Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
Gary Rosen. American Compact: James Madison and the Problem of Founding. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999. xii + 237 pp. $29.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7006-0960-4. Reviewed by Peter McNamara (Department of Political Science, Utah State University) Published on H-SHEAR (May, 2000) The Madisonian Founding inadequate this framework is for understanding Madison and the Founding. Thomas Pangle, Paul Rahe, Michael Zuckert and others have made this general point before. What makes Rosen’s study stand out is his focus on the problematic and critical case of Madison who has been categorized by some scholars as a liberal and by others as a classical republican. Rosen presents convincing evidence to show that Madison was a liberal but, as Rosen hastens to add, Madison’s liberalism should not be equated with a “stark world of possessive individuals, utterly indifferent to public things” (p. 5). Liberalism, as Madison understood it, requires a certain version of both virtue and republicanism to sustain itself. The aim of Gary Rosen’s study American Compact: James Madison and the Problem of Founding is to “rehabilitate Madison as a constitutional thinker and statesman.” To accomplish this goal, Rosen thinks it necessary to do two things: first, to demonstrate the consistency of Madison’s “most controversial public acts” and, second, to establish a deeper appreciation of Madison’s “originality as a political theorist” (pp. 2-3). It may not have been necessary to set such a high standard for Madison’s rehabilitation, if indeed he requires rehabilitation. Nevertheless, this is an important book that significantly deepens our knowledge of both Madison and the Founding. According to Rosen, we must first come to understand Madison’s depth and originality as a political thinker before we can come to see the consistency of his statesmanship. What has stood in the way of such an appreciation has been the tendency of students of the Founding to use “ideological shorthand . . . as a substitute for delving into Madison’s theoretical claims” (p. 178). Rosen has in mind the “ideological school” of historians who present the Founding period as a struggle between, on the losing side, a “classical republican” tradition that equated a self-sacrificing idea of virtue with republican citizenship and, on the winning side, the modern forces of individualism and the market or, in short, “liberalism.” The powerful and in some ways charming idea of a lost but virtuous past has exercised a wide influence among scholars and political commentators. As Rosen notes, we see versions of it embraced by such disparate social critics as George Will, Robert Bork, and Benjamin Barber. Rosen is at his best showing just how Rosen argues persuasively that we can discover the key for unlocking Madison’s thoughts on virtue, republicanism, founding, and constitutional government in his rethinking of the idea of the “social compact.” Madison understood the social compact (or social contract, as it tends to be called today) in the liberal manner as it was expounded by Thomas Hobbes and especially by John Locke. The social compact doctrine begins by positing a “state of nature” where free and equal individuals live without any common authority. The precariousness of such an existence compels these individuals to seek the protection of society and government. The social compact that makes this possible takes place in two stages: an initial unanimous decision to form a society is followed by a second stage in which the majority decides on a particular form of government. Free and equal individuals possess rights, one consequence of which is that society and government serve the essentially instru1 H-Net Reviews mental role of securing these rights. Although Madison never questioned the idea that civil society exists to secure rights, the practical political situation of an independent America forced him to think seriously not only about the Hobbesian and Lockean accounts of the transition from the state of nature to civil society but also about their basic accounts of human nature. To begin with, the abstract and skeletal nature of the standard accounts left many questions unanswered. For example, neither Hobbes nor Locke suggests just how deliberations about entering society and choosing a government might take place. Nor do they say anything about the kind of peculiar situation in which the newly independent colonies found themselves. The Revolution, to Madison’s mind, brought about no simple return to a pure state of nature. The Articles of Confederation were debated and ratified not by individuals newly united in society, but by individuals who were already citizens of states and also members of less defined but nevertheless formidable interest groups. Federalist, Numbers 37-40 in order to make clear Madison’s thinking. Three important points emerge. First, “Madison came to view constitutional conventions as a counterpoint to the people and to popular political institutions, as an opportunity to transcend sovereign pride and narrow interest” (p. 71). More precisely, “the Convention was not simply a substitute for the unwieldy deliberation of the people as a whole; it represents a qualitatively distinct form of political intelligence” (p. 72). Rosen points to Madison’s high praise of the participants at the Constitutional Convention. The actions of these “constitution-making