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TRIBAL TECHNIQUES, SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND DEVELOPMENT:
DISRUPTION AND ALTERNATES, (Ed). N. P. Chaubey, Ahmedabad: Indian Academy
of Social Sciences, 1983, pp. 206, Rs. 80/-.
The book deals with a topic of vital interest today: the technology and social
organization developed over the centuries by tribal communities, to cope with
environment; secondly, the arrival of development after Independence, when serious
attention began to be given to the progress of underprivileged groups; thirdly, the
disruption and protest movements which have resulted from alienation brought about
as an unintended effect; and fourthly, the alternative one could think of, in order to
rectify these negative effects on the tribes.
The book is the outcome of a workshop organized by the Indian Academy of Social
Sciences at Delhi. Thirteen of the papers presented at the workshop have been
published here. Six deal with tribal production systems, three with Tribal Development
and its impact on their social organization. The following three chapters cover protest
movements, as a response to the disruption brought about in tribal social life. The last
paper, by Dr. D. K. Roy Burman, treats the Economy and Production Technologies,
and presents three theoretical perspectives. The first chapter is by Dr. Chaubey
himself, and presents an over-all view of the topics covered.
In the first chapter, where the editor introduces the papers, he presents some
conclusions (pp. 8-9), which on closer inspections, do not emerge out of the individual
papers that follow. Had he made another effort at the end of the book, in the shape of a
concluding chapter, to draw the substance from each paper, and tried to integrate the
whole into a logical framework, the book would have been so much more powerful
and compulsive.
Some papers are replete with jargon, and contain incohesive material. The last
paper by Dr. Roy Burman consists of a good effort to elaborate a construct, but
substantial portions of it contain citations from Western authors, mostly of Marxist
orientation, which interpret the disruption and alienation that occur when a society,
such as a tribal one, proceeds to new modes of production. There are excellent
perceptions in the chapter but, in general, it makes for heavy reading.
The three papers on the Tribal Protest Movements, i.e., Tribal Ethos and National
Integration by Dr. Bhupinder Singh, Disruption of Tribal Social Organization and
Demand for a Separate State of Jharkhand by Dr. R. N. Misra, and, especially, Tribal
Discontent, Causes and Persistence by Amrita Rangasami, take a compassionate and
positive view of why tribal people are angry at what is happening to them as a result of
development.
A second element one misses in the book, is a few papers written by tribal scholars, so
as to present the 'inside' point of view. There are such scholars and activists who can
be invited to do so. The editor states on page 7: "A large number of antropologists and
some sociologists have studied and are still studying and various facets of tribal life in
India." The tribals would add:"... and will continue to do so in the future, making a
living out of their writings, without, however, solving our problems!". As one reads the
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book, and follows the Marxist interpretation adopted by the editor, one begins to
wonder whether the authors themselves, being a part of the dominant meaning
system of a society that exploits the tribal people, are not contributing to the
alienation, rather than alleviating it. This is why the contribution by tribal scholars
would be so important in providing a counterweight.
A third aspect one misses in this book are some case studies on action-research. The
editor, in the preface, mentions that representatives of governmental, as well as
non-governmental, organizations were present at the workshop. Why were no papers
included on efforts going on in the field to solve the problems mentioned by the
anthropologists and sociologists? The result is that the book gives an excessively
negative picture of things.
Efforts, both by government and non-governmental organisations, at helping tribal
people/communities to overcome their frustrations and alienation are in progress,
efforts from which emanate rays of hope. If our anthropologist and sociologist
colleagues would lend a hand to such efforts by engaging in action-research, they
would discover new vistas to enrich their insights, arising from their Marxist
interpretation of tribal problems. Some would find a new vocation as activistanthropologists, a new breed, which the country and the tribal people need, and of
whom only Amrita Rangasami seems to be a representative in the present volume.
Finally, why can professionals, when they publish, not do a professional job in seeing
that the presentation as well as the content is of professional quality? The book is full
of printing errors. On page 156, to give but one example, R. N. Misra writes about
Mundaries, while he means Mundas. Mundari refers to the language spoken by the
Mundas. Mistakes like these, and the poor quality of paper, binding and presentation
are likely to put off any serious reader.
By way of summing up, then, the book contains some good portions. I would single out
the papers by P. S. Ramakrishnan on Jhum Economy in the North East (Ch. 2), S. N.
