Download SPACE IN-BETWEEN: MASUMURA YASUZO, JAPANESE NEW

SPACE IN-BETWEEN: MASUMURA YASUZO, JAPANESE NEW WAVE, AND
MASS CULTURE CINEMA
by
PATRICK ALAN TERRY
A THESIS
Presented to the Department of East Asian
Languages and Literatures
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
June 2011
THESIS APPROVAL PAGE
Student: Patrick Alan Terry
Title: Space In-Between: Masumura Yasuzo, Japanese New Wave, and Mass Culture
Cinema
This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the Master of Arts degree in the Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures by:
Prof. Steven Brown
Dr. Daisuke Miyao
Chair
Advisor
and
Richard Linton
Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies/Dean of
the Graduate School
Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School.
Degree awarded June 2011
ii
© 2011 Patrick Alan Terry
iii
THESIS ABSTRACT
Patrick Alan Terry
Master of Arts
Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures
June 2011
Title: Space In-Between: Masumura Yasuzo, Japanese New Wave, and Mass Culture
Cinema
Approved: ________________________________________________
Dr. Daisuke Miyao
During the early stage of Japan’s High Economic Growth Period (1955-1970), a
group of directors and films, labeled the Japanese New Wave, emerged to strong critical
acclaim and scholarly pursuit. Over time, Japanese New Wave Cinema has come to
occupy a central position within the narrative history of Japanese film studies. This
position has helped introduce many significant films while inadvertently ostracizing or
ignoring the much broader landscape of film at this time. This thesis seeks to complexify
the New Wave’s central position through the career of Daiei Studios’ director, Masumura
Yasuzo. Masumura signifies a “space in-between” the cultural elite represented by the
New Wave and the box office focus of mass culture cinema. Utilizing available English
language and rare Japanese sources, this thesis will re-examine Masumura’s position on
the periphery of film studies while highlighting the larger film environment of this
dynamic period.
iv
CURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: Patrick Alan Terry
GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon, Eugene
Meiji University, Tokyo
Waseda University, Tokyo
DEGREES AWARDED:
Master of Arts, East Asian Languages and Literatures, 2011, University of
Oregon
Bachelor of Arts, History, Political Science, Asian Studies, Japanese, 2007,
University of Oregon
AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Japanese Cinema and Media Studies
High Economic Growth Era Film
Postwar Japanese Film Industry
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures,
University of Oregon, Eugene, 2007-2011
GRANTS, AWARDS, AND HONORS:
Graduate Teaching Fellowship, East Asian Languages and Literatures, 2007 to
2011
Monbukagakusho Research Fellowship, Meiji University, 2010
Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) Fellowship, Center of Asian and
Pacific Studies, 2008-2010
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, I must thank Prof. Daisuke Miyao for his kindness and support throughout my
time in this program. It has been a privilege to have him as my advisor, who without his
insightful guidance this thesis would not have been completed. Also, I must thank Prof.
Steven Brown for taking over the responsibilities as chair for my thesis as well as being a
constant voice of support. I must also thank the many colleagues and friends who have
listened to endless discussions on my love of Masumura including: Peter Tillack, Michael
Wood, Colleen Laird, Kevin Gouge, Dan Sutton, Zac Sutton, Mike Palmer, Kelly Jurd and
Chu Jui Chen.
I would also like to thank the University of Meiji for accepting me as an exchange
student for the 2010 academic year. With the support of the Monbukagakusho Research
Fellowship I was able to compile the majority of resources needed to complete this thesis.
Much of the thanks must also go to the library services at Meiji as well as Waseda’s
Tsubouchi Memorial Theatre Museum (enpaku) where I spent many hours combing the
brittle pages of decades old journals and scripts. Thanks also to my advisor at Meiji,
Miyakoshi Tsutomu, for accepting me into his seminar and allowing me to pursue my own
academic interests.
Most importantly I thank my family. Your love and support are the source of my
motivation and have made me into the person I am today. Any success I have had is owed
all to you.
vi
For my family, who encourage and inspire me every day.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter
Page
I. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................
1
II. IN THE WAKE OF THE WAVE ...........................................................................
13
High Economic Growth Period ..............................................................................
13
Japanese New Wave ..............................................................................................
26
The Kid from Kofu ................................................................................................
56
III.NISHI’S CHOICE: AN ANALYSIS OF KYOJIN TO GANGU ..........................
68
IV. WHO TO TRUST? AN ANALYSIS OF NISE DAIGAKUSEI ...........................
79
V. CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................
90
APPENDICES .............................................................................................................
93
A. FILM INDUSTRY STATISTICS (1955-1969)................................................
93
B. MASUMURA YASUZO FILMOGRAPHY .................................................... 103
REFERENCES CITED ................................................................................................ 107
viii
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
A young couple rides a motorcycle speeding down the highway with willful
abandon. An estranged daughter returns to her father‘s home with optimism and
determination to become part of his life. Three candy factories do battle with flyers,
commercials and models to sell enormous amounts of caramel. A false student is trapped
to a chair and accused of being a police spy. A popular novelist lives out his fantasy of a
leather clad yakuza death. A wife chooses between her duty to the village and the desire
for her husband. This is just a snippet of major plot points which occur throughout the
films directed by Masumura Yasuzo, the focus of this thesis. In order to engage the
vibrant and varied work of Masumura‘s career it is necessary to discuss the particulars as
to how and why this director warrants critical evaluation.
Japanese cinema studies in the in the United States is plagued by significant gaps
and oversights. This is a theme which runs through many prominent publications to even
the most recent monographs aiming to present new or more complex interpretations of
cinema from Japan. In general, developments in the field have provided greater
understanding of canonized figures and concepts, but rarely attempt to expand the scope
of the field covering new films or people. Much of this has been attributed to the
problems of space, time and technology. For a long time the ability to acquire film titles
was dependent on issues such as: availability, formatting, international distribution rights,
demands for a title, or even subtitling to provide a reason for films to be exported.
Even for those with the necessary language skills to access primary resources
without subtitles, the means to view many titles have been restricted to those residing in
1
Japan or fortunate enough to travel there. In addition to the physical and spatial issues, a
problem of time has existed for the proper development of the field. For instance, some
scholars have suggested that the development of Japanese film history arose from the
‗pivotal juncture‘ of Rashomon1 screening at the Venice film festival in 1951.2 In
addition, the publication of Joseph Anderson and Donald Richie‘s The Japanese Film:
Art & Industry, has continually been lauded3 for introducing the English speaking world
to Japanese cinema.
Beyond this there are greater systematic issues on an institutional level which
have prevented Japanese Cinema studies from developing into a broader more
comprehensive field. A problem identified most clearly by Mitsuhiro Yoshimoto. At
various times Yoshimoto has spoken about the lack of film studies in Japan and failure to
develop the field in a similar fashion as the United States in the 1960s. He does suggest
rather optimistically that ―film studies can introduce in the Japanese university a
1
Throughout this thesis various Japanese film titles will appear as their original titles written in roman
characters. For instance Masumura‘s Giants and Toys will be listed as Kyojin to gangu. The rationale for
this is that with the growing number of online sources, such as imdb, use the original title of a film in their
headings. The only exception to this pattern will be those used in direct quotations.
2
As Dr. Nygren suggests with Rashomon, ―Japanese Film History, in a sense, ―begins‖ here: not because
the West ―discovered‖ Japan, or because Japan first achieved international acclaim, but because previously
isolated lines of development from Asia and the West first intersected at this point.‖ Scott Nygren, Time
Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press,
2007). pg. 99
3
In the February 1960 issue of Eiga Hyoron an article marked the publishing of Anderson and Richie‘s
book. The article references a publishing party held on January 11 th of that year and refers to the book as,
―the first large scale book ever written on the history of Japanese film art for foreigners.‖ Hisamitsu
Noguchi, "Donald Richie Shi No Kai to Kare No Koto," Eiga Hyoron 1960. pg. 74-76. More recently in
2009, Abe Mark Nornes and Aaron Gerow included the title in their guide to Japanese film studies placing
the film in their ―Best of the Best‖ section of general history books. ―It is impressive that this exhaustively
researched tome has yet to be displaced by a newer book…One reason is it‘s close attention to the
industrial underpinnings of the art, an angle few authors took back then (or even today). Abe Mark Nornes
and Aaron Gerow, Research Guide to Japanese Film Studies (Ann Arbor, MI: Center of Japanese Studies,
The University of Michigan, 2009). pg. 130
2
radicalized form of interdisciplinary practice, which problematizes the unstated
assumptions of existing disciplines and the notion of disciplinary expertise.‖4 However,
as recent as this year few Japanese universities have any classes on film let alone a
department or unified field of study.5 These thoughts are expanded in the opening chapter
of his monograph on Kurosawa Akira which emphasizes that the lack of film studies in
Japan is mirrored by the fragmented state of Japanese film studies in the United States.
Throughout the first chapter Yoshimoto does an excellent job of breaking down
the development of Japanese cinema studies from the 1950‘s delineating various
approaches to engaging cinema. From humanism and essentialism in the postwar era to a
stronger theoretical approach and even cross cultural analysis dealing with identity
politics, all of which present a different time frame and context for the study of Japanese
cinema. Ultimately, in Yoshimoto‘s view these stages have not yielded a productive
environment for Japanese film studies. ―Judging from the miniscule number of Japanesespeaking film scholars, we can conclude that film studies have been less than a perfect
environment in which research on primary materials in Japanese film history is
conducted.‖6 This statement indicates the fundamental challenges Japanese cinema
studies have in the United States or any English language institution. For the
4
Mistuhiro Yoshimoto, "The University, Disciplines, National Identity: Why Is There No Film Studies in
Japan?," The South Atlantic Quarterly 99.4 (2000). pgs. 697-713.
5
During the 2010-2011 academic year, this author attended Meiji University which has no film studies, san
an undergraduate survey course. Speaking with colleagues at Waseda University and even Meiji Gakuin
University film studies remains in its infancy.
6
Mistuhiro Yoshimoto, Kurosawa: Film Studies and Japanese Cinema (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2000).pg. 38
3
development of the field Yoshimoto is arguing that academics must have proper training
in film studies, Asian or Japanese studies, and Japanese language.
The third issue plaguing the field in addition to material acquisition and proper
training is scope. This issue more than any other has prevented Japanese film studies
from becoming a well rounded, complex and unified field of scholarship. Specific
support for this claim can be found through a simple overview of industry statistics. For
instance, this thesis focuses on films released throughout Japan‘s high economic growth
era ranging from the mid 1950‘s to the end of the 1960‘s. During this fifteen year period
6, 906 films were released.7 The six major studios: Shochiku, Toho, Shin-Toho (until
1961), Daiei, Toei, and Nikkatsu accounted for 5,333 releases. That averages to 355
studio major productions per year with a high of 496 in 1960 and a low of 254 in 1969.
Of these films ten were selected each year by journalists and critics to form film journal,
Kinema Junpo‘s Best Ten List. The 150 titles selected during this period indicate that the
majority of film studies to date have been culled from this list.
The directors who appear most frequently throughout this period include:
Kurosawa Akira and Imai Tadashi with eleven each, Ichikawa Kon with ten, Kobayashi
Masahiro with eight, Kinoshita Keisuke with seven, and Ozu who passed away in 1963
with four films. Then there are directors more closely associated with Japanese New
Wave Cinema. Oshima Nagisa and Imamura Shohei each have seven, Hani Susumu has
four, and Yoshida Yoshishige, Masahiro Shinoda, and Teshigahara Hiroshi each have
three.
7
See February 1st issues of Kinema Junpo from 1955-1970 for year by year industry analysis. Also see
Appendix A for a complete breakdown of these figures.
4
Out of the 150 films listed in Kinema Junpo‘s Best Ten List during this period,
twelve directors‘ films account for more than half the list. While this does not negate the
skill exhibited by such a small pool of directors, it does indicate one reason why Japanese
film studies continue to have such a narrow focus. With so many films ignored,
overlooked, missing or unobtainable it is easy to see the significant gap between those
critically lauded films and those connected with mass culture cinema.
Adopting the term from Marilyn Ivy, mass culture cinema refers to films that are
―administered, commodified culture pre-targeted and produced for larger numbers of
consumers.‖8 Ivy goes on to explain that mass culture develops along with industrial
capitalism and is therefore closely connected with large scale production, distribution and
commodity consumption. In this sense mass culture cinema refers to something akin to
terms like popular cinema or mainstream cinema. However unlike either of those terms
which suggest success through profit, mass culture cinema refers to the whole spectrum
of films released by the six largest studios for the purpose of consumer consumption.
While that does include the highest grossing film, it also takes into account films made
for profit which did not necessarily have large box office receipts or critical acclaim.
The purpose for using such a broad term is based around widening the scope of
acceptable film studies. As Yoshimoto and others have noted, not every film made is
worthy of academic study, but by systematically excluding these titles in academic
discourse it creates an environment where the broader spectrum of films released
8
Marilyn Ivy, "Formations of Mass Culture," in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993). pg. 240
5
continue to be ignored in favor of publications which provide skillful interpretations of
films and people which in the end only serve to re-affirm a canon.
The goal of this thesis is to explore the ‗space in-between‘ the cultural elite,
represented most prominently by Japanese New Wave films, and mass culture cinema
during the high growth era by re-examining the work and career of Masumura Yasuzo.
This thesis contends that Masumura represents one of many marginalized artistic voices
who bridge the gap between these two poles, highlighting a more in depth film
environment than previously explored.
Over the past thirty years Masumura has remained a ‗subject for further
research‘.9 While Masumura is not unknown to scholars, his films and more importantly
his writings on film have remained relatively obscure in relation to filmmakers more
commonly associated with Japanese New Wave. The New Wave occupies a central space
in film scholarship for both the United States and Japan during the explosive period of
1955-1970. At the same time Masumura was engaged in his own brand of unique and
stimulating work not only as a director, but as a student and critic of film. Until recently,
Oshima Nagisa and Yoshida Yoshishige10 have received the most praise and attention
while figures like Masumura are relegated to a single line or paragraph notation.
Masumura‘s push to the periphery has a two-fold effect. One, it highlights the limited
9
Jonathan Rosenbaum and Adrian Martin, Movie Mutations : The Changing Face of World Cinephilia
(London: BFI Pub., 2003).Pg. 61Rosenbaum, who was provided significant access to Masumura‘s films in
the early 2000‘s is quick to admit his limitation of accessing Japanese language source materials. Also,
while Rosenbaum was able to see over half of Masumura‘s films while in Japan the vast majority who wish
to study his films internationally are limited to those companies willing to produce them. 9
10
Yoshida in his early years used the name Yoshishige, but more recently he has taken on a separate
reading of his name Kiju. As this thesis focuses on his work during the initial stage of his career this thesis
will use Yoshishige, reading most commonly associated with those pictures.
6
scope of film studies between films deemed critically worthy and those thought only for
mass culture.11 Due to this critical attention Japanese New Wave Cinema has come to
occupy a central space of study and recognition within the context of postwar and high
growth era cinema. Two, it minimizes Masumura‘s work in relation to Japanese New
Wave Cinema, overlooking a significant voice for that period.
Repeatedly in discussion of Japanese New Wave, postwar cinema or Masumura
himself, scholars and critics seem at odds trying to define the director. Some of the
claims made over time suggest that Masumura was not connected with the New Wave,
then he was parallel to the New Wave, or perhaps the precursor, or even more recently he
is the director who started the New Wave. Noted film scholar Hasumi Shigehiko in a
conversation with Rosenbaum highlights the reason why after so many years Masumura
still remains and obscure figure both in Japan and internationally.
It indicates precisely the poverty of film criticism in Japan. Until the 80‘s
there was no serious study of contemporary Japanese film-makers. It was
our generation – Sadao Yamane, Koichi Yamasa and me – who began to
write about them. The Japanese audience has by now completely forgotten
the name of Yasuzo Masumura after the collapse of Daiei, in spite of our
efforts. He was already dead when Yamane wrote his book. For us it‘s
difficult to talk about him because it‘s difficult to choose a single film. For
Kurosawa, regardless of whether you like the film or not, you can always
cite The Seven Samurai (1954). It‘s easy. But with Masumura, there‘s no
representative film.12
Masumura‘s dynamic ability to work within the studio system creating a variety
of genre films while asking critical questions is what separates him from any
other filmmaker at the time. In essence this is what places Masumura‘s work in
between the poles of critical art and mass culture cinema.
11
Similar to the difference between Junsui or pure artistic works and Taishu or mass culture entertainment.
12
Rosenbaum and Martin, Movie Mutations : The Changing Face of World Cinephilia. pg. 78
7
This thesis will attempt to re-frame earlier references to Masumura by arguing
that he represents the ‗space in-between‘ Japanese New Wave and mass culture cinema.
As a director who stayed with his studio, Daiei, through his career until its collapse, took
orders from his company heads and worked within an industry system that had been
established for decades it has been easy for scholars to write Masumura off as mass
culture fodder. However, even his limited presence in film texts on Japanese cinema
suggests that there are other sides to this director. These sides include his time studying
abroad at a film center in Italy, his work under Mizoguchi Kenji and Ichikawa Kon,
ongoing critical writings on a variety of film issues, and a filmography filled with
exemplary films made not only as entertainment, but also probing questions to the
audience about their society. As a ‗space in-between‘ Masumura‘s films provide a
gateway to the larger spectrum of Japanese film yet to be addressed and which move
beyond the most recognized films and figures of a given generation.
While Masumura has remained an obscure figure in cinema studies, that alone
does not warrant a topic for serious analysis. As Yoshimoto points out, there must be an
underlying reason to make a topic relevant for dedicated research. The reason for this is
found in another dominant element of this thesis, the construction of Japanese New Wave
Cinema by journalists and scholars. Since the publication of David Desser‘s Eros Plus
Massacre: An Introduction to Japanese New Wave Cinema there has been a surge in
awareness and international distribution of the people most closely identified with that
term in Desser‘s book. They include: Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige, Imamura
Shohei, Shinoda Masahiro and to a lesser extent Suzuki Seijun and Teshigahara Hiroshi.
Over time each of these directors‘ films have been embraced at festivals and films
8
distributors which have put out many high quality releases and box-set retrospectives
available all over the world.
In addition to their films several of these directors, most prominently Oshima and
Yoshida, were the focus of media spectacle and at the same time contributing
significantly to the film criticism of the day. As will be discussed later a significant
amount of attention was placed on the split Oshima and Yoshida made with their film
studio, Shochiku, venturing of into successful independent careers. This included the
establishment the Art Theater Guild (ATG) with theaters in Shinjuku specializing in
independent productions and international film screenings which lasted throughout the
1970‘s.
Masumura on the other hand never produced the attention grabbing headlines of
Oshima or Yoshida. While Masumura remained with his company he was not content to
simply produce films, but take an active role in his films development and the greater
body of film criticism. To date very few of Masumura‘s critical writing on film have been
discussed outside of Japan. Even in Japan many of his writings are confined to a single
book13 on his works or within the pages of old film journals.
Therefore this thesis will engage the life and works of Masumura Yasuzo as a
means of providing an alternate voice to the current narrative construction of late 1950‘s
early 1960‘s Japanese film during the development of Japanese New Wave Cinema.
Through Masumura‘s work a wider view of popular mass market cinema can be engaged,
while at the same time drawing out the critical discussions present in his film. This
13
See Yasuzo Masumura and Hiroaki Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No
Maesutoro> Eiga to No Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986 (Tokyo: Waizu Shuppan, 1999).
9
exercise is not set to determine whether Masumura is part of the New Wave or not, but to
provide a more complex and varied understanding of the film landscape from the late
1950‘s throughout the 1960‘s before the breakup of the major studio system.
This thesis is organized into three main chapters. Chapter II will be split into three
sections encompassing several broad themes and provide a base from which specific
films can be analyzed. The first section will address the major historical and social events
of the late 1950‘s-early 1960‘s. Some of which include the US-Japan Security Treaty
renewal, student protests, political assassinations and start of the high economic growth
period. The second section will analyze a majority of available scholarship in English on
the New Wave as well as Masumura‘s place in it. Following that an examination primary
Japanese sources will help re-examine existing scholarship on the New Wave and
Masumura. Finally, after addressing these major elements a more straightforward
biographical analysis of Masumura‘s life and career will aid in re-examining his status in
film scholarship. This assessment will range from his early life and education both in
Japan and abroad to his initial days as an assistant director, film critic, screenwriter and
ultimately full director for Daiei Studios. In addition a brief engagement of some of
Masumura‘s prominent works will help preface a longer critical engagement of his films.
Chapter III will address Masumura‘s most well known and established picture,
Kyojin to gangu. The film addresses consumer culture in the early days of the high
economic growth period. The film serves as an allegory to the film industry at the time
and even Masumura‘s own career, with main character Nishi forced to decide between
the company and independence. Looking at this film through George Lukács theory of
reification will help illuminate Masumura‘s argument regarding consumer culture, but
10
also highlight his larger world view on the direction Japan is headed. As Masumura‘s
best known film it provides a starting point for critically analyzing the film in comparison
with the few articles which discuss it.
Specific film examination will continue in Chapter IV by looking at one of the
more overlooked films of Masumura‘s career, Nise daigakusei. Released in October,
1960 the film appears at a crucial time in the development of Japan‘s postwar history
following the tumultuous renewal of the U.S. Japan Security Treaty, huge student
protests and the inception of Japanese New Wave cinema by film critics and the studio.
The film addresses the conflicts within the Zengakuren, all student union, as they
discover an imposter among their club and imprison him. Similar to Kyojin to gangu, this
film represents an allegory of present day events positioning its main character between
the elite members of the university and the masses of society where he comes from. The
film is a prime example of works which have been ignored and overlooked, but represent
a balance of critical message and entertaining narrative.
