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Evidence of Anthropogenic Fire, its Uses and Roles in Human
Adaptability
Kelli Hamm
February 23, 2005
Text Pages: 10
Bibliography: 1
Tables: 1
Man has used fire for every conceivable purpose. In fact, life as we know it, would not be
possible without its presence. However, just how fire came to be controlled by humans or
hominids is not well understood. Even the experts cannot agree upon the time period man first
began to use fire in everyday life. In this paper, I will analyze some current data on
anthropogenic fire. First, I will present some evidence anthropologists use to evaluate the
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the role fire played in the adaptation of core area systems to home base systems. Anthropologists
are not in agreement about the dates hominids first became obligatory fire users, but I will
present both sets of data in the subsequent discussion section. Finally, I will list evidence of
anthropogenic fire from some sites in Africa, Asia, and Europe.
Evidence of Anthropogenic Fire
In order to conclusively state that bush fires were set by hominids, it is necessary to find
associated activity traces such as stone tools, hearths, or charcoal scatters in association with
animal bones and artifacts (Rolland 2004: 251). Many types of evidence for the burning of bush
can be identified. Rapid rises in grass and chenopods are probably results of forest clearing
(Rolland 2004: 251). The sudden appearance of carbon and burnt weeds at some sites, such as
Lake La Yagueda, Panama, as well as charcoal scatters over several acres associated with Stone
Age tools are likely signs of intentionally set bush fires (Rolland 2004: 251). In Europe, the
widespread peat accumulation layers containing artifacts and the correlated pollen profiles
indicating atypical herbaceous plant rises are also indications of intentional widespread forest
clearance (Rolland 2004: 251).
1
Uses of Fire
Fire has been used in many ways, since it first came into play so many millennia ago.
Bush burning may have developed as a strategy to increase yield of dietary staples of fruit and
seed plants, such as pine nuts, acorns, hackberries, hazelnuts, apples, and mushrooms (Rolland
2004: 252; Pyne: 1999), thus paving the way for the development of agriculture.
Evidence for the regular and recurrent use of caves by hominids appears in the fossil
record during the later Middle Pleistocene, 400-350 thousand years ago (Rolland 2004: 253).
The control of fire made it possible for hominids to use caves as more than short-term resting
areas during the day (Rolland 2004: 253). Caves are usually cold and damp, making it
uncomfortable and dangerous to dwell in one permanently (Pyne 1999). Deeper recesses inside
caves can trap unwary visitors and slippery footing can lead to perilous falls. Cave lions,
leopards, hyenas, wolves and bears have all been known to reside in caves. However, once fire
became a resource exploited by hominids, it allowed them to incorporate caves into their
residence systems, increasing their choices of settlement areas (Brace 1995: 221). With the
advent of fire, the recesses and unstable footing were illuminated, thus reducing risk of injury.
With fire, not only could hominids see if the cave was occupied, but more importantly, they
could build up large fires in cave entrances in order to keep predators at bay (Rolland 2004: 254).
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into the inner passages of caves for ritual purposes as evidenced by art found in Lascauz,
PechMerle, Combarelles, and Rouffignac in Southern France, as well as Altamira, Spain
(Rolland 2004: 254). Firelight made activity after daylight hours possible as well (Pyne 1999;
Straus 1989). The use of fire for heat also allowed hominids to expand beyond tropical
2
boundaries and occupy more northern latitudes in Europe and Asia (Brace 1995: 230-232; Straus
1989; Rolland 2004: 253; James 1989; Pyne 1999).
Fire played an important role in early cultures as well. Fire worship and divination were
early forms of religion. There were many fire-based myths and philosophies, such as the idea
that burned sacrifices carried offerings to the heavens. Trial by fire was even used as a legal
system (Pyne 1999).
Many hunting techniques have been recorded that incorporated the use of woodland or
grassland burning. In fact, according to Pyne (1999), hunting and gathering societies have
historically preferred to live in areas where burning was possible. Improved hunting due to better
visibility, easier movement, dispersal of insects, and stimulation of secondary growth of edible
plants for game animals is made possible by bush burning (Rolland 2004: 250; Pyne: 1999).
The Martu Aborigines, a contemporary hunting and gathering society living in Australia,
illustrate two other beneficial aspects of fire in food acquisition. According to Bird, Bird, and
Parker (2004), the burning of old-growth spinifex grass by the Martu increases plant diversity.
