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Name:
ALPS Target:
GCSE Grade (if applicable):
Based on your overall
performance so far: what is
your most important skills and
study targets for studying this
essay based topic.
AS ALPS target:
Personal target:
SKILL TARGET:
STUDY TARGET:
Russia Skills
AO1a: I can use a wide range of
accurate and relevant evidence.
AO1a: I can accurately and
confidently use appropriate
historical terminology.
AO1a: I can create clearly
structured and coherent answers
to questions.
AO1a: I can communicate
accurately and legibly.
AO1b: I understand how to
analyse key concepts (continuity/
change/ causation/ significance)
within their historical context.
AO1b: I can cover a range of
relevant factors that are fully
evaluated/ linked.
AO1b: I can show clear
understanding of significance/
links between factors.
AO1b: I can produce a consistently
and relevantly analytical answer
with full support.
Study skills: I can take
responsibility for my own
learning, seek information and
clarification independently and
know when to ask for help.
Study skills: I can keep up to date
with deadlines and stay organised.
Strongly Agree
Agree
Neither
Agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Strongly
disagree
Führerprinzip
Volk
Völkischer
Beobachter
Sturm Abteilung
(SA)
Gauleiter
Anti-Semitism
Anti-Capitalism
Nationalism
Lebensraum
Volksgemeinschaft
Schutz Staffel (SS)
National
opposition
Grand Coalition
Article 48
Intrigue
Ideology
Politics of Anxiety
Propaganda
Demographic
Mass Suggestion
Scapegoat
Führer Cult
Bröt und Arbeit
Sonderweg
Night of the Long
Knives
Legal Revolution
Enabling Act
Reichstag Fire
Revolution from
Below
During the course of this theme, you will be
using a learning technique called Building
Learning Power which is all about helping you
learn better.
It works by developing your ability to learn
through exercising four different learning
muscles. This booklet is designed to help you
identify your four learning muscles and work
with them.
The four different learning muscles seen in the
brain opposite will have an image to help you
identify them throughout the booklet.
Resilience: Engaging with the learning, absorption in the task; managing distractions,
persevering; being prepared to get it wrong and learn from mistakes and sticking at it; even
when it is hard.
Resourcefulness: Questioning; making links; imagining; reasoning; capitalising on
the resources you have available and using them well.
Reflectiveness: Planning your learning; revising, monitoring and adapting; distilling (drawing out
lessons from experience) and meta-learning (understanding learning and how you learn).
Reciprocity: Being ready, willing and able to learn alone and with others; balancing
self reliance and sociability; collaborating; recognising and improving skills such as empathy
and listening; imitation (picking up others’ skills, habits and values).
Aspect of the Topic
Legacy of Versailles and weaknesses
of Weimar
Confidence Level?
Target
Nazi Party in 1928
Impact of Great Depression,
elections and governments 1928–33
Communism
Rise and appeal of Nazism
Role of propaganda
The Role of Hitler
Hindenburg; Papen, Schleicher and
‘backstairs’ intrigue
The election of March 1933
Essay Title
Mark /50
Grade
Key Target
Learning Objective
To be able to explain and evaluate the position of the Nazi Party in 1928 .
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1a) To be able to describe the position of the Nazi Party in 1928 .
2. (Ao1b) To be able to apply the weaknesses of the Weimar Republic and the legacy of the Treaty of Versailles
to the Nazi Party .
3. (A01b) To be able to assess whether the Nazi Party really was just “noisy, undisciplined, vainglorious” with a
leader who was “a half-educated posturing foreigner” (Historian, Eugene Davis ).
Task 1: The Weaknesses of the Weimar Republic
In the space below, write a list of the weaknesses of the Weimar Republic. You do not need to go into detail.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
You have a timeline of the Rise of the Nazis. How many of these weaknesses do you see on that timeline.
Task 2: How did the Nazi Party emerge?
Read pages 87-89 of Access to History on the emergence of the Nazi Party note on lined paper any evidence of;
a) Hitler’s personal skills.
b) Hitler acting as an astute politician.
c) Use of the media and propaganda.
d) Nazi popularity, or lack thereof.
Then, answer the following questions:
i.
How important was Hitler to the development of the Nazi Party?
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ii.
What were the SA? Why were they important?
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iii.
How effectively did the Nazis use the media?
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Task 3: The Structure of the Nazi Party
Use your reading (from Heinemann Advanced History p. 87-89 and Weimar and Nazi Germany, John Hite and Chris
Hinton, p.110-111, and 119) to create your own diagram of the structure of the Nazi Party in the box below.
Add to the diagram where you think the organisation of the Nazi Party will be a strength for the Nazis.
Task 4: Strategy and Leadership of the Nazi Party in the 1920s?
Read page 96-97 of Access to History and complete the table below. What evidence is there of the following in your
reading? It is also worth highlighting your reading.
The Nazis were revitalised
Divisions, splits and factions in the
That Hitler had solved any problems
following the Munich Putsch
Nazi Party
by the end of the Bamberg
Conference in 1926.
Task 5: The Reichstag Elections of 1928.
a) What do the following figures reveal about the popularity of the Nazi Party in Germany?
Election of May 4th 1924: the Nazis (standing as the National Socialist Freedom Movement) received 6.5% of
the popular vote and 32 seats in the Reichstag out of a total of 472 seats.
Election of December 7th 1924: the Nazis (standing as the National Socialist Freedom Movement) received
3% of the popular vote and 14 seats in the Reichstag out of a total of 493 seats.
Election of May 20th 1928: the Nazis received 2.6% of the popular vote and 12 seats in the Reichstag out of a
total of 491 seats.
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b) Using Access to History page 99, what glimmers of hope can you spot for the Nazi Party?
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Task 5: Evaluation, was the Nazi Party really just “noisy, undisciplined, vainglorious” with a leader who was “a
half-educated posturing foreigner”?
In the box below, using whatever method you feel is best, produce your answer to this question- it can be written,
drawn, explained using a diagram or a combination of the three.
Learning Objective
To be able to explain what the Nazi Ideology was .
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1a) To be able to describe Nazi ideology .
2. (Ao1b) To understand and explain the difference between the Nationalism and Socialism aspects of National
Socialism .
Challenge Success Criteria
Make connections between your understanding of the Weimar Republic in order to explain how some aspects of
National Socialism would have been appealing to Germans at the time .
Task 1: Nazi beliefs and Ideology (Homework)
Read pages 92-95 on Nazi beliefs and ideology in Access to History/ research Nazi ideology using your orange
textbook and any other sources. It is easy to find out about this aspect of Nazism.
Your task is to:
Produce a leaflet that explains Nazi beliefs and ideology to the uninformed. Ensure that you don’t focus
purely on race, but also on the Treaty of Versailles, German Nationalism, Socialist aspects of Nazi policies
etc.
Find examples of Nazi propaganda (not just posters, but also speeches, pamphlets, etc.) that show different
aspects of Nazi ideology. Include them in your leaflet. The propaganda can be from any time period, but it
would be preferable to have a range- e.g. pre 1933, 1933-39 and then wartime propaganda.
Be prepared to show yours to the class.
A useful website on Nazi Propaganda is available from this address:
http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/
Task 2: The Nazi’s 25 Point Programme
a) Write a definition of the word “Nationalism”.
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b) Write a definition of the word “Socialism”.
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c) Look at the copy of the Nazi 25 Point Programme (1920) below. Where can you identify nationalism and where
can you identify socialism?
1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the
people's right to self-determination.
2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations;
abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.
3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and
colonization for our surplus population.
4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who
is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a
member of the race.
5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be
under the authority of legislation for foreigners.
6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the
citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in
the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting
parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without
consideration of character or abilities.
7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood
and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State,
then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.
