Download Archaeological Approaches to New World Plantation Slavery

Archaeological Approaches to New World Plantation Slavery
Author(s): Charles E. Orser Jr.
Source: Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 2 (1990), pp. 111-154
Published by: Springer
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4
Approaches
Archaeological
to New World
Plantation
Slavery
E . ORSER,
CHARLES
has
Slavery
years, even
many
resulted
person
raphies
show
scholars
interested
the time
in a body
could ever
during
of literature
JR.
and
for
thinkers
social
of its existence.
interest
This
has
slavery so vast that no single
on the subject. Bibliog
written
read everything
and sociologists
have
that historians,
anthropologists,
about
and cross-cul
theoretical,
important
prepared many
ethnographic,
tural studies of slavery
and
1977, 1980, 1981, 1985; Miller
(seeMiller
Appleby 1987; Miller and Borus 1980; Miller and Brown 1982a,
1982b, 1983a, 1983b;Miller and Skalnik 1985, 1986).
interest
twenty
quickly
the lead of these
scholars
have
also begun
slave sites. This
slavery and to excavate
is fairly recent, and the archaeology
of slavery is only about
the
old.
of slave sites is
years
Nonetheless,
investigation
a
within
historical
contemporary
assuming
prominent
place
Archaeologists
following
to think seriously
about
archaeology.
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the current research direc
tions of the archaeology
of slavery. The expansive
spatial distribu
a narrow
tion and considerable
time depth of slavery necessitates
on
the emphasis
here is
the excavation
of slave sites in
scope. Thus,
in two of the five
the New World,
ine slave societies?the
southern
(Finley
1980:9)?with
States. The
focus is on
Americans
in the New
cans. Even with
these
so-called genu
regions containing
States and the Caribbean
United
on the southeastern
concentration
United
the enslavement
World,
restrictions
not
of Africans
on slavery
the coverage
and African
among Native Ameri
of this chapter cannot
be truly exhaustive.
Ill
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112
Charles
E. Or ser, Jr.
Slavery with
Defining
Relevance
Archaeological
in many
di
forms in many
different
Slavery has appeared
so
in
times
and
and
many
times;
fact,
places,
disparate
places
it to be "nothing notably pecu
that one prominent
scholar considers
verse
review
1982:vii; but cf. Finley
1976:819). A cursory
reveals that slavery has been variously
defined. As
their areal and temporal
of slave
have expanded
coverage
either
have
defined
societies,
slavery particularistically
they
liar"
(Patterson
of the literature
scholars
holding
in ways
sense
that make
for the specific
sociohistorical
formation
have
definition
the
they
ignored
altogether, with
study,
is.
knows
what
that
everyone
apparent
already
assumption
slavery
to define
in broad
of the hesitation
much
slavery
Paradoxically,
or else
under
terms
stems
its myriad
from
historical
and cultural
forms
(Davis
1984; Finley 1960, 1980;Kolchin 1986;Miers and Kopytoff 1977; Pat
terson
fined
labor
de
ed. 1980). Nonetheless,
slaves are generally
1982; Watson,
or capture, whose
as people
acquired
by purchase
originally
is forcibly appropriated
and who
forever remain
"outsiders,"
their owner's kin group. Slaves thus share a special relation
beyond
is the institutionalization
of
and slavery
their masters,
ship with
social
these
1982:13; Watson
(Patterson
relationships
complex
1980:8).
In view of the many definitions
of slavery that have been proposed,
it might
be
concluded
that New World
archaeologists
reasonably
or
that have particular
of slavery
have devised
adapted definitions
however, most
archaeologists
meaning.
Regrettably,
archaeological
silent on this topic. In order to evade the
have been surprisingly
have
chosen
many
definition,
archaeologists
of slave material
definitions.
enumerative,
Descriptions
descriptive
in the
culture
often are used as surrogate
definitions,
apparently
a
definition
will
relevant
that
working
hope
through
description
knotty
problem
emerge.
One
of
of this agenda has been that no clear, archaeolog
consensus
in
has developed
definitional
explicit
one archaeologist
maintains
that
of slavery. Thus,
result
ically meaningful,
the archaeology
into three groups"?house
"sorted
slaves
the "nature"
of slavery
had its
of which
and
field
craft
hands?each
servants,
specialists,
ever indicating
own material
this "na
culture, without
exactly what
in terms of
is (Kelso 1984:102-3).
Another
defines
slavery
while
others
rather vague "status" patterns
(Otto 1980, 1984:11-16),
ture"
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New World
Plantation
113
Slavery
refer to slavery as "the form of social control and economic
exploita
tion of non-European
workers
of the British Caribbean
characteristic
and American
South
during
and Handler
the
seventeenth
cen
to nineteenth
lack of explicit
defini
1985:15). This
a
true
in
element
par
key
understanding,
exegesis,
perhaps
to
accounts
attributed
for
the
"careless
tially
correctly
scholarship"
and
Pe?a
much
of the archaeology
of slavery
1988:154).
(Pe?a
to provide
a
It might
be argued that the failure of archaeologists
turies"
(Lange
tional
the immaturity
of slavery simply represents
definition
In other words,
that
stating
slavery represents
special
forms of social control and exploitation
may be all that should now
area of
within
this developing
be asked of archaeologists
working
be
the
fail
this
defense
may
reasonable,
inquiry. Although
scholarly
ure of archaeologists
to define
terms
cost
in
has
material
slavery
good working
of the field.
and
historians,
nonarchaeologists,
notably
theoretical
of
the
their
serious,
severely hampered
development
a lack of rigor. To be a successful
field by almost
institutionalizing
them
credibility
among
has
to knowledge,
the archaeology
of New World
slavery
more
than just the excavation
and description
of
encompass
sites and slave material
of slavery must
culture. A definition
contributor
must
slave
be constructed
specifically
with
a definition
in mind,
archaeology
rigorous but is also archaeologically
that is not only sociohistorically
It does little good for archaeologists
form of mental
for example, without
cruelty,
measures
the material
of that cruelty. Thus,
relevant.
to portray slavery
an understanding
the
initial
task
as a
of
to be
in the understanding
of the archaeological
manifesta
accomplished
a
to
tions of New World
is
within
definition
slavery
provide
working
a thoughtful
must
framework.
This
framework
be
conceptual
on
as
the
the
conditions
focused
material
of
reflec
explicitly
slavery
tion of its social, political,
and ideological
conditions.
one more
one such framework,
Before providing
condition
definition
World
must
slavery,
be made
Within
explicit.
the principal
focus here
is not considered.
Although
the areal confines
of this
of New
is on plantation
slavery.
research
archaeological
et al.
has been conducted
(see, for example, Owsley
et
al.
Zierden
and
1985, 1987; Rosengarten
1987; Singleton
1984;
most
Calhoun
Zierden
has
and
urban
been preliminary,
1984;
1986),
Urban
slavery
on urban slavery
has not been
amajor
of slavery. The
topic in the archaeology
on
of
research
overwhelming
majority
slavery has oc
archaeological
curred at rural plantation
sites.
slavery
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114
E. Or ser, Jr.
Charles
focus on plantations
does not solve the problem
of definition.
is intensified
the contrary,
the problem
because
scholars have
to define
found it difficult
for the same reasons
"plantation"
they
A
On
have found it hard to agree on a definition
of "slavery."
Plantations
times and places, and some plan
had many different
forms at various
tations did not even use slave labor (Craton 1984; Hart 1982:1; Mintz
or es
referred to planting
the word plantation
1978:82). Originally,
tablishing
even
anything,
English Dictionary
vides
churches
(Thompson
(Oxford University
1986:2). The Oxford
Press 1971:2198) still pro
this definition.
In the light of the special perspectives
can
definition
of the plantation
able
an accept
of archaeologists,
Six defining
be constructed.
