and
incest avoidance are classic examples of biological and psychological mechanisms that
perpetuate genetic variation; assortative mating (mating with partners who share similar
characteristics) helps to keep variation in check. Imperfect imitation, travel, and
immigration are examples of social processes that perpetuate cultural variation; habit,
custom, and norms are social processes that limit cultural variation.
A good deal of variation, however, is genetic and cultural noise (Tooby &
Cosmides, 1990). Variation tends to manifest itself more frequently on relatively
unimportant traits, such as eye or hair color. Most of these surface variations have little
relevance to survival and adaptation. On the other hand, there is less variation in traits
that are adaptive—almost all humans have two eyes and opposable thumbs. Adaptations
vary less because, over the long term, they are important to survival and reproduction.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
31
Variation and Marketing
Evolutionary conceptions of variation are relevant to marketing in at least two
ways: (1) change and adaptation and (2) appealing to individuals. Variation in consumer
products and advertising helps to insure that useful products and advertisements will be
available to meet changing trends in consumer demand. Variation helps to meet the
needs of individual consumers. Although humans share many adaptations, they also
differ (Medawar, 1981). For example, even though most people enjoy eating sweets,
they vary in their preferences for particular flavors. Some people prefer grape jam;
others prefer strawberry.
Continual variation is the lifeblood of the popular cultural marketplace. Fads and
fashions come and go with amazing regularity in popular culture. New talent is the
lifeblood of the rock and roll industry. Most new bands never make it, but a few do
(Hire, 1986). Variation is a better strategy in the music industry than betting that one
particular band will take off. Introducing variation and establishing mechanisms for
nurturing variation are also important in large, mainstream corporations. Variationcreating strategies include hiring out-of-the-box thinkers, providing architectural and
social structures that facilitate interaction among different groups of employees, and
allowing employees freedom to develop ideas and products (Leifer, McDermott,
Colarelli-O’Connor, Peters, Rice, & Veryzer, 2000). Variation in advertising also helps
to keep old products current. Classic Coca-Cola varied little since its conception;
however, the marketing of Coca-Cola has been characterized by continual variation in
advertising strategies (Goodrum & Dalrymple, 1990).
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
32
Variation is useful in market research. A fundamental notion in evolutionary
theory is that predictions about the future are problematic. The large number of
variables, interactions, and environmental contingencies inherent in biological and social
systems preclude precise prediction (Colarelli, 2003). Thus, traditional marketing
research has a spotty record of predicting what consumers will buy (Zangwill, 1992,
1993). Some marketers, however, use research strategies that are driven by variation, a
type of guided evolution. Rather than trying to predict what consumers want through
extensive consumer surveys and focus groups, they introduce variations of a product into
the market and wait to see what consumers choose. Based on the feedback from sales,
firms learn what consumers really want, and then they revise their products accordingly.
Variations are selected by consequences rather than by predictions. Zangwill (1992)
describes how some of the most successful consumer product companies use this
approach. Sony, Sanyo, Seiko, and Citizen often develop a platform of a product from
which several variations can be easily produced. They then put several (sometimes
hundreds) of variations on the market and see which ones sell best. Sony introduced over
160 models of its Walkman into the market to discover which ones consumers preferred.
Many marketers are aware of the importance of understanding individual
consumer needs (Lee & Johnson, 1999), and recent technological innovations in
manufacturing and communications have allowed mass marketing to achieve a more
personalized feel. Major companies that could not meet individual consumer needs can
now do so. At a number of companies, building customization of and variation in
products is not only a marketing strategy but also an organizational philosophy. Dell
Computer’s mission statement states that Dell is committed to “meeting customer
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
33
expectations of flexible customization capability” (www.dell.com, 2002). General
Motors (GM) also integrates marketing and manufacturing to allow customers to
personalize products. In fact, GM was a pioneer in personalizing products on a mass
scale. It was one of the first automobile manufacturers to give customers a choice in the
color and style of automobiles (Chandler, 1964). GM’s use of variation and selection by
consequences was a marked contrast to Ford’s strategy of standardization. GM’s
responsiveness to customer preferences was one reason why GM surpassed Ford in
market share. Today, GM has a feature on its web site allowing consumers to “build your
own vehicle” from the ground up (www.gmc.com, 2002). The consumer can choose
from hundreds of variations, including, color, seat cover type, equipment accessories, and
engine size.