8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all nonGermans, who have immigrated to Germany since 2 August 1914, be forced immediately
to leave the Reich.
9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.
10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The
activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its
result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all. Consequently we demand:
11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of debt (interest)-slavery.
12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands
of the people, personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against
the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.
13. We demand the nationalisation of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).
14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.
15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.
16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate
communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms,
the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.
17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free
expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and
prevention of all speculation in land.
18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the
general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, profiteers and so forth are to be
punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.
19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a
materialistic world-order.
20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national
education program, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher
education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of
all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. The
comprehension of the concept of the State must be striven for by the school
[Staatsbuergerkunde] as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the
education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor
parents without consideration of position or profession.
21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by
outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal
establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all
organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.
22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.
23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In
order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and
employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the
race; b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State
to be published. They may not be printed in the German language; c. Non-Germans are
forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them,
and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate
expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to
the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary
forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of
organizations opposing the above made demands.
24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as
they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The
Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself
confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and
around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from
within on the framework: The good of the state before the good of the individual.[8]
25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the
Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its
organizations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of
the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of
the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of
the points set forth above without consideration.
Challenge
Which points do you think would be appealing to Germans in Weimar and why? Use page 128-129 of the Weimar
and Nazi Germany (John Hite, Chris Hinton) book to help you.
From what you know of the Nazis already, which points do you think would be most important to the Nazis?
Learning Objective
To be able to assess the level of support that Nazis had .
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1b) To be able to explain why some groups supported the Nazis and some didn’t
2. (Ao1b) To be able to assess the success of the Nazis in attracting voters .
Challenge Success Criteria
To be able to evaluate the significance of the Nazi votes .
Task 1: The Nazi Appeal
Use your reading from Access to History to add notes to the diagram below.
.
Task 2: The Nazi Gingerbread Man
Use your reading from the Weimar and Nazi Germany (John Hite, Chris Hinton) textbook (page 118-127) to explain
the proportion of support that the Nazis got from each group. Divide your gingerbread man up into roughly
proportional sections for each section.
CHALLENGE: Can you show how the vote changed?
Task 3: The Success of the Nazis
What problems did the Nazis have to overcome in attracting voters?
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How successful were the Nazis at attracting voters? Use what you have read to explain this. (Note: it may be helpful
to highlight evidence of Nazi success).
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Learning Objective
To be able to explain the impact of the Great Depression and how that affected the Nazis .
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1a) To be able to describe the impact of the Great Depression on Weimar Germany AND the response
of the Weimar government .
2. (Ao1b) To be able to explain how that affected different groups in Germany .
3. (Ao1b) To begin to explain how that might affect the votes for extremist parties such as the Nazis and the
Communists .
Challenge Success Criteria
To develop well substantiated conclusions using detailed knowledge and evidence .
Task 1: The Great Depression. How did it happen?
This diagram explains how the depression affected Germany, as does the box on page 43 of your orange textbook.
Use the PowerPoint that accompanies this lesson, plus page 45 of your textbook to add more detail to this diagram.
Task 2: The Impact of the Great Depression
a) Use these diagrams to create a conclusion about what happened to the German economy 1928-1933.
Aspect
Industrial Production (1913=100)
Exports (billion RM)
Imports (billion RM)
Unemployment (million)
Wages (1913=100)
Agricultural prices (1913=100)
Industrial prices (1913 =100)
Government income (billion RM)
1927
110
145
138
1928
113
12.3
14.0
1.4
164
132
159
9.0
1929
114
13.5
13.5
1.8
169
126
157
1930
99
12.0
10.4
3.1
155
107
154
1931
82
9.6
6.7
4.5
137
89
142
1932
66
5.7
4.7
5.6
113
77
118
6.6
1933
74
4.9
4.2
4.8
115
84
111
6.8
Percentage drop in income in 1932 compared
to 1929
France
Britain
Percentage drop in income in
1932 compared to 1929
Germany
USA
0
Ratio of unemployed in 1933
USA
Germany
Britain
France
1 in 4
1 in 3
1 in 5
1 in 7
10
20
30
40
50
Write your conclusion in this box. What was the impact of the Great Depression on
Germany’s economy?
Challenge: What effect do you think this would have on the political stability of Weimar?
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b) Using the tables above, the information on page 42-43 and any other information available to you, explain how
the Depression would affect:
A young working class male
Middle class white collar workers
Farmers
Families paying rent or mortgages
Workers who were already
unemployed
Business owners who produced/ sold
goods mainly for export
c) Can you add to this: how that would affect these groups politically (e.g. who they might support etc.)?
Task 3: What did the government do about the Great Depression?
a) Use the table below to draw a conclusion.
Government expenditure: per capita state expenditure (at all levels, i.e. federal states, local) at 1900 prices (M)
(i.e. so fluctuations in prices are taken into account).
Items
1913
1925
1929
1939
Economy (e.g. transport)
17
16
22
18
Welfare Services
20
65
102
106
Public housing
0.4
10
13
4
Education
17
20
28
24
Interest payments on National Debt
6
1
4
7
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b) Read the information below and highlight the following:
1. Limits to the actions that the Weimar government could take.
2. Actions the Weimar government took that would annoy the people of Germany.
3. Actions the Weimar government took that were successful.
4. Extension- actions the Weimar government took that might push the people of Germany to extremist
parties.
The Great Depression was all very different to the hyperinflation of 1923 – prices fell and
the main issue was unemployment. Lack of demand lowered prices.
Hyperinflation still had an impact on Weimar’s collapse. Weimar’s response to the
depression was affected by what had happened in 1923- they couldn’t pump money
into the economy or use deficit financing to stimulate industry, and help the unemployed
because of their fear of causing inflation. Also, voters were still annoyed at yet another
economic crisis.
The Weimar government actually did the following:
Protectionism
Restricting imports from other countries, especially if they were cheaper than homeproduced goods. However- other countries could retaliate and restrict your imports and
prices tend to rise (especially food). It also annoyed sections of the economy- e.g.
workers (who want low food prices) and industries that exported goods (who want
imports).
Reduction of Expenditure
1928-1933, budget for war victims’ pensions cut by one third. This made people angry and
betrayed.
Intervention (too little, too late)
Chancellor Brüning set up some public works schemes (although there is evidence to
suggest that he allowed the crisis to continue as part of his campaign to dismantle the
welfare state and get reparations payments ended). Papen allocated unused land to
dispossessed peasants and workers. The economy did begin to improve late in 1932, but
too late to have an effect on voters. The Nazi party took the credit for it.
What caused the Weimar government to act in that way?
Fear: scared of recurring hyperinflation.
Legal restrictions: on the Reichsbank as part of the Dawes and Young plans) meant
it could not greatly increase the amount of money printed nor devalue the mark.
Problems borrowing money: investors had lost their savings in 1923, and were
unable or reluctant to lend money. Foreigners lacked confidence. Foreign
governments asked unacceptable terms.
Brüning: his aforementioned scheming.
Precedent: a minor slump in 1926 had been solved without any action being taken.
Coalition government: could not agree on what to do. March 1930, Müller’s
government collapsed because they could not agree on what cuts to make.
Homework task
On lined paper, make notes on the fall of different coalition governments and Chancellors from your textbook
(pages 44-50) AND complete the following questions (in this booklet). You will need to make the notes BEFORE
answering the questions.
It is suggested that you also make a simple timeline to go alongside your notes.
1) Why does Müller’s government fall?
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2) Why does Brüning’s government fall?
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3) What do Müller’s and Brüning’s governments show about Hindenburg’s role as President?
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4) How democratic were Müller’s and Brüning’s governments?
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5) Why did the Nazi vote increase?
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6) To what extent did the Great Depression increase support for the Nazi and Communist parties?