Ghosh on Conservation Ethic and Modernist Disruption (Ch. 7), P. R. G. Mathur on the
Cholanaickans of Kerala (Ch. 10), Dr. Bhupinder Singh on Tribal Ethos and National
Integration (Ch. 11), and finally on Tribal Discontent by Amrita Rangasami (Ch. 13). It
is a pity that the editor has not made a comprehensive whole of it, that would have
advanced our knowledge of present tribal unrest, and how to solve it.
Michael V. d. Bogaert s.j.
ALTERING BEHAVIOR, THE ETHICS OF CONTROLLED EXPERIENCES Henry
B. Clark, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1987, pp. 236, $25.
In this age of rapid advances in science and technology, reading Henry B. Clark's
account of the technologies for control of experience and behaviour, jolts one into
realising that Brave New World and Nineteen Eighty-Four are not just fiction. But
Clark's purpose in Altering Behavior is not to warn us about the new technologies he
lists and explains. Altering Behavior is a humanist's optimistic view of mankind's
future. It advocates the use of EBC (Clark's shorthand for "experience and behaviour
control") along with public policies designed to safeguard against its abuse and to
optimise its beneficial impacts.
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Clark believes that just as we have made use of such breakthroughs as serums for
polio and typhoid fever, we have to avail ourselves of new break throughs in EBC and
utilise its non-therapeutic applications. He finds three areas where EBC is relevant—
for enhancing experience of happiness, for controlling behaviour towards performance
of morally good actions, and for improving human capacity "of mind, body and spirit".
In the "Introduction" (Chapter 1), Clark clarifies "the scope and focus of the book",
"how EBC can be used by ordinary people to make their lives better." First of all, the
book is addressed to "thoughtful Americans who have jobs and families (or the
equivalents thereof), who pay their taxes and aspire to a well-balanced life leading to
long term fulfilment in joy and accomplishment, and who see in particular forms of
EBC a means to be better and happier persons." Secondly, Clark emphasises that "the
entire study is based on the assumption that EBC should not be forced upon anyone
and that 'informed choice' is something that must be a part of the picture." And thirdly,
the book presupposes "certain technical preconditions: that the applications of EBC
must be safe, non-addictive and in principle or insofar as possible reversible in their
effects."
In Chapter 2, entitled "The Technical Possibilities", Clark gives a lucid review of the
scientific research that has opened up the path to "artificial" happiness, goodness and
increased capacity. Though brain surgery, and techniques such as electrical stimulation
of the brain (ESB, as described by ESB pioneer Delgado in his Physical Control of
Mind), are in use, Clark sees a better future for chemical stimulation of the brain
(CSB). Already, many chemical agents are used to alleviate pain, to relieve anxiety, to
mitigate depression or to induce sleep. Work has also been done on how to stimulate
(or dull) sexual interest and/or potency, to heighten concentration or energy, to
strengthen (or becloud) memory and learning abilities, to enhance pleasurable
sensations and to create euphoric moods and hallucinations. Clark sees the
possibilities of a happier and better life in orthomolecular research, in consciousness
expansion, in behaviour therapy and in biofeedback (use of electronic devices to
record and measure blood pressure, brain waves and so on, so that the desired bodily
state can be monitored).
In Chapters 3, 4 and 5, Clark discusses artificial happiness, artificial goodness and
artificially increased capacity by giving interesting vignettes of people who use
specific EBC techniques and drugs. Clark would have us get over our squeamishness
regarding anything "artificial", by showing us how we do use the "artificial". For
example, we take pills to relieve pain and vitamin tablets to supplement our diet. He
also points out in what way "artificial" happiness is different from "natural". Artificial
happiness is pleasure that is deliberately induced by drugs rather than produced
spontaneously and haphazardly. It is artificial only in its opposition to the idea that the
more chancey occurrence of pleasure to which we are accustomed, is "natural". Clark
analyses the philosophical, ethical and psychological issues involved. He is severaly
critical of the puritanical heritage of western man which frowns on pleasure but
accepts it when it is achieved after the successful performance of arduous tasks. He
calls this eschewing of pleasure, and seeking virtue in work, as the metaphysical
fallacy. Curiously, however, western man, according to Clark, is also guilty of the
materialistic fallacy of consumerism—the belief that happiness and even fulfilment
can best be attained by the purchase of innumerable commodities. Robbed of the joy
of easily found pleasures, contemporary man falls prey to advertisements and sales
promotion. He also has an unstable personal life because of the current notions of
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love and honour and because he has moved away from traditional norms to
contractual modes in personal relations.
