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c y UND2R-8[V2LOP~:.':'::':"2- IN HOUSING The argu~ent paper recent of t~is History a:' NaLr obi. a process and integration zas occured Hence such secto.:rs of the and any so-called dual ist model so-called market. destruction lot of the with the Frank and Cardoso for housing the in urran areas. associated w i, th ~gels. we shall -iscuss because two respective of analysis of what; put Finally of the above process as Turner at political related scale forward best has suggested. w i.t.h this their mirrors a by such authors that w i t.hout and economic first structures expounded by and from which I wish to and penetration. work will vIe as Colin implies limited fields of t.vro recent Then oui be used to define shall then apply development.s cozpan i.es in Mathar-e Valley Finall~r we' s1'_a11offer an schemes have had the my analysis are from this .i s ma i nLy zi critique. from demolition America and more specifically ho.rsInq economies. in the' case n arneLy 'ol:sing schemes. ideas a of unde r deve Loprne n t; together dr aw on con co rn ir:g thi s "articulation" some theoretical e f fe ct s , a to one of conflict, such process A position the penetration following settlements themselves social! prevailing Firstly and tenants Impr oveaent s and reform i:~t t.his reader of owne r s h i p , soc i.a L and service to Kenya! s imi.La r reforms a Ll.ow the as a Mutual Reciprocity . developmen·t Latin to of define unevenness of development Leys in relation em understanding In many ways on a small ar qumerrts on of these a change from a complementarity and most importantly results. a the in illegal site market. having e f fe ct; of institutionalising comittant to concentration of areas to upgrade unforeseen crucial later perie t r a t Lor; articulation" that an 1.ncreasing suggest that II in the While I reject T would maintain degree of security also exists. the is that in no ways "marginal" start bet...-een landlords and finally are the and landlordism, of interests inability is sous.Lnq market stratification I will no longer of -"rat I shall Economy (I,1RE) market is is Low -co s t, housing To sum.rnarize at argument; low-cost greater "dualism" in many ways it I f ol Lo w the of the housing suggest of "capitalist" fro the dual economies that the housing to I wish to some policy and site ideas this method in Nairobi I and service in the sumraa ry Before conti~uing National 2 - to show my two housing Capitalist and Hutual economies, Reciprocity tion it will be usef u I to look at related t articulation I bet.wee n the two respective housing market may be seen. The main namely Economy work so that the economies threads in opera- (r.1RE) within the of this argument come from a variety of sources, mainly interconnected, under-development sector, u rban antropology, the experience marxist theory, the informal of rural economies urban analysis at t.h.i.s stage it may Housing market conflicting is typified and t~ant Essentially all 0= as its title economy that typifies occurred before as a particular that the Capitalist and improvement areas. competition and tenants; and located capitalib~rs and wh.i.Lea interests within to this pene- and the resultant 1 economies. 1900 in Kenya some ideas historical world economies peripheral Relevant some suggests. political manifestation as cause and effect~ with and complimentary upon theory, mainly and integration of third this hadn£t vation kinship French to say that a Capitalist landlord this is based of under-developFent together by profit maximising, by co--peration, of landlord tration suffice Lnt.e rest s between MR Economy theory of urban renewal However hybrid in the third world, urban sociology and marxist N. American namely For example and colonialism is seen of such integration both integration Mode of Production is the obser- (M.O.P.) interacts in a dialectical way with other MOP either basically destroying them or con servInq them. 3 Bettelheim labels these t.wo processes as dissolution and consolidation McGee uses in relation to third {shanty tOT,vT1Sconsolidation f respectively, world system is not being replaced rigorous capital~ operating relations~4 tl:ereverse w i.t h.i.n -the low-cost - I will maintain housing the an swer to wh i.chwill surely economy.S It is however worth is a dialectical is the dominant is also occuring process, in by more and hopefully in Nairobi.' Whether case is an open question, lie in a n a t i.on's wider political reiterating that this thus I would maintain proce ss but would not dispute \.::thint.he housing market. fact that a MRE iSD like other pre-capitalist z: that is the main process market is a special which i.e. that the and destroyed that dissolution this is universal or Nairobi suggesting is the key process, economic show precisely cities a method that that r Related integration tdissolutiont consolidation I to this is the MOP on a wider scale, - not a Lwa y s sin:-:Tdestroyed penetration. For example income ze La t Lon s or the HE Economy even 'createdt ditional but can be modified Br cral as a defence Y and Gerry note comm~~i~ structures 6 in stability. In a similar If we reject in the d~amics similar casual veirrwe may see the connections the conventional loyalties between and instead this for Nairobi, model interest used our- (In some ways this is and Sit.uational chang~). 7 settlements it would appear tha·t 'moral' or at least regulate that these pressures may effectively has noted structures. I think we can see that a to Clyde ~·1itchell ~ s Historical may restrict landlords from the develop- and kinship betweet.class and tribe exists. restraints workers structural-functionalist of chfu~ge etc, On the one hand 1.'1 recent such penetration. such modi fied forms of tra- in Anthropology eL.?hasizing stability dialectic may be strengthened against to cushion ment of capitalisR with tribal selves by capitalis:. I;:-.