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Learning Objective
To be able to explain how Hitler became Chancellor in 1933 .
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1a) To be able to describe the different events that led to Hitler becoming Chancellor .
2. (Ao1b) To be able to explain why Hitler was able to become Chancellor in 1933 .
3. (Ao1b) To evaluate the significance of the different factors that enabled Hitler to become Chancellor in 1933
.
Challenge Success Criteria
To develop well substantiated conclusions using detailed knowledge and evidence .
You will know you are successful when you can answer the following two questions. When you have finished all
the tasks, complete these boxes?
Why did Hitler and the Nazis become so politically
powerful?
Why was Weimar Germany replaced by a Nazi
dictatorship?
Task 1: The reasons for the fall of Parliamentary Democracy
a) Using the reading from page 135 of the SHP textbook (Weimar and Nazi Germany, John Hite and Chris Hinton).
Highlight your reading with the different reasons that are in this diagram.
b) Which reasons appear to be most significant?
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c) How did the Communists exploit the depression? (use page 50 in your textbook to help you answer this question)
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d) How important was the Great Depression in increasing the Nazi vote?
Read the reading below to help you answer this question, which you should complete on paper (feel free to
represent this in a different way from simply writing it. You could create a diagram, produce a mind map, develop a
poster- whatever you prefer!). You can also use page 51-52, and Access to History: Democracy and Dictatorship in
Germany pages 102-109.
Ensure you refer to both Nazi electoral success in the Reichstag and Hitler’s presidential campaign.
Why was the 1930 Reichstag election so important?
Chancellor Brüning had hoped that in the developing crisis the people would be
encouraged to support the parties of the centre-right from which a coalition could be
formed. However, the election results proved him wrong and the real beneficiary was the
Nazi Party, which increased its vote from 810,000 to a staggering 6,409,600. This gave them
107 seats and 18.3%, the NSDAP became the second largest political party in Germany.
The DNVP (nationalists) halved their vote from 14.2% to 7% and the DDP and DVP (middle
class, democratic) lost 20 seats. Of the left wing parties, the SPD declined from 29.8% to
24.5% but the KPD increased from 10.8%-13.1%.
There are several key factors to explain the Nazi breakthrough:
Since 1928, the Nazi leaders had deliberately directed their propaganda at rural
and middle class/ lower middle-class audiences. Nazi gains were at the expense of
the DNVP, DVP and DDP.
Key term: The Politics of
This wasn’t just ‘protest votes’. Nearly half of the Nazi
Anxiety
seats were won by the Party’s attracting ‘new’ votersRefers to the practice of
including those new to voting:
extremist parties of making
o The electorate had grown by 1.8 million since the
people worry about the
previous election because a new generation of
current government in
voters had been added to the roll.
order to win votes.
o The turn out had increased from 75.6% to 82%.
One of the main implications of the 1930 Reichstag election were that the left and right
extremes had made extensive gains against the pro-democratic parties. This now made it
very difficult for proper democratic parliamentary government to function.
Task 2: Von Papen and Von Schleicher and their failure to stabilise the situation in Germany leading to the
appointment of Hitler as Chancellor.
Using pages 52-53 to create a storyboard of the events that got Hitler into power. Try to think of an interesting way
to show what is happening- e.g. election results could be show by a newspaper front page.
Task 3: Analysis tasks based on this information.
a) Could Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor have been avoided?
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b) Hitler was manoeuvred into power by ‘back stairs intrigue’. How far do you agree with this view of Hitler’s success
in January 1933?
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c) Hitler came to power just at the moment when the Nazi Party was in decline. How far do you agree with this view?
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Learning Objective
To be able to evaluate how effectively Hitler established a one party dictatorship in Germany.
Success Criteria
1. (Ao1a) To be able to describe the different methods that were used by Hitler to establish a one party
dictatorship in Germany, 1933-1934 .
2. (Ao1b) To be able to explain why he was able to do this .
3. (Ao1b) To be able to evaluate the effectiveness of his method .
Before you Begin Today’s Lesson
This is a place to help you go through your notes and work through the success criteria. You could do this as you go
through, or when you have completed this section or a mixture of the two.
Success Criteria 1: Ao1a, description of methods
Use this box to record key
Use this box to record who
legislation and its dates:
important people/ organisations
are.
Use this box to record any key terms
that are particularly important to
this section.
Success Criteria 2: Ao1b. Why could he achieve this?
Throughout your notes, highlight, colour code or create a symbol to show which of the factors below help Hitler to
achieve his one party dictatorship?
Weaknesses in the Weimar
Violence/ Imprisonment
Use of the army/ police
constitution.
Propaganda
Use of Nazi organisation (e.g. the
Support from business/ industry
Gauleiters)
Support from the army
Support/ ignoring from the Church
Hitler’s leadership (Führerprinzip)
Success Criteria 3: Ao1b. How effectively did he do this?
Wherever you think Hitler has done something well give him a smiley face. Wherever things may cause problems in
the future, give him a frowny/ unhappy face.
Task 1: The Election of March 1933
Using page 55-56, and the election posters below, explain how the Nazis tried to win votes in the Reichstag elections
of March 1933.
“Hitler Builds. Vote
List 1”
“Remembering the
National Socialist
Revolution, 1933”
“In deepest need, Hindenburg
turned to Hitler. Do the same and
vote list 1, National Socialist”.
a) How did Hitler try to win votes in the Reichstag election of March 1933?
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b) Why did Hitler call the election of March 1933?
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c) How did Hindenburg allow Hitler to use the emergency powers act (Article 48)?
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d) How did the Reichstag fire help the Nazi election campaign?
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After the Reichstag fire, Dr Wilhelm Frick drew up (and Hindenburg signed, the ‘Decree for the Protection of
People and State’). It repressed the Communists (KPD), removed the civil and constitutional rights of the German
people and meant the Nazis could take anyone into “protective custody” for as long as they liked). This law
(sometimes referred to as the Basic Law of the Third Reich) lasted as long as the Nazis were in power.
e) Who do you think set the Reichstag fire?
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f) What were the results of the March 1933 election? Were they a problem for the Nazi party?
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Task 2: How was the Enabling Act passed and why was it so important?
The Enabling Act was an amendment to the German constitution that allowed Hitler to draw up legislation
without the involvement of the Reichstag OR the president.
a) Using page 63-65 of the textbook and your reading, produce a timeline (on paper) of how the Enabling Act came
to be passed.
This can simply be recorded as a sequence of events and does not need much in terms of detail.
b) How important was the Enabling Act in establishing Nazi power?
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Task 3: Use page 65-69 to complete the following Little Box Notes on Gleichschaltung (Coordination).
How did the Nazis take control of the different
political parties?
How did the Nazis take control of the workers?
How did the Nazis take control of Business and
Industry?
How did the Nazis take control of the Churches?
How did the Nazis take control of education, the
media and culture?
How did the Nazis take control of the army?
Do you think that would be sufficient?
Task 4: The Night of the Long Knives
Complete the following diagram, using Access to History (pages 151-153) and the textbook (pages 69-71).
What did Hitler decide to do? The Night of the Long Knives
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Task 5: Conclusions
How secure was Hitler by August 1934?
Use the following box to conclude: in whichever way you feel appropriate.
Task 6: Essay Planning
Use the History Burger to plan the following essay title.
How successful were the Nazis in their policy of Gleichschaltung (coordination) after 1933?
historytoday.com
http://www.historytoday.com/david-welch/hitler-who-voted-him
Hitler - Who Voted For Him?
David Welch attributes the Nazi leader's electoral success to much more than slick propaganda.