While one accepts Clark's analysis of social malaise, the question that nags one is
whether the possibility of instant pleasure at the command of the individual is going to
resolve the problems of interpersonal relationships in a consumerist society.
Puritanical disdain of pleasure may not be conducive for the mental health and
adjustment of the individual, but will chemical stimulation of pleasure sustain man? Of
course, Clark advocates EBC only for pleasure "enhancement" and says that it is to be
"utilised in a balanced way along with more common 'natural' means to pleasure or
happiness". On page 80, he even refers to "occasional utilization of EBC". In other
words, he does not think that EBC will lead man to seek pleasure all the time through
chemical stimulation rather than through natural means, or make him a solitary
addict given to this constant artificial stimulation.
Clark's confidence in human nature—that man will make a rational and voluntary
choice of EBC for enhancement of happiness and not abuse the availability of
EBC—is most extraordinary. His examples of EBC use are: a drug for making the
experience of natural scenic beauty more intense or for making listening to great
music a deeper experience. Again, the assumptions, that the drugs will be safe,
non-addictive, and well regulated by the State, are difficult to justify. Clark says that
EBC is already there on the scene and, therefore, let us make wise use of it, bringing
pressure on the State to guarantee its safety. But the question we have to ask
ourselves is—has man been voluntarily wise in the pursuit of pleasure (especially
when it is easily available)? Will man now exercise his rationality and make a wise
choice? If he is influenced by TV and other advertisements, and succumbs to
consumerism, will be not again be a consumer of easily available EBC drugs? This
chapter on "Artificial Happiness", however, has an interesting conceptual analysis of
pleasure, happiness and fulfilment (the three in a hierarchical order), and of the
"typical errors" committed by those who divide pleasure, happiness, fulfilment and
seek other goals.
Clark is aware of criticism and quotes profusely from critics to refute their arguments.
In the chapter, "Artificial Goodness", he says EBC "can make a crucial difference in
the way we perceive ourselves and manage our lives in the future". He examines and
refutes the criticism that artificial goodness will be artificial and not genuine, not
effective in the long run, that it is dehumanising (not under the control of the agent
once he takes the relevant drug) and that the traditional and familiar methods are
better, making EBC unnecessary. Clark even claims that the traditional character
formation process—the shaping of behaviour carried out by families, churches,
schools and others in the normal socialization process, have elements of coercion
and compulsion, which EBC, chosen voluntarily by the agent himself, does not have.
In fact, EBC is a tool for more effective moral decisions. As in the case of artificial
happiness, Clark does not envisage its use in a moral vacuum.
EBC is no substitute for moral decisions about ends—for example, the affirmation
of justice and compassion as philosophical ideals and a desire to serve these ideals
by sharing more generously with the poor; it [EBC] is merely a more effective
means for getting oneself actually to share, instead of just talking about it, and just
intending to do so. But the improvement in means will be decisive in enabling
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countless people to actualize the good ends they are honestly committed to
(Clark's vignette on Gloria is an illustration of how EBC can be effectively used in
the service of man).
In the Chapter, "Political Ramifications", the state's responsibilities under the concept
of parens patriae are analysed. Discussing the problem of drug abuse, Clark pleads for
decriminalization and social reform. He also maintains that "practical safeguards
against abuse that may be instituted in a health care system that respects the
autonomy-based equality of citizens are (1) continued efforts to ameliorate professional
paternalism by cultivating better physician patient relationship, (2) careful screening
of the safety of new types of CSB in the light of the medical history and individual
makeup of would-be users, and (3) a comprehensive consumer education program."
He stresses the importance of education (as also consumer education) so that people
have adequate knowledge to make informed choices. He refers to Rawls (Theory of
Justice) with approval and as relevant for a fair distribution of benefits (including
those of EBC). Society, and especially the state, has to undertake several responsibilities
regarding the use of EBC. Will the state assume them and can it do so effectively, is
the question.
"Artificially Increased Capacity" is a relatively short chapter but an interesting one.