Merle
Prunty
by geographer
characteristics,
proposed
originally
for archaeological
research
(Orser
(1955) and revised
specifically
a
to
this
have
relevance.
definition,
1984:1-2),
According
particular
a
must
have
the
elements:
deemed
landholding
plantation
following
its region,
large within
management,
social
relations
a relatively
large input
an archaeologically
characteristics
between
labor and
geared
production
that reflects
centralized
off
con
From
these
toward
specialized
agricultural
pattern
sale, a settlement
plantation
trol, and
of power
of cultivating
power.
relevant
definition
can be con
a plantation
for agricultural
is a tract of land used primarily
that has discrete
pattern or
spatial limits, a settlement
production
a
as
to
economic
in
maximize
and at
such
way
production,
ganized
structed:
least
two classes
who maintain
This
who work and those who
of people?those
a unique
set of social relations.
definition
life?its
emphasizes
and
spatial
the
social
internal
aspects
characteristics?and
direct?
of plantation
deempha
the
and place within
productivity
also emphasizes
that a plantation
This definition
world's
economy.
can be conceptualized
as a bounded
and
that
"site,"
archaeologists
and
workers
between
should
plantation
study the social relations
its
special
external
plantation
owners
sizes
analysis,
these
nature?its
as they were
social relations
enacted
made
within
plantations
this site.
In the final
what
they were
(Mandle 1972:57-58; Wolf 1959:136).
on planta
relations
ignored slave-master
but archaeolo
these relations may be self-evident),
not
the
them
have
prominence
they deserve.
given
gists generally
in
almost
of
have
Most
solely
plantations
thought
archaeologists
in market
environments
terms of their external
rather than
relations
Archaeologists
tions
(after all,
have
not
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New
Plan ta tion Slavery
World
115
ar
relations.
their internal,
Thus,
intraplantation
considering
as
enter
"an
have
the
defined
agricultural
chaeologists
plantation
a number
to
of workers
of a subordinate
class work
prise in which
a crop for someone
to produce
else to be sold in a market"
gether
also
1985:1),
(Singleton
17). Such definitions
economic
function
and as "an agricultural
(Adams 1987:9,
factory"
on the external,
place too strong an emphasis
in market
societies
and too little
of plantations
on the internal,
emphasis
within
those economics.
social
relations
created
by and embedded
a major
source of
comprise
These
ad
artifacts, which
interre
via international,
Itmust
be kept in mind
that artifacts
information
for archaeological
research.
to plantations
market
routes, were used on plantations
intraregional
a social environment
that necessarily
involved
slave-master
found
mittedly
their way
and
gional,
within
relations.
Thus, when
archaeologists
of what
they see are the material
some
recover
results
internal
artifacts,
plantation
of, on the one hand,
and explicitly
social),
relations
plantation
(intraplantational
relations
and, on the other hand, external plantation
a complex marketing
Both
material
within
network).
(as they existed
aspects of plan
not be disregarded
in favor of
are important,
and one should
the other. Still, foremost
attention,
perhaps,
tations
because
internal
relations,
tied to the particular
sociohistorical
ward
they will
aspects
should
be directed
been most
have
of the "site" under
to
firmly
study
(Orser 1988c).
Archaeologists
to work. Although
should
remember
that
slaves were
at plantations
to an owner in soci
slaves could provide prestige
of slaves was to perform
function
labor. It
ety at large, the primary
can be said, therefore,
that plantations
consisted
of two fundamental
owners
or slave hirers) and direct
owners
classes:
(planters?slave
(slaves). One
producers
beyond what was needed
group performed
labor, labor far
surplus
for survival, while
the other appropriated
it (Resnick andWolff 1982:2).
was the planter's
and the planter
plantation
"power domain,"
a
class formed
(after Mills
"power elite"
1956). The planter's power
included making
decisions
opera
important
regarding plantation
on
or
to
act
his
her
and
tion, empowering
agents
behalf,
controlling
The
the acquisition,
The
plantation.
tion
where
of
use,
and maintenance
of material
on the
objects
also a manifesta
to slaves was
of work
assignment
the planter's
power. He or she decided who would work,
and how long they would work.
Planters
they would work,
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116
used
ers
E. Orser,
Charles
their material
Jr.
possessions?animals,
their relentless
themselves?in
tools, land, and the work
for luxury"
"quest
(Nowak
a hierarchy
and maintained
of
also established
1983:75). Planters
to further plantation
work meant
(Olson 1983).
production
A white
in
observer
1860
that
reported
planters
grouped
into two categories?house
servants
and field hands?based
location
general
slaves
on the
of their
existed
hierarchy
slave individuals.
A secondary
labor (Hundley
1860:351-52).
each group to differentiate
further between
commentator
stated that slaves sought better
within
This
ac
because
hierarchy
planters
generally
to house
servants. Thus,
late ante
among
prestige
bellum house servants
in the South, the "chief ambition"
of the men
was
or valet")
"to become
master's
female
slaves
waiting-man,
within
the work
positions
corded the most
to become
wanted
chy were
groom,
the "lady's maid."
chambermaid,
and wagoner.
housekeeper,
carriage driver,
to be particularly
posed
Slaves who
Other
positions
in the hierar
steward, dining-room
The last two positions
prestigious.
in amanner
consistent
servant,
were sup
stan
the planter's
of
money,
might
gifts, spe
extra clothing,
cial dinners
and dances,
of food,
greater allocations
to
town
and trips
Breeden
1979:292;
(Blassingame
1980:257-65).
to the planter's
Slaves who did not conform
standards
could be de
dards
moted
vants
could
worked
be rewarded.
the task hierarchy. Accordingly,
recalcitrant
house ser
some
time
the
benefit
their
"for
of
health"
spend
within
might
(Hundley
1860:358)
alongside
sold away from their homes,
tions
of the planter-imposed
the power
Nonetheless,
Slaves held some measure
theft,
the field
hands.
also might
be
for extreme
viola
Slaves
family, and friends
work
standards.
by planters was not absolute.
of power over their owners
by the very
the labor for their owner's quest for luxury.
fact that
Slaves
with
consist
Rewards
exercised
they supplied
could express their power
running away, or rebellion,
in direct actions,
such as sabotage,
and in less direct ways by malinger
ing and pretending ignorance (Aptheker 1964, 1968; Cheek
1970;
1979; Heuman
1982; Genovese
1974:587-660,
1985; Okihiro
most
One
the
forms
of
slave
resistance
involved
of
ingenious
1986).
counter
to
the institution
of a hierarchy
of work
that ran directly
that enforced by planters.
Craton
In this slave-constructed
were
those
needs
of fellow
ranked
hierarchy,
lowest
slaves,
slaves
Those
by planters.
as healers,
preachers,
in the highest
people who
positions
served the
and entertainers,
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or who
New
World
Plantation
Slavery
117
were highest
Those
slaves
in the hierarchy.
cruel drivers,
of the planter family?servants,
Arti
in the slave hierarchy.
and willing
lowest
concubines?were
and physically
sans, compassionate
drivers,
gifted field hands oc
could
the master
fool
saw to the needs
who
intermediate
1976).
(Blassingame
positions
of slave plantation
the
brief examination
suggests
complexity
it.
indicates
of
social
relations
within
and
the importance
cupied
This
life
Greater
is introduced
the role of plan
and
intermediaries?overseers,
drivers, agents,
managers?in
of plantation
social life. The view
the organization
and maintenance
as comprising
of a plantation
social classes defined on the basis of
a
to plantation
and operation
within
their relation
production
complexity
by also considering
tation
bounded,
spatial
universe
provides
as direct
Slaves,
ological
analysis.
series of social relations
that were
a useful
for archae
perspective
a
within
functioned
producers,
given daily material
expressions.
in all their complexity
and interconnec
expressions,
are
to
For archaeolo
accessible
tedness,
archaeologists.
potentially
definition
of slavery might
be a sociohistorical
gists, then, a working
condition
that leaves material
evidence
of the subservient
work posi
These
material
cultural origins and traditions,
and subor
tions, diverse non-Western
a
to
its
dinate social roles of
members
when
class of people
compared
re
in positions
of authority
and power. The goal of archaeological
search
is to identify and understand
to its theoretical
use,
these material
expressions.
also can serve an
are
slave plantation
inhabitants
function. When
important heuristic
classified
into two major groups,
in at least
slavery can be explored
on the
three ways:
focused on the dominant
focused
(owner) class,
or
on
dominated
focused
both
classes.
(The lat
(slave) class,
equally
In addition
this framework
ter focus
as well.)
in the analysis
includes
intermediaries
generally
The viewpoints
used for each can be termed the supraordinate
per
the subordinate
and the dialectical
perspec
spective,
perspective,
The future of the archaeology
of slavery lies in the
tive, respectively.
pursuit
promise
of all perspectives,
but
appears in the latter.