gentleman” (p. 83), as Rosen calls them, deserve to be put on a level with or, perhaps, even above the actions of the great lawgivers of antiquity. Second, the greatest tasks before the convention required that the participants exercise “prudence.” Rosen describes Madison’s prudence in Aristotelian terms as the intellectual virtue that is connected with the choice of means to certain moral ends. Prudence operates as the critical supplement to theory or scientific knowledge. However much Madison and his colleagues may have learned from political philosophers, the crucial choices facing the Convention involved not theory per se but the application of theories to the America situation. These choices, according to Rosen, were not simply technical questions. Whatever course the Convention took, it had to comport with the moral end in view, namely, “the republican view of justice–that is, to the claims of the people to self-government” (p. 97). Rosen’s third claim about the Madisonian understanding of Founding follows from this last point. The “extraordinary” Constitutional Convention, which brought together a prudent few who on tenuous authority chose to deliberate without restrictions and in secret, could not serve as the model for everyday politics. Like Sparta’s Lycurgus, the Convention would have to cease with the making of its recommendations and have no authority under the regime it devised (see p. 112). The theory of the Madisonian Founding emerges as a complex blending of the claims of the few and the many whose efforts must be encouraged and resisted in precisely the right amounts. Specifically, the just but controversial claims of the prudent few must be balanced against the people’s capacity for and claims to self-government. Madison thought this could be done by allowing for a (more or less) popular ratification of the Constitution and by allowing the people to participate in the operations of the government so established. Rosen argues that we ought to see Madison’s assertion that the ratification process fixed the meaning of the Constitution in decisive respects–its broad outlines and limits, in particular–as part of Madison’s effort to honor the peo- In addition to gaps in the standard accounts, Madison identified two serious problems or paradoxes. The first paradox or contradiction is inherent in the move from stage one–entering society–to stage two–choosing a government. The motives for making the move from the state of nature to society are widely and more or less equally felt. The insecurity of the state of nature compels us to enter society. But once we come to debate about forms of government, something that is possible only when there is peace, the natural inequalities that give rise to different interests and passions make agreement and even rational debate difficult. Hobbes and Locke were aware of this problem, but Madison thought they had greatly underestimated the threat it posed to establishing good government. The situation was particularly acute in the new United States. The diversity of interests that would be an advantage for a large republic (as Madison so famously argued in The Federalist, Number 10) was a great obstacle to the establishment of that republic. There was a second paradox or contradiction in the account of choosing a government. Hobbes’s and Locke’s accounts of the transition seem to suggest that deliberations about forms of government are within the capacities of most citizens. It became increasingly clear to Madison that the people as a whole are simply incapable of making informed choices about such complex and delicate matters. The solution Madison hit upon was the constitutional convention. Rosen makes an exhaustive analysis of The 2 H-Net Reviews ple’s right to self-government. lems are particularly evident in his fast-moving chapters dealing with Jefferson and Hamilton, Madison’s PresiIn unfolding Madison’s complex idea of founding, dency, and the Madisonian “regime” today. Let me begin Rosen clarifies a number of important elements of Madi- though with a relatively small point, namely, Rosen’s acson’s thought that have vexed those attempting to clas- count of prudence. Rather than turning to Aristotle to desify him using the classical republican-liberal framework. velop his argument, he might just as easily have turned First, “like other members of the founding generation, to Hume or especially Montesquieu’s account of “mod[Madison] saw Hume and Montesquieu primarily as poeration.” The artful balancing of competing fundamenlitical scientists, authorities to be consulted on the instru- tal priorities such as liberty and stability that Madison ments of government but not its origins and ends” (pp. and other participants at the Convention were forced to 108-9). engage in sounds much like the “moderation” that MonMadison never was or became a “conservative.” He tesquieu ascribes to the “legislator” in the Spirit of the remained a Lockean liberal. Second, Madison’s dedi- Laws (see especially Book 29, Chapter 1; on the kinship cation to republican government was derived from the between prudence and moderation, see Thomas L. Panprinciples of the social compact. Locke and especially gle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral ViHobbes avoided what Madison saw as this necessary sion of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke implication of the social compact. Somehow Hobbes [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988], pp. 89-94.). thought that