Soon after a patch of land is burned, new growth will occur. Bird, Bird, and Parker (2004)
documented that the Martu were able to collect a wide array of food types, such as fruits, tubers
and roots, larvae, nectar, as well as grass, shrub, and tree seeds in a small area. The longer it had
been since the area had been fired, the more land the Martu had to cover to find the same
quantity and diversity of food.
In addition, research suggests that burning old spinifex grass had immediate and
significant effects on another hunting strategy employed by the Martu. Burning reveals animal
tracks and dens, which the Martu use to find their prey. The efficiency level of hunting after
3
burning rose from 409 kcal/foraging-hour to 575 kcal/foraging-hour (Bird, Bird, and Parker
2004).
Fire kept humans comfortable by providing a smokescreen that repelled biting insects
that could be both lethal and bothersome in certain seasons. This protection from insects even
attracted mule deer, reindeer and rhinoceroses to some sites (Pyne 1999).
With the domestication of fire, it became possible for hominids to cook their food for the
first time in history. This revolutionized many aspects of life for ancient peoples (Rolland 2004:
250; Pyne 1999). Smoked meat preserved better than raw meat. Brace (1995: 227) suggests
Neanderthal bands used fire to thaw excess meat, obtained by killing large game animals, in
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and dried for storage (Pyne 1999).
Much research has been done to suggest that the cooking of plant foods greatly enhances
their digestibility, increases the amount of calories that can be digested, lessens time spent
chewing, reduces molar size, decreases wear on teeth, and renders some plant toxins harmless
(Rolland 2004: 250-252; Pyne 1999; Brace 1995: 226-229; Stahl 1984; Wrangham et al. 1999;
Kakade and Liener 1973). According to Kakade and Liener (1973: 232), cooking softens
cellulose and increases its ability to be digested by enzymes, a very important component of diets
containing large amounts of plant foods. Softened cellulose would reduce time spent chewing as
well as increase the amount of nutrients absorbed through the intestinal wall.
Brace (1995: 228) remarks that due to obligatory cooking, Neanderthals considerably
reduced the amount of time they spent chewing. This allowed the mutation effect to operate
freely and dental reduction ensued. Before the advent of cooking, Neanderthal molars were just
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, 40,000 years later, Neanderthal teeth were more
4
similar in size to anatomically modern Homo sapiens during the Upper Paleolithic. Brace (1995:
228) attributes this to obligatory cooking. Wrangham et al. (1999) argue that Homo erectus
fossils show a markedly reduced tooth size as well. They use this in their argument for the early
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is due to the advent of cooking.
Stahl (1984: 152-153) explains that many members of the Leguminosae and Gramineae
plant groups contain inhibitors that reduce the digestive action of trypsin, an enzyme that
catalyzes the hydrolysis of proteins. However, the impact of these inhibitors and the reduced
digestibility of these plant foods can be reduced by heat treatment. She also explains that many
plants in the mustard family, asparagus, tomatoes, eggplants, carrots, celery, oranges, apples, and
raspberries contain cholinesterase inhibitors, which block the enzyme actions that hydrolyze
acetylcholine. Inhibiting these enzymes can lead to gastrointestinal problems and neurological
disorders. Most cholinesterase inhibitors are destroyed by cooking (Kakade and Liener 1973:
234).
Another common toxin is hydrocyanic acid, which is produced when cyanogenic
glycosides are hydrolyzed. Cassava, fruit kernels, sorghum, pulses, linseed, yams, and manioc
are producers of glycosides. Many of these foods are staple items in some societies. With the
advent of fire, however, it became possible for people to cook these foods, rendering the toxins
harmless. Fresh fava bean ingestion may cause hemolytic anemia, or favism, but cooking the
beans will reduce their toxicity (Liener 1966: 47-48).
Finally, control over fire led to better hunting implements and technological advances in
metallurgy centuries later. Spear points and digging sticks could be hardened to protect them
5
from wear. The use of fire also paved the way for the development of ceramics and pottery (Bird,
Bird, and Parker 2004; Pyne 1999).
Core Area Systems
Rolland (2004) uses evidence of the transition from core area systems to home base
systems as both a marker of later domestication of fire and significant hominid adaptation due to
fire. Here I will present his evidence of the transition between core area systems and home base
systems and its accompanying ramifications. Then I will counter the dates he suggests with
evidence other scientists use to argue for an earlier domestication of fire.