Clark examines in this chapter the austere work ethic in technologically advanced
societies, and the almost quasi-religious reverence for maximum productivity. The
philosophical and ethical issues he raises here can be discussed along with those in
his last chapter, "Human Nature and Destiny". In "Human Nature", Clark puts forward
a new vision of man, his work and goals. Man (according to this new vision) seeks
satisfaction in what he has contributed to life and in his feeling of solidarity with the
human family and nature, rather than in success, honour or fame, here on earth, or
even in the concept or ideal of 'heavenly reward'. These two chapters, specially taken
together, give the impression that Clark is basically a humanist (he was honoured as
Distinguished Humanist of the Year by the California Council for the Humanities,
1979) and a great optimist who trusts man to take the necessary moral decisions and
make for himself a better and happier future. While I do agree with Clark that
"goodness ought properly to be understood as mainly a matter of actions taken to
enhance the well being of other human beings", I am not sure that EBC will help man
to eradicate his own undesirable traits and strengthen the desirable. To be able to
utilise EBC wisely, we need wise men who live and move and have their being in a
better world than ours. EBC has potential for augmenting pleasure for oneself, but will
we have the urge to improve our moral stature and capacities, or will EBC be exploited
by an unscrupulous authority to manipulate others, even if it is ostensibly for dealing
with crime or for increasing the productivity of workers? The prospects for EBC are
vast, but the dangers involved seem to outweigh the advantages. Perhaps EBC is only
for a humane and wise society. But Clark says EBC is already here and enjoins us
to make the best use of it.
Altering Behavior is a book worth reading by the general reader and the specialist. It
raises issues for a society concerned with the use and misuse of drugs. For us here in
India, where we still battle with the problems of substandard therapeutic drugs,
research and commercial propagation of non-therapeutic drugs should have no place
in our scheme of things for a long time to come. EBC is not merely for a wise and
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humane society. It is feasible only for an affluent one. The book, however, is very
stimulating and is a must for those interested in social issues.
Nalini Swamidasan
THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES OF CROWDING, Uday Jain, New Delhi:
Sage Publications, 1987, pp. 142, Rs. 95/-.
Crowding is a recent urban phenomenon. It is prevalent all over the world. People
migrate from rural areas to flock to urban areas. The reasons for this could be many,
such as the search for livelihood, search for excitement, the attraction of glamour and
so on. In India, we observe that sometimes whole families migrate to cities in search of
livelihood. There are others who are young and who come to cities in search of a
career. Usually, when persons or families belonging to the lower strata of the society
come to the cities, they veer towards hutments and footpaths and contribute to the
slum population. In a city like Bombay, around 45 to 50 per cent of the population is
living in hutments and on footpaths under densely 'crowding' situations. Information
on the consequences of crowding on human beings can be extremely useful to our
planners and policy makers. And from that point of view, this book is a welcome
addition to the literature on crowding.
Dr. Jain has discussed elaborately the research work done in this area. He has himself
conducted studies on crowding. In one study, he has compared people in high density
areas (crowding) with those of the low density areas. These comparisons are made in
three areas—Jaipur (urban area), Chaksu (a semi-urban area) and Badhal (a rural
area). The comparisons are for their competition tolerance, need hierarchy pattern,
and need intensity. He concludes that density and urbanization influence competition
tolerance.
Empirical research has yielded the finding that crowding leads to diminished
performance, is positively related to punitiveness in individuals (for instance, under
the condition of 'crowding', individuals recommended harsher punishment) and to
distraction. Another experiment indicated that crowding is also related to the desire
for more personal space. Still another suggested that high spatial density, coupled
with the realisation of scarce resources, leads to the feeling of crowding.
Dr. Jain's experiments are methodologically sound, but the conclusions merely verify
the obvious generalisations. We all know that crowding would lead to diminished
performance, primarily because of individuals being distracted. One also knows that
when one is in an unpleasant situation, and when one realises that there is no escape
from such a situation, it leads to frustration and, thence, to aggression. And some of
the persons with these aggressive tendencies are going to take it out on others.
However, it is important to know that what we believed to be true has been proven
to be so.
If one really wants to study the consequences of crowding, one has to plan a
longitudinal study, wherein, one can get the baseline data from villages from which
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the migrants flock to the city, and then have a follow up study of the individuals living
in hutments over a period of time.
It is surely not too sweeping to assume that everybody readily accepts the idea that
overcrowding, as is observed in the slums, is undesirable. Even the persons who are
compelled to stay there would like to get out of it. But there is no escape for them. With
the scarce resources and the democratic style of Government (which grants every
citizen freedom to stay wherever he/she wants to), it is more or less impossible to
solve a problem of such magnitude.
Perhaps, rather than spending money on researches on crowding, one can start some
action projects in slums, with the objective of solving certain specific problems. One
can think of action research if one wants to discover which kind of 'intervention' could
be most effective in solving some of these specific problems. There is urgent need for
someone from the policy level to initiate a dialogue between policy makers and social
scientists, so as to arrive at strategies to mitigate the ill-consequences of slum-living.
K. G. Desai