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c
y
UND2R-8[V2LOP~:.':'::':"2- IN
HOUSING
The argu~ent
paper
recent
of t~is
History
a:' NaLr obi. a process
and integration
zas occured
Hence such secto.:rs of the
and any so-called
dual ist
model
so-called
market.
destruction
lot
of the
with the
Frank and Cardoso for
housing
the
in urran areas.
associated
w i, th ~gels.
we shall
-iscuss
because
two respective
of analysis
of what;
put
Finally
of the
above process
as Turner
at
political
related
scale
forward
best
has suggested.
w i.t.h
this
their
mirrors
a
by such authors
that
w i t.hout
and economic
first
structures
expounded by and
from which I wish to
and penetration.
work will
vIe
as
Colin
implies
limited
fields
of t.vro recent
Then
oui
be used to define
shall
then
apply
development.s
cozpan i.es in Mathar-e Valley
Finall~r we' s1'_a11offer
an
schemes have had the
my analysis
are
from this
.i s ma i nLy zi critique.
from demolition
America and more specifically
ho.rsInq economies.
in the' case
n arneLy 'ol:sing
schemes.
ideas
a
of unde r deve Loprne n t; together
dr aw on con co rn ir:g thi s "articulation"
some theoretical
e f fe ct s , a
to one of conflict,
such process
A position
the
penetration
following
settlements
themselves
social!
prevailing
Firstly
and tenants
Impr oveaent s and reform
i:~t
t.his
reader
of owne r s h i p , soc i.a L
and service
to Kenya!
s imi.La r reforms
a Ll.ow the
as a Mutual Reciprocity
.
developmen·t
Latin
to
of
define
unevenness of development
Leys in relation
em understanding
In many ways on a small
ar qumerrts on
of these
a change from a complementarity
and most importantly
results.
a
the
in illegal
site
market.
having
e f fe ct; of institutionalising
comittant
to
concentration
of areas to upgrade
unforeseen
crucial
later
perie t r a t Lor;
articulation"
that
an 1.ncreasing
suggest that
II
in the
While I reject
T would maintain
degree of security
also
exists.
the
is
that
in no ways "marginal"
start
bet...-een landlords
and finally
are
the
and landlordism,
of interests
inability
is
sous.Lnq market
stratification
I will
no longer
of -"rat I shall
Economy (I,1RE)
market
is
is
Low -co s t, housing
To sum.rnarize at
argument;
low-cost
greater
"dualism"
in many ways it
I
f ol Lo w the
of the
housing
suggest
of "capitalist"
fro the
dual economies that
the housing
to
I wish to
some policy
and site
ideas
this
method
in Nairobi
I
and service
in the
sumraa
ry
Before
conti~uing
National
2 -
to show my two housing
Capitalist and Hutual
economies,
Reciprocity
tion it will be usef u I to look at related
t
articulation
I
bet.wee
n the two respective
housing market may be seen.
The main
namely
Economy
work
so that the
economies
threads
in opera-
(r.1RE)
within
the
of this argument
come from a variety of sources, mainly
interconnected,
under-development
sector, u rban antropology,
the experience
marxist
theory, the informal
of rural economies
urban analysis
at t.h.i.s
stage it may
Housing
market
conflicting
is typified
and t~ant
Essentially
all
0=
as its title
economy that typifies
occurred before
as a particular
that the Capitalist
and improvement
areas.
competition
and tenants;
and located
capitalib~rs
and
wh.i.Lea
interests
within
to this
pene-
and the resultant
1
economies.
1900 in Kenya
some ideas
historical
world economies
peripheral
Relevant
some
suggests.
political manifestation
as cause and effect~
with
and complimentary
upon
theory, mainly
and integration of third
this hadn£t
vation
kinship
French
to say that a Capitalist
landlord
this is based
of under-developFent
together
by profit maximising,
by co--peration,
of landlord
tration
suffice
Lnt.e
rest s between
MR Economy
theory
of urban renewal
However
hybrid
in the third world,
urban sociology and marxist
N. American
namely
For example
and colonialism
is seen
of such integration
both
integration
Mode of Production
is the obser-
(M.O.P.)
interacts
in a dialectical
way with other MOP either basically destroying
them or con servInq them. 3 Bettelheim labels these t.wo processes
as dissolution
and consolidation
McGee uses in relation to third
{shanty tOT,vT1Sconsolidation
f
respectively,
world
system is not being replaced
rigorous
capital~
operating
relations~4
tl:ereverse
w i.t h.i.n
-the low-cost
-
I will maintain
housing
the an swer to wh i.chwill surely
economy.S
It is however worth
is a dialectical
is the dominant
is also occuring
process,
in
by more
and hopefully
in Nairobi.'