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ome of their primate behavioral traits, but
also adopted new ones that are strictly hominid. The hominid social system involved diurnal
group living and omnivorous foraging lifestyles, which emphasized group cohesion for safety
measures (Rolland 2004: 257). This foraging lifestyle required segregation of daytime and
nighttime activities due to the competition between hominids and carnivores for sources of meat
(Rolland 2004: 256). Competition with other carnivores left hominids, particularly juveniles,
more vulnerable due to the higher risk of contact between the two.
Diurnal living was necessary in order to reduce competition with other carnivores, thus
subsistence and domestic activities had to be carried out during the day. Hours of darkness were
devoted entirely to rest. Large groups were more advantageous than small groups for means of
protection when traveling between core area sites (Rolland: 257).
The majority of hominid activity took place in familiar settings in mixed eco-tone
habitats that allowed access to both trees and open grasslands. If a few individuals ventured
outside the protected area, it was for quick forays in order to procure meat. They would spend as
little time as possible at kill sites, thus reducing the chance of predation (Rolland 2004: 257).
6
Sleeping sites would not be the same localities as daytime sites where meat may have been
consumed or where faunal remains could attract predators. Hominids would look for natural
protective features, such as rocky outcrops, trees, or cliff sides on which to sleep.
According to Rolland (2004: 258) most sites that are identifiable in the archaeological
record consisted of daytime activity locations. At these sites, archaeologists might find such
remains as diffused tool making refuse, preserved animal food residues, perhaps meager fire
trace evidence (no actual hearths), and occasional simple structures. Sites occupied by hominids
during the night would be unlikely to leave any archaeological evidence, as all the hominids did
there was sleep (Rolland 2004: 258).
Home Base Systems
Home bases, as defined by Rowland (2004: 258), are those sites identifiable in the
archaeological record (dating to about 400,000 to 350,000 years ago) at which hominids both
protected and educated their young during the day and slept at night. Males and females, young
and old, could all reside together at these sites. The selection of these sites would have taken
into account the surrounding landscape in order to anticipate potential danger from predators,
resource availability, as well as the monitoring of game movements.
Introduction of fire into the hominid repertoire led to a major reorganization of
daytime/nighttime activities. Protection afforded hominids by fire allowed them to carry out
foraging activities in smaller parties, carry food back to the fixed home base locality, and sleep in
the same place they had discarded faunal remains. Large fires were built at the site to keep
predators away at night and allowed hominids to rearrange their social clock (Rolland 2004:
259).
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The protection of fire also allowed hominids to travel in smaller groups when hunting or
exploring. Transit sites would replicate the home base site on a smaller scale. Once the
exploring or hunting was done, the small group would return to the home base with information
or goods (Rolland 2004: 269).
The archaeological evidence at home base sites is more diverse and abundant than the
evidence for core area bases. Artifacts, food remains, hearths, ash bands, fire pits, meat-smoking
areas, postholes, dugout areas, as well as protective screens (such as bones, tusks, or antlers) are
indicators of hominid occupation. Butchering sites might also be recognizable in the
archaeological record (Rolland 2004: 260).
A Controversy of Dates
There are two divergent sets of thoughts as to when hominids domesticated fire.
Wrangham et al. (1999) hypothesize an early date (1.9 million years ago) and use some
characteristics of Homo erectus as proof. They argue that reduced dentition and gut size,
increased brain size and increased supply of food energy, detected by larger female body mass in
H. erectus, are signals of the advent of cooking. According to Wrangham et al. (1999) the
introduction of cooking led males to scrounge food from females, which in turn led to sexual
alliances. Sexual alliances would be advantageous to females because having a male around
would protect her from food theft. Competition would have then ensued between females to
become more sexually attractive to males in order to gain the best mate. Wrangham et al. (1999)
put particular emphasis on the cooking of plant foods, such as underground storage organs.