In January 1933, von Schleicher's government, which had attempted to conciliate both Centre and Left interests
within the Weimar system, was unable to secure a majority in the Reichstag and resigned. On 30 January the
President, Field Marshal Hindenburg, accepted a cabinet with Hitler as Chancellor, von Papen as Vice-Chancellor
and nationalists including Nazis in other posts. There is little mystery about the electoral success in 1933 of the
National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP). Hitler became Chancellor constitutionally. The suggestion
that Hitler and his party somehow 'seized' power is rather misleading. The Nazis themselves are largely
responsible for perpetuating this myth by continuing to refer to a Kampfzeit (period of struggle) and to their
Machtergreifung (seizure of power). Admittedly having gained power the Nazis used the Reichstag fire of 27
February 1933 as a pretext for suspending civil liberties and holding elections in circumstances highly favourable
to themselves. In the elections of 5 March the NSDAP made further gains, winning 288 seats but failed to secure
an overall majority (43.9 per cent).
In this article I want to look at the means employed by the Nazis that led to their electoral success and. particularly
to reappraise the view that they somehow 'conquered the masses' and that propaganda alone had 'brainwashed'
the German people into electing them. Merely to talk in terms of the 'conquest of the masses' implies the
manipulation or seduction of millions into voting for the Nazi Party in apparent disregard for their own best
interests. The assumption is that these voters, who might otherwise have resisted Nazism, were 'mesmerised' by
a well-functioning propaganda machine. The danger of such an approach is that it concentrates on the
'techniques of persuasion' at the expense of detached analysis of the programme put forward by the NSDAP to
solve fundamental economic and social problems Such an approach leads to the inevitable conclusion that to vote
for the Nazi manifesto was an 'irrational' act. This does not solve the problem of why millions of Germans acted in
such an apparently irrational way. It seems clear that many groups rather than being 'seduced' by Nazi
propaganda, perceived voting for the NSDAP as being in their own interests and that Nazi propaganda served to
reinforce such beliefs. Similarly, other groups remained stubbornly resistant to the Nazi message, and no amount
of skilful propaganda could persuade them otherwise. To over-emphasise the importance of propaganda would be
to diminish the failure of the Weimar system to solve prevailing economic and social problems and of political
opponents of the NSDAP to provide viable alternatives. If, as seems likely, many Germans reluctantly voted for
the Nazi Party because there seemed to be little credible alternative, then that is not necessarily the outcome of
propaganda alone but the failure of the Weimar system. It is therefore imperative to re-examine the manner in
which propaganda disseminated the Nazi programme and to distinguish between supporters and opponents of the
NSDAP and those who remained indifferent.
The role of propaganda
I would suggest that propaganda played an important part in mobilising support for the NSDAP in opposition and
maintaining the party once in power. But propaganda alone could not have sustained the Nazi party and its
ideology over a period of twelve years. There is now considerable evidence to suggest that Nazi policies and
propaganda reflected many of the aspirations of large sections of the population. Propaganda in Nazi Germany
was not, as is often believed, a 'catch-all' process. The 'revolutionary' aim of the Nazi regime to bring about the
Volksgemeinschaft, the true harmony of classes, highlights the remarkably ambitious nature of its propaganda.
Nevertheless, the 'success' of propaganda should not be measured purely in terms of its ability radically to change
opinions and attitudes. Propaganda is as much about confirming as converting public opinion. Propaganda if it is
to be effective must, in a sense, preach to those who are already partially converted. Writing before the Second
World War, Aldous Huxley observed: 'Propaganda gives force and direction to the successive movements of
popular feeling and desire; but it does not do much to create these movements. The propagandist is a man who
canalises an already existing stream. In a land where there is no water, he digs in vain'.
If we look at propaganda as a means of reinforcing existing attitudes and beliefs, then the continuing 'success' of
propaganda during the Third Reich in creating a largely acquiescent public points to the conclusion that a
'consensus' of sorts had been achieved. In this sense, the regime's propaganda was pragmatic enough to
recognise that its policies could be maintained provided sections of the community who were opposed to Nazism
remained quiescent. Coercion and terror would play an important restraining role here. But nevertheless, it is my
contention that, once in power, the economic programme put forward by the Nazis and the insidious use made of
propaganda in a 'closed' environment was enough to ensure at least 'passive' support for the regime.
Electoral success
Before discussing the nature of Nazi propaganda in opposition, it might be useful to begin with a brief outline of
the political performance of the Nazi Party during the final years of the Weimar Republic in order to set their
political achievement in some sort of context. In 1928, a mere 810,127 electors voted for the NSDAP; four years
later, in July 1932, this figure had increased to a staggering 13,765,781. Support for the Nazis in national
elections between May 1928 and September 1930 rose from 810,127 (2.6 per cent of the total) to 6,379,672 votes
(18.3 per cent) – an 8 fold increase! By July 1932 the NSDAP was the largest party in the Reichstag with 37.3 per
cent of the total vote and 230 seats, almost 100 more than their nearest rivals the Social Democrats (SPD). In the
elections of November 1932 the Nazis suffered a minor setback when their percentage of the vote was reduced to
33.1 per cent (196 seats). Nevertheless, the combined electoral successes of 1932 helped pave the way for
Hitler's assumption of the Chancellorship in January 1933. As economic and social conditions deteriorated
between 1928 and 1930, membership of the NSDAP also continued to grow although not to the same extent as
the explosion of the Nazi vote. In October 1928 Nazi Party membership had reached 100,000, in September 1930
300,000 and by the end of 1931 membership exceeded 800,000. One can see therefore that the most rapid
increase in membership occurred after the election victories of 1930 and was thus the result not the cause of the
Party's electoral breakthrough.
Hitler on propaganda
The appeal of National Socialism is understandably one of the most closely studied issues in European history.
Historians have been concerned to explain why millions of Germans voted for the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in free
elections. As we have seen, their success has been attributed in large measure to successful manipulation by a
well-functioning propaganda machine. The skilful exploitation of propaganda techniques has been cited by
historians of widely different political persuasions and approaches as having played a crucial role in mobilising
support for the Nazis. In this context, attention has by and large been focused on the dynamics of the Nazi party,
its parades, its symbols, the uniforms and banners, the bands, the marching columns of the SA, etc., which
'captured the imagination' of the masses. In the light of such consensus, it would appear that one of the most
important factors contributing to the Nazis' rise to power was the cumulative effect of their propaganda: certainly
the Nazis themselves were convinced of its effectiveness.
In Mein Kampf (My Struggle), Adolf Hitler devoted two chapters to the study and practice of propaganda. In 1925,
when Mein Kampf was first published, Hitler's thoughts on war propaganda were largely a reflection of the
prevailing nationalist claims that Allied propaganda was responsible for the collapse of the German Empire in
1918. Convinced of the essential role of propaganda for any movement set on obtaining power, Hitler saw
propaganda as a vehicle of political salesmanship in a mass market. He argued that the consumers of
propaganda were the masses and not the intellectuals. In answer to his own question, 'To whom should
propaganda be addressed – to the scientifically trained intelligentsia or to the less educated masses?' he
answered emphatically, 'It must be addressed always and exclusively to the masses'.
Hitler made no attempt to hide his contempt for the masses. They were malleable and corrupt, they were
'overwhelmingly feminine by nature and attitude' and as such their sentiment was not complicated, 'but very
simple and consistent'. In Mein Kampf, where Hitler laid down the broad lines along which Nazi propaganda was
to operate, he assessed his audience as follows: 'The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their
intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous. In consequence, all effective propaganda must be
limited to a very few points and must 'harp on these in slogans until the last member of the public understands
what you want him to understand by your slogan.' The function of propaganda, Hitler argued, was to bring the
masses' attention to certain facts, processes, necessities, etc., 'whose significance is thus for the first time placed
within their field of vision'. Accordingly, propaganda for the masses had to be simple, it had to concentrate on as
few points as possible which then had to be repeated many times, concentrating on such emotional elements as
love and hatred.. 'Persistence is the first and most important requirement for success'. Through the continuity and
sustained uniformity of its application, propaganda, Hitler concluded, would lead to results 'that are almost beyond
our understanding'.