Chapter V will provide a brief conclusion for the paper which will include
suggestions for the future of the field. Finally, Appendix A will provide various film data
for from 1955 to the end of 1960‘s. This includes each Kinema Junpo Best Ten List, a
year by year breakdown of the top grossing box office releases, data for total films
released, total box office grosses, and number of theaters. Appendix B will provide a
complete filmography for Masumura including his films as an assistant director with
release date, original title in Japanese, original title in roman characters and English
translation for ease of searching.
11
For Yoshimoto an analysis of Kurosawa was based on the belief, ―that one of the
most effective ways to contest the axioms of a particular field of study or discipline is to
take up a subject that is not necessarily new but already accepted as a canonical
material.‖14 In the best possible sense the goal of this thesis is to re-examine Masumura‘s
accepted position as a periphery figure of cinema scholarship. Not an argument for
Masumura as a New Wave member or even to blindly agree with his film criticism and
fall into what Yoshimoto refers to as the ‗authorial trap‘. Instead this work will attempt a
frank examination of available scholarship on Masumura as well as a close analysis of
two of his major films that testing the nature of his peripheral status.
14
Yoshimoto, Kurosawa: Film Studies and Japanese Cinema. pg. 3
12
CHAPTER II
IN THE WAKE OF THE WAVE
High Economic Growth Period
Before discussing the development of Japanese New Wave and the work of
Masumura Yasuzo it will be beneficial to address the major events of this period. This
will provide a background for the discussions and criticism which appear throughout their
work. For the purpose of this thesis an exhaustive analysis of the postwar period will not
be possible. However, a brief analysis of key political and social events from the end of
the occupation to the waning years of the high economic growth period will provide the
necessary framework to discuss the New Wave and Masumura.
The initial phase of the postwar period in Japan is denoted by the United States
led occupation from August, 1945 until April, 1952. This period marks Japan‘s initial
restoration following World War II which focused on building up infrastructure and reestablishing Japan‘s sovereignty. The first step came with the U.S. engineered
constitution of Japan signed on May 3, 1947. This constitution, modeled on the US
constitution, placed more responsibilities and rights into the hands of the public. The
constitution also included the often mentioned Article IX15 which forever renounced war
as a mean for conflict resolution. The inclusion of Article IX essentially set in motion the
need for Japan to become part of what John Dower refers to as, The San Francisco
15
The complete article nine states, ―1) Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and
order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of
force as a means of settling international disputes. 2) In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding
paragraph, land, sea , and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of
belligerency of the state will not be recognized.‖ See Niichiro Matsunami and Japan, The Japanese
Constitution and Politics (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979).
13
System.16 By 1951 Japan had made significant strides towards restoration. That fall a
majority of the U.S.‘s occupation goals had been completed except returning sovereignty
to Japan.
On September 8, 1951 in the War Memorial Opera House in San Francisco the
United States and forty eight nations signed the Treaty of Peace with Japan. The treaty
was engineered by future Secretary of State under Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles and
signed by Prime Minister, Yoshida Shigeru for Japan. This treaty marked the political
end of the United States led occupation of Japan. It was ratified and came into effect the
following spring on April 28, 1952. The treaty is significant for returning sovereignty to
Japan after only six years since the end of World War II. It also established the political
and economic bind Japan and the United States maintain to this day. In addition to
Japan‘s return of sovereignty, the day also marked the establishment of the first U.S.Japan Security Treaty. Within six hours of signing the peace treaty in a separate room
delegates from the United States and Japan, again led by John Foster Dulles and Prime
Minister Yoshida Shigeru, signed the Security Treaty between the United States and
Japan. This came into effect along with the Peace Treaty on April 28, 1952.
The immediate need for the security treaty stems directly from the provisions in
Article IX to give up the means for warfare or the use war as a means of conflict
resolution. While the article does provide for a self defense force, in 1951 Japan did not
have the means to produce it. As such the United States stepped into that role. The upshot
being that while Japan‘s independence was returned the country was still entangled in a
16
John W. Dower, "Peace and Democracy in Two Systems: External Policy and Internal Conflict," in
Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). pg. 4
14
very close relationship with their former occupiers. As John Dower describes these
treaties provided peace for Japan but at the same time, ―simultaneously aligned itself with
the cold-war policy of the United States.‖17 While this put Japan in the precarious
position between the United States and other Asian nations it did allow Japan to focus
attention on new national goals outside of defense or military spending. Through these
treaties Japan was able to focus on re-directing the national focus from war to economic
development. On the other hand these documents also set Japan down a road which
would lead to the largest political and social protests that ever with the eventual renewal
of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty.
Another significant element following the treaty ratifications came with the
establishment of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) which remained the dominant
political force in Japan for over fifty years. In the time following Yoshida Shigeru‘s
signature at San Francisco the conservative political groups in Japan became gridlocked.
The two sides included The Democratic Party led by Hatoya Ichiro and on the other The
Liberal Party Led by Yoshida Shigeru. As both parties drew from the conservative base it
ensured neither side had a majority and control of the government was fractured,
oscillating between the two parties. This oscillation led both groups in November of 1955
to merge into the Liberal Democratic Party which according to Dower, ―like its
predecessors, was neither liberal nor democratic and thus woefully misnamed.‖18 Humor
aside, the significance of this merger ensured political control for one party. With the
conservative slant of the LDP firmly in place, the state could now focus on exercising
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid. pg. 15
15
power over winning elections. ―By the early 1960‘s the Liberal Democratic Party had
consolidated its core social coalition of self-employed (small business proprietors and
farmers.) The party there after adapted its basic policies to sustain this coalition.‖19 This
coalition was extremely necessary for the LDP to remain in good favor with the masses
and local union groups as need for a security treaty revision emerged and the economy
began to achieve pre-war levels of growth.
The rise of the LDP in 1955 coincides with the revitalization of economy which
became a symbol for Japan throughout the remainder of the 1950‘s and the whole of the
1960‘s. With the LDP‘s successful merging, the initial economic growth of the mid fifties
gave support to their consolidation and ensured their continued control of the government.
At the same time any group opposing the LDP quickly became the focus of intense
ridicule, critique and protest. Carol Gluck summaries these developments saying,
―For the progressive opposition it represented the effort to define the
possibility of politics in a democratic form, but outside institutional
structures like the Diet, which was associated with the state. Thus the
progressives articulated a discourse of democracy as contestatory or
participatory social behavior, epitomized by the 1960 Security Treaty
protest and other popular movements.‖20
The protests against U.S. Japan Security Treaty revision signaled the public
display of many individuals discontent with the government and the national policies of
Japan. It is considered one of the most major social movements in the postwar period and
hit a fever pitch in the summer of 1960. From the lead up to revision, the protests which
19
Sheldon Garon and Mike Mochizuki, "Negotiating Social Contracts," in Postwar Japan as History, ed.
Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). pg. 164
20
Carol Gluck, "The Past in the Present," in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993). pg. 85
16
occurred during its ratification, and the critiques which followed each phase in the
process highlight the importance of this event. It shifted the focus of nearly every major
area of mass culture. From the political and economic to the social and artistic each area
felt the impact of the revision.
As described earlier Japan entered into a security treaty with the United States in
1951. That treaty was comprised of five articles wherein Japan grants the United States
the right ――to dispose land, air and sea forces in and about Japan.‖21 While the treaty
provided a basic outline many politicians in Japan and even in the United States began to
sense an inequality via vague language and specific gaps as to the details of the type of
security which would be provided. ―Preposterously unequal‖ was the phrase used by
Foreign Minister Fujiyama Aiichi in 1958. When treaty revision came on the agenda in
1960, U.S. officials also agreed that the 1951 Security Treaty with Japan was the most
inequitable bilateral agreement the United States had entered into after the war.‖22 With
this discontent many members of the LDP felt significant purpose in revising the initial
treaty.
Several of the major issues with the initial treaty included; no obligation for the
United States to provide protection to Japan, no time limit set on revision of the treaty,
nothing prevented nuclear weapons from being placed on the land of U.S. military bases
in Japan, and there was no obligation for the U.S. to follow the U.N Charter in acting
under or following the treaty.23
21
George R. Packard, Protest in Tokyo; the Security Treaty Crisis of 1960 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1966). pg. 356
22
Dower, "Peace and Democracy in Two Systems: External Policy and Internal Conflict." pg. 10
23
Packard, Protest in Tokyo; the Security Treaty Crisis of 1960. pg. 47
17
Soon after the resignation of Ishibashi Tanzan new Prime Minister, Kishi
Nobusuke outlined the goal of treaty revision in his first public address to the nation in
February, 1957. ―From the point of view of national sentiment, the Japanese people
desire that the present security treaty and administrative agreement between Japan and
the Unites states should be abolished.‖24 For Kishi this political aim became the legacy of
his time as Prime Minister.
On June 23, 1960 the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the
United States of America and Japan was signed into law by the LDP controlled
government of Japan. Signed in Washington the previous January and pushed to
ratification in May, Japan had successfully revised the security treaty of 1951. This new
treaty rectified many of the issues intellectuals, government officials, and the public had
with the initial treaty. The new treaty contained ten articles and provided greater clarity to
each term. Several key elements included a routine meeting between nations to discuss
the implementation of the treaty, security of Japan and peace throughout Asia. Another
key feature was a ten year time limit on the treaty demanding a continually revision and
agreement between both parties as to the value of the relationship.
In a variety of ways this treaty was an improvement on the one signed by Yoshida
Shigeru some nine years earlier. However, throughout the revision process popular
discontent for treaty revision, the LDP, Prime Minister Kishi and Japan‘s relationship
with the United States grew. From political protests, popular literature, to what became
known as the Japanese New Wave the security treaty revision marks a specific moment
when a sizeable portion of the population became discontent with their leadership and
24
New York Times, March 1, 1957.
18
began to openly express their frustration. The groups which fell into this category might
be considered progressives, but looking at the wide range of treaty revision protesters it is
difficult define this group with any sufficient general term. The prominent contingents
which led protests and were active voices throughout the treaty revision process included
the Socialist and Communist political parties (JSP and JCP), the Sôhyô (General Council
of Trade Unions of Japan), and the Zengakuren, Zen Nihon Gakusei Jichi-kai sorengo or
The All Japan Self Governing Student Federation. These larger groups were also joined
by smaller culture circles such as the Mountain Range, The Poets of Oi Factory, the
Grass Seeds, and the Voiceless Voices.25
The apex of political protest regarding the Security Treaty revision occurred on
two days, May 19 and June 15, 1960. Throughout the treaty revision protests occurred
daily, but on these specific dates just before the lower and upper houses of Japan‘s
parliament signed the revised treaty into law the protests reached a fever pitch. On the
evening of May 19th the LDP unilaterally approved a fifty day extension for the Diet
session to stay open and just after midnight the security treaty revision had been renewed
by the lower house. In all it took about twelve minutes. Outside nearly 15,000 people had
gathered, mostly Sôhyô members, chanting, ―Down with the Treaty (ANPO hantai)‖ and
―Overthrow Kishi (Kishi taose).‖26 There were around 5,000 police on hand at the Diet
building and eventually they were called into the compound to secure order. Within a few
25
See Wesley Makoto Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous : Citizen Protest in Postwar Japan
(Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, c2001., 2001). Sasaki goes into great detail about the formation and
history of each of these groups. In addition a good analysis of events during the protests encompasses the
introduction and first chapter.
26
Packard, Protest in Tokyo; the Security Treaty Crisis of 1960. pg. 239
19
hours the crowd at the Diet had dwindled to a third of its size and following the bills
passing the reaming people slowly dispersed. This did not stop the protests which
continued right through to the final ratification of the bill reaching a peak on June, 15th.
In the early afternoon of the fifteenth, labor unions, student protesters, small
culture circles, and various others gathered and once again made their way to the Diet
building. The student groups marched to the south gate where they began chanting
―Down with ANPO‖ and ―Down with Kishi‖ as student leaders shouted from
megaphones atop trucks. Throughout the afternoon the protesters continued shouting and
linking arms to perform a zig-zag snake dance in front of the Diet. This lasted until
students on the south gate grew restless and began cutting the Diet‘s wire gates and
pulling at the entrance to get inside to the courtyard.
Around the same time a group of conservative rightists and smaller cultural
circles on the opposite side of the Diet building turned their protest on one another. It was
during this time that a member of the rightist group drove a truck into the fight injuring
many and starting a cascade of violence. The wire cutting students had worked quickly
and by six in the evening they pulled the south gate open and started removing the police
trucks barricading the entrance. Within the hour several trucks had been flipped over and
burned.
With the gate smashed and trucks burning students poured into the diet courtyard
and police were forced to strike back. In the confusion of fire hoses and clubs twenty year
old Michiko Kamba, a student from Tokyo University, had been killed. News of the
student‘s death spread through the crowd like and soon protestors became more
emboldened and tipping over more trucks.
20
Fighting shifted to the main gate and carried on until four in the morning. Police
continued to use fire hoses and were finally ordered to use tear gas to forcibly remove
everyone out of the area. All told the protests had rallied nearly 70,000 people to
demonstrate outside the Diet building and nearly 5,000 police forces were brought in to
provide a blockade. The destruction of the evening produced 18 burned out police trucks,
left hundreds hurt, several hundred more arrested, and one student dead.27
The immediate result of these actions did not curtail the revision of the treaty. By
June 23rd all necessary signatures had been collected and the treaty was ratified. However,
once significant result was the immediate resignation of Prime Minister Kishi on the
same morning of the treaty‘s ratification.
―On the occasion of the coming into effect of this historically significant
new security treaty, I keenly realize the need for a change of government
to change completely the thinking of the people and aggressively to carry
out new policies in line with both the domestic and the international
situation. I have therefore decided to resign as Prime Minister.‖28
While the protests did not achieve their immediate goals, these events do reveal
some unique aspects to the makeup of the populace at the time. Each group that
participated in the protests seems to come from a different background, age and even
political stance.
The major success of the protests movements during the 1960 ANPO struggle was
in the individual used their own voice to express ideas about the political power which
extended to the film world with artists like Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige and even
Masumura Yasuzo. This is supported by Victor Koschmann who writes, ―ANPO
27
Packard provides a detailed accounted of the events on the day including a greater description of the
political turmoil happening inside the diet at the time. See Ibid. pgs. 291-299
28
Asahi Shimbun, June 23, 1960.
21
demonstrations also marked the beginnings of political action by ordinary citizens who
sometimes acted outside existing organizational contexts.‖29 Groups such as the
Mountain Range, the Poets of Oi factory, and the Voiceless voices show even with large
groups like the Zengakuren or the trade union individuals could make their voices heard.
―The general consensus seems to have been: never again. And this consensus has stuck:
never since 1960 have the major partisan actors gone so far in confrontation, and never
have the Japanese people become involved in such numbers in openly confrontational
extra parliamentary conflict.‖30
In an effort to deflect the negative attention of the former cabinet‘s political
machinations, newly sworn in Prime Minister, Ikeda Hayato, emphasized a plan to boost
the economy and individual salaries through the Income Doubling Plan introduced in
1959 and strongly promoted throughout 1960. The plan championed redistribution of
economic benefits within the context of a celebrating economic growth.31
This plan only became possible from economic developments which began to
shift five years prior in 1955. That year marked the first time the gross national product
(GNP) of Japan has surpassed prewar levels. The following year the government‘s
Economic White Paper (keizai hakusho) claimed that the postwar year had come to an
end due to this growth. From 1955-1960 the economy continued to grow at a steady rate
29
J. Victor Koschmann, Revolution and Subjectivity in Postwar Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1996). Pg. 407
30
James W. White, "Dynamics of Political Opposition," in Postwar Japan as History (Berkeley: University
of California, 1993). pg. 430
31
Laura E. Hein, "Growth Versus Success: Japan's Economic Policy in Historical Perspective," in Postwar
Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). pg. 114
22
of 8.8 % annually.32 This was made possible through strong investments in technology
development, industrial plant construction, and equipment production. The success
during this period made it possible for the Income Doubling Plan to be introduced.
Ikeda began to developing the plan in early 1959. He drew on comments by
Japanese economists such as Nakayama Ichiro‘s wage doubling theory and bureaucratic
loners such as, Shimomura Osamu, who had generally not received a lot of credibility by
more mainstream politicians.33A report from the Advisory Commission on Economics
presented to the Kishi cabinet in December 1959 marked the introduction of the plan. The
following year, December 1960, the Ikeda cabinet formally approved the Income
Doubling Plan. Over the course of the next decade from 1960-1970 the GNP would
continue to rise at an annual rate of nearly 10% growing stronger each year. For instance
from 1965-1970 the GNP grew 11.6% annually with the highest increase in 1967 at
13.1%.34 This success is considerable given the relatively short period of time since the
end of World War II and recent social unrest during the security treaty revision.
The Income Doubling Plan and its directives produced results that surpassed
expectations. Targets for a ten-year period were often met in seven years or less.35 The
success of this growth is due in large part to developments of industry and production,
but also the active involvement of consumers.
32
Yutaka Kosai, The Era of High-Speed Growth : Notes on the Postwar Japanese Economy ([Tokyo]:
University of Tokyo Press, 1986). pg. 112
33
Ibid. pg. 130
34
Ibid. pg. 158
35
Gary D. Allinson, "The Structure and Transformation of Conservative Rule," in Postwar Japan as
History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). pg. 136
23
Concurrent to the rise in GNP followed a previously unseen level of mass
consumerism as people were encouraged to spend their income. As Dower puts it, ―the
―age of the electrified household‖ is said to have materialized in 1955, when housewives
dreamed of owning the ―three divine appliances‖ –electric washing machines,
refrigerators and television.‖36 This dream became a reality for many people with nearly
twenty percent of households between 1958-1959 purchasing televisions sets.37From that
point and throughout the 1960‘s new households at a steady rate of nearly 10% purchased
modern home appliances such as: electric refrigerators, washing machines, cameras, and
vacuum cleaners each year. Each of these products provided convenience, but also helped
fulfill an ideal promoted by media images of modern life. This spending helped create a
mass market that at last made high-speed growth possible.38
This is an interesting development as only a decade before people were told to
ration for the state and be content going without. Hein describes that ―in larger cultural
terms, Ikeda and his allies transformed the image of consumer spending into a positive,
officially sanctioned one.‖39 Sanctioning of purchases also led to the development of
many consumer goods such as, manga and magazines, which went beyond products
36
Dower, "Peace and Democracy in Two Systems: External Policy and Internal Conflict." pg. 17 The use
of the ‗three magical treasures‘ took on an interesting transformation throughout the High Economic
Growth Period. Carol Gluck breaks it down that, ―Consumer optimism ―the brightness of the pursuit of
desire‖ ―This pursuit represented both the income-doubling high-growth line of the government and the
rising consumer culture of the ―Showa Genroku‖ when consumers of the late 1960‘s moved from the
convenient ―three treasures: to the middle class ―three C‘s‖ and began to dream of the lucurious ―three Vs‖
(The three treasures (1957): washing machine, vacuum cleaner, refrigerator; the three C;s (1966): cooler,
car, color television; the three V‘s (1973): villa, vacansu, and visit (vacation house, overseas travel, and
guests for dinner) pg. 73
37
Kosai, The Era of High-Speed Growth : Notes on the Postwar Japanese Economy. pg. 122
38
Hein, "Growth Versus Success: Japan's Economic Policy in Historical Perspective." pg. 114
39
Ibid. pg. 114
24
connected with providing an easier home life or for the specific purpose of maintaining
the home.
In her discussion of consumer culture Marilyn Ivy writes, ―The immense
popularity of manga- their continuing appeal in the midst of high growth and an everburgeoning electronic media industry- prompted a series of debates over the nature of
mass versus popular culture and over the possibilities of popular resistance contained
within mass forms.‖40 The success of these industries also indicated changes in class and
consumer practices in society.
With the flourish of mass market forms of entertainment like manga and anime
the divisions between rich and poor or high class and mass culture (junsui and taishu)
began to dissipate. These groupings were differentiated in terms of gender and generation,
but much less so in terms of class or regional affiliation: company president, company
janitor, and farmer alike came to read the same magazines, watch the same television
shows, and own the same basic array of electric appliances.41 The madness of this
consumer craze was a theme of Ozu Yasujiro‘s film, Ohayo, and at the heart of
Masumura‘s own, Kyojin to gangu which will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter III.
It is a challenge to encapsulate the variety of events and developments which
occurred in Japan during the extremely busy years following the end of the war and
throughout the High Economic Growth Period. From the occupation to peace and
security treaties, civil protests, economic growth and mass level consumerism this period
produced a remarkable environment for creative minds to engage. For a variety of artists,
40
Ivy, "Formations of Mass Culture." pg. 248
41
Ibid. pg. 241
25
such as the ones covered in the next section, the rising GNP, personal wealth and pursuit
of the modern age, were juxtaposed with confusion about the direction Japan should head.
This included, Japan‘s foreign policy and international relations (particularly with the
US), concerns over the speed at which Japan‘s industries were developing, and a general
discontent felt by youth and exhibited by their protesting of ANPO provided a
remarkable pool for artists to create inventive stories which addressed these concerns.
The next section will engage the emboldened the creative community of filmmakers
during this period who expressed their thoughts on the problems facing the nation
through the cinema.
Japanese New Wave
―With the continual release of ‗masturbatory‘ films by the New Wave
group, I only think of the overall waste of cinema.‖42
-Yamamoto Takami, company worker
Having provided a broad sketch of the postwar period‘s major political and
economic events this section will focus on Japanese New Wave cinema. Noting the
quotation, it is apparent that while the New Wave had an impact on Japanese cinema
during the late 1950‘s and in particular the year 1960, it was a style of film which did not
sit well with all audiences. This is a small illustration of the larger argument of this text
that while critically engaging Japanese New Wave cinema did not speak to the masses
and in fact represent only a minority of the film landscape during this period.