-"=-ed in some in stance s they may be transformed into capitalist or indeed 3 - them, and 8 income. Bujrmv redistribute or at least Pumwani and and this phencmenon has also been observed in the Barriada settlements of 9 peru. Yet on the other hand tribal allegiances may be used to politically encourage Patron and economically stratification. relationships clientele strengthen This may occur within a tribe, for business ventures for the leadership. an elite J¢rgensen thus creating and providing the Luo union was led by successful internal erid s ,11 However f uncti.on (even ideology support busine ssmen who used tribalism of tribalism} when t.hrea'cenedfrom differe ce s are pushed in Nairobi political the fact that most Housing were from the same tribe.10 In Kampala sticks toge.ther pEIticularly an economic notes shareho_Oers in Nairobi legitimation and thus by the use of Client- company it for t.hej r own economic position aside. also has a that a outside Hake on tribal f tribe r and associations reoorts that "The tribal societies role in have certainly inding together an urban played society might hase po l.a rLse d much more radically ~ h aves an~- Have-nats .12 a significant that otherwise between the II Kinship as well c:: tribal structures are also important in offering -:":.:._.:: __ ---=---':""-_-.--_- -O::= __'--~~ __ 4 --'-~ important openings for jobs and houses resources the as \~ll as providing migrant) s~i.t; ua t.i~on. 13 I new security I However Ngugi, therefore the Kenyan being very scarce for the individual in a heterogenous novelist (especially and fluid accurately explodes a one-tribe one interest myth. "When they came back they were angry •.•.. For to us what did it matter Mercedez Benz? the Merredes They were family: another tribe: Similarly another at the micro-level a all of one tribe: whether the coast or from Kisumu. who drive they came from One family. We were family.14 tribal prejudices are reduced by the necessity of living together and by facing the same economic conditions.1S Anthropological work on the Copper Belt of Za~bia comes to the general tribalism" conclusion that "trade unionism although I would maintain I in generall confuse this with detribalization.. This "urbanism" of industrialization any necessary f unct.Lon of and consequent down tribal loyalties. economy it. also encourages We can now suggest on tribal (ideological) encourage setting relations and bourgeoisie of the capitalist fractional disputes so to do, t.ogether with a Yet on the ot.her and at a and polarization creating weakening tribal It should be clear from the above that the relationship tribalism, "cornmunLt.Les ' and previous development of Ca italisffiis a co~plex involving both the de struction tion of previous and/or systems, depending and seen in Zambia structures, of with the development role of tribalism. stratification than seem to break being the easiest hand the cap i t al.Ls t; system as we have emergent proletariat seem to me, that tribalism relationship lines, client-patron increases cause of the development would On the one hand the rewards usually mobilised micro-level Here industrialization and its competitiveness legitimation as a prime and an industrial "urb an Lsm t .16 ethnic links is in a dialectical of capitalism. (urban anthropologists "de t rLba Lf.z at.Lonr is it would more a result capitalism they transcends di~lectical strengthening upon,the t-l0P an 17 loyalties. of kinship with the process and preserva- particular historical " situation. the I Lt. is aucial 'articulati~nS 5 - to be aware of this of our two housing when we discuss systems (i.e. there is no LnevLtab Lk i.t.y" as such} • At a smaller and its scale I think work on the relations momentI shall an elusive i.e. its to the 'formal not attempt task so-called sector' is a definition to the state, sector The~me economy appears tl:. I would like some extent the 5nformal econmy is the occupational Craft is occurred. i.e. training Originally low-income rnrr~ tends at the useful, these removEG#albeit skills for the the informal Thus if destroying PolytechniCS the its to move up a namely as a "bot.t.om" of the social and subsequent change in name Here an increasing and of of Village skills not polytechnics has were i.ntended to be of use reduce individual the drift to to e l.ec+r-on i.cs , a probably highly idea thereis succes s destroying no longer any need for needn ~t be of any concern to us, that its 'informalnes t.hei.r original this is the s' . role case. is at debateable4 Similarly Roberts ~uggests that of .resu LtInq Iow profit formal sector lNOul:: take. ment of specific a market, Lnf orruaL economy may run the margins and insecurity ~=crducts and markets. t.echnIqne or product will the This may take able concern in '-:- informal sector wi.th my hence leaving C.T.C. now teaches through }Ps/CTCsvery Obviously if risks that a tendancy certifi.cat.es logic sector' of skill s to be ploughed back into rural c-evelopment.18 The Lesson is that tb.is has appropriate least w i t.h communities and thus from the original occurred informal towards evolution. fqr Ho~~:rlAazeras Gkill far this for those intended in. the the cities. is and income levels, a goodexample of this as previously I potential see to replace suggest Centres in Kenya as almost formalization, local it The experience of the Village implies about it, or future could be said to have most potential, Training sector, to be self-destructing. successful sitructures source of income etc, system. to base and become formalized void where it For the informal In many ways the is a defini tiona! nroblem to which I shall sector' instructive. of the formal often hinge on its: definition. own informal informal j~~eed, because what can be suggested relation MREconomy. I the the e Lt.hesmove in with investment ~.~ its the form of the The suggestion has proven sector, that viability formal itself develop- is that as a profit- or large-scale or once 'take over'