Conclusions
The applied social sciences exist in two worlds. One is applied research and the
other is practice. Sometimes these two worlds are in agreement about social
interventions; often they are not. The applied research world frequently criticizes the
world of practice—for ignoring its recommendations, for failing to use the latest research
findings, and for relying on common sense and rules of thumb. The idea that a practice
proved its mettle by withstanding the test of time is usually an anathema to applied
researchers. Yet, it often turns out that the world of practice was right and the world of
applied research was wrong (Lindblom, & Cohen, 1979). For example, industrial
psychologists criticized human resource practitioners for using the employment
interview, arguing that their research showed that the employment interview was
ineffective in predicting job performance. After a half a century of criticism, studies now
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
34
suggest that the interview is actually a good predictor of job performance (McDaniel,
Whetzel, Schmidt, & Mauer, 1994) and that it serves other useful functions (Adams,
Elacqua, & Colarelli, 1994; Colarelli 1996). It is possible that marketing practitioners
have a more veridical conception of human nature than marketing researchers.
Practitioners appear to use an intuitive evolutionary perspective in developing marketing
practices, and advertisements and consumer products that tap into evolved psychological
mechanisms seem to have a robust appeal to consumers.
An implication of the evolutionary perspective for marketing research is reverse
engineering of successful practices. Marketers may profit by studying products and ad
campaigns that have been successful over the years and across cultures and by using them
as templates. A second implication is explicitly incorporating evolved psychological
mechanisms into product development and marketing. Some people may want little boys
to be less competitive or they may want people to eat less fat and fewer sweets. But who
is going to have more success in the marketplace, firms that appeal to young males’
propensity to behave competitively with one another or those that appeal to males as
nurturers, firms sell sweet snacks with a high fat content or those that sell low fat and
non-sweetened snacks? However, in a complex world in which individuals and cultures
are in some ways unique, making precise predictions about the effects of interventions is
a risky business. Therefore, a third implication of the evolutionary perspective for
marketing is to embrace variation and uncertainty, working with them rather than trying
to engineer them out. This includes individualizing products and advertising, introducing
multiple prototypes, and emphasizing quick-response production.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
35
Successful marketing appeals to human nature, which is a mixed bag. People can
be compassionate, generous, and coöperative; humans are frequently altruistic, moral,
and restrained. And marketers develop products and provide information about products
that appeal to the noble side of our nature, for example, college savings plans,
environmentally friendly products, and services to care for the poor and elderly. Yet,
people can also behave aggressively; they can be selfish and vindictive; people’s desires
can spin out of control into gluttony and hedonism; they are not above deceiving others
when it is to their advantage. Marketers are often criticized for selling products that
appeal to people’s baser side, such as pornography, junk food, status symbols, and
products that harm the environment. A recurring problem in, and criticism of, marketing
is deception in advertising. While difficult to condone, deception will probably be a
staple of advertising because, as Dawkins (1976/1989) reminds us, deceit is an inherent
attribute of animal (including human) communication.
Given the realities of human nature and the criteria by which the success of
marketing efforts are judged (i.e., sales), appeals to our baser side will remain a staple of
marketing practices. Unfortunately, this may become increasingly problematic because
of the mismatch between our evolved nature and the nature of modern society. It is now
relatively easy to design and sell products that hijack our evolved mechanisms and induce
people to over-consume and consume harmful products. A better understanding of
human nature is certainly a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for mitigating harmful
excesses. It is also necessary that markets remain free and competitive. The conflict of
competing interests and ideas is perhaps the most effective restraint on unbridled excess.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
36
References
Alexander, G. M., & Hines, M. (2002). Sex differences in response to children’s
toys in nonhuman primates (Cercopithecus aethiops sabaeus). Evolution and Human
Behavior, 23, 467-479.
Adams, G.A., Elacqua, T.C., & Colarelli, S.M. (1994). The employment
interview as a sociometric selection technique. Journal of Group Psychotherapy,
Psychodrama & Sociometry,47, 99-113.