Rather than provide a chronological historiography or critically analyze major
films of the New Wave, this section will outline various interpretations, criticism and
42
Kinema Junpo, no. 277 (1960). pg. 48
26
scholarship during the New Wave‘s critical hey-day. Doing so will outline the
scholarship on New Wave as well as highlight how it has been interpreted over time.
More than chronicle the New Wave this section also seeks to highlight how Masumura
and more broadly how mass culture cinema is situated in relation to the level of
discussion provided the New Wave.
English scholarship will provide a sense of the trajectory of cinema studies on
films released during the High Economic Growth Period, followed by an engagement of
Japanese primary source articles written during the development of New Wave as well as
secondary sources will help provide a fuller picture of interpretations and the importance
placed on Japanese New Wave.
Japanese New Wave first came to prominence for western countries through
international film festivals in Europe tracing back through media and studio publicity to
Oshima Nagisa‘s first films from 1960 and then on to the debut of Yoshida Yoshishige
and Shinoda Masahiro the following summer. All three promoted as the face of the
―Shochiku Nouvelle Vague‖ by their studio, Shochiku, even before it became a
portmanteau term encompassing any director or film which seemed to break in narrative
or technical construction from anything deemed ―classical‖ or past. The relative disunity
with the development of the New Wave can be attributed in part to its retrospective
construction. As we will see in the western, English language, sources Japanese New
Wave had already passed its prime when the first articles and monographs began to
appear in the 1980s. Also, while journalism in Japan was quick to capture the fever of
New Wave, many were at a loss for how to accurately describe the movement,
encapsulate its themes or even decide on its members. The fascination with this varied
27
history, showing how the dominance of this group has essentially ostracized the larger
film culture of the period by this admittedly low attended trend.43
Undoubtedly, the most significant monograph on this subject is David Desser‘s,
Eros Plus Massacre: An Introduction to the Japanese New Wave Cinema. Published in
1988, it is still the most identifiable English language text on the New Wave. For Desser
this book acts as a way of not only introducing Japanese New Wave cinema, but filling a
‗certain gap‘ in the critical literature of film studies.44 Desser frames his monograph via
seven major themes, with each chapter named after a film to highlight a particular area of
interest. The themes include narrative structure and ideology, youth culture,
representations of women, and sexuality.
More broadly Desser frames the New Wave within the context of the major
events, described earlier, with the postwar period to show how Japanese filmmakers used
cinema as a tool and as a weapon in cultural struggles. Furthermore, Desser defines
Japanese New Wave Cinema, ―as films produced and/or released in the wake of
Oshima‘s A Town of Love and Hope, films which take an overtly political stance in a
general way or toward a specific issue, utilizing a deliberately disjunctive form compared
to previous filmic norms in Japan.‖45 So while Desser is concerned with the political or
historical events of the period the framing of New Wave cinema rests more on Oshima‘s
debut than any other factor.
43
See Kinema Junpo Feburary 1st, 1961 issue for breakdown of figures on Japanese New Wave film
attendance.
44
David Desser, Eros Plus Massacre : An Introduction to the Japanese New Wave Cinema (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1988). pg. 2
45
Ibid. pg. 4
28
For many Oshima comes to form the center of the New Wave directors so it is no
coincidence that his debut film is used as the marker for the start of the New Wave.
Similarly, Yoshida‘s Eros purasu gyakusatau, the title of the book, serves as the New
Wave‘s end point before the rise of pink or roman porno films46 which became a
significant part of film culture in the 1970‘s. For the sake of clarity this places the New
Wave almost entirely within the decade of the 1960‘s with the majority of press focusing
on films released in the first half of the decade.
While Desser does provide some measure of clarity as to the New Wave‘s
significance47, it is clear the purpose of this monograph is to highlight the dominance of
the New Wave by indicating that its films represent an active opposition to normative
political and social trends by stylistically breaking from any norms present in Japanese
films.
The trouble with this approach is that while highlighting the significance of the
New Wave and making a strong claim as to their unique space in Japanese Cinema it has
the unintended effect of marginalizing the remaining majority of domestic films released
throughout the 1960‘s. This is seen with the manner in which Desser describes Masumura
in relation to the theme of his text.
In the introduction Desser mentions of Masumura as one of the figures
surrounding the New Wave movement.
46
Soft-core pornographic films which dominated the film landscape of the 1970s. In particular Nikkatsu
which changed its title and became an exclusive distributor of this type of film.
47
Desser mentions that in his estimate only 10 percent of films released a year could be associated with the
New Wave. Even according to him that number was generous. Desser, Eros Plus Massacre : An
Introduction to the Japanese New Wave Cinema. pg. 9
29
―Masumura Yasuzo, who‘s Kuchizuke (Kisses, 1957) was an
important precursor to the New Wave, might be said to stand alongside of
the movement in the 60‘s. While his films are often thematically
appropriate, their style is formally closer to the works of Kobayashi and
Ichikawa than to Oshima or Yoshida.‖48
From this description it is clear that Desser does not merit Masumura‘s work in the same
realm as Oshima or Yoshida. While this is not an outright disparagement, it creates a
divide. A divide which can again be taken positively, but in relation to the thesis of the
text suggests the superior position of the New Wave and its central figures.
This is continued with another description of Masumura‘s debut film Kuchizuke.
―The film is clearly a forerunner not only of the youth films of the New Wave directors in
Japan, but looks forward to the first features of the French New Wave, as well.‖49
Following this description Desser provides a final summary of Masumura as a filmmaker
before and during the New Wave. ―As well as providing one of the immediate cinematic
models for the New Wave, Masumura would remain on a parallel with them; his films of
the ‗60s tackled the subject of women, as did many of the New Wave filmmakers.‖50 On
one level Desser seems to praise Masumura as a starting point or reference for New
Wave filmmakers. However, Desser also makes repeated and specific mention of the
division between the New Wave and Masumura.
This is not to suggest that Masumura should be considered a major member of the
New Wave or that Desser‘s assessment is incorrect. Merely that this highlights the
obscure position of Masumura and the majority of mass culture cinema by this type of
48
Ibid. pg. 11
49
Ibid. pg. 43
50
Ibid. pg. 43
30
boundary defining scholarship. While Desser‘s work focused on filling a very specific
area of film studies other scholarship attempting a broader approach form the blueprint of
who Desser includes in the New Wave.
Nearly twelve years earlier Joan Mellen conducted a study of various ‗voices‘ in
contemporary Japanese cinema. Published in 1975 Voices from the Japanese Cinema
provided a variety of in-depth interviews with many of the most well known or critically
lauded directors of the time. Mellen‘s goal for the book was simply to meet great
directors and converse with them. In particular discussing, ―how their films were received
in Japan, the values and premises behind the Japanese director‘s conception of his art and
how these differ from a Western approach.‖51 Mellen‘s book is essentially a roll call of
the major figures which future scholars, including Desser, would use to frame the
narrative history of Japanese cinema from the end of World War II to the start of the
1970‘s.
In addition to Kurosawa, Kobayashi, and Imai Tadashi, Mellen interviewed many
of the 1960‘s ‗extraordinary generation of filmmakers‘52 who made the important films of
the decade. Without using the term New Wave, Mellen interviewed most of the figures
Desser highlights as the core of the group. These include: Oshima Nagisa, Masahiro
Shinoda, Teshigahara Hiroshi and Hani Susumu. Unlike Desser though, Mellen make no
mention of Masumura. For the most part Mellen‘s work acts as a framing device for the
key New Wave figures Desser includes in his work. This is supported by the frequent
citation of Mellen‘s book in Eros Plus Massacre.
51
Joan Mellen, Voices from the Japanese Cinema (New York: Liveright, 1975). pg. 2
52
Ibid. pg. 1
31
Mellen‘s book was designed as a way of providing the English speaking world
with some of the first interviews of important, contemporary directors from Japan.
Following her, Keiko McDonald provides one of the first major analytical studies of
Japanese cinema in her book, Cinema East: A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films.
Unlike the early publications McDonald‘s work is the first text to analyze specific films
on a critical level. Assessing the concepts present in the films as well as engaging their
contextual environment McDonald utilizes a variety of sources in her analysis to bring
together a richer, more vibrant study. Audie Bock‘s review supports this highlighting it as,
a synthesis of Japanese source material and western critical analysis.53
Taking the approach of a literary critic, McDonald, considers each film as a
finished product as opposed to a part of a larger work in process. This limits some
cohesion in her analysis, but provides a variety of films to be studied. Even with this
methodology and the variety of films addressed McDonald does attempt to provide a
clear-cut narrative for Japanese film history in her introduction, focusing primarily on the
immediate postwar to the end of the 1960‘s.54 Each period is highlighted by major
director‘s names. The immediate postwar of World War II is emphasized by the ‗Big
Three‘ of Kurosawa, Mizoguchi and Ozu followed by other names such as Imai Tadashi
and Kinoshita Keishuke. With the arrival of the 1960‘s McDonald invokes the New
Wave through the names Oshima, Yoshida, and Shinoda. Given the limited scope of the
53
Audie E. Bock, "Review: Cinema East: A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films," The Journal of Asian
Studies 43, no. 3 (1984). pg. 546
54
For the full description see Keiko I. McDonald, Cinema East : A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films
(Rutherford [N.J.]: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1983). pg. 11-17
32
project and relatively short historical description of the introduction it is no surprise that
Masumura is left off the list.
Bock praises the work as an important piece for introductory Japanese cinema
studies. This praise also hints at the lack of depth in the field up to this point. Since the
publication of Anderson and Richie‘s book55 in 1960 to McDonald‘s in 1983 Japanese
cinema studies is still viewed, even within the community, as an introductory study. With
that knowledge it is understandable that the most critically well received films and
directors were the first to be analyzed. In the years after other scholars and edited
volumes attempt to expand the field with varying results.
One such work edited by Arthur Nolletti, Jr and David Desser, Reframing
Japanese Cinema: Authorship, Genre, and History, attempted to complexify the field of
Japanese film studies. It is highlighted in the introduction that as film studies has
developed; Japanese film history has remained rather sparse. The goal of the text was to
offer up, ―critical and historical assessments that build upon, refine, or bring greater
specificity to a variety of particular areas and issues.‖56 The book is separated by three
sections Authorship, Genre, and History to provide a varying approach to achieve the
books overall goals.
The text provides insight to a variety of films had not previously been discussed
in any great detail. In particular, discussions of Yakuza films, comedy films, cinema in
the silent and pre-World War one era. Unfortunately, this does not lead to a greater
55
See Joseph L. Anderson and Donald Richie, The Japanese Film: Art and Industry (New York: Grove
Press, 1960).
56
Arthur Nolletti and David Desser, eds., Reframing Japanese Cinema: Authorship, Genre, History
(Bloomington, ID: Indiana University Press, 1992). pg. xii
33
analysis of films or filmmakers in the postwar and high growth era. Max Tessier‘s
chapter on Oshima Nagisa stands as the only representation of the period. Aaron Gerow
in his review of the work highlights the slight misstep of this chapter and the entire
section on authorship. Gerow points out that while featuring important directors like
Kurosawa, Ozu, Mizoguchi and Oshima the authorship section is in fact the weakest of
the book. The major reason being that, with the exception of Nolletti‘s opening chapter
on Gosho Heinosuke, none of the essays, ―expand significantly the field either in subject
or methodology.‖57 Tessier‘s chapter in the end does not reframe Japanese cinema during
the postwar era, but re-affirms early scholarship around the tent pole figure of Oshima
Nagisa and by extension Japanese New Wave.
In the past decade several other publications have attempted a much broader
historical overview of Japanese cinema encompassing a variety of new information while
building on developments that had occurred over the past decade. The first being Isolde
Standish‘s A New History of Japanese Cinema: A Century of Narrative Film published in
2005.
Standish states that her study, ―focuses on the historical development of Japanese
cinema as a nexus, a point where a multiplicity of, at times, competing and merging
forces from the traditional arts, sociopolitical trends and Western technology came to be
adopted, adapted and altered to produce a cinematic tradition.‖58 This approach mirrors
Scott Nygren‘s goal for Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History
57
Aaron Gerow, "Review: Reframing Japanese Cinema: Authorship, Genre, History," The Journal of the
Association of Teachers of Japanese 28, no. 1 (1994). pg. 119
58
Isolde Standish, A New History of Japanese Cinema: A Century of Narrative Film (New York: The
Continuum International Publishing Group Inc, 2005). pg. 14
34
published in 2007. Nygren‘s book attempts to highlight, ―representations of time in
Japanese film and culture, the inflections of history that these narratives generate, and the
dislocations across cultural difference produced by situating Japan in a world context.‖59
Each of these texts aim for a more complex study revolving around the symbiotic
relationship between varying critical modes of reception in relation to the shifts of time.
Neither book focuses on a chronological nor auteur based study. Similar to
Desser‘s approach in Eros Plus Massacre these texts utilize abstract concepts or themes
to highlight a particular group of films or thematic traits that will be analyzed. For
Standish this includes topics like: modernity, the state, gender, humanism and
transgression. Nygren similarly frames arguments around: international modernism,
reconsidering humanism, and postmodern networks.
In her chapter, ―Cinema and Transgression‖, Standish is quick to highlight the
taiyozoku or sun-tribe films which were produced in the mid to late fifties. The name
derives from the works of popular novelist and long time governor of Tokyo Ishihara
Shintaro. The most well known sun-tribe film being Kurruta kajitsu directed by Nakahira
Ko released in 1956. The sun-tribe novels and films generally focus on disaffected youth
who wish to escape the confines of societal pressures to become company employees and
in an act of rebellion take to the beach and their boat, clad in Hawaiian shirts, willfully
breaking down the system.
Standish‘s discussion of this period does show an added level of nuance by
including it in their discussion before. Unfortunately this does not lend itself to a deeper
discussion of either the New Wave, those associated with it, or other cinematic
59
Nygren, Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History. pg. xvii
35
developments of the 1960‘s. Standish instead highlights the rise of three radical
filmmakers of the 1960‘s; Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige and Imamura Shohei.
This thread is carried on further with her analysis of the 1960‘s subtitled, ―Oshima
Nagisa and the Cinema of Cruelty‖60 which details the 1960‘s through the films and
critical writings of the director. Standish does provide one of the more comprehensive
analyses of Oshima using both English sources and Japanese materials from journals like
Kinema Junpo as well as Oshima‘s own writing on cinema.
Focusing primarily on Oshima with minimal reference to others like Masahiro
Shinoda, Imamura Shohei and Teshigahara Hiroshi this section does not expand or
provide much in the way of a new approach from this era. Needless to say Masumura or
any other figure outside those mentioned remain absent from the discussion. This is
unfortunate given Standish‘s obvious dedication to providing a more complex and
comprehensive evaluation of the topics included in her study.
Nygren‘s text provides a unique interpretation of how time and the influx of
information can be used to analyze Japanese films. However, after providing a brief
summary of the major postwar events, such as the ANPO protests, Nygren focuses all
cinematic developments of the 1960‘s on Oshima, Imamura and Yoshida.61 In his
analysis Nygren agrees with Desser‘s assessment that the New Wave begins with the
release of Oshima‘s debut film. However, he does argue that the seeds for its emergence
lie not in the taiyozoku, Masumura or even French New Wave, but in Kurosawa‘s Ikiru
from 1952.
60
Standish, A New History of Japanese Cinema: A Century of Narrative Film. pg. 237
61
See Nygren, Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History. pg. 170-71 & 184-87
36
This significantly breaks from Desser‘s analysis of the New Wave developing
parallel to French New Wave with its own degree of ‗integrity and specificity.‘62 It also
shows a unique level of interpretation and refinement of early perceptions of the period.
Nevertheless this interpretation and reconfiguration of the period are limited to the known
figures of Japanese cinema, never extending beyond the boundaries of previously charted
territory.
In this overview of the major English publications certain names such as Oshima
Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige, Imamura Shohei, Masahiro Shinoda and to a lesser extent
Hiroshi Teshigahara, have appeared repeatedly. The earliest publications by Mellen and
McDonald staked out the initial grouping of directors and films for each period from the
immediate postwar period and throughout the 1960s. With the publication of Desser‘s
work the New Wave specific films and filmmakers are grouped together for the purpose
of unity and streamlining the narrative of 1960‘s cinema. Since that time these directors
and films have formed the core of film scholarship for the period, affirmed and reaffirmed with each successive publication.
One factor which may account for this is the limited number of texts from
Japanese scholars or critics translated into English. To date Currents of Japanese Cinema
written by Sato Tadao remains nearly the only book of its kind. Published in 1983 the
book was translated primarily from the 1971 publication, nihon eiga shiso shi.63 Audie
Bock praised Sato for discussing a broader spectrum of directors and films than were
available at the time. As Bock describes rather than simply re-hash conversations on
62
Desser, Eros Plus Massacre : An Introduction to the Japanese New Wave Cinema. pg. 4
63
See Tadao Sato, Nihon Eiga Shisoshi (Tokyo: Sanichi Shobo, 1970).
37
Kurosawa, Ozu, Mizoguchi or Naruse, Sato is looks high and low for any film that might
spark conversation or provide food for thought. ―What makes his writing unique is that
he can invariably come up with a reason for the popularity of the trashy films as well as a
good analysis of the artistic ones.‖64 Bock emphasizes this range from legitimate genres
such as the ‗mother film‘ to the gangster and soft core porn films which ‗dragged the
market down‘ throughout the 1970s.
Sato‘s book is organized into a variety of sections including one on the New
Wave entitled, ‗Developments of the 1960‘s‘ which similar to Mellen‘s interview provide
a framework for Desser‘s construction of the New Wave. In particular, Sato‘s
arrangement of Masumura in the ‗background‘ of emerging cinematic trends closely
matches Desser‘s own idea that Masumura ran ‗parallel‘ to the New Wave. While Sato
never uses the term New Wave in his analysis the narrative construction of Masumura‘s
place in cinematic developments once again places more emphasis or importance on the
developments of Oshima or Yoshida‘s films than any other film or artists at that time. In
addition Sato does not mention Masumura‘s films from the 1960‘s, only his very early
films from the late 1950‘s from his debut with Kuchizuke in 1957 until his fifth film
Kyojin to gangu in 1958. While there may not be a conscious effort to minimize
Masumura, his placement in various scholarly texts has continually pushed him to the
periphery.
Another significant publication which boosted the awareness of New Wave
cinema and provided easy access for scholars is the 1991 translated collection of Oshima
64
Audie E. Bock, "Review: Currents in Japanese Cinema: Essays by Tadao Sato," Journal of Japanese
Studies 9, no. 2 (1983). pg. 360
38
Nagisa‘s essays, Cinema, Censorship, and the State. This publication comes out just prior
to the edited collection, Reframing Japanese Cinema and is the first extensive volume to
feature a director‘s critical writings in English. For those interested in postwar or high
growth era cinema, the translation of Oshima‘s essays provides a treasure trove of
accessible materials. With this book any scholar writing about Oshima or films of the
1960‘s could quickly cite this book as a source of further reading. The book also
solidified Oshima‘s place at the heart of the New Wave. As Marueen Turim aptly
describes in her review, ―As the most widely seen director to have emerged in Japanese
film-making since the 1950s, Oshima is for most Western viewers the emblem of the
Japanese New Wave.‖65 This emblem while initially promoting a batch of filmmakers has
overtime turned into a static, canonized group repeatedly cited and analyzed over and
over.
Having addressed a majority of available of English scholarship it is now possible
to shift attention to the debates and have arisen in Japan throughout the High Growth
Period. Looking at key articles around from the inception of Japanese New Wave will
provided access to the initial discussions regarding what this term encompassed.
Combining this analysis with several secondary sources it will become clear how
Japanese New Wave has been situated in Japanese scholarship. Finally, turning toward
more recent scholarship will show the direction a few scholars have begun to suggest a
need for more expansive scholarship of figures like Masumura and mass culture cinema.
As much as some have argued for the unique nature of Japanese New Wave it is
65
Maureen Turim, "Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima," Film Quarterly
47, no. 4 (1994). pg. 37
39
clear that the name at least derived from the term, French Nouvelle Vague. A quick
overview of articles in prominent journals such as Kinema Junpo and Eiga Hyron clearly
indicate the fascination with ‗French New Wave‘ and Godard‘s Breathless in 1959 and
the idea of Japan potentially having its own New Wave throughout 1960. With the
coincidental debut of Oshima and Yoshida journalists had a people and films that could
be attached to the term. Throughout 1960-1962 a flurry of articles regarding the New
Wave appeared in film journals and magazines before tapering off in the later portion of
the decade. Looking at a variety of articles from this period will clarify some of the
confusion that existed about the term New Wave, such as who it applied to and what it
meant for the cinema world.
In early 1960 a variety of screenwriters and film industry members began to
clamor aboard hype of the New Wave. Magazines began including articles which
attempted to introduce, educate and define the term. Unlike the scholarship discussed
earlier, the articles written at the outset of 1960 express an uncertainty that slowly
dissipates over the course of the year. For instance an article by Horikawa Hiromichi,
director of Kuroi gashu adapted from the Matsumoto Seicho novel, emphasizes the
relationship between screenwriter and director for the New Wave. The article titled, ―The
foundation for the birth of Japan‘s New Wave‖ is written as a forecast for the coming
year. While this article is published four months after the release of Oshima‘s debut, Ai to
kibo no machi, Horikawa‘s refrains from labeling any Japanese film with the term New
Wave. His conversation limited to general didactic phrases. ―For the emergence of a
Japanese ‗New Wave‘ I believe that a cooperative relationship with the screenwriter (and
40
director) is absolutely imperative.‖66 Horikawa suggests this will be the critical aspect
which will propel the New Wave into existence for Japan. He argues that this relationship
will provide an important break from the standard model of studio heads picking a script
they find interesting (i.e. profitable), assigning a director, promoted and released on time
within budget. At the same time Horikawa never attempts to provide a personal definition
of just what the New Wave is.