The
erally
Supraordinate
perhaps
the greatest
interpretive
Perspective
who first examined
slave plantations
gen
Archaeologists
viewed
the eyes of planter
elites. As a result,
them through
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118
E. Or ser, Jr.
Charles
mansions
and their support buildings
attracted
attention
plantation
during the earliest days of plantation
archaeology.
in planter
This overwhelming
interest
elites received
theoretical
in J.C. Harrington's
justification
one of the first
article providing
influential
(1952) early and widely
defenses
of historical
archaeology.
with
the National
Park Service
and a
an archaeologist
in the developing
authority
Harrington,
leading
that
argued
be termed
field of historical
archaeology,
the archaeology
of "people of European
should
origin"
site archaeology."
For him, the words
"historic
"historic
site"
"a specific
evoked
that formed
and notable
images of places
or
of
the
historical
either
of
virtue
of
associated
part
record,
itself,
by
or
events
on
In his exposition
1952:336).
(Harrington
personalities"
it
"colonial
made
clear
his
that
Harrington
archaeology,"
(1952:336)
interest
was
in those
and often mythicized
transplanted
European
a
in Europe in order to
colonists who
left
stable society"
"relatively
raise food, and fight Indians in the frontiers of the New
build homes,
as members
World. Harrington
did not mention
Africans
of these
colonies.
European
In retrospect, Harrington's
of historical
archae
conceptualization
narrow.
to
To
be
his
failure
appears
fair,
however,
ology
remarkably
mention
in
diverse
cultural
the many
colo
groups present
Europe's
a dominant
nies was consistent
national
with
that main
ideology
tained
people were generally
a "notable" part of the New World's
past.
of its now obvious
shortcomings,
Harrington's
that slaves
to be considered
Even
and other nondominant
in spite
for an elite-oriented
justification
holds
not
tacit
an
important
archaeology
In his
the intellectual
of historical
place within
history
archaeology.
one
comment
of the most
that
contributions
made by the
important
was
an over-all picture
at Jamestown
"in providing
excavations
of
material
wealth
sanctioned
to
look
and
social
status
of
the
colonists,"
who would
archaeologists
plantation
the big house
for research material
beyond
those
Harrington
choose never
(Harrington
1952:339).
Many
archaeologists
were
confined
because
who
chose
to confine
themselves
(or who
to plantation
big
commitments)
on
nature
of
the
the
exclusively
physical
plan
as the eventual
reconstruction
ters' buildings,
usually with physical
noted during the formative
years of histor
goal. As one archaeologist
sites
the craft of historic
ical archaeology,
"anyone who
practices
houses
often
of contract
focused
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New
World
Plan ta tion Slavery
119
sooner or later" (Pow
archaeology will be associated with restoration
cases this kind of research demands
the pains
ell 1967:38). In most
so
common
in
for
detail
the
Thus,
example,
taking
archaeology.
are reported
at Shirley Plantation,
Virginia,
that
measured
from ap
been three bricks wide, with bricks
8 to 8.5 inches long, from 3.75 to 4.5 inches wide,
and
proximately
at
from 1.875 to 2.24
thick
the
inches
bricks
(Reinhart
1984:5);
outer walls
of Hill House
to have
Plantation,
Virginia, were
in size (Watkins 1968:90).
Mercer
inches
8.5 by 2.75
approximately
by 4.0
oriented
however,
anthropologically
archaeologists
ar
statement
in Harrington's
that historical
explicit
to
could be used
understand
wealth
and social standing.
Significantly,
found comfort
chaeology
consistent
This view, generally
the day (Childe 1946; Hawkes
with
the archaeological
wisdom
of
a
or
research
1954), provided
agenda
for material
of wealth
and afflu
examples
ganized around the search
ence in the remains of slave owners'
to many
homes.
This
because
search made
sense
were
plantation
archaeologists
planters
supposed
to be wealthy.
it has since been demonstrated
Even though
by his
torians that not all slave owners fit the popular
image of the rich
the line of investigation
continues
planter,
Harrington
by
suggested
to be pursued.
In fact, the search for indicators
is a com
of wealth
excavate
owners'
of
who
slave
homes.
pursuit
archaeologists
for various reasons, have described only planter
(Some archaeologists,
mon
material
culture,-
see Rockwell
[1974]; Smith
[1985];
and Watkins
[1968].)
to use their inves
who have attempted
of the archaeologists
to understand
mansions
of plantation
tigations
planter society have
searched for measures
of something
termed "socioeconomic
vaguely
status"
For the most
part, these archaeolo
(L. Lewis
1985:121-22).
Most
between
artifacts
correlation
and so
gists have sought a one-to-one
cial standing. A number
of archaeologists
have argued,
therefore,
at plantation
that the presence
of certain artifacts
mansions
(most
can
to
kinds
of
be
reflect
the
frequently
special
ceramics)
presumed
high
data
social
with
each
For example, using
assumed
for planters.
position
usually
from two sites in South Carolina,
it has been argued that porce
to both slave owners
and slaves, should
lain, having been available
at archaeological
have a differential
distribution
features associated
locales
the greatest
class, with
frequency
(K. Lewis
1979:63; Lewis and Hardesty
occurring
1979:48;
at planter
Lewis and
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120
Charles
E. Orser,
Jr.
of porcelain
1980:74). At both sites the "high" percentage
one
at
at
20
the
felt to
percent
(12 percent
other) was
plantation,
were
These
reflect
the planter's
conclusions
high social position.
Haskeil
on unstated
based
them the authors
and in making
assumptions,
reuse practices
such as lateral cycling
(Schiffer
an earlier,
and disagreed with
influential
study that
cultural
disregarded
1987:28-35),
that porcelain
suggested
may
not
be a "reliable
of status
indicator
differences" (Otto 1977:106).
"mugs or cups or
study, the use of ceramics?those
to have been broken and thrown away"?were
that happened
as markers
of wealth.
other material
items?
Instead,
rejected
sets of ceramics, monogrammed
wine bottles, book clasps,
"matched
In another
bowls
thought
jewelry, and coats of arms"?were
wealth
(Kelso 1984:205-6).
In a similar vein, the authors of another
"wealth
relative
of planter
and gentility"
items
of
such
quantity
to be better markers
study maintain
should be reflected
families
of
that
the
"in the
as tablewares,
glassware,
clothing,
in the material
cultural
remains of their houses
items"
and personal
et
al.
1985:103-5).
(Zierden
Accordingly,
13 percent
and 20
Carolina,
porcelain
at a plantation
in South
creamware
in the
percent
and 16 percent
9 percent
eighteenth-century
deposits,
porcelain
creamware
in the nineteenth-century
and the presence
of a
deposits,
a toothbrush,
are thought
to "reflect
the
and a compass
hairbrush,
of daily life" (Zierden et al. 1985:103).
elegance
is the lack
these kinds of studies
The most
striking problem with
in
of
the determination
of variables
wealth.
Archaeolo
of rigor used
gists
doing
porcelain
or whether
these
should
studies
be viewed
quantitative
offer few explicit
as an indicator
measures
of this wealth
have
to explain why
in past society
been
devised.
in
12, 13, and 20 percent
porcelain
suggest wealth?
By the same token,
indicate
of a coat of arms in a slave cabin deposit
In other words, why
should
ceramic
collections
different
would
reasons
of wealth
9,
the presence
wealth,
theft, or a gift? Questions
been addressed
by archaeologists,
such
as these
generally
who
and archaeologists
not
have
look
for
in archaeological
with
associated
slave-owning
deposits
see
it
L.
Lewis
find
(but
1985).
generally
planters
a too-simple
view of past social
Such analyses
present
usually
1987). Ar
(Beaudry et al. 1983:22; Baugher and Venables
complexity
wealth
caricature
who use this approach
chaeologists
held
trivialize
the important
power positions
plantation
by plantation
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life and
slave
New
World
Plantation
Slavery
121
owners
to uni
(Orser 1987b: 131), thus reducing
plantation
on
a
actors within
slave
dimensional
society.
By focusing
solely
owner's material
these
studies
external
possessions,
emphasize
owners
at the expense
of planta
of the internal dynamics
are those
the most
tion life. To date, perhaps
analyses
sophisticated
on the meaning
struc
of planter settlement
that have concentrated
relations
market
ture
1979, 1985; Lewis and Haskell
studies
conducted
all planter
Significantly,
on
white
Only when
exclusively
planters.