Joseph Goebbels and Nazi propaganda
Hitler's theories on propaganda were first put into practice in 1925 in the NSDAP newspaper, the Volkischer
Beobachter (People's Observer). The Nazis had bought the newspaper in 1920 with a small circulation in and
around the Munich area, but following the failure of the putsch in 1923 the newspaper had disappeared from
newspaper stands until 26 February 1925 – the official date of the 're-establishment' of the Party. Within two
months of its re-launch it had become a daily newspaper and its circulation began to rise until in 1929 it had
reached a figure of 26,715. Unlike the long, detailed articles and academic discussion of economic and social
problems which characterised the political presses of the Weimar Republic, the Volkischer Beobachter went in for
short hyperboles on topical National Socialist themes; the evil of Jewry and Bolshevism, the humiliation of the
Versailles Treaty, the weakness of Weimar parliamentarianism, all of which were contrasted with Nazi patriotic
slogans such as ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuhrer (One People, One Nation, One Leader) – later to be used to great
effect in 1938 with the Anschluss (the union with Austria). Convinced more than ever that propaganda was a
powerful weapon in the hands of an expert, Hitler appointed Joseph Goebbels Head of Party Propaganda in
November 1928. In many respects propaganda is easier in opposition than in power, and Goebbels proved a
skilled orchestrator of the Party's propaganda resources. However, until 1929, the technical facilities at Goebbels
disposal were rather limited and the Party still relied heavily on Hitler and a few other Party figures, speaking at
public meetings. The instruments of mass communication which are commonly associated with authoritarian
police states – mass circulation press, radio, film and television – these weapons were largely absent from the
Nazis' initial rise to prominence. Under Goebbels' direction, however, the Party showed an increasing
opportunism for learning and adapting new propaganda techniques.
The situation began to change, albeit it slowly, in 1927. It is probably no coincidence that this is when Goebbels
first revealed his skill as a propagandist. In November 1926 Goebbels had been appointed Gauleiter of Berlin and
began immediately to reshape the party organisation in the German capital. Although nationally the NSDAP's
paid-up membership was only 72,590, in July Goebbels launched a weekly newspaper Der Angriff (The Attack),
which, as the title suggests, was set-up to attack political opponents and exploit anti-Semitic feelings by claiming
that Jews were responsible for most of the ills of the Weimar 'system'. Its challenging motto on the front page
read: 'For the Suppressed Against the Exploiters! ' Towards the end of 1930 Der Angriff was appearing daily and
had become closely associated with a relentless campaign of personal abuse and criticism levelled by Goebbels
on 'establishment' figures (invariably Jewish) associated with the Weimar Republic. A recurring slogan was
Deutschland erwache, Jude verrecke! (Germany awake, Judaism be damned!)
The essentially negative anti-parliamentarianism and anti-Semitism of National Socialist propaganda allowed
Goebbels to use the paper as a vehicle for the dissemination of one of the most important positive themes in Nazi
propaganda, namely the projection of the 'Fuhrer-myth', which depicted Hitler as both charismatic superman and
a man of the people. Der Angriff's circulation however was limited to Berlin, and the Party still lacked a national
newspaper network. In Beobachter could claim to be a national newspaper with a Munich and Berlin edition. To
some extent, this was offset by the fact that it was in 1927 that Alfred Hugenberg, the press baron and leader of
the right-wing Conservative National People's Party (DNVP), bought the largest and most prestigious German film
company, Ufa (Universum-Film-Aktiengesellschaft). From now on the social and political activities of the NSDAP
were captured more regularly by Ufa newsreels and shown to the German public on the large national network of
Ufa cinemas. Until this time National Socialist propaganda had been characterised by the comparatively skilful
use of rhetoric and controlled manipulation of meetings, which depended for its success on the organisational
skills of local Party cells to stage its own meetings and disrupt those of its political opponents.
Therefore in the final stages of the Nazis' rise to power, circumstances conspired to make the rise easier. Not only
did Hugenberg's press and film empire help legitimise the Party, but German industry was also providing valuable
financial resources which allowed the Party to escalate its propaganda campaigns. Moreover, the technical means
for propaganda had been developed to such an extent that during 1930 microphones and loudspeakers became a
standard feature at all Nazi rallies for the first time. As we have already seen, the NSDAP's electoral breakthrough
occurred between 1928 and 1930. How can one explain this dramatic increase in the Nazi vote and what role did
propaganda play in securing this electoral success?
Who voted for the Nazis - and why?
Recent research into Nazi voting patterns suggests that after 1928 the NSDAP performed best in the
predominantly Protestant and rural districts of the North German plain. Whereas the large cities and urban
conurbations, together with predominantly Catholic rural areas in the west and south, proved more resistant to the
Nazi appeal. These are, of course, broad generalisations and it is quite clear that manual workers in the cities
together with Catholics were prepared to vote for the NSDAP as well, The conclusion that can be drawn from
electoral figures about social composition shows that despite the disproportionate number of Protestant, rural and
middle class supporters, the NSDAP could justifiably claim to represent a wider range of economic and social
groups than any other political party.
The short explanation for this was that individuals and groups were prepared to desert traditional allegiances
(mainly Protestant middle class parties) and vote for the Nazis for different reasons. Most historians would agree
however that the Nazi movement, or rather the Hitler-bewegung (Hitler movement), as it was appropriately
labelled at the time, successfully integrated the German middle class. First, it won support from the 'old middle
class' of' small retailers, self-employed artisans, peasant farmers, pensioners and those on fixed incomes.
Secondly it also appealed to the 'new middle class' of white-collar, non-manual employees. Under the Second
Reich both of these groups had shared a sense of their own identity that made them the backbone of the nation.
They were known collectively as the Mittelstand, the healthy core in the middle of German society. With the
collapse of the German Empire in 1918, the values and assumptions that. had shaped and buttressed the
Mittelstand were suddenly removed. The Weimar Republic represented an acute threat to their status. Some
looked to the Nazis as the saviour of old style capitalism that would restore the old status quo. For such groups,
the Nazis represented a 'reactionary' force restoring former status and values. While others, particularly among
younger white-collar workers, saw National Socialism as a 'revolutionary' movement bent on destroying archaic
social hierarchies and replacing them with a new social order. The secret of their success was this 'dual’ appeal.
As the economic crisis deepened and class tension increased, the various sections of the Mittelstand came
together within the Nazi movement. The Hitlerbewegung was the 'mobilisation of disaffection' and as such far
more successful than the traditional political parties which had become discredited through their association with
the Republic and its failure to redress genuine or imagined grievances. There can be little doubt that under
Goebbels' direction the NSDAP exploited these grievances for the purposes of propaganda. By means of an
efficient propaganda apparatus that Goebbels had been building up since 1928, the party was in a strong position
to make a highly effective response to the growing sense of crisis and through its propaganda to appeal to both
the interests and the ideals of the Mittestand. Indeed, some historians have suggested that towards the end of
1927, with the fall in agricultural prices and following its failure in the 1928 Reichstag elections, there was a
significant reorientation in the Party's propaganda away from the industrial working class in the urban
conurbations towards a series of campaigns aimed at the MittestnnJ in the rural areas. More recently there have
been attempts to look again at Nazi efforts to mobilise the alienated urban proletariat. By the early part of 1932
Goebbels was confident enough to write: 'The election campaign is ready in principle. We now only need to press
the button in order to set the machine into action'.