In addition to forecasts about the important themes or foundations of the New
Wave several members of the film industry began to point out the absurdity of the title
even before it had taken root. In an interview conducted by Okada Susumu for Kinema
Junpo, screenwriter Mizuki Yoko claims, ―I am the New Wave.‖67 While the title is
meant somewhat in jest Mizuki is citing the superficial nature of a name like New Wave.
When watching the recent films of the day Mizuki cannot help but laugh saying,
―Everyone, is this not the same thing I did (ten years ago) and at the time was criticized
for?‖68 Mizuki also makes it clear that even if he wanted to write a film imbued with the
qualities of rebelliousness, youth angst and critical political observation film companies
would not be receptive. ―If I were to try that the company would not take it. On the other
hand for a young person it would be accepted. They are young therefore they are new,
right? And if we were to write a ‗New Wave‘ film (in the past) it would be rare for a
director to comprehend it.‖69 In this interview Mizuki is candid about the pleasure he
66
Hiromichi Horikawa, "Nihon No <Atarashi Nami> Ga Umareru Kiso," Kinema Junpo, no. 253 (1960).
pg. 85
67
Susumu Okada, "Watashi Wa Nuveru Vague," Kinema Junpo, no. 263 (1960). pg. 69
68
Ibid. pg. 70
69
Ibid. pg. 71
41
derives from more recent films which break from the standard process of script selection,
director assignment, production and release. However, his interview reveals the
journalistic hype and narrow parameters of a New Wave, when juxtaposed with his own
career.
These articles present a snippet of how New Wave became a cultural meme in
film journals each attempting to latch the term onto any new filmmaker whose production
broke from the classic production pattern. However, the term lacked any clear meaning
regarding specific people or content. Both Horikawa and Mizuki indicate that the New
Wave had emerged, but there was no sense as to what that meant. Both seem more
focused on the material production of the films as a sign to their ―New Waviness‖. These
articles speak to the confusion of the day, but also show an attempt to forecast what the
movement would or should be. Most of all it serves as point of departure for the New
Wave debate which would continue throughout the year.
By July of 1960, journalists and Shochiku finally found a specific film and
director to label Japanese New Wave with the release of Oshima Nagisa‘s second feature,
Seishun zankoku monogatari. Released on June 3, 1960 the film received very positive
reviews and became situated as the landmark film of the New Wave for the year. From
Desser to Standish, Oshima‘s second theatrical feature is highlights all the major themes
of the movement. Along with Nihon no yoru to kiri released in October of 1960, Seishun
zankoku monogatari is held up as the strongest example of youth angst, political
protesting, rebellion against the system, and hopelessness exhibited by any of the New
Wave films.
42
Lauded on multiple levels the film provided the first citable film for critics to call,
New Wave. Kokura Shinbi writes, ―Even with an older style, felt by the over-reach of the
characters deaths and logical progression of the film, in form and content it is suitable to
say that for the first time it the New Wave of Japanese cinema has arrived.‖70 The review
goes on in greater detail, citing the effective depiction of the sadness by youth of various
generations. In particular, a scene Kiyoshi sits eating an apple while girlfriend Makoto‘s
older sister, Yuki, speaks with a former classmate about their failure to insight change is
repeatedly mentioned for its effectiveness. This scene is a short version of what becomes
the narrative framing device for Oshima‘s Nihon no yoru to kiri which creates a dialogue
between modern day student protesters and communist supporters for a generation earlier.
Iijima Koichi praised the Seishun zankoku monogatari for its ‗wonderful level of
sadistic imagery.‘71 Not praising the actions as wonderful, merely indicating that the
reality displayed by the characters throughout the film, however depraved, were
wonderful to experience. Iijima admires how in breaking from tradition the film also
shows that going forward films must continue the same rebellious drive and realism
despite the difficulty that might be presented by the studio or other forces.72 This film
provides the first tangible film for critics to label as an example of the New Wave.
Appearing in theaters just under two weeks before the largest and most violent of the
ANPO protests, it is conceivable that the fervor of that month aided in the declarations
70
Shinbi Kokura, "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Seishun Zankoku Monogatari," Kinema Junpo, no. 262 (1960). pg.
127
71
Koichi Iijima, "Oshima Nagisa to Seishun Zankoku Monogatari," Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 7 (1960). pg. 61
72
Ibid. pg. 63
43
made by the reviewers. In any event these reviews form the touchstone for each article to
follow on the New Wave in Japan or which directly reference Oshima Nagisa.
By August of 1960 both Oshima Nagisa and Yoshida Yoshishige debut films had
been released. As a way of staking claim to the title of New Wave, Shochiku began to
market their films with these directors, and nearly any new director, as the next in line for
the New Wave. In fact the same month that Oshima‘s second film was receiving reviews,
the tag lines for Yoshida‘s debut film, Rokudenashi, declared as much. ―From Seishun
zankoku monogatari the next ―New Wave‖ release! Dry Drama!‖73 Written and directed
by Yoshida Rokudenashi depicts the protests of young Zengakuren members along with
similar aged ‗good for nothing‘ college students.
From a marketing perspective the conversations about Japan‘s New Wave became
validated by the combined release of Oshima and Yoshida‘s first pictures. The fervor of
Shochiku‘s marketing push for the New Wave would reach a peak with the double bill of
Oshima‘s Nihon to yoru to kiri and Yoshida‘s second film Chi wa kawaiteiru released in
October. However, even before the release of these pictures film journals were quick to
capitalize on the buzz surrounding these directors.
In August, around the time Oshima‘s third film Taiyo no hakaba was being
released media outlets began to push for Oshima and Yoshida to become the face of the
New Wave. In an expose on them it proclaimed that, ―Two twenty something‘s directors,
with just two films, gave a singular shock to Japanese film. From this position it appears
73
, Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 7 (1960). Back Cover. Originally, 「青春残酷物語に続いて放つ―新しい波‖！
ドライ･ドラマ！」
44
something new has arrived.‖74 Throughout the essay each writer used these directors and
their films to provide meaning for Japanese New Wave in terms of production, style and
technique.
Okada Susumu saw the production of New Wave films in terms similar to Kuroi
gashu director, Horikawa Hiromichi that the New Wave was a change from the old
system of film production. Yoshida Yoshishige seems to confirm this explaining,
―making a film is one form of action or form of behavior, is it not? Our
style of filmmaking is entirely different from those before us. To think of
the form of film up until now, is to focus on the influence the story had on
the picture. We want to completely do away with that. We have no interest
in that type of film.‖75
This break emphasized by Okada and Yoshida also leads to a perceived change of
style and tone.
Izawa Jun, focusing on more thematic elements, indicates that the films of
Oshima and Yoshida, presented a ‗humanism of the self‘76 as opposed to the more
universal humanism exhibited by earlier films. Doita Michizo echoes this sentiment
describing that ―there is meaning to it being a young artist‘s work; however there is also a
similarity to Truffaut and Godard‘s own ―personal film‖ which provides this type of
connection.‖77
74
Sadayoshi Fukuda, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Futari No Kantoku: Shuzoku
He No Hangyaku," Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960). pg. 48
75
Nagisa Oshima and Yoshishige Yoshida, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari
No Kantoku: Taidan Jidai No Wiga Wo Warera No Te De," Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960). pg. 55
76
Jun Izawa, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Atarashi Nami,"
Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960). pg. 50
77
Toru Ogawa, ed., Gendai Nihon Eigaron Taikei 3: Nihon No Nuberu Bagu (Tokyo: Tokisha, 1970). pg.
246 Originally written by Toida Michizo and published in Eiga geijutsu, September, 1960
45
When pressed to define their style as being part of a New Wave Yoshida and
Oshima are quick to separate themselves from the media and their own company‘s label
of them. As Yoshida describes, ――I do not dwell on that so much. Oshima and I both
think of the New Wave less and more of the reality present in the cinema of Poland…the
New Wave looks at the inner workings of humanity…I wanted to take an alternative
approach.‖78 However, in another article where Yoshida describes the realism of Polish
film he does provide a more succinct definition of New Wave film. ―In reference to the
New Wave‘s description of human relations, it seems to be a magnified distortion of their
subject and state of being.‖79 Yoshida‘s disassociation of New Wave cinema via his
inspiration of Polish cinema‘s realism is indicative of his desire not to be coded in simple
terms.
Oshima in the same interview attempts to describe his own perception of their
films at that time. ―In relation to these films rallying against the conservative mood of the
day, for our part in the fight I see filmmaking as just one form of action we can take
within society.‖80 He goes on to say, ―I used to think that we were fighting, but it was not
until the films were shot and first seen that I felt that for sure. The reason we made this
films was to start a fight.‖81 These interviews show Oshima and Yoshida‘s commitment
78
Oshima and Yoshida, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Taidan
Jidai No Wiga Wo Warera No Te De." pg. 54
79
Yoshishige Yoshida, "Gendai Ni Nani Wo Shucho Suru Ka," Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 8 (1960). pg. 31
80
Izawa, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Atarashi Nami." pg.
50
81
Oshima and Yoshida, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Taidan
Jidai No Wiga Wo Warera No Te De." pg. 54
46
to their craft as well as the press and Shochiku‘s push to package them into an easily
definable and marketable product.
Okada Susumu focusing on the visual, technical style of Oshima and Yoshida‘s
early films expresses the passion he felt watching them. These directors, ―do not create an
image, but instead destroy the image. This element is what binds them to the Zengakuren,
and has resonance with the fundamental creation of the New Wave.‖82 Okada, like Izawa
and others easily buy into the marketing of Shochiku. At the same time the New Wave
became a self fulfilling prophecy with the amount of articles written by critics first on
French New Wave in 1959 and about the appearance of a New Wave in Japan at the
outset of 1960. It is no wonder a company would then promote their own new talent,
featuring strong creative voices, as the symbol for this burgeoning term. Regardless of
their personal aspersion to the label itself, the Japanese New Wave title provided an
effective niche for Oshima and Yoshida to ensure the success of their early pictures and
career. At the very least it guaranteed critical exposure for each of their films.
By the end of 1960 the fervor over Japan‘s New Wave had not dissipated, but the
discussion did. Rather than search for a definition, more articles were written trying to
explain what had happened over the past year and critically address Japan‘s New Wave
after all the quick and disjointed assertions which had appeared throughout the year.
In particular lead editor for Mainichi Graph magazine, Okamoto Hiroshi,
expressed extreme displeasure with Oshima and the ‗New Wave‘ problem. ―Just that, to
have Oshima straighten up, is want I want. By that I mean for him to cut down his
82
Susumu Okada, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Genjitsu
Sanka No Shisei," Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960). pg. 52
47
momentum as that style of filmmaking is just awful. He needs to think more about
making films from within the mechanism of the system.‖83 The fears of Okamoto are
almost humorous in regards to the effect Oshima‘s films had considering the low
attendance and average box office earning his films made in relation to that year‘s major
box office successes.84 Another factor to consider is that by the end of 1960 Oshima had
left Shochiku to start an independent career. Also, Shochiku had replaced its studio head,
and by early 1961 no studio was forecasting a continuation of the New Wave.85 Another
reason for the humor of Okamoto‘s concern has to do with the changes taking place
within the circle of journalists who very recently had been cast under the spell of the New
Wave.
Iwasaki Akira saw it as a mix between the advertising department of Shochiku
Studio and in part to the efforts of journalists. However, he still commented on the
"immense success"86 of the catch phrase which surprised even by experienced copy
writers by its effectiveness. The power of this phrase is part and parcel to several
journalists back tracking on their initial infatuation with the New Wave and more
specifically heaping praise on Oshima and Yoshida to such an immense degree.
83
Hiroshi Okamoto, "1960 Nen Eiga Kai Topikkusu," Kinema Junpo, no. 274 (1960). pg. 58
84
For a full breakdown of popular cinema in 1960 see Appendix I of this thesis and also refer to Hikari
Komura, Kinema Junpo Best Ten 80 Kai Zen Shi (キネマ旬報ベスト・テン 80 回全史) (Tokyo: Kinema
Junpo sha, 2010). pg. 120-121
85
In fact, most of the studio heads during this period began to forecast a tough road for the film industry.
With the shrinking of profits in throughout 1960, many studio heads were coming up with plans to reduce
costs. Some of those measures included the removal of all triple billings and the reduction of theaters. See
Kakushashacho, "Nihon Eiga No Atarashi Toshi Wo Koso Suru," Kinema Junpo, no. 275 (1961). pg. 48-50
86
Akira Iwasaki, "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Shochiku Kikaku to Atarashi
Nami," Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960). pg. 48
48
Perhaps most vocal in re-assessing their position on the New Wave is Okada
Susumu. Okada is upfront about buying into the image of a New Wave for Japan from
the beginning. Many critics were initially overwhelmed the combination of real world
political events being acted out with visual flair by Oshima and Yoshida‘s films.
―Wanting to see the real face of the creators was a desire that each of us supported. Then,
I recall quite openly identifying with what might be called their slogan of doing away
with a framed story and participating in reality.‖87 This acceptance and eager support of
the New Wave is depicted clearly in the articles from August and even earlier in the year,
when the release of Oshima and Yoshida‘s were fresh in the minds of critics. However,
with only a few months time Okada, begins to re-calibrate his assumptions.
―The ―New Wave‖ is not equal; moreover the ―New Wave‖ is a contradiction.‖88
He clarifies this by saying that Japanese New Wave is in essence a description of the
similarities represented by the finished product of multiple directors and creative talents.
Even the emergence of the name New Wave came as a result of a confused desire to
place an enticing label on multiple directors and their work. ―The reason the label of
Japanese New Wave emerged so rampantly, is that until now there was no word which
embodied something specific to Japan.‖89
The love loss over the New Wave by critics continued with reviews of Oshima
and Yoshida‘s subsequent films released in 1960. ―Oshima‘s Nihon no your to kiri and
Yoshida‘s Chi wa kawaiteiru, even after failing at the box office and receiving poor
87
Susumu Okada, "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Ryuko No Kaitai," Kinema
Junpo, no. 270 (1960). pg. 53
88
Ibid. pg. 53
89
Ibid. pg. 55
49
reviews, and moreover thinking of them as individuals rather than a group by forgetting
the misleading title of ―New Wave‖, I thought these films seemed a lot like their first
efforts.‖90 In essence this was a criticism of Oshima and Yoshida essentially repeating the
same themes from earlier films, in particular the disaffected youth‘s need to die by the
climax of the film. The deaths coming as a result of character‘s inability to effect change
within the system.
By this time some critics began to feel that the New Wave was moving away from
films which spoke to the events of the day and were more focused on self-indulgent
interests. Around the same time as Okada‘s article, guest writer Kitao Michihiko for Eiga
Hyoron offers a similar impression in relation to Yoshida‘s filmmaking. ―Especially in
Rokudenashi, which is less an imitation of (French style) filmmaking used as a way to
express the poverty of Japanese film, but more an attempt for the film director to yammer
on about the measure of their intellect.‖91 This statement echoes the sentiment from quote
which opens this section. It also shows a disconnection between Oshima and Yoshida‘s
work, the machinations of the media, and the interests of the mass audience.
In the time following 1960 several other prominent directors, including Imamura
Shohei, Masahiro Shinoda and others would be enveloped into the fold of Japanese New
Wave Cinema. However as it can be seen from these articles in 1960, only Oshima and
Yoshida had been branded with the label.
90
Ibid. pg. 55
91
Michihiko Kitao, "Nuveru Vague Shikiron," Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 11 (1960). pg. 116
50
Iwasaki Akira sums up the fervor of the year describing how a new director was
given attention not for their value, strength, or skill, but for their ‗newness‘.92 While the
interest for using the term Japanese New Wave began to wane it did not disappear. This
is evident from the variety of secondary scholarship written in Japan and subsequently
the rest of the world. Of scholars in Japan, Sato Tadao has repeatedly included Japanese
New Wave as a section in his books on Japanese film history. His narrative construction
of Japanese New Wave has also been shown as a key factor in the English scholarship
which has followed. Another well known critic to provide and exhaustive film history is
critic, Tanaka Junichiro.
Of the many books detailing Japanese film history, one of the most extensive is
the five volume set Nihon Eiga Hattatsu shi written by Tanaka. All five volumes were
published over the course of 1957-1976. In the fourth volume, originally published in
1968, Tanaka details the events of the New Wave. Written as history the statements made
by the author all appear as factual. In the author‘s estimation the early adoption of
Japan‘s own New Wave is the sole work of Shochiku‘s advertising department and
specifically in the marketing of Oshima‘s second film Seishun zankoku monogatari. The
success of which owed a lot to the connection of themes in the films with the thoughts
expressed by protestors of ANPO. 93
In addition Tanaka comments on the short and relatively unsuccessful release of
the double bill between Oshima‘s film Nihon no yoru to kiri and Yoshida‘s Rokudenashi
which were placed as a double bill together, only for Oshima‘s film to be pulled from
92
Akira Iwasaki, "Shinjin Kantoku No Jyoken," Kinema Junpo, no. 306 (1962). pg. 39
93
Junichiro Tanaka, Nihon Eiga Hattatsu-Shi 4. Shijo Saiko No Eiga Jidai (Tokyo: Chuo koron-sha, 1980).
pg. 325
51
theaters four days later. This event, of course, signaled Oshima‘s break from the
studio.‖94 While Tanaka does mention Masahiro Shinoda‘s most famous work Kawaita
Hana with only a few pages devoted to the topic there is not much analysis presented. In
this very early history of Japanese Cinema, New Wave is located specifically with the
Oshima and Yoshida in 1960.
While Tanaka does not provide a personal analysis of New Wave he does include
a quote by Kinoshita Keisuke, who worked with Yoshida when he served as his assistant
director. ―When I watch their films (Oshima and Yoshida) I absolutely cannot get
through them...that type of production is amateurish. I believe that film is meant for
enjoyment and beauty is an important part of that.‖95 While Kinoshita does not speak for
Tanaka, it is not a stretch to imagine that the author feels similar considering it is the only
quotation in that section. Regardless, from the outset of secondary materials on Japanese
cinema history Oshima, Yoshida and to a lesser extent Shinoda are becoming the face of
the 1960‘s.
Shioda Nagakazu in his book, Nihon eiga gojyu nen shi:1941-1991, also includes
a chapter about the New Wave. In the chapter titled, ―Japanese New Wave Cinema‖ the
same names which have dominated the landscape appear again. This brief chapter does
not provide much new information, but rather rehashes what has already been described
about the New Wave with Oshima‘s rise, the success of Seishun zankoku monogatari and
the subsequent trouble of Nihon no yoru to kiri96.
94
Ibid. pg. 325
95
Ibid. pg. 325
96
See Nagakazu Shioda, Nihon Eiga Gojunenshi (Tokyo: Fujiwara Shoten, 1992). pg. 162-167
52
This image is reinforced repeatedly by the writings of noted author and critic
Sado Tatao. Mentioned earlier for his volume, Currents in Japanese Cinema, Sato is one
of the most well known and widely published writers on Japanese film. Within that
impressive publishing history he has written several books and articles which document
the development of film in Japan. For instance in 1987, Sato was included in a large set
simply titled Nihon Eiga Shi. In his chapter Sato covers film from the mid 1950‘s and
throughout the 1960‘s before delving into specific developments for each of the six major
studios at that time. Sado essentially breaks the late 1950‘s and 1960‘s into two groups.
The 1950‘s are entitled the ―Energy Principle‖(enerugi shugi) and ―New Film‖(atarashi
eiga). For the 1960‘s it is the ―Shochiku‖ New Wave. Sado focuses much attention on
Masumura in the first period for his debut film Kuchizuke and subsequent releases,
Aozora musume and Danryu. However, when discussing the New Wave, Oshima is
highlighted for rising through the studio ranks and being selected to direct his own
picture by the age of twenty seven. Without providing much critical analysis Sato, like
Tanaka, provides a brief summary of events from Oshima‘s debut film release to the
quick removal of Nihon no yoru to kiri. When comparing this work with the others just
mentioned it is clear that even in Japan a very concise and repeated narrative history
appears over and over discussing the same people and basic information. In fact, this
chapter by Sato appears near verbatim in his own four-volume set Nihon Eiga Shi
published nearly twenty years later.97
If the description of this chain of events feels repetitive, it is done so with purpose.
Each of these authors, books, chapters and articles reinforce the main argument of this
97
Tadao Sato, Nihon Eiga Shi 3 Zoho Ban 1960-2005 (Iwanami Shoten, 2006). pg. 10-17
53
thesis that through media and critical support Japanese New Wave has come to occupy
the central position in the minds of critics and conversely any aspiring scholar of
Japanese film. Beyond academia any person interested in the film or cinema history of
Japan during this period has been directed to only a fracture of produced and available
films.98
In recent years, however, several authors have attempted to change the
perspective of the New Wave. Surprisingly enough, Sato Tadao in his book, Nihon Eiga
no Kyosho attempts to re-frame his position on Masumura and in a sense re-shape the
importance catered to the New Wave. Specifically, Sato refers to Masumura as the ‗start‘
or the ‗spark‘ of the New Wave in Japan. ―As a representative of the period I must testify
that the vision for the so called Japanese New Wave was Masumura Yasuzo.‖99 In
addition Sato provides a vague description of how those associated with the New Wave
were trying to capture the feeling and mode of Masumura‘s films.
This is a clear reference to several comments made by Yoshida and Oshima.