(K. Lewis
home
1980).
to date have
a black
slave
focused
owner's
is excavated?for
Wisdom
Ellison's well-documented
example, William
an
in South Carolina
(Johnson and Roark 1984)?will
owners
across
a
of
slave
wide
sociohis
understanding
Hall
archaeological
torical spectrum
mensions
di
such time, the material
begin to emerge. Until
owner life will be poorly understood.
to various
theoretical
issues, another more
practical
of slave
In addition
to explain why many
on
have concentrated
archaeologists
of plantation
slave owners' houses.
Simply put, plan
tation mansions
in con
and ideological
have more physical
visibility
side exists
the excavation
temporary
mansions,
on many
houses
society
because
estates,
continue
veneration
structures.
do other plantation
Plantation
are
the
only remaining
they
frequently
buildings
are often the first sites to be studied. Many of these
as residences
or are the subject of
to be occupied
because
sonalities"
than
of their association
(Harrington
habitation
with
"notable
events
and per
1952).
feelings of reverence often pro
coupled with
reason
to
vide the main
first turn their attention
why archaeologists
are frequently
mansions:
patronage.
plantation
Archaeologists
Continued
so
excavation
because
strategies
they depend
sources.
the
of
of
Members
their
patronage
strongly
funding
or
even
families who provide money
locally
prominent
nationally
are often primarily
in the excavation
for excavation
of
interested
sites wherein
their fame. Only
the
their ancestors
lived and made
restricted
in their
on
most
in funding the exca
private patrons are interested
enlightened
of slave cabins,
reminders
those physical
of their ancestors'
role in perpetuating
human
of spon
bondage. As a result, a number
on
sored excavations
have concentrated
almost
the
homes
totally
vation
of slave owners
support buildings
et al. 1984; Lamb 1983; Orser
Goodwin
hart et al. 1984).
is not to argue that any malicious
This
and
and Gagliano
1977;
1987a; Reinhart
1984; Rein
(Burden
intent motivates
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the con
122
E. Orser,
Charles
struction
of these
Jr.
research
designs. The ideology of slave plantations
from
derives,
all, largely
images of an idealized
past.
popular
visions
in
crafted
the planta
Through
carefully
print and on film,
of a large, stately mansion
surrounded
tion?composed
by verdant
after
fields?becomes
notable
finite
sources
ology,
generally
and historic.
Thus, private patrons, having
the high cost of archae
realizing
to
limited monies
the excavation
of what
of funds and often not
direct
their
to be the most
they perceive
important
part of the plantation,
the
mansion.
to the
In addition
restrictive
of often
dictates
well-intentioned
can be affected by the
research designs
private sponsors,
plantation
resource management
con
demands
and requirements
of cultural
tracts. Although
contract
to planta
research has been amajor benefit
cases the requirements
tion archaeology
in many
(Orser 1984:7-8),
of contracts
cases
agency's
tions,
own
even
a focus
dictate
reason
the
for such
internalization
such
though
on
the big house
(Lees 1980). In many
stems
from the funding
also
emphasis
of the popular
about planta
ideology
a limited
is not
interest
required
by federal
statute.
The
Subordinate
Perspective
about slavery gained exclusively
from the ex
Knowledge
is necessarily
of slave owners' houses
one-sided
and incom
can
be investigated
abso
with
big houses
plete. Because
plantation
is
of slaves at all (Watkins
lutely no mention
1968), little insight
to realize that the best way to learn about the material
condi
needed
cavation
tions of slavery is to study sites directly
slaves. This
associated with
most
historians
made
realization,
only after the Civil Rights
by
movement
tradition
of
1970), was based on an earlier
(Genovese
1939). After the institutionali
(see, for example, DuBois
scholarship
zation
historians
of social history,
many
however,
began to study
what have been called "bottom-rail
people who were not
people,"
famous
or openly
in the traditional,
national
ideol
dominant
are
These
Lytle
1982:172).
generally
people
as "the
inarticulate"
(Ascher
archaeology
revered
and
ogy
(Davidson
in historical
known
1974:11;Mead 1951).
Archaeological
grew in the late
in those
interest
1960s at the same
bottom-rail
slaves
time
called
people
that many historians
began
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New World Plantation Slavery
123
to turn to the inarticulate
the purpose of
(Wood 1978). Interestingly,
in
States?at
the
slave
United
Kings
archaeology
systematic
to pro
Florida (Fairbanks
1974, 1983)?was
designed
ley Plantation,
that could be used for the reconstruc
information
vide architectural
the first
of a slave
cabin
(Fairbanks
1984:2). The
in
the
United
States,
then, was
archaeology
that
has
restorationist
existed
trend
physical
tion
in general,
cal archaeology
specifically.
The innovation
and
in relation
first
real plantation
with
the
consistent
histori
throughout
to planters'
mansions
in this research was
to imagine that slave lifeways,
not just architectural
studied at Kingsley. A
details, could be directly
was
of
research
the
search
for Africanisms?
this
guiding principle
found in the New World
survivals
from Africa
cultural
(Herskovits
was deemed
a good plantation
for this inquiry be
1930). Kingsley
cause of its unique history: The owner's first wife was the daughter
had been the
and the plantation
of an African
chieftain,
reportedly
site of a slave
tions
of
training
research
the
school
were
(Fairbanks
that slaves
would
1974:63). The major assump
arrived from Africa
newly
them as they
culture with
carry ideas about their material
across the Atlantic,
to
traveled in bondage
that they would
attempt
re-create
in the New World,
and
of this material
culture
elements
at
creations
their
of
these
that they would
evidence
planta
deposit
tion homes.
The
ward:
research
design
devised
to locate Africanisms
architectural
the necessary
providing
elements
of slave Africanisms
while
was
straightfor
details
for the
would be sought as well. Dur
was made.
an
Even
however,
important
discovery
as
was
the
been
Plantation
documented
having
though Kingsley
no indisputable
could
home of newly
arrived Africans,
Africanisms
In other words,
be found in the archaeological
examined.
deposits
even though African
to be, extremely
and continues
culture was,
sponsor,
ing this research,
to blacks
in the New World
1987), the material
(Stuckey
in archaeologi
for this culture may not be readily apparent
cal deposits
1985:264). One piece of evidence
(also see Armstrong
a single glass bead originally
to
from another plantation,
thought
relevant
evidence
later
the slave trade (Ascher and Fairbanks
1971:8), was
as
common
one
in
New
of
beads
the
many
just
repudiated
probably
in historic
times (Fairbanks 1974:90).
World
represent
The
greater
intellectual
than
significance
Within
anticipated.
of the
the
search
intellectual
for Africanisms
atmosphere
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was
being
124
E. Orser,
Charles
Jr.
at the time, with
the development
of
society
on
and the proliferation
of historical
publications
sur
of slave lifeways?including
African
slavery, the documentation
a topic of some importance.
As historians
vivals?became
chroni
in Western
created
awareness
ethnic
cled
the lives of people
who
lived outside
mansions
plantation
(e.g.,
Blassingame 1979; Craton 1978;Gutman
1976;Higman
1975, 1984;
Joyner 1984; Rawick
1972), archaeologists
to
document
the
material
conditions
part
felt compelled
of slave lives
to do their
and Mullins-Moore
1980; McFarlane
1975; Otto
(Fairbanks
1979; Singleton
1980).
to be so underdeveloped
continues
This
line of investigation
that
all archaeologists
who work within
slave quarters provide
original
about slave life. This research, although
information
frequently wide
in scope, generally
addresses
three major
topics: the use of material
and slave health
and diet.
objects by slaves, slave housing,
Slave Material
All
Culture
archaeological
vides
significant
Historians
have
within
research conducted
slave settlements
pro
new information
about slave material
possessions.
excellent
provided
slave, and archaeologists
ial detail on how slaves
studies
have
it meant
of what
to provide unique
the potential
communities
developed
and adapted
to be a
mater
their
cultures to the New World (Kulikoff 1978;Mintz and Price 1976:7).
Of
all
the
lines
currently
being
the manufacture
some
son
plantations
1978; Henry
bean
of investigation
pursued, perhaps
of African-like
the eastern
into slave material
possessions
one of the most promising
involves
on
called Colono
ware,
pottery,
coast of the United
States
(Fergu
along
1980; Lees and Kimery-Lees
this
1973). Interestingly,
1979) and in the Carib
African
topic concerns
(Mathewson
in the design,
retentions
slaves and the part slaves played
among
and management
of New World plantations.
construction,
In the American
South most
of this research has focused on the
distribution
of
slave-made
in vessel function
changes
to Native
American
pottery
et al.
thony
pottery
over time,
in time
and space, suspected
of these wares
and the affinities
1988; Wheaton
1986; Vernon
(Anthony
ware
are
now
in use (An
of
Colono
1983:225-50).