the pride that would inevitably arise when Viewed in this light, Madison’s founding seems more the people took charge of their political destiny could technical or theoretical than aristocratically prudential. simply be extinguished for the sake of social peace. Madi- It might be the case that, notwithstanding the high-flown son understood that such pride would have to be ac- rhetoric of The Federalist Number 38, Madisonian prucommodated. Third, there is no incompatibility between dence occupies something of a gray area between MonMadison’s liberalism and his frequent claim that virtue tesquieuian moderation and Aristotelian prudence. is a prerequisite for republican government. Madison Second, and more importantly, Rosen’s account understood virtue in the modern way as a thing neces- tends to collapse the distinction between Framers (those sary for the accomplishment of liberal ends rather than who took part in the Constitutional Convention) and for the perfection of the soul. Liberal virtue, so to speak, Founders (those who may or may not have been in resembles a particular kind of “public virtue,” the virtue Philadelphia, but who nevertheless played an important appropriate to a particular regime (pp. 54-55). Virtue part in the creation of the Republic). Thomas Jefferson and republican pride are connected: “Virtue would seem and John Adams, to name two very important examples, to depend on the pride that human beings take in over- were Founders, but not Framers, strictly speaking. Rosen coming their justifiable wariness of one another and on and his Madison reduce the Founding to a Founding “mofinding a means other than absolute government to rement” (p. 127) apparently stretching from the Convenstrain themselves. It enhances their self-regard because tion to Ratification. This view goes along with Rosen’s it shows them to be capable of maintaining something of disinterest in Madison’s substantial role in the policy distheir natural equality without a constant reliance on fear” putes and the debates about the how the “superstructure” (p. 57). By showing how Madison brought liberalism, of the new government would operate during the 1790s. virtue, and republicanism together, Rosen demonstrates Rosen’s general argument here owes much to Martin Dithat rather than being part of the problem or a mere amond (see pp. 81-82, 114), who held that there is a great “backward-looking historical curiosity” (p. 179), Madi- disjunction between the politics of the Founding and the son’s social compact theory directly engages today’s de- kind of politics that follows it. Post-founding politics is bates among liberals, conservatives, “strong democracy” system politics or, to be precise, the politics of a “disintheorists, and communitarians. terested system” (p. 70) in which the pursuit of interest is rendered safe by means of clever institutional design. The real issue is, according to Rosen, who establishes the disinterested system. This may have been Madison’s view, but, granting that it was for the moment, is it an accurate view of the Founding and at least some of the politics that has followed it? The Presidencies of Washington, Lincoln, and Franklin Roosevelt would seem to sug- Rosen’s account of the way in which Madison brought “new realism and practicality” (p. 124) to the idea of the social compact more than makes good on his promise to show Madison’s originality as a political theorist. Yet, there are problems with other parts of his argument that bear on his promises to show Madison’s consistency and to rehabilitate his reputation. These prob- 3 H-Net Reviews gest otherwise. Rosen notes that Madison was surprised to find that there were still explosive constitutional issues to be settled during Washington’s Presidency (see p. 156). To explain this Madison eventually had recourse to the idea of a “aristocratic plot” against republicanism (p. 151). How plausible was this recourse, then or now? versy that might have brought the Constitution into disrepute. (Madison strenuously objected to John Marshall’s use of the occasion of McCulloch v. Maryland to give Supreme Court sanction to Hamilton’s principle of broad construction of the “necessary and proper” clause.) Remaining faithful to the Constitution as understood at Ratification, Madison resisted the Federalists’ attempts The third respect in which Rosen is less than comto extend indefinitely the period of constitution-making, pletely convincing is on the difficult issue of Madison’s just as he later resisted popular pressures to expand the reputation, especially the consistency of Madison’s most government’s powers. Rosen gives as an example of controversial public acts. His effort should be placed Madison’s resistance to popular pressure his vetoing of alongside Lance Banning’s The Sacred Fire of Liberty: the bonus bill providing for the building of roads and James Madison and the Founding of the Federal Repubcanals. He justified his veto of this popular measure on lic (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995). Both the grounds that it neither fell within the enumerated make a good case that Madison was never an ardent na- powers of Article I, nor was it “necessary and proper.” tionalist like Hamilton. His break with Hamilton was al- Madison, Rosen suggests, wanted to provide an example most predictable and not a surprise, let alone a betrayal. of strict constitutional fidelity to offset any appearance of This insight, however, hardly settles the matter. To be- waywardness