Whether
case is an open question,
lie in a n a t i.on's wider political
reiterating
that this
thus I would maintain
proce ss but would not dispute
\.::thint.he housing
market.
fact that a MRE iSD like other pre-capitalist
z:
that
is the main process
market
is a special
which
i.e. that the
and destroyed
that dissolution
this is universal or Nairobi
suggesting
is the key process,
economic
show precisely
cities
a method
that
that
r
Related
integration
tdissolutiont
consolidation
I
to this is the
MOP on a wider
scale,
-
not a Lwa y s sin:-:Tdestroyed
penetration.
For example
income
ze La t Lon s or the HE Economy
even 'createdt
ditional
but can be modified
Br cral
as a defence
Y and Gerry
note
comm~~i~
structures
6
in stability.
In a similar
If we reject
in the d~amics
similar
casual
veirrwe may see the connections
the conventional
loyalties
between
and instead
this for Nairobi,
model
interest
used
our-
(In some ways this is
and Sit.uational chang~). 7
settlements
it would
appear
tha·t 'moral'
or at least regulate
that these pressures may effectively
has noted
structures.
I think we can see that a
to Clyde ~·1itchell
~ s Historical
may restrict landlords
from
the develop-
and kinship
betweet.class and tribe exists.
restraints
workers
structural-functionalist
of chfu~ge etc,
On the one hand 1.'1 recent
such penetration.
such modi fied forms of tra-
in Anthropology eL.?hasizing stability
dialectic
may be strengthened
against
to cushion
ment of capitalisR with tribal
selves
by capitalis:.
I;:-.-"=-ed
in some in stance s they may be transformed
into capitalist
or indeed
3 -
them, and
8
income.
Bujrmv
redistribute
or at least Pumwani
and and this
phencmenon has also been observed in the Barriada settlements of
9
peru.
Yet on the other hand tribal allegiances may be used to
politically
encourage
Patron
and economically
stratification.
relationships
clientele
strengthen
This may occur
within
a tribe,
for business ventures
for the leadership.
an elite
J¢rgensen
thus
creating
and providing
the Luo union was led by successful
internal
erid s ,11
However
f uncti.on (even ideology
support
busine ssmen who used
tribalism
of tribalism}
when t.hrea'cenedfrom
differe ce s are pushed
in Nairobi
political
the fact that most Housing
were from the same tribe.10
In
Kampala
sticks toge.ther pEIticularly
an economic
notes
shareho_Oers in Nairobi
legitimation
and thus
by the use of Client-
company
it for t.hej r own economic
position
aside.
also has a
that a
outside
Hake on tribal
f
tribe
r
and
associations
reoorts that
"The tribal societies
role in
have certainly
inding together
an urban
played
society
might hase po l.a rLse d much more radically
~
h aves an~- Have-nats
.12
a significant
that otherwise
between
the
II
Kinship
as well
c::
tribal
structures
are also important
in offering
-:":.:._.::
__
---=---':""-_-.--_-
-O::=
__'--~~
__
4
--'-~
important openings for jobs and houses
resources
the
as \~ll as providing
migrant)
s~i.t;
ua t.i~on. 13
I
new
security
I
However Ngugi,
therefore
the Kenyan
being very scarce
for the individual
in a heterogenous
novelist
(especially
and fluid
accurately
explodes
a one-tribe
one interest myth.
"When they came back they were angry •.•..
For to us what did it matter
Mercedez
Benz?
the Merredes
They were
family:
another tribe:
Similarly
another
at the micro-level
a
all of one tribe:
whether
the coast or from Kisumu.
who drive
they came from
One family.