Yoshida in an interview with Okada Susumu cites Masumura as his inspiration. ―The
specific reason we became filmmakers came several years ago with the debut of
Masumura and also to get rid of the now old style of films.‖100 Perhaps more famously is
a quote from an article written by Oshima titled, ―Is It a Breakthrough? (The Modernists
98
One need only reference the Criterion Collection‘s online catalog to see the limited focus of Japanese
film for each period. This is undoubtedly due to the limitations described throughout this thesis for a
company to seek films beyond the recognized canon. "The Criterion Collection,"
http://www.criterion.com/.
99
———, Nihon Eiga Kyosho Tachi Iii (Tokyo: Gakuyo Shobo, 1997). pg. 37
100
Oshima and Yoshida, "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku:
Taidan Jidai No Wiga Wo Warera No Te De." pg. 55
54
of Japanese Film). Early in the article Oshima focuses on Masumura‘s contribution to
film. ―Then, in July of 57‘ Masumura Yasuzo uses a freely revolving camera to capture
young lovers riding around on a motorcycle. People could no longer ignore that the tide
of a new age had powerfully taken its place in Japanese cinema.‖ 101 The previous year
earlier Tanaka Junichiro discussed Masumura in a similar manner. Tanaka praises both of
Masumura‘s films released up to that point. He describes that, ―Masumura Yasuzo is a
great addition to Japanese film. In just two films Masumura‘s fresh editing style,
wonderful tempo, realism learned from his time abroad in Italy, a European style of
humor which provides an exoticism that for the first time brings the feeling of an
international style.‖102 Tanaka goes on to describe that Masumura‘s films are a fantastic
discovery that cannot be ignored and that looked forward to his next films. These
statements seem to undermine much of what is considered ‗new‘ about the New Wave of
1960. It even suggests that Masumura was a large part of what brought a new age to
Japanese film. While not the focus of this thesis some writers and scholars have
effectively pursued this argument, helping re-shape the development of New Wave in
Japan.
The most prominent of these scholars is, Michael Raine who has focused on
critically engaging the period of 1955-1960 as a way of re-framing the importance placed
101
Toru Ogawa, ed., Gendai Nihon Eigaron Taikei 2: Kojin to Chikara No Kaihuku (Tokyo: Tokisha,
1970). pg. 410 Originally published in Eiga Hihyo July, 1958. For a published English translation see
Nagisa Oshima, Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima (Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press, 1993). pg. 26-35 Also, Tadao Sato, Currents in Japanese Cinema : Essays (Tokyo; New York:
Kodansha International ; Kodansha International/USA : distributed by Kodansha International/USA
through Harper & Row, 1982). pg. 213
102
pg. 35
55
on the emergence of the New Wave.103 Raine contends that the development of the New
Wave was not a miraculous event spurred on by the convergence of political events and
debut of Oshima and Yoshida. Instead he documents specific changes within the industry
from 1955 onward which provided the incremental change needed for filmmakers like
Oshima and Yoshida to be produced by a major studio. Raine‘s work provides a much
needed re-evaluation of this period. However, where Raine re-focuses the importance of
the New Wave via developments in the 1950‘s he relatively ignores the period when the
New Wave was in vogue. In the next section and remaining chapters this thesis will
explore both sides of what Sato and Raine hint at.
The next section will detail the career of Masumura Yasuzo. While Masumura has
been repeatedly referenced, with the exception of two books in Japanese and the few
paragraphs in English scholarship he remains on the periphery of popular and academic
consciousness. In addition this section will feature an evaluation of the many published
writings Masumura had on film throughout his career as a way of re-shaping the seeming
uniqueness of Oshima and Yoshida‘s critical writings. This will be followed with a short
engagement of Masumura‘s films which ran concurrent to the New Wave.
The Kid from Kofu
Masumura Yasuzo was born August 25, 1924 in the city of Kofu part of
Yamanashi prefecture. Masumura was the second born of five children and the first boy
of the family with one older sister, two younger sisters and one younger brother. As a
child Masumura and a friend would often frequent the neighborhood movie theater. It
103
See Michael Raine, "Youth, Body, and Subjectivity in the Japanese Cinema, 1955-1960" (University of
Iowa, 2002).
56
was there Masumura is said to have fallen in love the films of Ito Daisuke, particularly
the film Satsuma-bikyaku. After attending middle school and high school in local Kofu,
Masumura was accepted to the Law Department of the University of Tokyo in 1943.
Masumura was able to avoid military duty as a student, instead frequenting the movie
theater watching any films that were available. In particular Masumura enjoyed the films
of France, but also recounts seeing Sanshiro sugata, directed by Kurosawa, nearly four
times. Graduating in 1947, Masumura joined Daiei Studios for the purpose of part time
work, becoming an assistant director. At the same time, Masumura re-enrolled at the
University of Tokyo to pursue a degree in the Philosophy department. During this time
much has been made of his association with Mishima Yukio, but at the University no real
friendship developed. It would not be until the making of Karakkaze yaro nearly eight
years later that the two would have any meaningful contact. After successfully balancing
his time between Daiei and working towards a second degree, Masumura graduated again
in 1951.
The following year Masumura wrote an essay titled, History of Japanese Cinema,
which was translated into Italian104 and published in magazine, Bianco e Nero. Submitted
for purposes of studying abroad, this essay aided Masumura‘s acceptance to the Centro
Sperimentale di Cinematografia in Rome on a scholarship through the government of
Italy. Masumura attended the school from 1952-1954 working alongside Michelangelo
Antonioni and Claudia Cardinale. It is also said that Masumura worked under the
instruction of Fellini. Regardless this period of time is seen by critics as the defining
104
The original essay was written in English, but according to a notation in Masumura and Fujii, Eiga
Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986.
only the translated Italian copy remains. The whereabouts of the original are unknown.
57
period of his earlier career. Masumura describes this period in detail with fellow director
and crew member Shindo Kaneto. Masumura relates that the two year program focused
less on filmmaking and more on discussion to his surprise. ―The professor would pick a
theme for the day and then the student and teachers would analyze and debate the
subject.‖105 The subject would be so lively that many discussions could go on for two or
three hours at a time, depending on the subject. Classes were all in Italian, as no other
languages were allowed. There were continual discussion of classic films like Dr.
Mabuse, Metropolis, and The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari. The film history courses along
would last up to eight hours at a time, twice a week. Masumura felt this was a great
benefit for his overall film exposure and understanding of the wider variety of films in
the world. Using the example of The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari Masumura and his fellow
classmates would work out issues of a films meaning which inevitably led to more
readings and interpretations. Masumura learned the language of film which he said
allowed him to find words for the ―montage sequence in Nora inu and enjoy the one shot,
one cut style of Mizoguchi‘s films.‖106 In this way Masumura truly became a student of
film and took part in advanced level analysis during a time when very few looked at film
in this way.107 This interview highlights the intensity of Masumura‘s experience and the
development he received for his professional career. Initially, Masumura was less
105
Kaneto Shindo, Nihon Shinario-Shi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1989). pg. 178
106
Ibid. pg. 179
107
Ibid. pg. 178
58
focused on his specific career development and more interested into probing the issues of
civilization in the place he felt had given birth to modern thinking.108
In the years following this experience Masumura wrote an article titled, Italia de
haken shita ‘kojin’ which details the exuberant vitality Masumura found in Italy.
Criticizing Japan for existing in a state of darkness and lacking any significant
philosophical breakthroughs in its history, Masumura celebrates Italy for the strong sense
of individuality that emerged even in the face of a Mussolini ruled fascist state.109 In
addition, Masumura felt that through his experience studying in Rome he was finally able
to contemplate the relationship between such varying topics as: marriage, family, career,
society, and the nation. Not looking at the relationship between them as a compromise,
but a resistance or fight between them. While Masumura‘s view of the individuality
possessed by Italians‘ might have been overstated, it is clear that this time played an
important part in Masumura‘s growth as he returned to Daiei and stepped into the
director‘s chair.
Upon returning from Rome, Masumura became active as an assistant director.
Working under the guidance of two prominent Daiei directors, Mizoguchi Kenji and
Ichikawa Kon, Masumura‘s early career is shaped by some of the most successful
directors in Japanese film history. During this time Masumura was able to develop as a
director gaining insight, but also helping influence the production. It provided for the
initial meeting between Masumura and his muse in over twenty feature films, Wakao
Ayako on the set of Akasen chitai.
108
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 57
109
Ibid. pg. 58-61
59
On several occasions Masumura has spoken about his experience as an assistant
director. Masumura first worked with Mizoguchi during the final period of his career on
Yokihi and Akasen chitai. The latter film, Mizochuchi‘s final, centered on the final days
of legal prostitution decency codes outlawed it. The film was one of the first to provide
Wakao Ayako with a major supporting role. Several times Masumura has shed light on
his time working with Mizoguchi as well as provide personal insight into the director‘s
method.
Discussing his film Kyojin to gangu in relation to the intense style of his
characters Masumura reveals the single greatest thing he learned from Mizoguchi was the
art the caricature. ―Generally, Mizoguchi is referenced in terms of his realism, however,
in terms of character development it is really an exaggerated caricature of a person. It is
incredible and I am just and imposter‖110 In a quest to understand humanity Masumura
had unknowingly connected with a director he would come to admire for his unique
depiction inner human relations.
Calling Mizoguchi the antithesis of ‗new wave‘ praised him for creating, ‗the
vocabulary of Japan‘111 in his films. Derived from the dialogue of his scripts, Masumura
feels that Mizoguchi‘s contributions in this area, rival Kurosawa and cinematographer,
Miyagawa Kazuo‘s technical prowess in Rashomon.
110
Yasuzo Masumura, "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin Kyoka:
Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on Giants and Toys," Kinema Junpo,
no. 208 (1958). pg. 93 However, overtime Masumura does seem to contradict this statement, through
several articles which discuss Mizoguchi‘s ‗realism‘. While never specific Masumura‘s interpretation of
Mizoguchi‘s realism seems to center around an authenticity of character and humanity evoked by character
movements and line delivery. Masumura remembers that, Mizoguchi would run around the set hounding
his cast to create and authentic mood. See Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai :
<Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 62-71
111
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 62
60
Following his time with Mizoguchi, Masumura worked with Ichikawa Kon as he
made his transition to Daiei studios. This is where Masumura would develop a pedigree
for the dry, detached irony which became a staple for his pictures. Coincidentally,
Masumura was assigned as assistant director to Ichikawa‘s first film for Daiei, Shokei no
heya. The film has been considered both a strong representative and critique of the
taiyozoku films from Nikkatsu. Masumura served under Ichikawa for two other films as
well, Nihon bashi and Man nin densha.
Shortly, before his death, Masumura wrote an article titled, Ichikawa no hoho. In
the article Masumura refrains from detailing his personal interactions with the director,
but does provide specificity to the way Ichikawa went about filmmaking. One of the first
things that struck Masumura regarding the director was his intense shyness on set, which
would manifest into quick frustration with the crew. In the case of Shokei no heya it led
to large fights with the cinematographer and sound editor. The latter was fired and had to
be replaced. As Masumura highlights Ichikawa would ultimately fire or displace anyone
who disagreed with him, until he had a crew that meshed with his style and would follow
his commands implicitly.112
Contrasting from Mizoguchi, Masumura felt that Ichikawa was a gifted image
maker. Rather than chase actors around the set, hounding them about their lines Ichikawa
paid little attention to his actors. In Masumura‘s estimation the less the actors spoke,
moved or disrupted the scenes mood the better for Ichikawa. In this way Masumura
likens Ichikawa to Kurosawa as visual cinematic masters. While Mizoguchi carefully
crafted the dialogue of his cast, Ichikawa and Kurosawa displayed their brilliance through
112
See Ibid. pg. 51-55
61
the visual images. Again, Masumura felt that where Kurosawa presented straight forward
passionate representations of life, Ichikawa conveyed a detached and slightly ironic
stance through images which possessed an abundance of symbolism. It is not difficult to
connect the impression Ichikawa made on Masumura with the dry irony and detached
satire exuding from pictures such as Kuchzuke, Aozora musume, Nise daigakusei and of
course Kyojin to gangu.
As indicated by the previous section Masumura was not content to merely be a
student of film or a member of the industry, he played an active part in film criticism
throughout his career from the mid 1950‘s until shortly before his death in 1986.113 It is
important to note that this factor has been cited repeatedly by scholars to highlight the
unique nature of New Wave members, particularly Oshima and Yoshida.
A quick look at many of the monographs discussed early indicate a validation of
the importance of New Wave not only though their work on screen, but also their work as
writers on cinema. For McDonald Standish and others the availability and existence of
Oshima and Yoshida‘s writings on cinema provide a significant validity to engaging the
work of these directors.114 It is also used as a caveat to delineate the from early
filmmakers, who were not as active in discussing film. Masumura seems to contradict
this unique factor, with extensive discussions on a variety of topics.
With his above mentioned papers on Japanese film history, Ichikawa Kon and
Mizogcuhi Kenji, Masumura provided ample amounts of discussion through the pages of
113
Masumura passed away on November 23, 1986 from complications due to a cerebral hemorrhage.
114
See, McDonald, Cinema East : A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films. pg. 125, Raine, "Youth, Body,
and Subjectivity in the Japanese Cinema, 1955-1960". pg. 207, Standish, A New History of Japanese
Cinema: A Century of Narrative Film. pg. 220 and Nygren, Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the
Unfolding of History. g. 184
62
Kinema Junpo, Eiga Hyoron, Eiga Hihyo and others throughout his career. From his time
in Rome, Masumura developed a love film history, enjoyed debating with his classmates,
and explored deeper more complex interpretations of film.
With this training Masumura wrote many articles. Some focus on specific
directors like several on Kurosawa Akira115 or even Fellini‘s film, I Vitelloni (Seishun
gunzo in Japan) addressing its representation of free individuals unbound by sentiment or
morality.116 He also wrote on broader concepts including: his personal aesthetics in film,
the relationship of drama and technical skill in film, the art of film adaptation, analysis of
film critics, conversations on film comedy and many other topics.
For the purposes of this thesis two articles seem to highlight Masumura‘s vision
for Japan‘s film industry and more specifically his analysis of Japanese New Wave. In an
article for Eiga Hyoron Masumura declared an assault on Japanese film, by powerfully
stating the direction he wanted his films to take. ―I do not want to portray ―human like‖
humans. I want to portray deracinated people who show desire without a sense for shame
or propriety.‖117 Masumura felt that since the end of the Meiji period people of Japan had
lost their individuality and it was time now to reclaim it. ―My aim is to make films which
present a vital approach to emotion, truth and mood along with an exaggerated version of
humanity‘s determination and passion.‖118 Masumura attempted to display these with his
own early pictures. This includes, Kuchizuke with its representation of rebellious young
115
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 18-23
116
Yasuzo Masumura, "Seishun Gunzo to Fellini," Eiga Hyoron 16, no. 4 (1959). pg. 75
117
———, "Aru Benmei," Eiga Hyoron 15, no. 3 (1958).
118
Ibid. pg. 18
63
love on a motorcycle, Aozora musume with a main character not willing to be pushed
over by her family‘s propriety, and the political and social consciousness present in
Kyojin to gangu and Nise daigakusei. While it may not have been possible to change the
entire course of Japanese cinema via his own example, the director continued to provide
deft analysis on many key issues of the day, including New Wave cinema.
As mentioned in the previous section much of the critical attention in 1960
focused on the burgeoning careers of Oshima and Yoshida. Even with their derision of
the term, they were still given primary attention by journalists. The majority of articles
discussing who rather than what the Japanese New Wave entailed. Masumura is one of
the few people to write on this topic without invoking the name of a director or a specific
film title to highlight his point. Rather, the director focuses his attention on the systematic
creation of this movement and what, if anything, binds it together.
At the outset of his article in Kinema Junpo, Masumura outlines four essential
elements necessary for any New Wave film. ―The major characteristics of any film
espousing to be Japanese New Wave are as follows: (1) Anti-morality (2) Sex and Crime
(3) Cruelty and (4) Energy. These four characteristics had heretofore not had a suitable
name until the New Wave.‖119 Rather than define a specific film or director as the symbol
of the New Wave, Masumura uses these four concepts to analyze the New Wave as a
whole. In particular he praises the ‗wonderful, bombastic energy‘ of the young main
character rebelling against society, highlighted by a dark narrative tone in many of the
films. Masumura argues that while these characters are dark, complex, and possess and
119
———, "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Sedai No Genkai," Kinema Junpo, no.
270 (1960). pg. 51
64
anti-morality that from their position they are being true to themselves, which is never a
bad thing to be.
This is just a small sample of the many critical writing Masumura has contributed
to the pool of criticism and discussion of film throughout his career. While his life was
cut short, preventing further more lengthy analysis to be published, the articles which fill
the pages of many contemporary film journals highlight the commitment Masumura has
to his craft on a variety of levels.
Masumura remained a company director with Daiei Studios from his time as an
assistant director, until the Studio‘s collapse in 1971. This factor, which he was later
criticized for by Oshima, seemingly stunted Masumura‘s awareness in academic circles.
In many ways this parallels the career of Suzuki Seijun who has been re-discovered over
the past decade as a fantastic artistic voice, working under the constraints of the studio
system, at Nikkatsu, throughout the majority of his career. In a similar manner Masumura
was able to remain at his studio, accept the terms of his company heads and still produce
interesting and thought proving work.
Discussed earlier Masumura‘s first films received significant praise for the energy
and vitality that came across on screen. One critic even noted that Masumura‘s first films,
Kuchizuke, Aozore musume, and Danryu signified ‗the birth of ‗post war‘ in Japanese
film.120 Oshima praised the dynamic camerawork of the motorcycle scene in Kuchizuke
and referred to Masumura as an innovator of the period.121 Of particular note is
Masumura‘s first collaboration with, Wakao Ayako in Aozora muzume. In its initial
120
Fumio Eto, "Shin Kantoku Kenkyu <3> Masumura Yasuzo: Masumura Yasuzo Ron," Kinema Junpo, no.
302 (1962). pg. 67
121
Oshima, Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima. pg. 29
65
review Sotomura Kanji noting the Cinderella pattern of the narrative praised the film‘s
quick wit and the vitality of Wakao Ayako‘s performance.122 As Masumura‘s career he
was able to branch out, trying a variety of film genres either by choice or command.
This includes the 1961 courtroom drama Tsuma wa kokuhaku suru, featuring a
performance by Wakao Ayako which contributed to her win for best actress by Kinema
Junpo. Some, including Wakao, consider it her finest role. The narrative hangs on the
motivation of a husband‘s death. A broader interpretation of this film is the decision for
the female protagonist to choose between responsibility and personal desire, passion,
happiness. It is this second half, more than the courtroom drama, that critic Iijima Koichi
felt was imbued with an erotic and vivid style enhanced by Wakao Ayako‘s
characterization.123 In the end this film fits in with the majority of Masumura‘s films
which do not end on a note of completion or success, but sadness and reflection.
In 1965, Masumura adapted Yoshida Genjiro‘s most famous novel, Seisaku no
tsuma. The film was scripted by noted director and frequent collaborator of Mizoguchi
Kenji, Shindo Kaneto. Set around the events of the Russo-Japanese war, reviewer Kokura
Shinbi was struck by the modern feeling the film evoked.124 Focusing on the pathos of
wife, Okane, played by Wakao Ayako she balances being a dutiful wife in the face of her
village‘s scorn and ridicule as a gold-digger and whore. While Masumura denied any
intention of making an anti-war film, the key scene featuring Okane stabbing out the eyes
of her husband to prevent him from returning to war. Okane represents another strong
122
Kanji Sotomura, "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Aozora Musume," Kinema Junpo, no. 193 (1957). pg. 69-70
123
Koichi Iijima, "Sakuhin Hyo: Tsuma Wa Kokuhaku Suru," Eiga Hyoron 18, no. 12 (1961). pg. 87
124
Shinbi Kokura, "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Seisaku No Tsuma," Kinema Junpo, no. 396 (1965). pg. 69
66
performance by Wakao, featuring a woman who must choose between duty and desire.
The film featuring exquisite sequence of Wakao‘s character wasting away in jail for
injuring her husband. Masumura uses many closes ups of disconnected chains, smoke and
full shots of a despondent Okane which heighten the physical and mental loneliness of
the character.
This section attempted to provide a deeper look into the various facets of
Masumura‘s career as well as provide a small summary of some of his more interesting
feature films. One of the major criticisms levied against Masumura was his commitment
to Daiei by remaining a director for the studio. This was unacceptable for Oshima,
Yoshida and others who ultimately broke with their companies to form their own
production companies, most notably the Art Theatre Guild (ATG). In Oshima‘s mind
Masumura was a director with only one eye open by criticizing the very machinations
which helped to produce his films. In the final chapters of this thesis two of Masumura‘s
most thought provoking films Kyojin to gangu and Nise daigakusei will address these
concerns, help to combat Masumura‘s position on the periphery of film studies, and
provide an entry point for the broader spectrum of film culture outside Japanese New
Wave.
67
CHAPTER III
NISHI‘S CHOICE: AN ANALYSIS OF KYOJIN TO GANGU
Masumura‘s fifth directorial effort Kyojin to gangu was released June 22, 1958.
Adapted and expanded from a Kaiko Takeshi novella of the same name it was designed
to cash in on the recent success of the author‘s Akutagawa Prize win early that year. In
reality the novel and film ended up focusing on very different topics. Where the novel
discussed the inner workings of company life, the film included a much stronger criticism
of mass media and consumer culture.
Daiei also attempted to capitalize on Masumura‘s time in Italy by submitting the
film to the Venice Film Festival as a selection. As such the film was given a relatively
large budget of reportedly, 30,030,000 yen.125 This budget allowed for the film to be shot
in vibrant color with heavy amounts of neon and soundstage work.