With unemployment exceeding six million and the Weimar Republic sinking into its death throes, the 1932
elections were fought in a growing atmosphere of political violence and disorder. By January 1933 Hitler had
obtained the support of the army and sections of industry, and on January 30 he was constitutionally appointed
Chancellor by President Hindenburg. The Nazis' political success in opposition has frequently been attributed to
Goebbels' manipulatory talents. There can be little doubt that Nazi propaganda was quick to seize its opportunity
and that it was firmly based on the principles outlined in Mein Kampf. It carried through with a ruthless
consistency a campaign of propaganda which appealed directly to the emotions rather than to the intellect, and
was reinforced at all levels by terror and violence. But propaganda alone cannot change social and political
conditions. It acts in conjunction with other factors, like organisation. While the Nazis' propaganda machine was
important in helping achieve this electoral victory, the NSDAP was in the fortunate political position, unlike almost
every other party in the Weimar Republic, of appealing to different groups for different reasons. The Nazi party did
not simply recognise the importance of propaganda, but more importantly the need to adapt its propaganda to
these different groups. National Socialist propaganda did not destroy Weimar democracy, although it did
undermine it.
What distinguished the NSDAP from other parties in opposition was its ability to combine the themes of traditional
German nationalism with Nazi ideological motifs. By unifying German patriotism with Nazi ideology Hitler forged a
compelling weapon against what he referred to as the 'immorality of Weimar rationalism' and its associations for
many (including non-Nazis) with cultural decadence and racial impurity. To this end, the Nazis alone were
perceived by many groups to represent certain ideas that appeared to transcend Weimar politics. This not only
gave them a wider appeal, but it also set them apart from other political parties.
Key themes of Nazi propaganda
There can be little doubt that the two most important ideas that distinguished the Nazis from other parties and
allowed Goebbels' propaganda to mobilise widespread grievances were the notion of Volksgemeinschaft
(community of the people) based on the principle laid down in the party programme of 1920, Gemeinnutzgeht vor
Eigennutz (Common good before the good of the individual), and the myth of the charismatic 'Fuhrer'.
The community of the nation was to replace the 'divisive' party system and the class barriers of the Weimar
Republic and in effect offer the prospect of national unity without either a bloody revolution or the need to offer too
many concessions to the working class. The other element which appears to have been genuinely effective and
unique was the projection of Hitler as a 'charismatic' leader. The 'Fuhrer cult' had become synonymous with the
NSDAP and it is significant that the Party referred to itself even on the ballot papers as the 'Hitler movement'.
From 1930 onward the panache of its propaganda in staging political rallies, where Hitler could project his
leadership and the faithful could give the impression of being a dynamic movement, far exceeded these of other
parties. The carefully constructed mass rallies with their marches, banners and Hags, when combined with Hitler's
speeches provided Goebbels with the opportunity to synthesise the twin concepts of Volksgemeinschaft and the
'Fuhrer cult' in one political experience. The mass political rally would continue to play a dominant role in the
politics of the Third Reich where it was seen to be the physical manifestation of a nation's 'triumph of the will'. This
also explains why the Nazis repeatedly staged 'national moments' (Stunden der Nation), when Hitler's speeches
would be broadcast throughout the Reich. On such occasions life would come to a standstill, demonstrating the
sense of national solidarity. The individual participant in the ritual, moved by Hitler's rhetoric and swayed by the
crowd, underwent a metamorphosis, in Goebbels' famous phrase, 'from a little worm into part of a large dragon'.
Further Reading
D. Welch, The Third Reich, Politics and Propaganda, Routledge 1993
R. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler?, Princeton 1982
I. Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, London 1993
M. Broszat, Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany, Leamington Spa 1987
David Welch is author of Propaganda and the German Cinema 1933-45 (OUP 1983) and Modern European
History 1871-1975: A Documentary Reader (Heinemann 1994).
historytoday.com
http://www.historytoday.com/david-welch/hitler-who-voted-him
Hitler - Who Voted For Him?
David Welch attributes the Nazi leader's electoral success to much more than slick propaganda.
In January 1933, von Schleicher's government, which had attempted to conciliate both Centre and Left interests
within the Weimar system, was unable to secure a majority in the Reichstag and resigned. On 30 January the
President, Field Marshal Hindenburg, accepted a cabinet with Hitler as Chancellor, von Papen as Vice-Chancellor
and nationalists including Nazis in other posts. There is little mystery about the electoral success in 1933 of the
National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP). Hitler became Chancellor constitutionally. The suggestion
that Hitler and his party somehow 'seized' power is rather misleading. The Nazis themselves are largely
responsible for perpetuating this myth by continuing to refer to a Kampfzeit (period of struggle) and to their
Machtergreifung (seizure of power). Admittedly having gained power the Nazis used the Reichstag fire of 27
February 1933 as a pretext for suspending civil liberties and holding elections in circumstances highly favourable
to themselves. In the elections of 5 March the NSDAP made further gains, winning 288 seats but failed to secure
an overall majority (43.9 per cent).
In this article I want to look at the means employed by the Nazis that led to their electoral success and. particularly
to reappraise the view that they somehow 'conquered the masses' and that propaganda alone had 'brainwashed'
the German people into electing them. Merely to talk in terms of the 'conquest of the masses' implies the
manipulation or seduction of millions into voting for the Nazi Party in apparent disregard for their own best
interests. The assumption is that these voters, who might otherwise have resisted Nazism, were 'mesmerised' by
a well-functioning propaganda machine. The danger of such an approach is that it concentrates on the
'techniques of persuasion' at the expense of detached analysis of the programme put forward by the NSDAP to
solve fundamental economic and social problems Such an approach leads to the inevitable conclusion that to vote
for the Nazi manifesto was an 'irrational' act. This does not solve the problem of why millions of Germans acted in
such an apparently irrational way. It seems clear that many groups rather than being 'seduced' by Nazi
propaganda, perceived voting for the NSDAP as being in their own interests and that Nazi propaganda served to
reinforce such beliefs. Similarly, other groups remained stubbornly resistant to the Nazi message, and no amount
of skilful propaganda could persuade them otherwise. To over-emphasise the importance of propaganda would be
to diminish the failure of the Weimar system to solve prevailing economic and social problems and of political
opponents of the NSDAP to provide viable alternatives. If, as seems likely, many Germans reluctantly voted for
the Nazi Party because there seemed to be little credible alternative, then that is not necessarily the outcome of
propaganda alone but the failure of the Weimar system. It is therefore imperative to re-examine the manner in
which propaganda disseminated the Nazi programme and to distinguish between supporters and opponents of the
NSDAP and those who remained indifferent.
The role of propaganda
I would suggest that propaganda played an important part in mobilising support for the NSDAP in opposition and
maintaining the party once in power. But propaganda alone could not have sustained the Nazi party and its
ideology over a period of twelve years. There is now considerable evidence to suggest that Nazi policies and
propaganda reflected many of the aspirations of large sections of the population. Propaganda in Nazi Germany
was not, as is often believed, a 'catch-all' process. The 'revolutionary' aim of the Nazi regime to bring about the
Volksgemeinschaft, the true harmony of classes, highlights the remarkably ambitious nature of its propaganda.
Nevertheless, the 'success' of propaganda should not be measured purely in terms of its ability radically to change
opinions and attitudes. Propaganda is as much about confirming as converting public opinion. Propaganda if it is
to be effective must, in a sense, preach to those who are already partially converted. Writing before the Second
World War, Aldous Huxley observed: 'Propaganda gives force and direction to the successive movements of
popular feeling and desire; but it does not do much to create these movements. The propagandist is a man who
canalises an already existing stream. In a land where there is no water, he digs in vain'.