Typologies
current
into
the
and
and
research
function,
1986),
morphology,
is similar
of these wares
sequence
temporal
ical research on prehistoric
pottery.
to earlier
culture
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histor
New World
Plantation
Slavery
125
raises a
of Colono ware on New World plantations
presence
some
Were
slaves
of significant
given
specifically
questions:
Colono ware? What was the social standing of
the task of producing
What was their standing
the slave community?
these potters within
The
number
slaves forced to produce
task hierarchy? Were
as
after they had finished
purely
surplus production
trade relations
existed between
tasks? What
plantation
within
the planter's
Colono
ware
their normal
still
Native
Americans?
These
and nonplantation
questions
can
answers
be
asked
about
require
(Hill 1987). (Similar questions
in the
other Africanisms
of African-made
and the retention
objects
New World;
for example,
tobacco pipes in the Chesapeake
[Emerson
slaves
1988] and in Barbados [Handler 1983;Handler and Lange 1978:130
in Barbados
31], and necklaces
Handleretal.
1979].)
The manufacture
sometime
terminated
of Colono
before
[Handler
and Lange
1978:127-30;
ware began sometime
after 1680 and
cen
the fourth decade of the nineteenth
Deetz
the
1986:7-24;
1988:365).
(Anthony
Understanding
in Colono
is a
of the development
and decline
dynamics
production
to
it
of
the
heart
of
the
serious
because
goes
topic worthy
study
tury
question
identified
Using
of social
change
within
the slave
quarters
as it might
be
by archaeologists.
and early-nineteenth
materials
from two mid-eighteenthin
South
have argued
Carolina,
archaeologists
plantations
century
in Colono ware
that the decline
indicates
over time
et al. 1983; Wheaton
(Wheaton
a change in slave culture
and Garrow
1985). Al
increase
alternate
these authors
explanations?an
though
provide
in the plantations'
of a resident
the presence
slave populations,
owner at one of the plantations,
of greater regi
and the impressment
on slaves through
mentation
favor
accultura
time?they
generally
in Colono ware production.
tion as the explanation
for the decrease
In other words,
slaves simply forgot or lost interest inmanufacturing
ware as they became more Europeanized.
The author of a recent study has questioned
this interpretation,
Colono
a form
of Colono ware represents
arguing instead that the production
in a realm controlled
of resistance
that is expressed
by slaves, their
ware to
In
this
slaves
used
Colono
view,
foodways
1985).
(Ferguson
and maintain
establish
their cultural
The author of
separateness.
another
Colono
under
brief
but
of
provocative
study argues that the beginnings
out
occurred
when
black
slaves
moved
from
production
the roofs of their owners and into separate cabins (Deetz 1988).
ware
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126
E. Orser,
Charles
Jr.
but both provide
studies
require much more
research,
impor
tant new ways
to perceive
of Colono ware within
the
the meaning
and as an aspect of slave-master
relations.
slave community
Both
topic yet to be examined
of slave material
culture
An
important
documentation
slaves
is the
by archaeologists
in systems
that
allowed
some measure
personal property and to develop
as
in
St.
such
autonomy,
Jamaica,
Brazil,
Domingue,
coast of the United
some parts of the southeastern
States
to accumulate
of economic
and along
(Mintz 1955, 1978:92-95; Mintz and Hall I960;Morgan
1982:592
con
1986:775). Comparisons
in such systems
and those
in harsher
systems
into
the
of
life
should provide
slave
fascinating
insight
variability
New
the
World.
throughout
between
94, 1983; Kolchin
of slaves
ditions
the material
Slave Housing
research
Archaeological
vide extensive
tions.
at slave houses
information
slaves were
Because
about
not
in the earliest
has obvious
life and
slave
to choose
able
to pro
rela
potential
slave-master
their own housing
(ex
size of slave cabins
owners
forced on their
the
colonial
cept perhaps
days),
conditions
reflects the daily material
directly
of extant
slaves. In this regard, then, comparisons
about
slave housing
is particularly
with
requirements
planter statements
the remains of actual slave
These kinds of comparisons
also
enlightening.
ar
a significant
statement
about
the
need
for
methodological
even
in the presence
of written
documents.
research
chaeological
for their
knew that they should provide adequate houses
Planters
houses
make
slaves,
houses
that were well
and reasonably
heated, well ventilated,
cabin size was only from 16
the recommended
large. Nonetheless,
by 18 feet (288 square feet) to 16 by 20 feet (320 square feet),with the
smaller
size
thought
to be adequate
for a husband,
or four small children (Butler 1851:327; Collins
wife,
and
three
1854:423; Breeden
1980:114-39).
that the range of slave cabin
research demonstrates
Archaeological
vio
slave owners
sizes was actually
and
that
variable
many
quite
A number
of small cabins have been
lated these recommendations.
excavated,
1987:173-85)
sibly rebuilt
ble-pen
at Kings Bay Plantation,
Florida
(Adams
almost 9 by 9 feet (81 square feet)?and
pos
measuring
a dou
to be almost
11 by 20 feet (220 square feet)?and
including
structure
some
9 by 20 feet
(180 square
feet);
at Kingsley
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Planta
New
World
Plantation
Slavery
127
the cabins of field hands were
tion, Florida (Walker 1988:101), where
11 by 18 feet (198 square feet); and at Millwood
South
Plantation,
et
13
Carolina
where
the
cabins
measured
al.
(Orser
1987:240),
by 17
excavated
cabins, however, were
(221 square feet). Other
larger
at Ray field Plantation
than the recommended
size, as in Georgia,
(18
feet
by 18 feet, 324 square feet) (Ascher and Fairbanks 1971:8), Stafford
Plantation (16 by 21 feet, 336 square feet) (Ehrenhard and Bullard
1981:33),
and Cannon's
Point
(17 by 20 feet, 340
Plantation
feet) (Otto 1984:38); and inVirginia at Shirley Plantation
square
(20 by 20
feet, 400 square feet) (Leavitt 1984:186).
These
cabin sizes become
when
slave family size and
significant
If an average figure of 5.2 slaves
human
space needs are considered.
is accepted
per dwelling
1974, 1:115), realizing
(Fogel and Engerman
is possible,
that great variation
then at the plantations
mentioned
have had 16 and 77 square feet of living space
above, slaves would
at Kings Bay and Shirley Plantations,
If cubic
available
respectively.
feet
estimates
would
have
are used
contained
then
(Sutch
1976:297-98),
648 and 3,200
between
cubic
these
cabins
feet of available
an eight-foot
Since it has been esti
space, assuming
ceiling.
400 and 600 cubic feet of living
that adults require between
space, and that a child uses about half the living space of an adult
(Sutch 1976), a family of two adults and two children would
require
not
between
and
cubic
feet
of
all of
space.
1,200
1,800
living
Clearly,
living
mated
the excavated
cabins
plantation
research into the effects
cultural
some
cross
fall into this range. Although
are not completed,
of overcrowding
can have
a
that overcrowding
have
suggested
on human
of pathological
and
effects
(Gove
populations
deva
Hughes
1983). This is not to argue that slaves were hopelessly
stated psychologically
of their housing
because
but
conditions,
only
that they may have suffered stress caused by the household
crowding
they endured. By the same token, groups under stress can become
researchers
number
more
united
and cooperative
as they
turn
to each other
for support
(Lanzetta 1955:40).
a number
to the synchronie
In addition
view of slave housing,
of
in slave housing
For
have been interested
archaeologists
dynamics.
and Curriboo
research at Yaughan
example,
archaeological
planta
tions
in South Carolina
pre-1740
trenches
struction";
slave
cabins
were
in a manner
later,
an interesting
built with
closely
indicates
cabins
reminiscent
were
of West
built with
sequence
of housing:
set in
posts
spaced
African
"cob-wall
more
widely
spaced
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con
posts
128
E. Orser,
Charles
set both
in trenches
and in individual
on brick
built
Jr.
and
contained
cabins were
holes; and finally,
brick fireplaces.
The buildings
piers
to square and from
from rectangular
changed morphologically
smaller
(Wheaton et al. 1983:203
irregular to regular, and became
and
Garrow
The average area of
Wheaton
11, 338-39;
1985:244-48).
was
structures
the frame
the wall-trench
195.6 square feet, while
also
brick build
183.3 square feet. The one excavated
averaged
et al.