arising from his support of a national bank. gin with, Rosen acknowledges that Madison did change But after having strongly endorsed the utility of nationcourse a number of times in his career, sometimes sigally sponsored internal improvements, Madison surprisnificantly and abruptly (consider the following: cf. p. 33 ingly refrained from advocating a constitutional amendand p. 71; p. 49; cf. pp. 52-53 and pp.144-45; pp. 169-77). ment to make them possible. Apparently, he was relucRosen rightly praises Madison for risking his reputation tant to make a popular appeal for constitutional change, for the sake of a deeper consistency and fidelity to prin- something Rosen sees as in keeping with his opposition ciple. Historians with the benefit of hindsight might be to Jefferson’s proposal for frequent constitutional conchastised for failing to see this consistency but, at the ventions. very least, we might forgive many of his contemporaries for their outright astonishment at some of his actions. Rosen concedes that this decision was “especially reMadison’s remarkable turn-around on the issue of “dis- grettable” (p. 176) because it undermined respect for crimination” among public creditors, which Rosen hardly the constitutionally prescribed mode of constitutional mentions, would be a case in point. change and because it sat uneasily with Madison’s endorsement, however qualified, of the extra-constitutional As noted, Rosen probably wisely chooses the ground modification of the Constitution through precedent. of constitutional interpretation rather than debates over policy or the operation of “superstructures” to make his Rosen might have pushed this point still further. case for Madison’s deeper consistency. Rosen makes Madison was hardly alone in holding to a notion of the a good case that Madison was consistent in arguing social compact. Rosen grants that Madison’s thought against the constitutionality of a national bank in the evolved over time and responded to events as they hap1790s and then while President not only signing into law pened. Madison, for example, had no theory of constithe rechartering of the bank but even recommending its tutional interpretation (p. 157) when he first confronted rechartering. Madison thought that the bank had been Hamilton in the 1790s. Rosen shows how Madison deunconstitutional, but twenty years of public discussion, rived one from his notion of the social compact. But was Congressional debate and support, and the continued ac- this the only theory compatible with the idea of a soquiescence of the states and the nation as a whole had cial compact? It is one thing to say that Madison had a made the Bank constitutional through “precedent.” Nev- coherent and distinctive vision of the problem of foundertheless, throughout his career, Rosen argues, Madison ing. This does not necessarily mean, however, that he remained a strict constructionist. Madison, Rosen spec- was the only one with such a vision or that his was suulates, calculated that “Constitutional veneration was perior. Rosen points to some real problems with Hamilmore likely to be promoted by granting a degree of legit- ton’s interpretation of the Constitution as granting very imacy to the occasional legislative excess” (p. 172). Al- broad powers subject to specified exceptions but is it an lowing precedent to constitutionalize the bank was more incoherent interpretation? Is it obviously inferior to prudent than the unleashing of a constitutional contro- Madison’s? Madison’s muddle over the bonus bill surely 4 H-Net Reviews raises the question of whether his understanding of the Constitution makes it unfit for dealing with what Hamilton termed the “probable exigencies of ages” ( The Federalist, Number 34). How could such a Constitution achieve the political “immortality” Madison predicted for it in The Federalist, Number 38? One might grant the significance of Rosen’s account of how Madison sought to blend the claims of the few and the many in the act of founding. But, as he presents it, the Madisonian Founding turns out to be a somewhat ethereal event, more about words on paper and hallowing those words through precedent, than about the connection of those words to some of the basic tasks of republican government. These problems with Rosen’s argument do not have much impact upon Madison’s stature as one of the most important Founders. Rosen’s study does add considerably to our understanding of Madison, but as with Hamilton and Jefferson one can acknowledge their roles as Founders without identifying the Founding uniquely with either. Copyright (c) 2000 by H-Net, all rights reserved. This work may be copied for non-profit educational use if proper credit is given to the author and the list. For other permission, please contact [email protected]. If there is additional discussion of this review, you may access it through the network, at: https://networks.h-net.org/h-shear/ Citation: Peter McNamara. Review of Rosen, Gary, American Compact: James Madison and the Problem of Founding. H-SHEAR, H-Net Reviews. May, 2000. URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=4090 Copyright © 2000 by H-Net, all rights reserved. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for nonprofit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author, web location, date of publication, originating list, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For any other proposed use, contact the Reviews editorial staff at [email protected]. 5