American Booksellers Association (2002). Retrieved October 20, 2002, from the
World Wide Web: http://www.bookweb.org/research/stats/387.html
American Council of Life Insurance. (1999). ACLI life insurance fact book 1999.
Washington, DC: American Council of Life Insurance.
Anderson, K G., Kaplan, H., Lam, D, & Lancaster, J. (1999). Paternal care by
genetic fathers and stepfathers II: Reports by Xhosa high school students. Evolution and
Human Behavior, 20, 433-451.
Anderson, K G., Kaplan, H., & Lancaster, J. (1999). Paternal care by genetic
fathers and stepfathers I: Reports from Albuquerque men. Evolution and Human
Behavior, 20, 404-431.
Andersson, M. (1994). Sexual selection. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press.
Andrews, P. W., Gangestad, S. W., & Matthews, D. (in press). Adaptationsim—
How to carry out an exaptationist program. Behavioral and Brain Sciences.
www.bbsonline.org/Preprints/Andrews/
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
37
Archer, J. (1996). Sex differences in social behavior: Are the social role and
evolutionary explanations compatible? American Psychologist, 51, 909-917.
Barkow, J. H. (1989). Darwin, sex, and status: Biological approaches to mind
and culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Barney, L. (2002, September 30). New York Life Insurance Launches $43M
Campaign. Mutual Fund Market News. Retrieved October 8, 2002, from http://0web.lexis-nexis.com.catalog.lib.cmich.edu/universe/form/academic/s_indnews.html
Betzig, L. L. (1986). Despotism and differential reproduction: A Darwinian view
of history. Hawthorne, NY: Aldine.
Boyd, R., & Richerson, P J. (1985). Culture and the evolutionary process.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Brandweek. (1993, February 8). Mattel’s Barbie’s got a new billion-dollar figure,
32.
Buckley, K. W. (1982). The selling of a psychologist: John Broadus Watson and
the application of behavioral techniques to advertising. Journal of the History of the
Behavioral Sciences, 18, 207-221.
Burnham, T., & Phelan, J. (2000). Mean genes. Cambridge, MA: Perseus.
Buss, D. M. (1994). The evolution of desire. New York. Basic Books.
Buss, D. M. (1995). Evolutionary psychology: A new paradigm for psychological
science. Psychological Inquiry, 6, 1-30.
Buss, D. M. (1999). Evolutionary psychology: The new science of the mind.
Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
38
Calvacca, L. (1998, February 1). Service, with a smile. Folio: The Magazine for
Magazine Management, 27, 27-28.
Campbell, A. (1999). Staying alive: Evolution, culture, and women’s intrasexual
aggression. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 22, 203-252.
Campbell, D. T. (1975). On the conflicts between biological and social evolution
and between psychology and moral tradition. American Psychologist, 30, 1103-1126.
Campos, L. S., Otta, & Sequeira, J O. (2002). Sex differences in mate selection
strategies: Content analyses and responses to personal advertisements in Brazil.
Evolution and Human Behavior, 23, 395-406.
Case, A., Lin, I., & McLanahan, S. (1999). Household resource allocation in
stepfamilies: Darwin reflects on the plight of Cinderella. American Economic Review
Papers and Proceedings, 234-238
Case, A., Lin, I., & McLanahan, S. (2000). How hungry is the selfish gene?
Economic Journal, 110, 781-804.
Case, A., Lin, I., & McLanahan, S. (2001). Educational attainment of siblings in
stepfamilies. Evolution and Human Behavior, 22, 269-289.
Case, A., & Paxson, C. (2001). Mothers and others: who invests in children’s
health? Journal of Health Economics, 20, 301-328.
Caudle, F. M. (1994). National boundaries in magazine advertising: Perspectives
on Verbal and nonverbal communication. In B. G. Englis (Ed.), Global and
multinational advertising (pp. 117-140). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
39
Chadderdon, L. (1998, September). Blurb buddies. Fast Company, 20, 54.
Retrieved May 25, 2001, from the World Wide Web: http//www.fastcompany.com/
online/20/cdu.html.
Chandler, A. D. (Ed.) (1964). Giant enterprise: Ford, General Motors, and the
automobile industry. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
Colarelli, S. M. (1996). Establishment and job context influences on the use of
hiring practices. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 45, 153-176.