165 square feet (Wheaton
contained
termed an "office,"
structures
ing,
1983:205).
The
archaeology
tion of the
chronie
major
search
house
diachronic
define
studies
in slave
the African-American
contribution
to plantation
de
it obvious
that
in the New World.
velopment
and Diet
Slave Health
the
of plantation
life. Both syn
to have
continue
will
of housing
One
line of re
archaeology.
important
in plantation
of Africanisms
the documentation
such research will
1988:355,
357), because
(Singleton
significance
should be
forms
Results
studies
dimensions
sociohistorical
and
further
cannot
be diminished,
because
one
area
in which
is
of slave housing
plantation
can make
a major
to the modern
contribution
concep
of these
importance
the documentation
of even
excavation
the earliest work
of slave
cabins
on plantations
could provide
made
information
unique
(Fairbanks 1983:24). As is true with hous
can provide material
in
details
seldom present
ing, archaeologists
are now stan
written
records. Studies of slave diet and subsistence
about
slave diet and health
dard in all archaeological
studies
of slave quarters.
(For good
studies
see Adams [1987:225-75]; Gibbs et al. [1980]; Reitz et al. [1985];
Reitz [1987];Walker [1985, 1988].)The significance of this research
slaves
of the kinds of animal populations
a
as
meas
to
domestic
of
wild
ratio
the
species
exploited
exploited,
ure of slave foraging and self-sufficiency,
the
between
the agreement
was
versus
to perform
what
labor
number
of daily calories needed
lies in the documentation
stress placed on slaves as
and the kinds of physical
received,
of malnutrition
1988).
(see Kiple
focuses
extensive
The most
yet completed
study of slave health
at Newton
on the skeletal
Barbados
series excavated
Plantation,
actually
a result
(Handler and Lange 1978). The topics studied
issues of nutritional
ing research effort include
as part of this pioneer
et
stress (Corruccini
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New
World
Plantation
Slavery
129
al. 1982, 1985; Handler
and Corruccini
and the identifica
1983,1986)
tion of African-born
of tooth mutilation
slaves through the presence
(Handler et al. 1982).
avenues
of research pursued
Perhaps one of the most
interesting
with
the Newton
bones
series
skeletal
at concentrations
concerns
to four times
three
the presence
of lead in the
in compara
than
greater
mainland
slave populations
(Corruccini
bly dated North American
et al. 1986). Using a sophisticated
etal. 1982, 1987; Handler
combina
tion of historical
and scientific
documentation
proce
laboratory
dures,
called
colonial
to suggest that a form of lead poisoning
in
which
affected
both blacks and whites
were
researchers
able
"dry bellyache,"
British
settlements,
tion of rum contaminated
dence
was
caused by the consump
probably
The inci
lead during its distillation.
more
have
been
wide
among slaves may
with
of lead intoxication
spread than is suggested
had social and behavioral
in the historical
literature
and may have
that are yet to be fully understood.
into the biological
Such research
of slavery demonstrates,
history
to be a slave on
in the most
it meant
basic terms of daily life, what
effects
In addition,
the plantations
of the New World.
because
these re
a
content
to age is
searchers
that
"low
skeletal
lead
relative
suggest
a powerful
remains"
indicator of African
birth in the Barbadian
(Cor
ruccini
et al. 1987:238),
that might
this kind
of research provides
demographic
in the study of the retention
and loss
customs
in the New World.
of African
These
studies of slave life move
historical
toward an
archaeology
in
of the nature of slave communities
anthropological
understanding
information
the New World.
be used
Each new
from the bottom
study of slavery viewed
information
In
future
for
researchers.
expands
pool
must
it
be
that
the
remembered
specter
studies, however,
or not, the
of the slave owner is ever present. Whether
acknowledged
rail greatly
all of these
the
slave owner
cannot
be completely
The Dialectical
Itwould
that
be overly
the slave
15) has,
tion. Historically
that slaves were
robbed of their
eliminated
from the analysis.
Approach
to argue, as Elkins
(1959:103
a perfect
totalitarian
institu
acts of resistance
clearly demonstrate
victims
and that they were not totally
simplistic
was
plantation
documented
not absolute
self-esteem
by slavery
(Rawick
1972:9; Thorpe
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1971).
130
At
E. Orser,
Charles
the
Jr.
slaves were not factory workers.
time, however,
in a famous
of slaves with
factory laborers advanced
same
The
equation
study
in a
and
of slavery
and
1974, 1:203)
Engerman
reappearing
(Fogel
more
recent archaeological
than
has
been
report (Adams 1987:9, 17)
refuted
Being a slave was not the
(Gutman
1975:83-84).
adequately
how harsh a laborer's
laborer, no matter
towns and were
in
lived
who
company
factory
stores at inflated prices did
in company
forced to shop exclusively
not have the same material
constraints
imposed upon them as did
same
as being
an industrial
life. Even
workers
cannot be
of slave-master
relations
such, the significance
the
material
of
when
aspects
slavery in the
considering
slaves. As
overlooked
New World.
to study
Some archaeologists
have sought
and the material
differences
between
relations
slave-master
to
according
plantation
this
South's
concept. Using
method,
(1977) pattern
archaeologists
the artifacts excavated
have classified
from one site into South's arti
classes
to their supposed
architec
function?kitchen,
activi
tobacco
and
arms, clothing,
ture, furniture,
pipes,
personal,
the
of
ties?and
the percentages
then have compared
groups with
clear discrepancies
between
those in South's original patterns. When
a new pattern
are apparent,
is created.
the two sets of percentages
to test. A num
for others
then becomes
This new pattern
available
fact groups
according
a
and analyzed:
Pattern
Slave Artifact
1980; Zierden
(Moore 1981, 1985; Singleton
a
Pattern
Artifact
Slave
and Calhoun
Carolina
(Garrow 1982;
1983);
a
et
al.
Wheaton
Wheaton
and Garrow
1985;
1983);
Village Carolina
ber of slave-related
patterns
have
been
identified
the
renamed
Planter Pattern,
(Jackson 1986); a Lowcountry
a
variant
of the Carolina
Rice Planter
Profile
(Jackson 1986); and
an
Slave Pattern
Pattern
termed
Artifact
Afro-Jamaican
tentatively
Pattern
1985).
(Armstrong
are intended
These patterns
ferences
and
similarities
of plantation
to provide
in the material
information
culture
such
inhabitants.
about
the dif
by various
studies usually
ignore the inter
used
groups
Regrettably,
and most authors
uncritically
adopt South's method,
life in favor of rote pattern designation.
of plantation
nal relations
as it relates
South's
the
with
concept,
greatest
problem
Perhaps
are
a
matter
to
is
of
scale:
South's
slave
patterns
studies,
specifically
not distinct
meant
to represent
entire cultures,
social classes
(Orser
1989). For the most
part,
such pattern
studies
represent
the chimera
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New World
of analysis without
1988b). In reaction
abandoned
the
pattern
internal
Plantation
131
Slavery
a fact not lost on South
the substance,
(1988a,
some archaeologists
to this application,
have
a
more
in
favor
of
detailed
recognition
analysis of
dynamics
of slave-master
in sociohistorical
relations
terms
1987; Howson
1988; Orser
(Anthony
1988c).
influential
studies to date of slave-master
The most
archaeological
a white
caste was
In this model
relations have used a caste model.
oc
caste, and various occupational
positions
re
curred within
each caste
(Otto 1975, 1977, 1980, 1984). Whites,
were members
of the upper caste; blacks
of occupation,
gardless
were
caste.
members
of
This model
the
lower
also incorpo
always
dominant
over a black
rates a third caste, composed
slave societies were common
the American
The
South
caste model
at sites
of free urban
blacks.
in the Caribbean
(Foner 1970; Genovese
has been used to examine
with
three plantation
middle-class
upper-caste,
upper-class
planters;
and
lower-class
slaves?at
seers);
lower-caste,
facts
associated
tation, Georgia
sible "status"
plantation
members
were
"three-caste"
1974:328, 409).
the distribution
cities
in
of arti
groups?upper-caste,
intermediaries
(over
Point Plan
Cannon's
three pos
1975, 1977, 1980, 1984). Accordingly,
to
that
differentiate
worked
principles
people on the
(Otto
a "racial/legal
free caste (planters
identified:
of the white,
of the black, unfree
status" that differentiated
bers
agers (planters),
"elite/subordinate
Such
and in some
supervisors
status"
status"
that distinguished
and overseers)
from mem
(slaves); a "social or occupational
different kinds of laborers?man
(overseers), and laborers (slaves); and an
caste
between
that distinguished
between
(overseers and slaves)
(Otto 1980:8,
elites
(plant
ers) and nonelites
1984:15-16).