Kyojin to gangu also happened to play during the peak year of theater attendance
in history. With over 7,000 theaters nationwide 1,123,554,000 people attended the
theaters in 1958. That averages out to nearly 12.3 time a year for each person who went
to the movies.126 Presently, Kyojin to gangu is the most accessible and well known title of
Masumura. With home video releases in the United States along with an entire chapter
written by Michael Raine, film it is the most disseminated Masumura film available.127
125
Masumura, "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin Kyoka:
Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on Giants and Toys." pg. 92
Masumura describes that this was relatively unusual.
126
Michio Ninagawa, "Gyokai (Seisakukai Haikyukai Kogyokai)," Kinema Junpo, no. 225 (1959). pg. 9096 Also, see Appendix A in this thesis for a complete breakdown of these figures
127
For DVD release see, www.fantoma.com. Also, see Michael Raine, "Modernization without Modernity:
Masumura Yasuzo's Giants and Toys (1958)," in Japanese Cinema : Texts and Contexts, ed. Alastair
Phillips and Julian Stringer (London; New York: Routledge, 2007).
68
The film focuses on three candy companies, World, Apollo, and Giant, as they
compete to best market their new caramel products. Throughout, Nishi (Kawaguchi
Hiroshi), a new hire in the publicity department must compete against his old college
friend Yokoyama working for Apollo and love interest Kurahashi working for Giant.
Nishi must also deal with the various members of his own office in an effort to impress
section chief Goda (Takamatsu Hideo) and move up the corporate ladder. In effort to
secure the best ad campaign Nishi and Goda hire Kyoko (Nozoe Hitomi), a young cab
driver with a unique look, to be the face of their marketing campaign. In the end Nishi is
forced by Goda to choose between his personal freedom and loyalty to the company.
Blending the struggle of corporate life, consumer culture and star creation in the media
Kyojin to gangu presents an exaggerated perception of the direction Japan was heading in
the early days of the high growth era.
The film was a critical success and garnered Masumura‘s first appearance on
Kinema Junpo’s Best Ten List for 1958. The initial review of the film suggests that it
represents, ―Most accurate representation of Masumura‘s essential nature, with the theme
(of the film) being a perfect fit for him.‖128 The film is compared favorably to Ichikawa‘s,
Man nin densha, where Masumura served as assistant director, in terms of its engagement
of the craziness in modern life. One of the major criticisms which divided critics and
other artists was the caricature of mass media and the characters themselves.129
128
Jun Izawa, "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Kyojin to Gangu," Kinema Junpo, no. 211 (1958). pg. 70
129
See Masumura, "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin Kyoka:
Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on Giants and Toys." and "Kyojin to
Gangu Wo Megutte -Masu Komi Wo Ikinuku Ningen Tachi-," Eiga Hyoron 15, no. 7 (1958).
69
Highlighted by a fast tempo and quick dialogue speed, a division emerged
between those craving more of a ‗real‘ engagement of social issues and those on board
with Masumura‘s attempt. While Masumura had a conscious desire of using exaggerated
characters to express his argument, he did not feel that the tempo or speed of the film was
in anyway a conscious or deliberate effort.130 In a sense it worked as a natural extension
of the exaggerated environment the characters took part in. For Masumura this
exaggerated style and focus on mass culture was an effort to reveal the, ―sadness of
Japanese people.‖131
The analysis of this film will be aided by the social theory of reification,
introduced by Marx and refined by his pupil, Georg Lukács to address the relation
between material object and living characters. Before analyzing the film it will be helpful
to provide a few notes regarding reification to clarify its use throughout the chapter.
In his book History and Class Consciousness, Lukács interprets Marx's concept of
reification not as a relation specific to economy but as a form that reticulates through the
totality of capitalist society. Speaking of the individual to commodity relation Lukács
describes, ―His fate is typical of society as a whole in that this self-objectification, this
transformation of a human function into a commodity reveals in all its starkness the
dehumanized and dehumanizing function of the commodity relation.‖132 Looking at this
through the actions of everyday life the quantifiable extract of labor, money, becomes the
130
Masumura, "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin Kyoka:
Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on Giants and Toys." pg. 93
131
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 407
132
György Lukács, History and Class Consciousness; Studies in Marxist Dialectics (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1971). pg. 92
70
tool by which individuals further reify themselves in the commodities they create and
purchase.133 In a sense their social class is discernible only via the quantifiable difference
of the objects that represent them.
Turning towards the film it is possible to see how reification applies to and
appears throughout Kyojin to gangu. As mentioned in the introduction the film divides
itself between three groups: corporate bosses, celebrities, and consumers.
The first instance of a group‘s reification appears at the beginning of the film as
the vice president lectures about the dire need to expand company profits. After the
establishing shot of the film of salary men heading to work the camera cuts inside an
office with two men looking down on the ―sea of people‖ flowing by. The scene
introduces the vice president in charge of marketing and section chief Goda. In line with
their stiff conversation regarding profits their bodies appear more like machines than man.
Goda and the vice president have sterilized their physical presentation. Their
clothing is well tailored and clean. Their hair has been expertly cut, waxed, and groomed.
Even their posture, tall and stiff, presents their bodies as being more mechanical than
human. For these men slouching, having untidy hair or dirty clothes is not an option.
They are representatives of the company and must keep their appearance sterile and
removed from the body. This control and near rejection of the body fits with what Henri
Bergson has described as a ―mechanical inelasticity,‖ whereby humor grows
exponentially the more machine like or robotic their movements become.
133
Penelope Francks, book Penelope Francks, The Japanese Consumer : An Alternative Economic History
of Modern Japan (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009). highlights the power of
the consumer to affect big business investments and decisions via their daily purchases. Not all top bottom
approach.
71
Capitalizing on this point when Goda attempts to strike a lighter, a montage
sequence is overlaid on a close up of the lighter showing the various stages of caramel
production. Starting with the creation of the candy, the camera follows a multitude of
machines as they cut, funnel, package, ship, and deliver their product. The sequence ends
with eager children grabbing up the candy. This montage effectively overlays the
machine upon Goda and the vice president. Masumura does not stop with Goda and the
vice president, but continues all the way to the other board members of World Candy
Company.
The scene comes as Goda pitches his ad campaign to the board members and is
set in the highest office of the building around a long oval shaped desk which fills the
room. Before Goda begins his presentation, the camera pans across the board members as
they individually name off a marketing idea, feigning interest before dismissing it. Each
of them seems lethargic, disconnected from the world.
As Goda makes a strong push for his ad campaign based around space each
person is handed a toy or prop related to the campaign. The juxtaposition between the
plastic toys and cigarette smoking board members is quite comical. The contrast between
the children‘s toys and the seriousness of the boardroom members seemingly inverts the
purpose of a toy from being imbued with youth or frivolity to mere symbols of capitalist
gain. Bergson again describes that inversion being a key component to any part of
comedy.134
In addition their alienating view of the toys further removes these men from their
humanity. Within the group of boardroom members, section chief Goda and the vice
134
Henri Bergson, Laughter : An Essay on the Meaning of the Comic (New York: Macmillan, 1911). pg. 84
72
president Masumura effectively aligns any member of corporate leadership as a
mechanized tool for capitalism. They are lifeless automatons part of a collective solely
yearning for profit.
Throughout the film a variety of ad campaigns and techniques are put forth by the
three companies including magazine and poster ads to special promotions and even street
vendors outside college protest rallies. In relation to this, Michael Raine makes a strong
connection to the Japanese film industry suggesting, ―These three companies struggling
to sell caramels in the face of declining demand are like the six film studios, using color,
widescreen, and double or triple bills to compete as cinema‘s long post war expansion
came to an end.‖135 Within the film the variety of these marketing techniques World
Candy Company utilizes the celebrity of new model, Kyoko, chosen for her unique look
of a long tongue and rotting teeth.
Through Kyoko the film parodies celebrity following her meteoritic rise to fame
and the equally quick destruction of her humanity. The film succinctly describes this
through the first shots of the film during the title credit sequence. In a medium shot of
Kyoko from the back she turns toward the camera and sighs, extending her arms. The
shot is in color with Kyoko foregrounding a blue plane of sky. With arms extended the
shot cuts to a still black and white photo of Kyoko in tune to the drum beat that plays
throughout. This image is repeatedly duplicated until the screen is matted by these
smaller images. The opening credits roll by in tune with the rhythmic beat and song (sung
by Kyoko). As the title sequence commences the images are blown of the screen.
135
Raine, "Modernization without Modernity: Masumura Yasuzo's Giants and Toys (1958)." pg. 160
73
This shot chronicles Kyoko‘s progression through the film. At first she is a vital
and living being, but in an instant with the click of a camera shutter Kyoko is transformed
into a material image designed for sale and consumption. The initial image is large,
detailed and unique, but with each duplication the image becomes smaller and harder to
focus on. The culmination of which is the final removal and erasure of the image. The
film presents celebrity as fast and powerful, but fleeting for the model or more precisely
the person at the center of it.
The first shot of Kyoko within the narrative of the film comes as Goda and Nishi
walk to a nearby café as they discuss possible ad campaigns. Sitting at a table Goda
abruptly inquires if Nishi likes girls and as Nishi responds the camera cuts to Kyoko
standing behind a case of sweets on display. Kyoko is gazing at the sweets, but in this
medium shot it is Goda, Nishi and the audience who gaze at Kyoko through the shelf. At
this point the first two images of Kyoko have placed an artifice between Kyoko as a
person and as a representation of herself for a viewers gaze. Placing her behind the case
she appears almost as a doll on a shelf to be plucked up by anyone who notices.
Eventually she is bought and contracted by World Candy Company becoming
their exclusive model. Initially, the photo layouts are a huge success and produce stronger
revenue for World than the other companies, but as the ad exposure increases Kyoko‘s
time as the company doll comes to an end.
This is exemplified by a scene in which Kyoko and Nishi leave a sound studio
where Kyoko had been dubbing lines for a commercial. Cutting outside the building the
camera in a full shot shows Kyoko hounded by fans. In the next shot the camera is placed
behind Nishi revealing a sad looking former model for World Candy Company. The
74
camera tracks to the right slightly in tune with Nishi‘s eye line as the former model walks
across screen. At the same time Kyoko enters the shot and stops to the left of the frame.
This shot clarifies for Nishi and the audience the life and death of celebrity;
ultimately forecasting Kyoko‘s demise. This shot highlights what the director sees as ―a
star being born in a night and then killed off just as quickly.‖136 Through a blitz of
advertising in magazines to public appearances and meet and greets, Kyoko‘s image and
appearance has reified her into a lifeless representation of herself, seemingly becoming a
doll designed to promote World Candy products.
Kyoko‘s transformation is linked with the death of four tadpoles she raised before
her fame. With each step in her career a tadpole dies; the last one expiring just before her
solo jungle themed jazz performance. Each of these scenes speak to the opening credit
sequence transforming Kyoko from living being to commoditized object until her use
value expires and is brushed away in favor of the next ‗model.‘ With each of these groups,
both corporate bosses and celebrities, it is Nishi who plays the observer.
As a new hire fresh from college, Nishi, is in the unique position of existing
within the realm of the consumer and company man. With the exception of a few shots in
montage featuring children grabbing up candy or crowds at a baseball stadium the
consumer is never provided a voice beyond their purchase of sweets and other foods.
Only Nishi articulates the concerns of this group as he is privy to both worlds.
This is emphasized by his struggle between going to a college bar vs. a company
(shakaijin) bar and ultimately between his final choice of personal freedom or company
136
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 407
75
servitude. Similar to Kyoko the opening and closing shots of the film act as a mirror to
Nishi‘s transformation from living being to the reified representation of his candy
company and their product.
The first shot comes after the end of the title sequence. In a close up of a man‘s
torso the camera slowly zooms out to reveal a crowd of people walking in unison. At the
center is Nishi. As he walks the camera continues to zoom out revealing more and more
workers described as a ―sea or flood of people‖ by the trailers and characters in the film.
Finally, a loud siren is heard and the workers begin to pass the camera dispersing in
different directions as the camera pans up to tall building. This shot does not reveal much
by itself, but in conjunction with the final shot Nishi‘s transformation becomes apparent.
After a long and fiery discussion between promoted division head Goda and Nishi
regarding the economic goals of Japan and the individual responsibility of a worker Nishi
is forced to chose between a life of freedom and one devoted to the company. While he
initially rejects Goda‘s vision, Nishi ultimately submits by putting on the garb of the
World Candy Company‘s space ad campaign and parading through the streets.
In a large plastic bubble helmet, shiny space suit and rattling plastic ray gun Nishi
walks through the streets of Tokyo waving the World Candy company flag. Mirroring the
opening shot of the film the shots starts above the street in a low angle looking down on
the masses of people. Nishi again in the middle is shown wearing his outfit. As he
continues to walk away the camera crane moves fluidly down toward street level and
ultimately comes to a stop on a close up of the rainy black streets with neon lights
reflecting in the puddles as the closing credits appear.
76
Looking at both clips side by side the transformation of Nishi‘s character is
apparent. While the film opens in a bright space with Nishi as a vital being moving
towards the camera the film ends in a dark and somber space with Nishi moving away as
a reification of his company and the candy they sell. Even the remark by Kurahashi for
Nishi to smile brightly in his space suit, seems less encouraging and more like a
command. For Nishi there is no sunny future his humanity like the corporate bosses and
celebrities around him has been stripped away leaving only commodity and profit gain.
This final scene also encapsulates the significant difference between Masumura
and the Japanese New Wave. Where Oshima and Yoshida‘s politics dictate a tearing
down of the system or the self, Masumura‘s character relents and joins the company. The
film also serves as an allegory for Masumura‘s career juxtaposed between the studio and
his own creative desires. Throughout his career Masumura moved between the creation
of artistic and personally inspiring work while meeting the demands of a company that
provided security, but filtered creativity through pre-set modes of production.
For Nishi‘s the choice is similar. In a sense he is a man in-between the realm of
the company work and the consumer. At the same time he caught between working for
the coming and achieving his own independence. The parallels between Kyojin to gangu
and Masumura‘s career abound.
Nishi‘s choice at the end of the picture confused many in a round table discussion
with the director.137 Some were at a complete loss as to why Nishi would ever join the
company, while the other half seemed to understand completely. The underlying
137
See Masumura, "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin Kyoka:
Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on Giants and Toys."
77
consensus for each side seemed to reflect their position on the level of influence mass
communication had in society. While Masumura remained quite on his actual intention
for this scene, one interpretation not explored is the warning it sends to the audience via
its ambiguity.
The film‘s release in 1958 coincides with the first years of Japan‘s rise as an
economic power. Over the course of a decade significant industrial advances would place
Japan second in economic strength next to the United States. In many ways Nishi‘s
choice to become the ‗sandwich man‘ for World screams out to the audience that blame
cannot be placed on the machinations of corporate life alone. In this world Nishi has no
other option and he alone cannot effect the change necessary to provide a different
alternative. The subtle criticism which emerges is a need for each group, company
workers and consumers, to reflect on the systems in place and contemplate what direction
they are all headed. By, balancing criticism between the corporate heads, consumers, and
the media the film remains ambiguous as to its politics, suggesting that each viewer
decide for themselves what lessons can be learned from Nishi‘s choice. In that way
Kyojin to gangu strikes a balance between entertaining mass culture cinema and a
critically engaging work of art.
78
CHAPTER IV
WHO TO TRUST? AN ANALYSIS OF NISE DAIGAKUSEI
The previous chapter engaged issues of mass consumer culture, the rise of the
high growth era and the forward thinking vitality which exemplified Masumura‘s early
career as a director. Rather than presenting a re-hash of the same topics, this chapter will
look one of Masumura‘s least known and most commonly overlooked films Nise
daigakusei. With the exception of several passing references the film has remained
obscure and nearly unobtainable.138 Currently the film is unavailable on any video format
either in the United States or Japan.139 With the abundance of Masumura films currently
available140 it would seem reasonable an attempt would be made to add this unique title.
The film was released in the fall of 1960 and was Masumura‘s fifteenth directorial
feature film. The film was adapted from popular novelist Oe Kenzaburo‘s Gisho no toki
which appeared as a short story in literary magazine Sekai alongside the Kaiko Takeshi
novella Kyojin to gangu also adapted by Masumura. The original story is very sparse in
its narrative structure starting after the captivity of a student, believed to be an imposter
or possible police spy in a university history club. The story is recounted in first person
from the only female member of the club as the false student is imprisoned, escapes and
138
This chapter was only made possible by a copy of the film available through the University of Oregon
Library.
139
Fortunately, during the author‘s time at Meiji University the National Film Center in Tokyo ran a series
on films adapted from fiction, which included a screening of Nise daigakusei and Kyojin to gangu.
140
Currently six of Masumura‘s films are available with English subtitles through the company, Fantoma.
In the United Kingdom, through Yume Pictures the same six features are available along with Masumura‘s
debut film, Kuchizuke. However, in Japan nearly half of Masumura‘s feature films have been released on
DVD or VHS formats. Kadokawa pictures own the rights to the Daiei film catalogue, but as of this thesis
have not released a copy of Nise daigakusei. For each company‘s catalogue see: US,
http://www.fantoma.com/fantoma.html UK, http://www.yumepictures.co.uk/ and Japan,
http://www.kadokawa-pictures.co.jp/
79
has a final confrontation with the students where all but the narrator create an imagined
scenario where the imprisonment never took place.
The film is told through the perspective of the false student, Hikoichi played by
Jerry Fujio, as he attempts to appease his family and himself after once again failing his
entrance exam for college. Donning a school uniform, Hikoichi is quickly swept up by
the a faction of the Zengakuren composed of history club members.
After an initial greeting period, suspicions arise as to Hikoichi‘s authenticity as a
student for the University. When several club members realize he is not a registered
student, they accuse him of being a police spy and imprison him for several days on end.
During his imprisonment he is degraded by the club members, forced to urinate in a
bucket while tied to a chair, and given very little in the way of food or nourishment. After
several unsuccessful attempts at escape, Hikoichi is able to break out of his chair and flee
ultimately being picked up by police officers.
In the penultimate scene of the film Hikoichi and his mother return to the club not
to exact retribution, but to apologize for the trouble they caused. At the same time the
History club shows compassion and ignorance to any imprisonment as if it never
happened. With the exception of Wakao Ayako‘s character, Mutsuko141, the club and
Hikoichi all act as if the imprisonment was a fabrication. The scene ends with Hikoichi
calling for his close friends to follow him in a chant for the school. The final scene
reveals Hikoichi has in fact gone mad and living in a mental institution. With a bright
expression he leads a chant up and down the hallway to, ―Overthrow Conservatism,
Overthrow Conservatism‖ as several doctors look on in amazement saying, ―It‘s that new
141
A re-imagined version of the narrator from Oe Kenzaburo‘s original short story.
80
type of madness.‖142 The film acts as an allegory for the political rhetoric of the day with
representative voices for the cultural elite, signified by the history club members, and the
public at large, represented by the false student, Hikoichi. Released during the peak
period of political activism in 1960 and focusing on one of the major groups which took
part in the protests of the Diet, it is a wonder that the film has remained so obscure.
A potential factor for this may lie in the coincidental release of both Masumura
and Oshima‘s films during the same weekend. Masumura‘s film was released on October
8th, 1960 a Friday. The next day October 9th Oshima‘s Nihon no yoru to kiri was released
on a double bill with Yoshida Yoshishige‘s second feature Chi ga kawaiteru. Promoted
as an all star line of Japanese New Wave cinema by Shochiku it was the first opportunity
for their films to be placed side by side.143 In comparison Masumura‘s film was double
billed with the much more standard dramatic fair of Kao directed by Shima Koji and
starring Kyo Machiko. However, the simultaneous release of both pictures, alone, does
not justify Nise daigakusei’s oversight
One factor is that Masumura‘s film as an adaptation of a short story does not
provide as strong a symbolic connection to recent social movements as those by the New
Wave. Oshima‘s film on directly spoke to the events that took place in June by presenting
them through fictionalized debate at a wedding between 1950‘s communist supporters
and modern day Zengakuren students who had participated in the protests. The initial
reaction to Oshima‘s film was mixed, in some cases deflating critic‘s belief of Oshima as
the head of the New Wave. However, over time English scholarship used it as one of the
142
Yasuzo Masumura, "Nise Daigakusei," (Japan: Daiei Studios, 1960).
143
See Asahi Shimbun October 5th & 8th, 1960 for advertisements promoting films release
81
prime representations of Japanese New Wave through its unique staging and quick
interpretation of recent events.
Nihon no yoru to kiri is perhaps most famous for being the last picture Oshima
filmed at Shochiku, following its removal from theaters after only four days on October
13th, 1960. The official word from Shochiku was that, ―while difficult to determine,
attendance was poor‖144 and therefore needed to be removed from theaters. Oshima
vehemently discounts this after finding out that the box office revenues were only slightly
lower than his other releases.145
The quick removal of the film and vague description provided by Shochiku
quickly led many to speculate other motivations. The most prominent being the
assassination of Communist Party leader, Asanuma Inejiro by seventeen year old right
wing radical, Yamaguchi Otoya. On the evening of October 12th, Asanuma gave a speech
at the Hibiya Public Hall in Tokyo. Midway through his address Yamaguchi ran up on
stage plunging a short sword into Asanuma‘s belly. The assassination naturally became
the focus of the news media. At the same time heads of Shochiku met in their offices,
ultimately determining that they would remove Oshima‘s film from production.