Colarelli, S. M. (1998). Psychological interventions in organizations: An
evolutionary perspective. American Psychologist, 53, 1044-1056.
Colarelli, S. M. (2000). Evolution, the criterion problem, and complexity.
Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 23, 151-152.
Colarelli, S. M., Alampay, M. R., & Canali, K. G. (2002a). Letters of
recommendation: An evolutionary perspective. Human Relations, 55, 315-344.
Colarelli, S. M., & Alampay, M. R., & Canali, K. G. (2002b). Sex composition
and influence in small groups: An evolutionary perspective and review of the literature.
Manuscript submitted for publication.
Colarelli, S. M. (2003). No best way: An evolutionary perspective on human
resource management. Greenwich, CT: Praeger.
Coleman, J. S. (1965). Adolescents and the schools. New York: Basic Books.
Colford, P. D. (2002, October 17). Time Inc. to pull plug on Sports Illustrated
Women Magazine. Daily News (NY).
Collegesavings.org. (2002). All states offer Section 529 state college savings
plans. www.collegesavings.org/All50.htm.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
40
Corazza, K. (1984). Small Business Boom Boon to Publishers. Advertising Age,
70, 48-49.
Cosmetic Market (2002). Retrieved October 15, 2002, from the World Wide Web:
http://www.cosmeticmarket.com
Cosmides, L. (1989). The logic of social exchange: Has natural selection shaped
how humans reason? Cognition, 31, 187-276.
Cronin, H. (1991). The ant and the peacock: Altruism and sexual selection from
Darwin to today. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Darwin, C. (1859). On the origin of species. London: Murray.
Darwin, C. (1871). The descent of man and selection in relation to sex. London:
Murray.
Dawkins, R. (1976/1989). The selfish gene (rev. ed). New York: Oxford
University Press.
Dawkins, R. (1986). The blind watchmaker. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Dell Computers. Retrieved September 20, 2002, from the World Wide Web:
http://www.dell.com
Dennett, D. C. (1995). Darwin’s dangerous idea: Evolution and the meanings of
life. New York: Touchstone.
DeVaney, S. A., Chien, Y. (2002). Children’s education as the most important
savings goal. Journal of Family and Consumer Sciences, 94, 64-70.
de Waal, F. B. M. (2002). Evolutionary psychology: The wheat and the chaff.
Current Directions in Psychological Science, 11,187-191.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
41
DiClemente, D. F., & Hantula, D. A. (2000, April). John Broadus Watson, I-O
psychologist. The Industrial and Organizational Psychologist.
http://www.siop.org/tip/backissues/TipApril00/7Diclemente.htm
Discount Store News. (1996, May 20). What’s hot in books, 31.
Economist. (1993, June 5). Her passion embraced a new adventure, 70.
Economist. (2002, August 31). United States: Come on in; The great food
debate, 35.
Ellis, B. J. (1992). The evolution of sexual attraction: Evaluative mechanisms in
women. In J. H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby (Eds.), The adapted mind (pp. 267288). London: Oxford University Press.
Euromonitor International. World marketing and data statistics (for Central
Michigan University). Retrieved October 9, 2002, from World Wide Web:
http://0-www.euromonitor.com.catalog.lib.cmich.edu/womdas/
Feigenbaum, A. (2002, Oct.). Wheeling and redealing. Bloomberg Wealth
Manager, 43-46.
Fine, J. (2000, August 21). Online bridal arena heats up. Advertising Age, 71, 36,
46.
Fisher, H. (1999). The first sex. New York: Random House.
Fitzgerald, K. (1993, February 8). Toyland’s elusive goal – win over both sexes.
Advertising Age, 64, S2, S18.
Frank, R. H. (1999). Luxury fever: Why money fails to satisfy in an era of excess.
New York: The Free Press.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
42
Garfield, B. (1999, July 5). So cute, but someone please save the baby.
Advertising Age, 70, 29.
Gaulin, S J., & McBurney, D. H. (2001). Psychology: An evolutionary
approach. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Geary, D. C. (1995). Reflections of evolution and culture in children’s cognition:
implications for development and instruction. American Psychologist, 50, 24-37.