Other scientists disagree with this early date for the domestication of fire. Brace (1995)
and Straus (1989) are strong proponents for the advent of anthropogenic fire occurring 400,000300,000 years ago. Brace (1995) argues that dental dimensions in hominids had been in stasis for
8
the preceding 1 million years, but underwent a huge reduction at 300 kya and have continued to
decline in populations in proportion to this time. He counters that the increase in female H.
erectus body mass is due to carrying a fetus nine months and the large cranial capacity of Homo
erectus babies, not that males found larger females more sexually attractive. Brace (1995) also
notes that cut marks on fossils at some butchering sites could only have been made by stone
flakes, as opposed to carnivore bite marks. The utilization of stone tools more aptly correlates to
the butchering of meat than to the cutting of vegetable matter. One final point made by Brace
(1995) is the rise in strontium levels in human bone, which can be detected by the late Middle
Pleistocene. He argues that high strontium levels indicate a rise in the quantity of plant food in
hominid diet. The exploitation of plant foods then led to agriculture.
Archaeological Evidence at Sites
First, it is important to identify all types of evidence that can signify the presence of fire
at some point in prehistory. Burned deposits (BD), hearths (H), fire-cracked rock (FR), reddened
areas (RA), baked clay (BC), ash (A), charcoal (C), fire-hardened wood (FHW), burned lithics
(BL), burned bone (BB), and burned shell (BS) represent evidence of fire. All of these do not
necessarily represent anthropogenic fire. James (1989) has researched literature on thirty-four
sites from Africa, Asia, and Europe and compiled a table with his conclusions (Table 1). James
(1989) states that the presence of only one type of evidence at a site may indicate a naturally
occurring fire, but sites that produce several different kinds of evidence are more likely to be
sites with evidence of anthropogenic fire.
In summation, according to James (1989), charcoal is the most frequently cited evidence
of fire and occurs at 16 sites. Hearths are reported at 10 sites, burned bone at 10 sites, burned
lithics at 6 sites, and other kinds of evidence are represented at 5 or fewer sites. More than half of
9
the 34 sites produced only one kind of evidence. Seven sites have representations of 3 or more
kinds of evidence. These seven sites are Kalambo Falls, Klasies River Mouth, Montagu Cave, St.
Esteve-Janson, Terra Amata, Zhoukoudian, and Jinniushan.
The southern African sites of Kalambo Falls, Klasies River Mouth, and Montagu Cave
are dated Middle to Late Pleistocene. St. Esteve-Janson and Terra Amata date to approximately
230,000-400,000 years ago. James (1989) suggests that evidence at Zhoukoudian and Jinniushan
dates too early (400,000-500,000 years ago) to be considered anthropogenic fire, and instead
explains that it was likely caused by unintentional burning of depositional layers.
Conclusion
Due to the dating and evidence at these sites, as well as evidence presented by Brace
(1995) and Straus (1989), I think a later date is more probable than an early date for the advent of
anthropogenic fire. Fire has many uses in modern day hunting and gathering societies and
undoubtedly revolutionized such aspects of hominid life as hunting, cooking, nutrition,
subsistence, and residence patterns. The control of fire played a very important role in the
adaptation of man to his environment, and set humans along the path we travel today.
10
From James Steven R. 1989. Hominid Use of Fire in the Lower and Middle Pleistocene: A
Review of the Evidence. Current Anthropology, 30: 2.
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Aboriginal Studies, 2004: 90-97.
Brace Loring C. 1995. The Stages of Human Evolution. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
James Steven R. 1989. Hominid Use of Fire in the Lower and Middle Pleistocene: A Review of
the Evidence. Current Anthropology, 30: 1-26.
Kakade ML and IE Liener. 1973. The increased availability of nutrients from plant foodstuffs
through processing. In Rechcigl M editor. Man, food, and nutrition. Cleveland: CRC
Press. p 231-241.
Liener Irvin E. 1966. Favism in Toxicants occurring naturally in foods. National Academy of
Sciences Publication 1354.
Pyne Stephen. 1999. The dominion of fire. Forum for Applied Research and Public Policy, 14: 615).
Rolland Nicolas. 2004. Was the emergence of home bases and domestic fire a punctuated event?
A review of the Middle Pleistocene record in Eurasia. Asian Perspectives: the Journal of
Archaeology for Asia and the Pacific, 43: 248-281.
Stahl Ann Brower. 1984. Hominid Dietary Selection Before Fire. Current Anthropology, 25:
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Straus Lawrence Guy. 1989. On Early Hominid Use of Fire. Current Anthropology, 30: 488491).
Wrangham Richard W, James Holland Jones, Greg Laden, David Pilbeam, NancyLou ConklinBrittain. 1999. The Raw and the Stolen. Current Anthropology, 40: 567.
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