Hearing the news first from reporters at Mainichi Shinbun, Oshima immediately
connected the film‘s removal with the assassination.146 This connection was also
mentioned repeatedly in news articles covering the event.147 Beyond the connection to
144
"Nihon No Yoru to Kiri No Jyoei Chushi," Kinema Junpo, no. 271 (1960). pg. 44
145
Oshima, Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima. pg. 54
146
Nagisa Oshima, Oshima Nagisa 1960 (Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Senta, 2001). pg. 276-277
147
See articles "Nihon No Yoru to Kiri No Jyoei Chushi." pg. 44 and "Nihon No Yoru to Kiri Sai Jyoei
Undo," Kinema Junpo, no. 272 (1960). pg. 150 for this repeated reference
82
Asanuma‘s assassination, the media also reported the immediate desire by certain groups
to have the film returned to theaters. For some the film‘s removal was the catalyst to get
people interested in Oshima and his films. By December of 1960 several college and
other groups had begun to petition for the film to be re-released.148 Some believed the
film would be shown along with Oshima‘s next feature from Shochiku, in the time before
he left the company. However, the company did not and the rumors and interest in
Oshima‘s film was allowed to build.
Through this chain of events Oshima‘s film went from being another in his line of
films to a media event which captured the frenetic energy of the day. The immediate
result of which was Oshima feeling soured by Shochiku and angrily chastising them at a
friend‘s wedding and film journals before ultimately severing his relationship with the
company. However, overtime the films removal from theaters and Oshima‘s break from
studio productions provided great fodder for media outlets, critics and scholars to
highlight the importance of Oshima‘ work and his impact on filmmaking at the time.
While this thesis is not disregarding the importance of the film, the amount of press
Oshima‘s film received ensured that future scholars and writers would look first to this
film and the frenzy it caused.
On the other end of the spectrum sits Masumura‘s Nise daigakusei. Released the
same weekend, also looking at the Zengakuren, yet not made a pariah by his studio, not
removed from theaters. In the end the film faded from theaters and people‘s memories.
While the obscure nature of the film alone does not warrant critical attention, addressing
148
"Nihon No Yoru to Kiri Sai Jyoei Undo." pg. 150
83
specific themes in the film it is apparent that Nise daigakusei a veiled, but equally potent
engagement of the social issues.
Nise daigakusei was reviewed in a similar fashion to Masumura‘s other films with
articles in Kinema Junpo and Eiga Hyoron. Kokura Shinbi felt that the film was, ―at last a
return to Masumura‘s origins which provided a healthy air to the pace of the film which
was wonderful.‖149 In addition Kokura praises the intensity Jerry Fujio‘s character in the
final scene of the film at the mental institution as well as Wakao Ayako‘s effectiveness in
conveying the her character feels by the end of the film.
Most interesting is Kokura‘s observation that, ―from a different perspective than
Oshima at Shochiku, this film shows a lingering shadow of Masumura‘s own individual
battle.‖150 The battle referenced by Kokura is in relation to the struggle of the main
character to essentially pick a side for or against any group. In many ways the perspective
of the film faces the same struggle as the audience is meant to connect with the false
student and sympathize with his struggle. Masumura attempts to undercut the notion of
such a battle in his own interpretation of the film. ―Essentially with this film what I
wanted to say, in a word, that regardless of how crazy student protests became that is who
the youth are. Those are the youth of Japan.‖151 This was Masumura‘s attempt at
tempering criticism that his film was satirizing the student movement through sarcastic
jabs. In Masumura‘s view this was an honest reflection of the student movement at the
time and describing the vitality of the youth taking part in it.
149
Shinbi Kokura, "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Nise Daigakusei," Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960). pg. 82
150
Ibid. pg. 82
151
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 410
84
At the same time Masumura concludes that this film was ―a continuation of a
theme which I have asserted repeatedly, that the only ones with the potential to make
Japan‘s tomorrow are evil.‖ This was certainly an issue addressed throughout Kyojin to
gangu and two a lesser degree present in Kuchizuke or Aozora musume. The difference
between critics and Masumura‘s interpretation of Nise daigakusei seem to be a matter of
degrees. Looking at several scenes will provide greater insight to these issues and the
broader connections the film makes with the New Wave and mass culture cinema.
The opening shot of the film immediately indicates a break from the narrative of
the original story with the image of large entrance exam result boards for the incoming
class of 1961. The camera shoots up toward the billboard in a low angle shots which
includes the head and shoulders of multiple students as they lean and careen their heads
looking for their number. At the outset of the picture these billboards are situated in a
place of power, they loom over the screen. This power is accentuated as the shot tracks
rapidly down the result boards from right to lefts, showing the immensity of the people
and the tangential desire for so many to enter just one school.
After moving down the billboard for several seconds, the camera cuts in front of
the students matching the camera‘s position from the previous shot from a low angle
tracking right to left. The camera placed behind a chain-linked fence shows students
vividly looking for their placement results. Midway through the shot the camera focuses
on the protagonist, played by Jerry Fujio. The camera indicates that he is a person of
interest, by following the character as he moves first from right to left on the screen and
then walks back continuing to look at the board. Quickly he stops and drops his head,
looking side to side slightly before slinking into the background.
85
This sequence of two tracking shots is short, less than a minute, but provides a
wealth of information. From the angle and movement of the camera it is obvious that the
results on this board provide either great elation or failure for individuals. The main has
tried and failed to make it, placing him into a pitiable position. Finally, Jerry Fujio‘s
slight body movements indicate the shame and loneliness he feels as a result of his failure.
Several times in the sequence students cry out to friends that they passed and are met
with congratulation and cheer, while those who fail are told to buck up, not worry, and
try again. For the protagonist not only has he failed, but no one is there to comfort him.
The slight movement of his head from right to left signals his desire to remain discrete
and not openly express his feelings of failure or loneliness as he leaves. The camera‘s
position suggests that the audience sympathize with this person.
At the same time the film does not play in such black and white terms of who to
support or root for. As soon as the camera‘s position creates a dynamic for sympathizing
with Hikoichi, his choices in the narrative to lie about the exam, purchase a fake uniform
and parade at a jazz club as university student, suggest something else.152
For the entire second act of the film Hikoichi sits contained in the office of the
history club. Throughout this period the camera stays positioned in relatively the same
space alternating between shots in front of and behind the false student. At the outset of
his imprisonment the camera is positioned behind the chair with Hikoichi‘s head taking
up center of the frame. From a low angle the surrounding club members seem to loom
over their captive. The power dynamic of the shot seems simple on the surface with the
152
In the narrative of the film the students attend the fictional ‗Toto‘ University an obvious illusion to
Tokyo University, the country‘s most prestigious university commonly referred to as ‗Todai‘.
86
history club excising power over the individual, Hikoichi. Broadly speaking this is also a
clear indication that the camera is in the corner of the individual, the simple person
attempting to fit into the cultural elite, the intelligentsia of Japan represented by the
history club. The school‘s exclusion and violence toward the individual by the club also
seem criticize this elite group‘s status. At the same time the audience is aware of the
individual, Hikoichi‘s own deceit and desire to be part of this group. Through simple
camera movements and composition, Masumura conveys significant amounts of
information regarding the power and strength the group has over the individual.
In the penultimate scene of the film the ambiguity of where the audience‘s
allegiance should lie is made clearer. After feeling from imprisonment and being
captured by the police, Hikoichi and his mother return to the history club to make a plea.
Rather than receive an apology from the history club it is Hikoichi and his mother who
prostrate themselves, begging forgiveness and chanting their love of the school and the
club. Soratani, the club leader, is happy to accept their apology. Only Mutsuko fights
through this illusion screaming that they did in fact imprison Hikoichi.
Hikoichi continues the charade assuring Mutsuko that he was not imprisoned and
in fact she is incorrect. He goes on to praise the students of the university for their,
‗purity and pursuit and love of the truth.‖153 Sato Tadao has argued, however, that the
Zengakuren presented in the film hide their emotion, presenting an unflappable
appearance as they go along with a fabrication.
153
Yasuzo Masumura et al., Nise Daigakusei (S.I.: s.n.). also see Yoshio Shirasaka, "Nise Daigakusei,"
(Tokyo: 1960).
87
The camera throughout the scene alternates between low angle shots of Hikoichi
as he lectures the hall, professing his love for the students and mid level two and three
shots of his discussion with the students. Unlike the early shots which seem to suggest a
power relation or hint to the viewer who has control, the varying shots of this scene
confuse who is telling the truth, who believes the fabrication and whether those two are
mutually exclusive. The final shot of the film, tracking Hikoichi in medium shots as he
moves back and forth down a hallway, revealed to be part of a mental institution with
doctors looking on. Until the end Hikoichi retains an optimistic, but slightly unstable
smile as he shouts, ―Down with conservatism, Down with Conservatism.‖154
In a way Kokura‘s initial assessment of Masumura‘s internal struggle be played
out on screen seems to be valid. However, looking at each scene it becomes clear that
there is less a battle taking place for the filmmaker and more for the viewer. Throughout
the film: camera position, character composition, and narrative structure all seem to belie
the connection the audience should make with the film. On one hand the history club is a
representation of the cultural elite who will go on to be lawyers, politicians and people in
power. On the other side there is Hikoichi who despite his best efforts is an outsider, part
of the masses. In essence this film is an allegory for Masumura‘s position in the film
world stuck between the poles of the New Wave movement and mass culture cinema.
These four scenes suggest ambiguity, when in reality blame is laid on both parties.
The characterization of the Zengakuren and Hokichi reveal a critical view of both the
cultural elite and the masses all caught in the machinations of modern life. The film
suggests cultural elite figures, like university students, to be snobbish, self serving and
154
Masumura et al., Nise Daigakusei.
88
manipulative. At the same time the masses, represented by Jerry Fujio, are just as
interested in being part of that group and will lie, endure pain, and dismiss the wrong
doings of those ‗above‘ them as their own fault. In this manner the film criticizes the
zealous desire for success underlying the core of each of these groups.
Masumura neither sides with the intellectuals or the common man, but shows the
absurdity of both parties, the system and manner in which this system developed.
Screenwriter, Shirasaka Yoshio, seconds this interpretation in an interview. ―Are we for
or against the Zengakuren, I cannot say clearly. It is uncertain. For me that is the focal
point of the film.‖155 Oshima‘s films tend support the ambition of his youthful characters
while criticizing the rigid structures which surround them. Masumura‘s criticism remains
subtle, adding a complexity not present in Japanese New Wave. Rather than whole
heartedly condemning rigid systems of power, the audience must ask themselves who is
right and who is wrong. These questions which probe into the social concerns of the day
are couched in a standard three act narrative structure, with a defined beginning, middle
and end. Similar to Kyojin to gangu this film is able to weave between serious critique
and mass culture entertainment.
155
Masumura and Fujii, Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo No Maesutoro> Eiga to No
Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. pg. 324
89
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
The goal of this thesis was to provide an additional view to the standard narrative
of Japanese film history which has developed over the course of the past fifty years
through the career and films of Masumura Yasuzo. Tracing the various developments in
the field of Japanese film studies revealed that for all the advancements made, a rigid
canon was established and re-affirmed over the past fifty years. This has limited the
growth of the field and prevented a broader more complex view of Japan‘s film history.
Focusing on the dynamic period of the high economic growth period, the paper
back grounded key political and social developments like the steady rise of the annual
GNP from 1955-1970 and the violent ANPO protests in the summer of 1960. Part and
parcel to these events a large social and cultural upheaval took place with the rise of mass
consumer culture, media proliferation and artistic expression in literature and film.
The purpose for this exposition was to provide a way of engaging the changes
within the film industry at the time, juxtaposed with the narrative established in film
scholarship. A major contention within the paper has been the level of critical importance
placed on Japanese New Wave cinema during the high growth period, when in reality
those films account for less than ten percent of major studio releases of any year during
that time.
The effect of this minority‘s critical dominance has been seen not only in the
abundance of scholarship, but also the international distribution of Japanese New Wave
cinema at festivals and video release. In effect the minority of New Wave is essentially
the only representation this period of film has internationally.
90
Using Masumura as the lynch pin between the cultural elite of Japanese New
Wave and mass culture cinema provides a gateway to exploring the larger landscape of
film in Japan. Masumura in his career straddled the line between critical artistry and
company man following orders. In his personal life Masumura pursued the study of
cinema from a hobby as a child and study to serious study in Rome and finally as a
director for Daiei Studios. As a director Masumura continued to pursue complex critical
and social issues in his film often paced through conventional narrative formats and
concrete resolutions.
This balance led Oshima and others to criticize Masumura for having only one
eye open, by satirizing the vary mechanisms his films are a part of. Staying with Daiei
throughout his career, meant Masumura could never have complete creative control over
his films. Perhaps the most notorious instance of Masumura bending to the studio‘s whim
is with Mishima Yukio and the 1960 feature Karakkaze yaro. Using his fame as an author
Mishima demanded to star in a film that would allow him to be a gangster, wear a leather
jacket and die at the climax of the film. Daiei, conceding to his request, ordered
Masumura to make just such a film. Rather than throw up his arms in disgust or leave the
studio, Masumura complied with their wishes. In the end it afforded Masumura the
opportunity to make more thought provoking pictures such as Nise daigakusei later that
year or Seisaku no tsuma in 1965.
In the end Masumura is an example of one of the many creative voices
who until extremely recently, with the scholarship of Michael Raine, have been ignored
in English language academics. The success Masumura had of creating interesting and
compelling critical fiction within the studio system at a time when the New Wave
91
commanded the attention of critical journals, show that there is much more waiting to be
discovered. The question then becomes, where do we go from here?
The answer lies in mass culture cinema. For nearly fifty years since Anderson and
Richie‘s book was first published, Japanese cinema studies in the United States has been
limited itself to those films that could be accessed and those deemed most culturally
relevant. If the field is to develop beyond these parameters, it is with the serious
evaluation of mass culture cinema. The most obvious examples being the highest box
office grossing feature films.156 While not true of Kurosawa and Ozu who made films
that were critically lauded and box office successes, the generation which followed
became much more fractured. This complexity should not be shied away from, nor
should any film that was financially successful immediately become a topic for academic
study. However, within these hundreds of films many are waiting to be re-discovered,
like Nise daigakusei, which will help broaden the field and give prospective film students
or interested parties a better understanding of one the richest film industries in the world.
156
See Appendix A for a complete listing of the top ten highest grossing films from 1955-1969.
92
APPENDIX A
FILM INDUSTRY STATISTICS (1955-1969)157
Total Films Released 1955-1969
600
500
400
300
Total Films Released
Major Studio Releases
200
100
1969
1968
1967
1966
1965
1964
1963
1962
1961
1960
1959
1958
1957
1956
1955
0
Total Films Raw Data 1955-1969
157
Total Films
Major Studio
Released
Releases
1955
423
358
1956
514
447
1957
443
362
1958
505
435
1959
502
435
For source information see Komura, Kinema Junpo Best Ten 80 Kai Zen Shi (キネマ旬報ベスト・テ
ン 80 回全史). Also, see February 1st issues of Kinema Junpo from 1956-1970.
93
1960
548
496
1961
535
496
1962
375
364
1963
357
332
1964
345
285
1965
488
277
1966
461
270
1967
411
261
1968
491
261
1969
508
254
Total:
6906
5333
Average: 460.4
355.5
High:
548
496
Low:
345
254
94
Total Box Office Grosses 1955-1969
Profits in Yen
35,000,000,000
30,000,000,000
25,000,000,000
20,000,000,000
15,000,000,000
10,000,000,000
5,000,000,000
0
Profits in Yen
Total Box Office Grosses Raw Data 1955-1969
Year
Profits in Yen
Year
Profits in Yen
1955
20,992,751,000 1963
24,825,323,000
1956
23,520,000,000 1964
22,354,869,000
1957
25,997,688,000 1965
21,694,041,000
1958
29,466,514,000 1966
20,136,131,000
1959
30,266,175,000 1967
18,592,000,000
1960
30,549,296,000 1968
19,009,833,000
1961
29,488,228,000 1969
18,445,909,000
1962
27,285,095,000
95
Theater Statistics 1955-1969
Theaters
8,000
7,000
6,000
5,000
4,000
Theaters
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
Theater Statistics Raw Data 1955-1969
Year
Theaters
Year
1955
5,182
1963
5,696
1956
5,988
1964
5,896
1957
6,844
1965
4,927
1958
7,072
1966
4,649
1959
7,401
1967
4,119
1960
7,473
1968
3,814
1961
7,282
1969
3,602
1962
6,635
96
Theaters
Best Ten Lists and Top Ten Box Office Grossing Films 1955-1969
KINEMA JUNPO BEST
TEN LIST
TOP TEN BOX OFFICE
1955
1955-56
1
2
3
4
5
6
Ukigumo
Meoto zenzai
Nogiku no gotoki kimi nariki
Ikimono no kiroku
Koko ni izumiari
Keisatsu nikki
7
8
Jyochukko
Chiyari huji
Akouroushi
Shuzenji monogatari
Jyanken musume
Shin heikei monogatari
Boumeiki
Miyamoto Musashi ichijyoji no
keitto
Yokihi
Miyamoto Musashi keitto
ganryujima
Rikidozan dotou no otoko
Meoto zenzai
9 Ukigusa nikki
10 Bijyo to kairyu
1956
1
2
3
4
5
6
Mahiru no ankoku
Yoru no kawa
Karakorumu
Neko to shozo to hutari no
onna
Biruma no tategoto
Soshun
7
8
9
10