Geary, D. C. (1998). Male/female. Washington, D.C. American Psychological
Association Press.
General Motors Corporation. Retrieved September 05, 2002, from the World
Wide Web: www.gmc.com
Gigerenzer, G., Todd, P. M., & The ABC Research Group (1999). Simple
heuristics that make us smart. New York: Oxford University Press.
Gladieux, L. E., & Hauptman, A. M. (1995). The college aid quandary: Access,
quality, and the federal role. Washington, DC/New York: The Brookings Institution/The
College Board.
Goodrum, C., & Dalrymple, H. (1990). Advertising in America. New York: Harry
N. Abrams, Inc.
Gorn, G. J. (1982). The effects of music in advertising on choice behavior: A
classical conditioning approach. Journal of Marketing, 46, 94-101.
Gould, S. J., & Minowa, Y. (1994). Are They Saying the same Thing? An
Exploratory Study of Japanese and American Automobile Advertising. In B. G. Englis
(Ed.), Global and multinational advertising (pp. 193-204). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
43
Greenlees, I. A., & McGrew, W. C. (1994). Sex and age differences in
preferences and tactics of mate attraction: Analysis of published advertisements.
Ethology and Sociobiology, 15, 59-72.
Grimm, M. (2002). Insurance gets hip. American Demographics, 24, 48-49.
Gruenwedel, E. (2000, October 30). Tricks of the trade. Adweek, 41, IQ48-IQ54.
Hamilton, J., Knox, B., Hill, D., & Parr, H. (2000). Reduced fat products –
Consumer perceptions and preferences. British Food Journal, 102, 494-506.
Hamilton, W. D. (1964). The general evolution of social behavior. I and II.
Journal of Theoretical Biology, 7, 1-52.
Henrich, J., & Gil-White, F.J. (2001). The evolution of prestige: Freely conferred
deference as a mechanism for enhancing the benefits of cultural transmission. Evolution
and Human Behavior, 22, 165-196.
Hire, P. (1986). Playing for record Sales. Marketing, 11, 59-62.
Högberg, U., & Bronström, G. (1985). The demography of maternal mortality—
Seven Swedish parishes in the 19th century. International Journal of Gynecology and
Obstetrics, 23, 489-407.
Howell, D. (2000, Oct. 2). Snack food resurgence puts Kabash on health trend.
Retailing Today, 48-50.
Jones, E. R. (1979). Those Were The Good Old Days. New York: Simon and
Schuster Publishing.
Kaplan, S. (1992). Environmental preference in a knowledge-seeking, knowledgeusing organism. In J. H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J.Tooby (Eds.), The adapted mind
(pp. 581-598). New York: Oxford University Press.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
44
Kavanagh, M. (1999, May 27). Porn will continue to dominate web revenue.
Marketing Week, 22, 43.
Kloss, I. (2001). Advertising Worldwide. Heidelberg, Germany: Springer-Verlag.
Kramer, L. (1997, January 6). Nation’s Restaurant News, 1-79.
Kurlansky, M. (2002). Salt: A world history. New York: Walker and Company.
Lee, M., & Johnson, C. (1999). Principles of Advertising A Global Perspective.
Binghamton, NY: The Hartworth Press.
Leifer, R., McDermott, C. M., Colarelli-O’Connor, G., Peters, L. S., Rice, M., P.
& Veryzer, R. W. (2000). Radical innovation. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School
Press.
Leiss, W., Kline, S., & Jhally, S. (1986). Social communication in advertising:
Persons, products, and images of well-being. New York, NY: Methuen Publications.
LIMRA (2000). Trends in U. S. household life insurance ownership: The
changing mix in coverage. Hartford, CT: Author.
Lindblom, C. E., & Cohen, D. K. (1979). Usable knowledge. New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press.
Loth, D. (1961). The erotic in literature. New York: Julian Messner.
Magazines.org. Retrieved October 31, 2002, from the World Wide Web:
http://www.magazines.org.
Mandese, J. (1990, March). The marketing successes of 1989 – Toys: Playing
favorites. Marketing & Media Decisions, 25, 75-79.