In these analyses,
and in others like them, these "status principles"
serve as a guide for examining
artifact collections
from various plan
tation contexts. The "racial/legal
status" is indicated when a similar
the planter
and overseer
and
artifact
ity appears between
samples,
where
both appear different
from the slave sample, and the "white
exists. The
status"
dominance
ap
pattern"
"social/occupational
is indicated when
all three arti
pears and the "hierarchical
pattern"
fact samples are different; when
the planter sample is different
from
both the overseer and the slave samples, which
in turn are similar, an
status"
is revealed,
"elite/subordinate
and the "wealth-poverty
pat
tern" appears (Otto 1984:15-16).
At Cannon's
Point Plantation,
hous
to reflect "racial/legal
ing and liquor bottles were
status,"
thought
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132
E. Orser,
Charles
ceramic
forms were
seemed
to reflect
Jr.
seen
to reflect
both
"social
"racial/legal"
status," and food remains
sta
and "elite/subordinate"
tuses (Otto 1980:9).
that status is a highly
many
archaeologists
acknowledge
was a compli
status
theoretical
issue, and that
patterning
complex
cated affair in plantation
society, status analyses
(guided by the Can
Although
non's
Point
far beyond plantation
research) have gained prominence
Branstner
Martin
for
and
1987; Scott
(see,
example,
archaeology
status analysis
1989). The most widely
adopted aspect of caste-based
to the distribution
of ceramics.
pertains
and
differences
Obvious
quantitative
appeared among
qualitative
con
at
distributions
and slave-owner
the ceramic
slave, overseer,
texts at Cannon's
amounts
Point Plantation.
Different
and propor
context.
in
tions of ceramic
occurred
each
Whereas
1,242
styles
sherds were
found
covered
from
overseer
context.
in the slave-owner
the slave
context.
re
543 sherds were
context,
were
179 sherds
found in the
Only
21, 14, and 77 percent of the slave, over
Similarly,
were
ceramic
slave-owner
transfer
samples,
respectively,
seer, and
ceramics
for 29, 36, and 9 percent of
accounted
printed; undecorated
ceramics
the slave, overseer,
and slave-owner
(Otto 1977:115). The
reasons
was
to
the
for
of
this
these differences.
analysis
explain
goal
Since a well-documented
sociohistorical
framework
for plantation
both slaves and
(one in which
their important
slave
though
master
it be
relations were disguised
by the vague term "status"),
to consider how slaves had
came central to the logic of the analysis
had been constructed
by Otto
had a prominent
place, even
slavery
owners
their
acquired
ceramics.
(Colono ware
was
not
found
in the
slave
context [Otto 1984:84].)
To
the question
of ceramic
three
acquisition
by slaves,
ceramics
their
from
formulated:
slaves
obtained
(1)
hypotheses
wares
for
slaves
their owners, who purchased
them;
(2)
specifically
ceramic
from their owners
received
discards
(in effect, no special
address
were
wares
were
chased
their
specifically
purchased
own ceramics with
for slave use); and (3) slaves pur
money
they had earned on their
own. An
vessel
of ceramic
surface decoration,
shape, and
analysis
that the slaves may have
showed
vessel
form (shape and decoration)
owners
and also may
for
their
received
them
by
pieces purchased
Further
have bought some of their own ceramics
(Otto 1977:94-101).
analysis
suggested
that
ceramic
shape
and
form
reflected
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"social/
New World
Plantation
Slavery
133
ceramic
surface decoration
reflected
status," while
occupational
status"
"elite/subordinate
(Otto 1980, 1984).
influenced
Archaeologists
slavery were greatly
studying
by these
and
similar
studies
have
among
easily replicated
analyses,
examined,
size and material
other topics, the relationship
between
plantation
culture
the relationship
between
architecture
in
and
the
ceramic
usage
(Michie 1987),
standing
change
over time (Armstrong
con
will undoubtedly
1985). Archaeologists
in their studies of plantation
tinue to use this kind of analysis
slav
(Moore
1981,
1985),
and social
has two major drawbacks
ery, even though its uncritical
acceptance
use of the word
that cannot be ignored:
the uninformed
"status,"
of race and class.
and the confused
conflation
to provide an
have been reluctant
archaeologists
not
of
have
been equally
"status,"
explicit
although
they
a
For
in
about
the
word.
shy
using
example,
study of rural life on
Daniel's
"socioeco
Island, South Carolina, Drucker
(1986) mentions
vs.
nomic
status
"elite
low
distributions
of
tableware
and
status,"
Many
plantation
definition
utilitarian
what
ceramics,"
"status" means;
trends," but never defines exactly
uses occupa
similarly Michie
(1987:141-44)
a sole indicator of so
slave?as
overseer,
and "status
tional "statuses"?planter,
cial standing, but he never explains
in an effort
them. Other scholars,
to be more explicit,
use historical
definitions
of planter status based
(Adams 1987; Moore
largely on slave and land ownership
1981).
as a collection
is perhaps
best understood
of rights and
a person's
to
individual
and
used
given
represent
expression
a
in
social
situation
position
particular
(Linton 1936:113). Because
status is so dynamic,
a
has
number
of statuses,
each of
everybody
at different
which
is expressed
times depending
upon the nature of
Status
duties
the specific
interaction.
interpersonal
Any one slave on a plantation
of statuses,
have had a number
but many
of these statuses
on the plantation.
would never have gained expression
For example,
a slave newly
the status
from Africa might
have
of
acquired
not
this
would
while
he
status, being ascribed,
"brother";
change
would
never be
lived at a plantation,
but it could be unimportant
and might
one
on
to be
of his siblings happened
the same plan
expressed unless
tation. Even
if this were
the case, however,
the status
"brother"
would
social
"social
or slave-overseer
in the slave-master
be insignificant
most
What would
be
be a slave's
important would
(after Goodenough
persona"
1965), that is, all those statuses
probably
situation.
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134
Charles
united
E. Orser,
Jr.
or slave-overseer
for the slave-master
interaction.
For a slave
statuses:
this social persona might
consist of the following
individual
At
time
and
another
the
social
man, worker,
cooper.
persona might
consist
of father, husband,
member
of congregation,
and penitent
In an urban setting
the status "black" might
be the only
to white
In
of significance
dwellers.
any case, those ar
city
on
caste
of
who
the
model
1987;
chaeologists
slavery
(Michie
rely
a slave as black
Moore
1981; Otto
1975, 1984) tend to perceive
(a
believer.
status
status), field
racial/legal
member
of a subordinate
hand
(a social/occupational
(an elite/subordinate
status),
and
group
status).
seems to provide a logically elegant
At first glance the caste model
to view slave society.
Its conflation
of the external and
way in which
internal
model
cause
dimensions
of plantation
however,
slavery,
for current archaeological
potentially
devastating
of its primary
reliance on race; that is, a person
because
social hierarchy
place in this plantation
of
studies
characteristics.
slavery
Comparative
race (defined here as phenotypic
characteristics)
Inmany
of some slave systems.
element
systems,
makes
research
this
be
a
is accorded
of his or her racial
demonstrate
that
was an important
race was
however,
one survey found that slaves and mas
For example,
important.
as being within
ters were perceived
of
the same race in 75 percent
examined
the cultures
(Patterson
1982:176).
as an important
race was perceived
In the New World,
aspect of
con
can
no
without
be
and
sociohistorical
analysis
society,
complete
was
an
Race
its
1983:21).