Taihusodoki
Nagareru
Taiyo to bara
Anata Kaimasu
Kome
Jyunai monogatari
3
Yorokobi mo kanashimi mo
ikutoshitsuki
Bakumatsu taiyoden
Kumonosujyou
Kichigai buraku
4
5
6
313,050,000
183,680,000
176,000,000
173,030,000
172,280,000
168,000,000
157,810,000
155,500,000
150,000,000
148,000,000
1956-57
Ninkyo shizumi minato
Kumonosujyou
Kyohu no kuchuu satsujin
Soga kyodai fuji no yashuu
353,190,000
198,000,000
192,910,000
190,090,000
Nazo no yureisen
Zenigata heijitori monohikae
madara hebi
Taiyo no kisetsu
Tsukigata hanbeita
Kome
Utau yajikita ougondouchuu
186,780,000
186,760,000
1957
1
2
EARNINGS
IN YEN
185,640,000
185,430,000
175,110,000
174,560,000
1957-58
Meiji tenno to nichiro daisenso
Yorokobi mo kanashimi mo
ikutoshitsuki
Mitokoumon
542,910,000
391,090,000
Arashi wo yobu otoko
Ninkyo tokaido
Daichuushingura
348,800,000
341,780,000
268,750,000
97
353,340,000
7
8
9
10
Dotanba
Bakuon to daichi
Ibokyoudai
Donzoko
Sabita naifu
Yoru no kiba
Banka
Ooatari sanshoku musume
1958
1
2
3
4
5
6
Narayama bushikou
Kakushi toride no san
akunin
Higanbana
Enjyo
Hadaka no Taiyo
Yoru no tsuzumi
7
8
9
10
Muhoumatsu no isshou
Harikomi
Hadaka no Taishou
Kyojin to gangu
1958-59
Chuushingura (Daiei)
Hi no ataru kami michi
410,330,000
400,710,000
Kurenai no tsubasa
Chuushingura (Toei)
Kakushi toride no san akunin
Ashita wa ashita no kaze ga
huku
Husoku 40 kome
Nichiren to mouko daishuurai
Ningen no jyoken (1・2)
Higanbana
364,950,000
361,220,000
342,640,000
321,500,000
1959
1
2
3
Kiku to isamu
Nobi
Nianchan
4
5
6
7
kasha no uta
Ningen no jyoken (1・2)
Ningen no kabe
Naniwa no koi no
monogatari
8 Daigo hukuryumaru
9 Kagi
10 Ningen no jyoken (3・4)
3
4
5
Ototo
Kuroi gashu aru sarariman
no shogen
Warui yatsu hodo yoku
nemuru
Fuefukigawa
Akibiyori
318,090,000
305,120,000
304,040,000
294,220,000
1959-60
Ninkyo nakasendo
Nihon tanjyo
Ketto sukoden dotou no
taiketsu
Sekai wo kakeru koi
Otoko ga inochi wo kakeru toki
tekkaba no kaze
Ningen no jyoken (3・4)
350,910,000
344,320,000
310,190,000
Tenka no huku shogun
Otoko nara yume wo miro
Ten to chi wo kakeru otoko
225,810,000
206,470,000
196,520,000
1960
1
2
248,510,000
237,210,000
232,430,000
227,400,000
277,890,000
269,370,000
243,350,000
234,790,000
1960-61
Tenka wo toru
Hato wo koeru watari shima
323,920,000
300,120,000
Togyu ni kakeru otoko
291,330,000
Kenka taro
Musume tsuma haha
276,690,000
275,610,000
98
6
7
8
Hadaka no shima
Buta to gunkan
Buki naki tatakai
Ajisai no uta
Mito komon
Namonaku mazushiku
utsukushiku
Taiheiyo no arashi
Shingo nijyu ban shobu
9 Hikyo himaraya
10 Nihon no yoru to kiri
1961
Furyo shonen
Yojimbo
Eien no hito
Ningen no jyoken kanketsu
hen
5 Namonaku mazushiku
utsukushiku
6 Hangyakuji
7 Are ga minato no bida
8 Hadakakko
9 Shiiku
10 Kuroi jyunin no onna
Tsubaki sanjyuro
Akouroushi
Aitsu to watashi
Yojimbo
450,100,000
435,000,000
400,080,000
351,000,000
Miyamoto Musashi
305,000,000
Yureito no okite
Ginza no koi no monogatari
Dodotaru jinsei
Arabu no arashi
Sekai daisenso
302,000,000
300,000,000
289,770,000
288,000,000
284,990,000
1962
Watashi wa ni sai
Kyu-pora no aru machi
Seppuku
Hakai
Tsubaki sanjyuro
6
7
8
9
10
Ningen
Otoshi ana
Sanma no aji
Nippon no obachan
Akitsu onsen
1962-63
Tengoku to jigoku
Hana to ryu
Seizoroi tokaido
Kingu kongu tai gojira
Miyamoto Musashi
hannyazaka no ketto
Hishakaku
Doburoku no tatsu
Chushingura (Toho)
Uragirimono wa jigokudaze
Aoi sanmyaku
1963
1
2
3
4
5
Nippon konchuki
Tengoku to jigoku
Gobancho yugiriro
Taiheiyo hitori bocchi
Bushido zankoku
monogatari
251,000,000
177,890,000
1961-62
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
5
270,370,000
266,940,000
251,540,000
460,200,000
360,400,000
352,120,000
350,100,000
302,410,000
288,000,000
284,800,000
280,100,000
279,120,000
270,800,000
1963-64
Nippon konchuki
Hikaru umi
Akai hankachi
Bushido zankoku monogatari
Daitozoku
99
330,000,000
300,000,000
280,000,000
275,000,000
230,000,000
6
Shitoyakana kedamono
7
8
9
10
Kanojyo to kare
Haha
Shiro to kuro
Hiko shojyo
1964
1
2
3
4
5
6
Suna no onna
Kaidan
Kouka
Akai satsui
Kigakaikyo
Echigo tsutsuishi
oyashirazu
7 Kizudarake no sanga
8 Amai ase
9 Ada uchi
10 Ware hitotsubu no mugi
naredo
1965
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Akahige
Tokyo orinpikku
Nihon retto
Nippon dorobo monogatari
Shonin no isu
Hiyameshi to osan to chan
Osorezan no onna
Buwana toshi no uta
9 Akuto
10 Mizu de kakareta
monogatari
1966
1
Shiroi kyoto
2
"Erogoto shitachi" yori
jinruigakunyumon
Ki no kawa
3
Miyamoto Musashi ichijyoji no
keitto
Gojyu mannin no isan
Gobancho yugiriro
Kigeki ekimae chagama
Shingo nijyu ban shobu
kanketsuhen
225,000,000
225,000,000
218,000,000
210,000,000
207,000,000
1964-65
Tokyo orinpikku 1,205,000,000
Ai to shi wo mitsumete
475,000,000
Same
282,000,000
254,000,000
Echigo tsutsuishi oyashirazu
Nihon kyokakuden
252,000,000
Wakakusa monogatari
250,000,000
Kouka
Kaidan
Tokugawa Ieyasu
Kuroi kaikyo
227,480,000
225,000,000
215,000,000
213,000,000
1965-66
Akahige
Abashiribangaichi hokkaihen
Kanto hatashijyo
Abashiribangaichi bokyohen
Nihon kyokakuden kantohen
Zoku abashiribangaichi
Daiboken
Kure-ji- no musekinin
shimizuminato
Kaijyu daisenso
Yotsu no koi no monogatari
361,590,000
294,900,000
251,850,000
247,800,000
241,110,000
223,760,000
218,510,000
187,760,000
187,550,000
180,000,000
1966-67
Abashiribangaichi daisetsugen
no taiketsu
Zessho
240,460,000
Abashiribangaichi nangoku no
100
239,860,000
240,000,000
4
5
6
7
8
9
Mizumi no koto
Tanin no kao
Andesu no hanayome
Honno
Kokoro no sanmiyaku
Hakuchu no toorima
10 Onna no naka ni iru tannin
taiketsu
Rettsu go-! wakadaisho
Arupusu no wakadaisho
Kure-ji-dayo tenka muteki
Ai to shi no kiroku
Kure-ji-dayo kiso tengai
Abashiribangaichi
koyanotaiketsu
Kure-ji- daisakusen
1967
1
2
3
4
5
6
Jyoiuchi hairyo tsuma
shimatsu
Ningen jyohatsu
Nihon no ichiban nagai hi
Midaregumo
Hanaokaseishu no tsuma
Chieko sho
7
8
9
Ai no kawaki
Akane gumo
Natsukashi huraibo
10 Shinobu geicho
Kamigami no hukaki yokubo
Nikudan
Koshikei
Kurobe no taiyo
Kubi
Hatsukoi jigokuhen
Nihon no seishun
Moretsukita chizu
Jinsei gekijyo hishakaku to
kirajyo
10 Fukeba tobuyo na otoko da
ga
Kurobe no taiyo
796,160,000
Nihon no ichiban nagai hi
Kure-ji- ogonsakusen
Kure-ji- kaitojibako
Go-! Go-! wakadaisho
Nihon no ichi no otoko no naka
no otoko
Aadoki no sakura
Zatoichi chi kemuri kaido
Ningengyorai aakaiten
tokubetsu kougekitai
Abashiribangaichi aku he no
chosen
441,950,000
324,270,000
240,660,000
220,470,000
218,210,000
203,220,000
192,320,000
179,840,000
166,510,000
1968-69
Furin kazan
Yamamoto gojyuroku
Bakutoretsuden
Kure- ji- mekishiko taisakusen
Kuso tengoku
Furesshuman wakadaisho
Kyokakuretsuden
Zatoichi kenka daiko
Tokugawa onnakeibatsushi
720,000,000
399,870,000
218,890,000
216,280,000
202,180,000
194,080,000
188,760,000
169,600,00
159,830,000
Jinsei gekijyo hishakaku to
kirajyo
158,480,000
1969
1
192,300,000
1967-68
1968
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
239,800,000
233,230,000
208,260,000
203,000,000
199,460,000
193,680,000
1969-70
Shinjyu ten no amijima
Eiko he no 5000 kilo
101
650,000,000
2
3
4
5
6
7
Watashi ga suteta onna
Shonen
Kagero
Hashi no nai kawa
Otoko wa tsurai yo
Betonamu
8 Shinuku dorobo nikki
9 Zoku otoko wa tsurai yo
10 Furin kazan
Nihonkai daikasen
Chokoso no akebono
Hito kiri
Senya ichiya monogatari
Goyokin
Shin abashiribangaichi
runinmisaki no ketto
Nihon kyokakutden hana to ryu
Nihon ansatsu hiroku
Konto 55 go jinrui no
daijyakuten
102
360,000,000
360,000,000
350,000,000
290,000,000
250,000,000
180,000,000
180,000,000
160,000,000
160,000,000
APPENDIX B
MASUMURA YASUZO FILMOGRAPHY
Release Date Original Title Original Title in Roman Script (Translated Title)
1955.05.03 楊貴妃 Yokihi (Princess Yang Kwei-fei)
1956.03.18 赤線地帯 Akasen chitai (Street of Shame)
1956.06.28 処刑の部屋 Shokei no heya (Punishment Room)
1956.10.01 日本橋 Nihon bashi
1957.03.27 満員電車 Mannin densha (Packed Train)
1957.07.23 くちづけ Kuchizuke (Kisses)
1957.10.08 青空娘 Aozora musume (The Bright Girl)
1957.12.01 暖流 Danryu (Warm Current)
1958.03.18 氷壁 Hyoheki (Precipice)
1958.06.22 巨人と玩具 Kyojin to gangu (Giants and Toys)
1958.09.07 不敵な男 Futeki na otoko (A Daring Man)
1958.12.14 親不幸通り Oya fuko dori (Undutiful Street)
1959.02.10 最高殊勲夫人 Saiko shukun fujin (The Most Valuable Wife)
1959.05.13 氾濫 Hanran (Flood)
1959.08.12 美貌に罪あり Bibo ni tsumi ari (Beauty is Guilty)
1959.12.01 闇を横切れ Yami wo yokogire (Across Darkness)
1960.01.14 女経 第一話 耳を噛みたがる女 Jokyo, dai ichiwa: mimi wo kamitagaru onna
(A Woman's Testament: Part One)
1960.03.23 からっ風野郎 Karrakaze yaro (Afraid to Die)
103
1960.08.24 足にさわった女 Ashi ni sawatta onna (The Woman Who Touched the Legs)
1960.10.08 偽大学生 Nise daigakusei (False Student)
1961.01.27 恋にいのちを Koi ni inochi wo (Desperate to Love)
1961.03.21 好色一代男 Koshoku ichidai otoko (A Lustful Man)
1961.10.29 妻は告白する Tsuma wa kokuhaku suru (A Wife Confesses)
1961.12.17 うるさい妹たち Urusai musume-tachi (The Troublesome Sisters)
1962.03.14 爛 Tadare (Indulgence)
1962.07.01 黒の試走車 Kuro no tesuto ka (Black Test Car)
1962.11.18 女の一生 Onna no issho (Life of a Woman)
1963.01.13 黒の報告書 Kuro no hokokusho (The Black Report)
1963.03.31 嘘 Uso (Lies)
1963.07.27 ぐれん隊純情派 Gurentai junjoha (Hooligans, Pure Thoughts)
1964.01.19 現代インチキ物語 騙し屋 Gendai inchiki monogatari: damashiya (Modern
Fradulent Story: Cheat)
1964.02.15 「女の小箱」より 夫が見た 'Onna no kobako' yori: otto ga mita ('Woman's
Box': The Husband Saw)
1964.07.25 卍 Manji
1964.10.31 黒の超特急 Kuro no chotokkyu (Black Express)
1965.03.13 兵隊やくざ Heitai yakuza (Gangster Soldier)
1965.06.25 清作の妻 Seisaku no tsuma (Seisaku's Wife)
1966.01.15 刺青 Irezumi (Tattoo)
1966.06.04 陸軍中野学校 Rikugun Nakano gakko (Nakano Spy School)
1966.10.01 赤い天使 Akai tenshi (Red Angel)
104
1967.04.15 妻二人 Tsuma futari (Two Wives)
1967.07.29 痴人の愛 Chijin no ai (Naomi)
1967.10.20 華岡青洲の妻 Hanaoka Seishu no tsuma (Hanaoka Seishu's Wife)
1968.02.24 大悪党 Dai akuto (The Most Corrupted)
1968.06.01 セックス・チェック 第二の性 Sekkusu chekku: dai ni no sei (Sex Check)
1968.10.30 積木の箱 Tsumiki no hako (Box of Blocks)
1968.11.30 濡れた二人 Nureta futari (Drenched Pair)
1969.01.25 盲獣 Moju (Blind Beast)
1969.04.19 千羽鶴 Senbazuru (Thousand Cranes)
1969.10.18 女体 Jotai (Vixen)
1970.05.01 でんきくらげ Denkikurage (Play it Cool)
1970.07.11 やくざ絶唱 Yakuza zessho (Song of the Yakuza)
1970.10.03 しびれくらげ Shibirekurage (The Skin Game)
1971.09.04 遊び Asobi (Play)
1972.04.22 新兵隊やくざ
Frontline)
火線 Shin heitai yakuza: kasen (New Gangster Soldier:
1972.11.11 音楽 Ongaku (Music)
1973.08.11 御用牙 かみそり半蔵地獄責め Goyo kiba: kamisori Hanzo jigoku zeme
(Hanzo the Razor 2: The Snare)
1974.04.24 悪名
縄張荒らし Akumyo: shima arashi (Akumyo: Notorious Dragon)
1975.09.06 動脈列島 Domyaku retto (Arteries of the Archipelago)
1976.06.12 大地の子守唄 Daichi no komoriuta (Lullaby of the Earth)
105
1978.04.29 曽根崎心中 Sonezaki shunjyu (Double Suicide of Sonezaki)
1980.12.13 エデンの園 Eden no sono (Giardino dell'Eden)
1982.10.09 この子の七つのお祝に Kono ko no nanatsu no oiwai ni (On This Child's
Seventh Birthday)
1984.11.26 黒い福音 Kuroi fukuin (Black Gospel)
106
REFERENCES CITED
Allinson, Gary D. "The Structure and Transformation of Conservative Rule." In Postwar
Japan as History, edited by Andrew Gordon, 123-44. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1993.
Anderson, Joseph L., and Donald Richie. The Japanese Film: Art and Industry. New
York: Grove Press, 1960.
Bergson, Henri. Laughter : An Essay on the Meaning of the Comic. New York:
Macmillan, 1911.
Bock, Audie E. "Review: Cinema East: A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films." The
Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (1984): 546-47.
———. "Review: Currents in Japanese Cinema: Essays by Tadao Sato." Journal of
Japanese Studies 9, no. 2 (1983): 359-63.
"The Criterion Collection." http://www.criterion.com/.
Desser, David. Eros Plus Massacre : An Introduction to the Japanese New Wave Cinema.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.
Dower, John W. "Peace and Democracy in Two Systems: External Policy and Internal
Conflict." In Postwar Japan as History, edited by Andrew Gordon, 3-33.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
Eto, Fumio. "Shin Kantoku Kenkyu <3> Masumura Yasuzo: Masumura Yasuzo Ron."
Kinema Junpo, no. 302 (1962): 67-69.
Francks, Penelope. The Japanese Consumer : An Alternative Economic History of
Modern Japan. Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Fukuda, Sadayoshi. "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Futari No
Kantoku: Shuzoku He No Hangyaku." Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960): 48-49.
Garon, Sheldon, and Mike Mochizuki. "Negotiating Social Contracts." In Postwar Japan
as History, edited by Andrew Gordon, 145-66. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1993.
Gerow, Aaron. "Review: Reframing Japanese Cinema: Authorship, Genre, History." The
Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese 28, no. 1 (1994): 117-20.
Gluck, Carol. "The Past in the Present." In Postwar Japan as History, edited by Andrew
Gordon, 64-98. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
107
Hein, Laura E. "Growth Versus Success: Japan's Economic Policy in Historical
Perspective." In Postwar Japan as History, edited by Andrew Gordon, 99-122.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
Horikawa, Hiromichi. "Nihon No <Atarashi Nami> Ga Umareru Kiso." Kinema Junpo,
no. 253 (1960): 84-85.
Iijima, Koichi. "Oshima Nagisa to Seishun Zankoku Monogatari." Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 7
(1960): 60-63.
———. "Sakuhin Hyo: Tsuma Wa Kokuhaku Suru." Eiga Hyoron 18, no. 12 (1961): 87.
Ivy, Marilyn. "Formations of Mass Culture." In Postwar Japan as History, edited by
Andrew Gordon, 239-58. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
Iwasaki, Akira. "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Shochiku
Kikaku to Atarashi Nami." Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960): 48-50.
———. "Shinjin Kantoku No Jyoken." Kinema Junpo, no. 306 (1962): 38-41.
Izawa, Jun. "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Kyojin to Gangu." Kinema Junpo, no. 211 (1958): 70.
———. "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku:
Atarashi Nami." Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960): 49-51.
Kakushashacho. "Nihon Eiga No Atarashi Toshi Wo Koso Suru." Kinema Junpo, no. 275
(1961): 48-50.
Kitao, Michihiko. "Nuveru Vague Shikiron." Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 11 (1960): 116-17.
Kokura, Shinbi. "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Nise Daigakusei." Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960):
82.
———. "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Seisaku No Tsuma." Kinema Junpo, no. 396 (1965): 69.
———. "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Seishun Zankoku Monogatari." Kinema Junpo, no. 262
(1960): 127.
Komura, Hikari. Kinema Junpo Best Ten 80 Kai Zen Shi (キネマ旬報ベスト・テン 80
回全史). Tokyo: Kinema Junpo sha, 2010.
Kosai, Yutaka. The Era of High-Speed Growth : Notes on the Postwar Japanese
Economy. [Tokyo]: University of Tokyo Press, 1986.
Koschmann, J. Victor. Revolution and Subjectivity in Postwar Japan. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1996.
108
"Kyojin to Gangu Wo Megutte -Masu Komi Wo Ikinuku Ningen Tachi-." Eiga Hyoron
15, no. 7 (1958): 58-64.
Lukács, György. History and Class Consciousness; Studies in Marxist Dialectics.
Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1971.
Masumura, Yasuzo. "Aru Benmei." Eiga Hyoron 15, no. 3 (1958): 16-19.
———. "Eiga Ni Natta Masukomi: "Kyojin to Gangu" Wo Meguru Kantoku Shinjin
Kyoka: Zadankai [Mass Communication in Film: New Directors Round Table on
Giants and Toys." Kinema Junpo, no. 208 (1958): 91-93.
———. "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Sedai No Genkai."
Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960): 51.
———. "Nise Daigakusei." Japan: Daiei Studios, 1960.
———. "Seishun Gunzo to Fellini." Eiga Hyoron 16, no. 4 (1959): 74-75.
Masumura, Yasuzo, and Hiroaki Fujii. Eiga Kantoku Masumura Yasuzo No Sekai : <Eizo
No Maesutoro> Eiga to No Kakuto No Kiroku, 1947-1986. Tokyo: Waizu
Shuppan, 1999.
Masumura, Yasuzo, Ayako Wakao, Jun Fujimaki, Fujio Jeri, Eiiji Funakoshi, and
Kabushiki Kaisha Daie. Nise Daigakusei. S.I.: s.n.
Matsunami, Niichiro, and Japan. The Japanese Constitution and Politics. Washington,
D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979.
McDonald, Keiko I. Cinema East : A Critical Study of Major Japanese Films. Rutherford
[N.J.]: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1983.
Mellen, Joan. Voices from the Japanese Cinema. New York: Liveright, 1975.
"Nihon No Yoru to Kiri No Jyoei Chushi." Kinema Junpo, no. 271 (1960): 44.
"Nihon No Yoru to Kiri Sai Jyoei Undo." Kinema Junpo, no. 272 (1960): 150.
Ninagawa, Michio. "Gyokai (Seisakukai Haikyukai Kogyokai)." Kinema Junpo, no. 225
(1959): 90-96.
Noguchi, Hisamitsu. "Donald Richie Shi No Kai to Kare No Koto." Eiga Hyoron 1960,
74-76.
Nolletti, Arthur, and David Desser, eds. Reframing Japanese Cinema: Authorship, Genre,
History. Bloomington, ID: Indiana University Press, 1992.
109
Nornes, Abe Mark, and Aaron Gerow. Research Guide to Japanese Film Studies. Ann
Arbor, MI: Center of Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2009.
Nygren, Scott. Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History.
Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2007.
Ogawa, Toru, ed. Gendai Nihon Eigaron Taikei 2: Kojin to Chikara No Kaihuku. Tokyo:
Tokisha, 1970.
———, ed. Gendai Nihon Eigaron Taikei 3: Nihon No Nuberu Bagu. Tokyo: Tokisha,
1970.
Okada, Susumu. "Nihoneiga Ni Atrashi Nami(Nuberu Vague) Ha Aru Ka: Ryuko No
Kaitai." Kinema Junpo, no. 270 (1960): 53-55.
———. "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku:
Genjitsu Sanka No Shisei." Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960): 51-52.
———. "Watashi Wa Nuveru Vague." Kinema Junpo, no. 263 (1960): 69-72.
Okamoto, Hiroshi. "1960 Nen Eiga Kai Topikkusu." Kinema Junpo, no. 274 (1960): 5465.
Oshima, Nagisa. Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993.
———. Oshima Nagisa 1960. Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Senta, 2001.
Oshima, Nagisa, and Yoshishige Yoshida. "Oshima Nagisa, Yoshida Yoshishige Gendai
Ga Unda Hutari No Kantoku: Taidan Jidai No Wiga Wo Warera No Te De."
Kinema Junpo, no. 264 (1960): 53-55.
Packard, George R. Protest in Tokyo; the Security Treaty Crisis of 1960. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1966.
Raine, Michael. "Modernization without Modernity: Masumura Yasuzo's Giants and
Toys (1958)." In Japanese Cinema : Texts and Contexts, edited by Alastair
Phillips and Julian Stringer, 152-67. London; New York: Routledge, 2007.
———. "Youth, Body, and Subjectivity in the Japanese Cinema, 1955-1960." University
of Iowa, 2002.
Rosenbaum, Jonathan, and Adrian Martin. Movie Mutations : The Changing Face of
World Cinephilia. London: BFI Pub., 2003.
110
Sasaki-Uemura, Wesley Makoto. Organizing the Spontaneous : Citizen Protest in
Postwar Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, c2001., 2001.
Sato, Tadao. Currents in Japanese Cinema : Essays. Tokyo; New York: Kodansha
International ; Kodansha International/USA : distributed by Kodansha
International/USA through Harper & Row, 1982.
———. Nihon Eiga Kyosho Tachi Iii. Tokyo: Gakuyo Shobo, 1997.
———. Nihon Eiga Shi 3 Zoho Ban 1960-2005: Iwanami Shoten, 2006.
———. Nihon Eiga Shisoshi. Tokyo: Sanichi Shobo, 1970.
Shindo, Kaneto. Nihon Shinario-Shi. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1989.
Shioda, Nagakazu. Nihon Eiga Gojunenshi. Tokyo: Fujiwara Shoten, 1992.
Shirasaka, Yoshio. "Nise Daigakusei." Tokyo, 1960.
Sotomura, Kanji. "Nihon Eiga Hihyo: Aozora Musume." Kinema Junpo, no. 193 (1957):
69-70.
Standish, Isolde. A New History of Japanese Cinema: A Century of Narrative Film. New
York: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc, 2005.
Tanaka, Junichiro. Nihon Eiga Hattatsu-Shi 4. Shijo Saiko No Eiga Jidai. Tokyo: Chuo
koron-sha, 1980.
Turim, Maureen. "Cinema, Censorship, and the State: The Writings of Nagisa Oshima."
Film Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1994): 37-38.
White, James W. "Dynamics of Political Opposition." In Postwar Japan as History, 42447. Berkeley: University of California, 1993.
Yoshida, Yoshishige. "Gendai Ni Nani Wo Shucho Suru Ka." Eiga Hyoron 17, no. 8
(1960): 30-33.
Yoshimoto, Mistuhiro. Kurosawa: Film Studies and Japanese Cinema. Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 2000.
———. "The University, Disciplines, National Identity: Why Is There No Film Studies
in Japan?" The South Atlantic Quarterly 99.4 (2000): 697-713.
111