Marketing News. (1986, April 11). Asian Americans targeted by insurance firm,
24.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
45
McDaniel, M. A., Whetzel, D. L., Schmidt, F. L., & Mauer, S. D. (1994). The
validity of employment interviews: A comprehensive review and meta-analysis. Journal
of Applied Psychology, 79, 599-616.
Medawar, P. B. (1981). The uniqueness of the individual (2nd ed.). New York:
Dover.
Messaris, P. (1997). Visual persuasion: The role of images in advertising.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Michigan Education Savings Plan. Retrieved October 22, 2002 form the World
Wide Web: www.misaves,com.
Miller, G. F. (2000). The mating mind: How sexual choice shaped the evolution
of human nature. New York: Doubleday.
Morgan, R. (2002, August 9). The ultimate PC professor? Chronicle of Higher
Education, A6.
Myers, G. (1996, January). She works without a net. American Demographics, 18,
18.
Orians, G. H., & Heerwagen, J. H. (1992). Evolved responses to landscapes. In J.
H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby (Eds.), The adapted mind (pp. 555-580). New
York: Oxford University Press.
Pawlowski, B., Dunbar, R. I. M., & Lipowicz, A. (2000). Tall men have more
reproductive success. Nature, 403, 156.
Pawlowski, B., & Koziel, S. (2002). The impact of traits offered in personal
advertisements on response rates. Evolution and Human Behavior, 23, 139-149.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
46
Penton-Voak, I. S., and others. (1999). Menstrual cycle alters face preference.
Nature, 399, 741-742.
Perusse, D. (1993). Cultural and reproductive success in industrial societies:
Testing the relationship at proximate and ultimate levels. Behavioral and Brain Sciences,
16, 267-322.
Pinker, S. (2002). The blank slate: The modern denial of human nature. New
York: Viking.
Pinker, S., & Bloom, P. (1992). Natural language and natural selection. In J. H.
Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby (Eds.), The adapted mind (pp. 451-493). London:
Oxford University Press.
Pocock, G., & Richards, C. (1999). Human physiology: The basis of medicine.
Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press Inc.
Rajala, A. K., & Hantula, D. A. (2000). Towards a behavioral ecology of
consumption: Delay-reduction effects on foraging in a simulated Internet mall.
Managerial and Decision Economics, 21, 145-158.
Reda, S. (1994). Big stores and little kids. Stores, 76, 22-24.
Rijkens, R. (1992). European Advertising Strategies. London: Cassell.
Rozin, P. (1976). Psychological and cultural determinants of food choice. In T.
Silverstone (Eds.), Appetite and food intake (pp. 286-312). Berlin: Dahlem Konferezen.
Saad, G., & Gill, R. (2000). Applications of evolutionary psychology in
marketing. Psychology & Marketing, 17, 1005-10035.
Scotti, E. (1998, March 16). Born to be mild, or Wild? Brandweek, 39, 22-23.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
47
Sherry, J. F., Jr. (1991). Postmodern alternatives: The interpretative turn in
consumer research. In T. S. Robertson and H. H. Kassarjian (Eds.), Handbook of
consumer behavior (pp. 548-591). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Shermach, K. (1994, October 10). Reassure parents the product’s good for baby.
Marketing New, 28, 1, 6.
Smith, M., Kish, B., & Crawford, C. (1987). Inheritance of wealth as human kin
investment. Ethology & Sociobiology, 8, 171-182.
Steinauer, J. (2002). Castles in the sky. Incentive, 176 (5), 22-23.
Successful Meetings. (2001, May 17). Away from the madding crowd, 10-17
Taylor, A. J., & Linforth, R. S. T. (1998). Understanding flavor release: The key
to better food flavor? Nutrition and Food Science, 4, 202-206.
Thornhill, R. (1998). Darwinian aesthetics. In C. Crawford and D. L. Krebs
(Eds). Handbook of evolutionary psychology: Ideas, issues, and applications (pp. 543572). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Tooby, J., & Cosmides, L. (1990). On the universality of human natures and the
uniqueness of the individual: The role of genetics and adaptation. Journal of Personality,
58, 17-67.
Trieman, D. J. (1977). Occupational prestige in comparative perspective. New
York: Academic Press.