If we look at propaganda as a means of reinforcing existing attitudes and beliefs, then the continuing 'success' of
propaganda during the Third Reich in creating a largely acquiescent public points to the conclusion that a
'consensus' of sorts had been achieved. In this sense, the regime's propaganda was pragmatic enough to
recognise that its policies could be maintained provided sections of the community who were opposed to Nazism
remained quiescent. Coercion and terror would play an important restraining role here. But nevertheless, it is my
contention that, once in power, the economic programme put forward by the Nazis and the insidious use made of
propaganda in a 'closed' environment was enough to ensure at least 'passive' support for the regime.
Electoral success
Before discussing the nature of Nazi propaganda in opposition, it might be useful to begin with a brief outline of
the political performance of the Nazi Party during the final years of the Weimar Republic in order to set their
political achievement in some sort of context. In 1928, a mere 810,127 electors voted for the NSDAP; four years
later, in July 1932, this figure had increased to a staggering 13,765,781. Support for the Nazis in national
elections between May 1928 and September 1930 rose from 810,127 (2.6 per cent of the total) to 6,379,672 votes
(18.3 per cent) – an 8 fold increase! By July 1932 the NSDAP was the largest party in the Reichstag with 37.3 per
cent of the total vote and 230 seats, almost 100 more than their nearest rivals the Social Democrats (SPD). In the
elections of November 1932 the Nazis suffered a minor setback when their percentage of the vote was reduced to
33.1 per cent (196 seats). Nevertheless, the combined electoral successes of 1932 helped pave the way for
Hitler's assumption of the Chancellorship in January 1933. As economic and social conditions deteriorated
between 1928 and 1930, membership of the NSDAP also continued to grow although not to the same extent as
the explosion of the Nazi vote. In October 1928 Nazi Party membership had reached 100,000, in September 1930
300,000 and by the end of 1931 membership exceeded 800,000. One can see therefore that the most rapid
increase in membership occurred after the election victories of 1930 and was thus the result not the cause of the
Party's electoral breakthrough.
Hitler on propaganda
The appeal of National Socialism is understandably one of the most closely studied issues in European history.
Historians have been concerned to explain why millions of Germans voted for the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in free
elections. As we have seen, their success has been attributed in large measure to successful manipulation by a
well-functioning propaganda machine. The skilful exploitation of propaganda techniques has been cited by
historians of widely different political persuasions and approaches as having played a crucial role in mobilising
support for the Nazis. In this context, attention has by and large been focused on the dynamics of the Nazi party,
its parades, its symbols, the uniforms and banners, the bands, the marching columns of the SA, etc., which
'captured the imagination' of the masses. In the light of such consensus, it would appear that one of the most
important factors contributing to the Nazis' rise to power was the cumulative effect of their propaganda: certainly
the Nazis themselves were convinced of its effectiveness.
In Mein Kampf (My Struggle), Adolf Hitler devoted two chapters to the study and practice of propaganda. In 1925,
when Mein Kampf was first published, Hitler's thoughts on war propaganda were largely a reflection of the
prevailing nationalist claims that Allied propaganda was responsible for the collapse of the German Empire in
1918. Convinced of the essential role of propaganda for any movement set on obtaining power, Hitler saw
propaganda as a vehicle of political salesmanship in a mass market. He argued that the consumers of
propaganda were the masses and not the intellectuals. In answer to his own question, 'To whom should
propaganda be addressed – to the scientifically trained intelligentsia or to the less educated masses?' he
answered emphatically, 'It must be addressed always and exclusively to the masses'.
Hitler made no attempt to hide his contempt for the masses. They were malleable and corrupt, they were
'overwhelmingly feminine by nature and attitude' and as such their sentiment was not complicated, 'but very
simple and consistent'. In Mein Kampf, where Hitler laid down the broad lines along which Nazi propaganda was
to operate, he assessed his audience as follows: 'The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their
intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous. In consequence, all effective propaganda must be
limited to a very few points and must 'harp on these in slogans until the last member of the public understands
what you want him to understand by your slogan.' The function of propaganda, Hitler argued, was to bring the
masses' attention to certain facts, processes, necessities, etc., 'whose significance is thus for the first time placed
within their field of vision'. Accordingly, propaganda for the masses had to be simple, it had to concentrate on as
few points as possible which then had to be repeated many times, concentrating on such emotional elements as
love and hatred.. 'Persistence is the first and most important requirement for success'. Through the continuity and
sustained uniformity of its application, propaganda, Hitler concluded, would lead to results 'that are almost beyond
our understanding'.
Joseph Goebbels and Nazi propaganda
Hitler's theories on propaganda were first put into practice in 1925 in the NSDAP newspaper, the Volkischer
Beobachter (People's Observer). The Nazis had bought the newspaper in 1920 with a small circulation in and
around the Munich area, but following the failure of the putsch in 1923 the newspaper had disappeared from
newspaper stands until 26 February 1925 – the official date of the 're-establishment' of the Party. Within two
months of its re-launch it had become a daily newspaper and its circulation began to rise until in 1929 it had
reached a figure of 26,715. Unlike the long, detailed articles and academic discussion of economic and social
problems which characterised the political presses of the Weimar Republic, the Volkischer Beobachter went in for
short hyperboles on topical National Socialist themes; the evil of Jewry and Bolshevism, the humiliation of the
Versailles Treaty, the weakness of Weimar parliamentarianism, all of which were contrasted with Nazi patriotic
slogans such as ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuhrer (One People, One Nation, One Leader) – later to be used to great
effect in 1938 with the Anschluss (the union with Austria). Convinced more than ever that propaganda was a
powerful weapon in the hands of an expert, Hitler appointed Joseph Goebbels Head of Party Propaganda in
November 1928. In many respects propaganda is easier in opposition than in power, and Goebbels proved a
skilled orchestrator of the Party's propaganda resources. However, until 1929, the technical facilities at Goebbels
disposal were rather limited and the Party still relied heavily on Hitler and a few other Party figures, speaking at
public meetings. The instruments of mass communication which are commonly associated with authoritarian
police states – mass circulation press, radio, film and television – these weapons were largely absent from the
Nazis' initial rise to prominence. Under Goebbels' direction, however, the Party showed an increasing
opportunism for learning and adapting new propaganda techniques.
The situation began to change, albeit it slowly, in 1927. It is probably no coincidence that this is when Goebbels
first revealed his skill as a propagandist. In November 1926 Goebbels had been appointed Gauleiter of Berlin and
began immediately to reshape the party organisation in the German capital. Although nationally the NSDAP's
paid-up membership was only 72,590, in July Goebbels launched a weekly newspaper Der Angriff (The Attack),
which, as the title suggests, was set-up to attack political opponents and exploit anti-Semitic feelings by claiming
that Jews were responsible for most of the ills of the Weimar 'system'. Its challenging motto on the front page
read: 'For the Suppressed Against the Exploiters! ' Towards the end of 1930 Der Angriff was appearing daily and
had become closely associated with a relentless campaign of personal abuse and criticism levelled by Goebbels
on 'establishment' figures (invariably Jewish) associated with the Weimar Republic. A recurring slogan was
Deutschland erwache, Jude verrecke! (Germany awake, Judaism be damned!)
The essentially negative anti-parliamentarianism and anti-Semitism of National Socialist propaganda allowed
Goebbels to use the paper as a vehicle for the dissemination of one of the most important positive themes in Nazi
propaganda, namely the projection of the 'Fuhrer-myth', which depicted Hitler as both charismatic superman and
a man of the people. Der Angriff's circulation however was limited to Berlin, and the Party still lacked a national
newspaper network. In Beobachter could claim to be a national newspaper with a Munich and Berlin edition. To
some extent, this was offset by the fact that it was in 1927 that Alfred Hugenberg, the press baron and leader of
the right-wing Conservative National People's Party (DNVP), bought the largest and most prestigious German film
company, Ufa (Universum-Film-Aktiengesellschaft). From now on the social and political activities of the NSDAP
were captured more regularly by Ufa newsreels and shown to the German public on the large national network of
Ufa cinemas. Until this time National Socialist propaganda had been characterised by the comparatively skilful
use of rhetoric and controlled manipulation of meetings, which depended for its success on the organisational
skills of local Party cells to stage its own meetings and disrupt those of its political opponents.