(Fields 1982:143-44,
importance
sidering
not
initial criterion
important
New World. A racial work
"to match
the economic
division"
(Higgs
1978:89),
on the plantations
of the
in order
established
agenda was generally
racial
of labor with a corresponding
division
of classification
wherein
whites
would
attend
to the tasks
labor.
the manual
blacks performed
while
or over
could be violated
arrangement
by black planters
in the other way: Whites
could not
seers, but it could not be violated
a
to
be
A
holder
could
be
assumed
be slaves.
black slave
slave, but a
to be
To be a slave meant
white
farmer could never be so mistaken.
requiring
This neat
responsibility,
as belonging
to the black race.
perceived
criterion
who use caste as a primary
On one level, archaeologists
cor
are
classes
slave plantation
between
for distinguishing
partially
found on slave plantations
rect: those small, often square buildings
as being members
were
of
who
did
house
perceived
people
probably
the black
race. Only
historical
research,
however,
can reveal whether
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New
the slave owner was
World
Plantation
Slavery
as being a member
of the white
Because
for
problems
archaeologists.
perceived
135
race.
race
significant
a
not
is an ideological
and
construct,
fact, the
necessarily
physical
use of racial designations
on
context
of
the sociohistorical
depends
Race
presents
their use (Altschuler 1982; Fields 1982;Omi andWinant 1986).When
use
race as a major
classification,
analytic
they
archaeologists
and confuse
obscure
the economic
function
of the slave plantation
its external base in
the internal organization
of the plantation
with
at large (Orser 1988c). As a result, when
archaeologists
to study racism and racist ideology along with archaeological
how hard
remains,
separate class from race no matter
they cannot
their intentions
be (Babson
try or how honorable
might
they may
society
choose
1988:90-91).
should
however,
Archaeologists,
One
ideology at plantations.
not
abandon
of the sources
the study of racist
of information
archaeolo
an understanding
to develop
examine
of the role racism
gists may
in
is the dis
have
social
relations
may
structuring
plantation
played
tance between
and their places
the houses
of plantation
inhabitants
lived in separate
of work. On large plantations
slaves commonly
quarters
some
distance
from
on
their owner's
to the work
house.
This
distance
de
site?as
the proximity
be expected
might
owner surveillance
economic
and
function?but
given a plantation's
in structuring
control were also important
spatial design.
plantation
noted
that slave cabins
should
be near
observers
Contemporary
pended
to observe
to the planter's
"conve
house
for the planter
. . .what passes among them
(Le Page du Pratz
niently
[the slaves]"
mansion
of
within
distance"
the
1975:381),
"calling
plantation
so
"the
white
folks
could
close
that
and
(Rawick 1977, 6:179),
enough
enough
get to them
[house
Institute
1945:13).
slaves]
easy
if they wanted
to"
(Social
Science
reasons for
Other comments,
suggest some noneconomic
however,
on plantations.
a
For example,
the placement
of slave settlements
who said that the house servants' cabins
former slave from Tennessee
were
located
also
said that
to provide
the planters wanted
in order
to the planter
easy access
family
so
the slave cabins whitewashed
"to keep [them] from spoiling the looks of the big house" (Social
1945:13). In a particularly
enlightening
an eighteenth-century
stated that slave cabins
observer
to keep
located far enough away from the owner's home
Science
Institute
from being
offensive.
By offensive
he meant
comment,
should be
the slaves
"the smell which
This content downloaded from 128.230.234.162 on Wed, 4 Dec 2013 15:05:42 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
is nat
136
E. Orser,
Charles
Jr.
to some nations
of negroes,
such as the Congos,
the Angolas,
the Aradas,
and others....
The negroes
that have the worst
smell are
Pratz
those that are the least black"
du
Com
(Le Page
1975:381-82).
ural
ments
such
reasons were
slave
as these
economic
and noneconomic
considered
determined
where
imply that both
when planters
be located.
cabins would
plantation
and others have demonstrated
that the study of
Anthropologists
and informa
space, called proxemics
(Hall 1963), can be interesting
tive. In the course of thinking
about the spatial nature
of human
it has been argued
settlement,
concerns
not the least of which
that space
can be used
in many
ways,
allocation,
control, and the policing
of social classes
these last
(Lefebvre 1979). The study of space with
can be termed "social proxemics"
issues in mind
(Orser 1988a:83).
Because
of the unique
spatial character of their research universes
and
they maintain
relationship
have
been able
archaeologists
with
the special
historical
measurements
between
between
slaves'
in
Studies
quarters
Jamaica
the homes
and
their work
1986,
(Higman
historical
to provide
of slave owners
locations
South
1987),
exact
records,
distance
and slaves, and
on plantations.
Carolina
(Orser
1988a, 1988b;Orser andNekola 1985), and Florida (Adams 1987:313
14) have
important
offered
factor
Some
plantations.
to place of work was
that proximity
in determining
the placement
of slave quarters
an
evidence
studies
have
shown
that
the distances
on
between
and places of work grew larger after
villages,
planter houses, worker
and Nekola
the abolition
of slavery
1987; Orser
1985).
(Higman
of plantations?their
the spatial economies
forms, mean
Clearly,
ings,
and
changes?deserve
much
more
intensive
archaeological
study.
Conclusion
Since the late 1960s historical
have made
archaeologists
in providing material
information
about New
progress
significant
In excavating
of slaves and slave masters,
the houses
World
slavery.
a
rare
into plantation
have
daily life.
archaeologists
glimpse
provided
a
weak
the archaeology
of slavery had
theoretical
Unfortunately,
start
not matured
will
come, perhaps,
quickly. Maturity
more
of
and
ways
rigorous
explicit
archaeologists
adopt
masters
and
between
slaves.
the
measuring
relationships
dynamic
and has
when
This content downloaded from 128.230.234.162 on Wed, 4 Dec 2013 15:05:42 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
New
World
Plantation
Slavery
137
are necessarily
internal
because
relations
they were
uni
the
and
within
bounded
material
upon
expression
given
a
to
in
the relations
of
understand
inherent
Thus,
plantation.
turn their analyses
must
to the
interactions,
archaeologists
Slave-master
acted
verse
these
inner
of plantation
life. Archaeological
studies
of the
dynamics
too
in
have
been
external
of
class
studies
focus;
planter
generally
slave communities
have often been incomplete
and one-sided.
also must
Archaeologists
expand their studies into colonial
slavery
in order to develop a firm understanding
of the complete
sociohistor
ical character
must
in
of New World
slavery. This understanding
clude
of the earliest
studies
Americans
time
of the enslavement
of Native
history
in the New World
At
the same
(Usner 1979).
must
their
also
theoretical
archaeologists
sharpen
and Africans
historical
on slavery and begin to look seriously
at both the theory
perspectives
of slavery and the cross-cultural
of slavery (Padgug 1976).
expressions
New
who
have
World
studied
Archaeologists
slavery have made
contributions
significant
tions of human
bondage.
to knowledge
This knowledge
about
extends
the material
to issues
condi
of slave
of material
settlement
resistance,
culture,
production
avenues
and
slave-master
relations.
of
dynamics,
Many
inquiry are
as
to
be followed,
and
stretch the limits of their
yet
archaeologists
health,
new questions
be asked about, for example,
understanding,
might
the role of racism in structuring
be
life; the relationship
plantation
tween plantations
and their physical
the
geography
(Pulsipher
1982);
material
of a slave-owner
aspects of the development
(a line
ideology
of investigation
receiving
increasing
1985; Issac 1982] and by archaeologists
and the impact slaves had on building
attention
by historians
[Breen
Sorenson
1984;
[Leone
1987]);
and maintaining
the societies
of their bondage. The development
and growth of the archaeology
a promising
in the 1970s and 1980s has provided
of slavery
begin
concentration
within
historical
ning to an expanding
archaeology.
The
archaeology
of slavery will
in importance
surely mature
to ask questions
of increasing
complexity
learn
practitioners
as its
and
sophistication.
Acknowledgments
of people provided
information
about their re
E. Babits, David W Babson, Kenneth M.
Lawrence
A number
search,
including:
This content downloaded from 128.230.234.162 on Wed, 4 Dec 2013 15:05:42 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
138
E. Orser,
Charles
Jr.
Brown, Robert Dirks,
Lesley M.
W Higman,
M.
Lydia
Pulsipher,
and Martha
Zierden. Their kind
Drucker,
Edward
assistance
S. Handler,
Barry
Michael
Staski,
Trinkley,
is greatly appreciated.
In
Jerome
this chapter has benefited
addition,
greatly from the careful reading
P. Leone,
and penetrating
Mark
of Jerome S. Handler,
questions
B.
C.
Michael
and
the
three
other, albeit
Miller,
Schiffer,
Joseph
name.
I
I
whom
thank
readers
wish
could
These
anonymous,
by
comments
challenging
better. Nonetheless,
scholars'
nificantly
remain
my
and suggestions
made
all errors in judgment
this paper sig
and thought
own.
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