Trivers, R. L. (1972). Parental investment and sexual selection. In B. Campbell
(Ed.), Sexual selection and the descent of man 1871-1971 (pp. 136-179). Chicago:
Aldine.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
48
United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. (1997). Percent
of Full-Time Employees Participating in Selected Employee Benefit Programs, Medium
And large Private Establishments 1997 – Table 1. Retrieved October 2, 2002, from
http://www.bls.gov/news.release/ebs3.toc.htm
Vail, K. (2002). Higher costs put higher ed out of reach. American School Board
Journal, 189, 20-21.
Veblen, T. (1899/1953). The theory of the leisure class. New York. Mentor.
Verburg, P. (2002, March 18). Party time! Canadian Business, 27.
Wahid, A. (1999, September-October). The Grameen Bank and women in
Bangladesh, Challenge, 94-101.
Weiss, M. (2001). Online America. American Demographics, 23, 53-60.
Williams, G. C. (1966). Adaptation and natural selection: A critique of some
current evolutionary thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Williams, G. C. (1996). Plan and purpose in nature. London: Weidenfeld &
Nicolson.
Wilson, M. (1950/1964). Nyakyusa kinship. In A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and D.
Forde (Eds.), African systems of kinship and marriage (pp. 111-139). London: Oxford
University Press.
Wilson, N., Quigley, R., & Mansoor, O. (1999). Food ads on TV: A health hazard
for children? Australian & New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 23, 647-650.
Winterhalder, B., & Smith, E. A. (1981). Hunter-gatherer foraging strategies.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
Withgott, J. (2002). Cool cats lose out in the mane event. Science, 297, 12551256.
Yunus, M. (1999, November). The Grameen Bank. Scientific American, 114119.
Zahavi, A. (1975). Mate selection—A selection for a handicap. Journal of
Theoretical Biology, 53, 205-214.
Zangwill, W. I. (1993, March 8). When customer research is a lousy idea. Wall
Street Journal, A10.
Zangwill, W. I. (1992). Lightning Strategies for Innovation. New York:
Lexington Books
Zvoch, K. (1999). Family type and investment in education: A comparison of
genetic and stepparent families. Evolution and Human Behavior, 20, 453-464.
49
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
50
Table 1
Evolved Psychological Mechanisms Identified in Evolutionary Psychology
____________________________________________________________________
Psychological Mechanism
Functions
Author(s)
__________________________________________________________________________________
Altruism towards kin
Increase inclusive fitness
Hamilton (1964)
Prestige seeking and imitating
high-prestige individuals
Resource acquisition and
efficiently identifying useful
skills, values, and beliefs
Help ensure sufficient resources
in uncertain environments
Barkow (1989), Henrich
and Gil-White, 2001
Preference for foods rich in fats
and sugar
Increase caloric intake
Rozin (1976)
Enjoy the taste of salt
Maintain sufficient sodium
chloride in the body
Alcock, (1993) Palmer
and Palmer (2002)
Fear of snakes
Landscape preferences for
savanna-like environments
Avoid poison
Motivate individuals to
select habitats that provide
resources and offer protection
Marks (1987)
Kaplan (1992)
Orians and Heerwagen
(1992)
Female mate preference for
Economic resources
Provisioning for children
Buss (1989)
Male mate preferences for
youth, attractiveness, and
waist-to-hip ratio
Select mates of high fertility
Buss (1989)
Singh (1993)
Superior female spatial-location
Memory
Increase success at foraging/
Gathering
Silverman and Eals
(1992)
Male sexual jealousy
Increase paternity certainty
Symons (1979)
Natural language
Communication/manipulation
Pinker and Bloom
(1992)
Detection of cheaters
Prevent being exploited in
social contracts
Cosmides (1989)
Male desire for sexual variety
Motivate access to more
sexual partners
Symons (1979)
Preference for risk to avoid loss
Adapted from Buss (1995)
Kahneman and Tversky,
(1981); Moore (1996)
Intuitive Evolutionary Perspectives
Author Note
We would like to thank Jeff Connor and Derek Gager for their invaluable
bibliographic assistance in the preparation or this article. Address correspondence to
Stephen M. Colarelli, Department of Psychology, Central Michigan University, Mt.
Pleasant, MI 48859; electronic mail can be sent to: [email protected].
51