Therefore in the final stages of the Nazis' rise to power, circumstances conspired to make the rise easier. Not only
did Hugenberg's press and film empire help legitimise the Party, but German industry was also providing valuable
financial resources which allowed the Party to escalate its propaganda campaigns. Moreover, the technical means
for propaganda had been developed to such an extent that during 1930 microphones and loudspeakers became a
standard feature at all Nazi rallies for the first time. As we have already seen, the NSDAP's electoral breakthrough
occurred between 1928 and 1930. How can one explain this dramatic increase in the Nazi vote and what role did
propaganda play in securing this electoral success?
Who voted for the Nazis - and why?
Recent research into Nazi voting patterns suggests that after 1928 the NSDAP performed best in the
predominantly Protestant and rural districts of the North German plain. Whereas the large cities and urban
conurbations, together with predominantly Catholic rural areas in the west and south, proved more resistant to the
Nazi appeal. These are, of course, broad generalisations and it is quite clear that manual workers in the cities
together with Catholics were prepared to vote for the NSDAP as well, The conclusion that can be drawn from
electoral figures about social composition shows that despite the disproportionate number of Protestant, rural and
middle class supporters, the NSDAP could justifiably claim to represent a wider range of economic and social
groups than any other political party.
The short explanation for this was that individuals and groups were prepared to desert traditional allegiances
(mainly Protestant middle class parties) and vote for the Nazis for different reasons. Most historians would agree
however that the Nazi movement, or rather the Hitler-bewegung (Hitler movement), as it was appropriately
labelled at the time, successfully integrated the German middle class. First, it won support from the 'old middle
class' of' small retailers, self-employed artisans, peasant farmers, pensioners and those on fixed incomes.
Secondly it also appealed to the 'new middle class' of white-collar, non-manual employees. Under the Second
Reich both of these groups had shared a sense of their own identity that made them the backbone of the nation.
They were known collectively as the Mittelstand, the healthy core in the middle of German society. With the
collapse of the German Empire in 1918, the values and assumptions that. had shaped and buttressed the
Mittelstand were suddenly removed. The Weimar Republic represented an acute threat to their status. Some
looked to the Nazis as the saviour of old style capitalism that would restore the old status quo. For such groups,
the Nazis represented a 'reactionary' force restoring former status and values. While others, particularly among
younger white-collar workers, saw National Socialism as a 'revolutionary' movement bent on destroying archaic
social hierarchies and replacing them with a new social order. The secret of their success was this 'dual’ appeal.
As the economic crisis deepened and class tension increased, the various sections of the Mittelstand came
together within the Nazi movement. The Hitlerbewegung was the 'mobilisation of disaffection' and as such far
more successful than the traditional political parties which had become discredited through their association with
the Republic and its failure to redress genuine or imagined grievances. There can be little doubt that under
Goebbels' direction the NSDAP exploited these grievances for the purposes of propaganda. By means of an
efficient propaganda apparatus that Goebbels had been building up since 1928, the party was in a strong position
to make a highly effective response to the growing sense of crisis and through its propaganda to appeal to both
the interests and the ideals of the Mittestand. Indeed, some historians have suggested that towards the end of
1927, with the fall in agricultural prices and following its failure in the 1928 Reichstag elections, there was a
significant reorientation in the Party's propaganda away from the industrial working class in the urban
conurbations towards a series of campaigns aimed at the MittestnnJ in the rural areas. More recently there have
been attempts to look again at Nazi efforts to mobilise the alienated urban proletariat. By the early part of 1932
Goebbels was confident enough to write: 'The election campaign is ready in principle. We now only need to press
the button in order to set the machine into action'.
With unemployment exceeding six million and the Weimar Republic sinking into its death throes, the 1932
elections were fought in a growing atmosphere of political violence and disorder. By January 1933 Hitler had
obtained the support of the army and sections of industry, and on January 30 he was constitutionally appointed
Chancellor by President Hindenburg. The Nazis' political success in opposition has frequently been attributed to
Goebbels' manipulatory talents. There can be little doubt that Nazi propaganda was quick to seize its opportunity
and that it was firmly based on the principles outlined in Mein Kampf. It carried through with a ruthless
consistency a campaign of propaganda which appealed directly to the emotions rather than to the intellect, and
was reinforced at all levels by terror and violence. But propaganda alone cannot change social and political
conditions. It acts in conjunction with other factors, like organisation. While the Nazis' propaganda machine was
important in helping achieve this electoral victory, the NSDAP was in the fortunate political position, unlike almost
every other party in the Weimar Republic, of appealing to different groups for different reasons. The Nazi party did
not simply recognise the importance of propaganda, but more importantly the need to adapt its propaganda to
these different groups. National Socialist propaganda did not destroy Weimar democracy, although it did
undermine it.
What distinguished the NSDAP from other parties in opposition was its ability to combine the themes of traditional
German nationalism with Nazi ideological motifs. By unifying German patriotism with Nazi ideology Hitler forged a
compelling weapon against what he referred to as the 'immorality of Weimar rationalism' and its associations for
many (including non-Nazis) with cultural decadence and racial impurity. To this end, the Nazis alone were
perceived by many groups to represent certain ideas that appeared to transcend Weimar politics. This not only
gave them a wider appeal, but it also set them apart from other political parties.
Key themes of Nazi propaganda
There can be little doubt that the two most important ideas that distinguished the Nazis from other parties and
allowed Goebbels' propaganda to mobilise widespread grievances were the notion of Volksgemeinschaft
(community of the people) based on the principle laid down in the party programme of 1920, Gemeinnutzgeht vor
Eigennutz (Common good before the good of the individual), and the myth of the charismatic 'Fuhrer'.
The community of the nation was to replace the 'divisive' party system and the class barriers of the Weimar
Republic and in effect offer the prospect of national unity without either a bloody revolution or the need to offer too
many concessions to the working class. The other element which appears to have been genuinely effective and
unique was the projection of Hitler as a 'charismatic' leader. The 'Fuhrer cult' had become synonymous with the
NSDAP and it is significant that the Party referred to itself even on the ballot papers as the 'Hitler movement'.
From 1930 onward the panache of its propaganda in staging political rallies, where Hitler could project his
leadership and the faithful could give the impression of being a dynamic movement, far exceeded these of other
parties. The carefully constructed mass rallies with their marches, banners and Hags, when combined with Hitler's
speeches provided Goebbels with the opportunity to synthesise the twin concepts of Volksgemeinschaft and the
'Fuhrer cult' in one political experience. The mass political rally would continue to play a dominant role in the
politics of the Third Reich where it was seen to be the physical manifestation of a nation's 'triumph of the will'. This
also explains why the Nazis repeatedly staged 'national moments' (Stunden der Nation), when Hitler's speeches
would be broadcast throughout the Reich. On such occasions life would come to a standstill, demonstrating the
sense of national solidarity. The individual participant in the ritual, moved by Hitler's rhetoric and swayed by the
crowd, underwent a metamorphosis, in Goebbels' famous phrase, 'from a little worm into part of a large dragon'.
Further Reading
D. Welch, The Third Reich, Politics and Propaganda, Routledge 1993
R. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler?, Princeton 1982
I. Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, London 1993
M. Broszat, Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany, Leamington Spa 1987
David Welch is author of Propaganda and the German Cinema 1933-45 (OUP 1983) and Modern European
History 1871-1975: A Documentary Reader (Heinemann 1994).