We were
family.14
tribal
prejudices
are reduced
by the
necessity
of living together and by facing the same economic
conditions.1S Anthropological
work on the Copper Belt of Za~bia
comes to the general
tribalism"
conclusion
that "trade unionism
although I would maintain
I
in generall
confuse this with
detribalization..
This
"urbanism"
of industrialization
any necessary
f unct.Lon of
and consequent
down tribal
loyalties.
economy
it. also encourages
We can now suggest
on tribal
(ideological)
encourage
setting
relations
and bourgeoisie
of the capitalist
fractional
disputes
so to do,
t.ogether with a
Yet on the ot.her
and at a
and polarization
creating
weakening
tribal
It should be clear from the above that the relationship
tribalism,
"cornmunLt.Les ' and previous
development
of Ca italisffiis a co~plex
involving both the de struction
tion of previous
and/or
systems, depending
and
seen in Zambia
structures,
of
with the development
role of tribalism.
stratification
than
seem to break
being the easiest
hand the cap i t al.Ls
t; system as we have
emergent proletariat
seem to me,
that tribalism
relationship
lines,
client-patron
increases
cause of
the development
would
On the one hand the rewards
usually mobilised
micro-level
Here
industrialization
and its competitiveness
legitimation
as a prime
and an industrial
"urb an Lsm t .16
ethnic links is in a dialectical
of capitalism.
(urban anthropologists
"de t rLba Lf.z at.Lonr is it would
more a result
capitalism
they
transcends
di~lectical
strengthening
upon,the
t-l0P
an
17
loyalties.
of kinship
with the
process
and preserva-
particular
historical
"
situation.
the
I
Lt. is aucial
'articulati~nS
5 -
to be aware of this
of our two housing
when we discuss
systems
(i.e.
there
is
no
LnevLtab Lk i.t.y" as such} •
At a smaller
and its
scale I think work on the
relations
momentI shall
an elusive
i.e.
its
to the
'formal
not attempt
task
so-called
sector'
is
a definition
to the state,
sector
The~me
economy appears
tl:.
I would like
some extent
the 5nformal econmy is
the occupational
Craft
is
occurred.
i.e.
training
Originally
low-income rnrr~
tends
at the
useful,
these
removEG#albeit
skills
for
the
the
informal
Thus if
destroying
PolytechniCS
the
its
to move up
a
namely as a
"bot.t.om" of the
social
and subsequent
change in name
Here an increasing
and of
of Village
skills
not
polytechnics
has
were i.ntended
to be of use
reduce
individual
the
drift
to
to
e l.ec+r-on i.cs , a
probably
highly
idea
thereis
succes s destroying
no longer
any need for
needn ~t be of any concern to us,
that
its
'informalnes
t.hei.r original
this
is
the
s' .
role
case. is
at
debateable4
Similarly
Roberts ~uggests that
of .resu LtInq Iow profit
formal sector
lNOul:: take.
ment of specific
a market,
Lnf orruaL economy may run the
margins
and insecurity
~=crducts and markets.
t.echnIqne or product
will
the
This may take
able concern in '-:- informal
sector
wi.th my
hence leaving
C.T.C. now teaches
through }Ps/CTCsvery
Obviously if
risks
that
a tendancy
certifi.cat.es
logic
sector'
of skill s to be ploughed back into
rural c-evelopment.18 The Lesson is that tb.is has
appropriate
least
w i t.h
communities and thus
from the original
occurred
informal
towards
evolution.
fqr
Ho~~:rlAazeras
Gkill far
this
for those
intended in. the
the cities.
is
and income levels,
a goodexample of this
as previously
I
potential
see to replace
suggest
Centres in Kenya as almost
formalization,
local
it
The experience of the Village
implies
about it,
or future
could be said to have most potential,
Training
sector,
to be self-destructing.
successful
sitructures
source of income etc,
system.
to
base and become formalized
void where it
For the
informal
In many ways the
is a defini tiona! nroblem to which I shall
sector'
instructive.
of the
formal
often hinge on its: definition.
own informal
informal
j~~eed, because what can be suggested
relation
MREconomy.
I
the
the
e Lt.hesmove in with investment
~.~
its
the
form of the
The suggestion
has proven
sector,
that
viability
formal
itself
develop-
is
that
as a profit-
or large-scale
or
once
'take
over'