Download Support Readings File

SUPPORT
READING
FOR MISSIONS
REFERENCE
AND
REVIEW
DIFFERENT SOURCES AND STYLES
USE THE ONE THAT WORKS BEST FOR YOU
DOES NOT have to be printed for Quarter Binder Check.
Print ONLY the pages you think you need that will help you.
This is posted on line to save trees!!
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Source A
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
vvar ,
Results: Emergence of the
United States and the
Soviet Union as
superpowers
History and Politics Until
recently, the iron curtain
was symbolized by the
Berlin Wall, which
separated democratic West
Berlin from Communist
East Berlin. The
dismantling of the Wall in
1989 followed by the
reunification of Germany in
1990 is viewed by many as
a major step in ending the
Cold War.
Regents Tip The Regents
exam sometimes asks for
an example of a foreign
policy.
Containment is one
example.
Name another.
Key Concepts: Power
Because of the delicate
balance within the
European power structure
after World War II, some
European nations, such as
Sweden, Finland, Austria,
and Switzerland, have
pursued a policy of
neutrality.
______ ..._. """ ..... -..
I"'\.~
vvVnLU
Before World War II was over, the Allied leaders met first at
Yalta and then at Potsdam to design a plan for post-war Europe. As a
result of these conferences, the Soviet Union was given control of East­
ern Europe until free elections could be held. Germany and its capital,
Berlin, were temporarily divided into zones of occupation until all
remnants of Nazi rule could be eliminated. Josef Stalin. leader of the
Soviet Union. never allowed free elections to take place in Eastern
Europe, however. and most of the area was transformed into "satel­
lites" of the Soviet Union. Conflict over Gennan reunification led to
the creation of two Germanies. West Gennany became a democracy,
East Gennany became a Communist satellite. These developments
caused the division of Europe. Fonner British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill described the line of separation as an "iron curtain"
descending across the continent. The stage was set for the start of the
Cold War.
Cold War Policies in Europe
Fought mainly with words in an atmosphere of tension, the Cold
War began in the wake of World War II as fonner Allies became dis­
trustful of each other. Differences in political and economic philoso­
phies (democracy and capitalism vs. totalitarianism and communism)
fonned the basis of this war without fighting. In addition, the West
feared that the Communists would seek to expand outside of Eastern
Europe. The United States led the "free world" in trying to stop the
spread of communism by adopting a policy of "containment."
TRUMAN DOCTRINE In 1947, President Truman announced
an economic and military aid program designed to help people resist
Communist aggression. Aimed chiefly at Greece and Turkey, it was
successful in saving these countries from Communist threats.
MARSHALL PLAN Following World War II, Europe was a
scene of devastation and destruction. Eastern Europe was already
under Soviet control. The United States feared that poor economic con­
ditions would make the rest of Europe vulnerable to Communist
encroachment as well. The Marshall Plan. enacted in 1948. offered
economic aid to all European countries as a means of lessening the
appeal of communism.
EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY
In an effort to
improve their own economies, six Western European nations, led by
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Western Europe
157
Europe After World War II
~ NATO,1955
1>1
Warsaw Pact, 1955
F."'"":""'l
Areas added to the
~ Soviet Union
TURKEY
GREECE'
~
France, formed the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957.
Also known as the Common Market. the EEC encouraged free trade
among members and uniform economic policies. Formation of this
union helped economic stability return to the region and greatly
reduced the threat of communism.
Berlin: Focus of the Cold War
In 1948, and again in 1961, the city of Berlin, divided and occu­
pied after World War II, became the focal point of the Cold War.
BERLIN AIRLIFT
The city of Berlin lay in the Soviet zone of
occupied Germany. In 1948. in an effort to drive the Western Allies
out of Berlin, the Soviet Union cut off all land access routes to the city.
Not wanting to lose control of the city to the Soviets, the Allies con­
ducted a successful airlift, flying in tons of food and supplies for
almost a year. Eventually the Soviets lifted the blockade, but Berlin
remained divided and occupied by foreign powers.
BERLIN WALL
West Berlin was a showplace of democracy and
prosperity, and thousands of East Germans were using the city as a
means of escaping communism. Embarrassed by this situation, the
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
MAKING CONNECTIONS
History and Economics
For more on the EEC, see
Unit 4, Global Economics.
158
Unit 2: Global History
MAKING CONNECTIONS
East German government built a wall to prevent the loss of any more of
its people. The wall served to heighten the tensions of the Cold War.
European Defense Measures
NA TO
The Berlin Blockade of 1948-1949 encouraged the Western
Allies to form a collective security agreement to protect themselves
against possible Soviet aggression. This agreement became known as
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Today its mem­
bers include the United States, Canada, and most of the countries of
Western Europe.
History and Politics
Nuclear proliferation
continues to be a problem
today. It threatens regional
stability in many parts of
the world. For example,
Israel's presumed nuclear
capability and Iraq's efforts
to develop an atomic bomb
have increased tensions in
the Middle East. For more
information on nuclear
proliferation, see Unit 6,
The World Today.
History and Politics The
Soviet invasions of
Hungary in 1956 and of
Czechoslovakia in 1968 to
crush movements toward
democracy within the
Soviet bloc posed serious
threats to peaceful
coexistence.
History and Society
Increasingly, the peoples of
Eastern and Western
Europe have rejected war
as a means of resolving
international conflict. For
more information on the
Soviet Union, see the
section on Northern Eurasia
and Eastern Europe in this
unit and Unit 5, Global
Economics.
WA RSA W PA CT In 1955 the Soviets formed the Warsaw
Pact-a defensive alliance between the Soviet Union and its satellites.
An Atomic Arms Race
In 1945 the United States was the only nation that had an atomic
weapon. Four years later the Soviet Union tested its own nuclear
device, and thus began the atomic arms race. Soon other nations­
Great Britain, France, and the People's Republic of China-joined the
"atomic club." Nuclear proliferation, or the development of nuclear
weapons by more and more countries, raised fears about a third world
war and possible destruction of the planet.
IMPROVED RELA TIONS The dawn of the Atomic Age
affected not only warfare, but international relations as well. In the
1950s and 1960s, the Communist countries and the West attempted to
follow a policy of' 'peaceful coexistence" based on a' 'live and let live
attitude." This attempt at improving their relationship was often
marred by incidents such as the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962). In the
1970s, the United States pursued detente, the easing of tensions in the
Cold War, which resulted in some limited arms reduction agreements.
THE END OF THE COLD WAR In the late 1980s, Soviet poli­
cies of "glasnost" and reform, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev,
resulted in monumental changes. By the end of 1989, Eastern Europe
was free from Soviet control and Communist domination; the Berlin
Wall, symbol of the Cold War, had been tom down. In 1990, the Sovi­
ets agreed to the unification of Germany. The Soviet Union and the
West cooperated in the United Nations actions against the aggression
of Iraq. At an international meeting in Paris in November 1990, the
Cold War was officially declared to be over. The Soviet Union itself
ceased to exist in 1991. Relations between the West and the new Com­
monmwealth of Independent States will likely remain positive.
The End of European World Domination
In the post-war period, the countries of Western Europe lost their
positions of dominance in the world. Germany had been defeated and
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Western Europe
divided. Italy was completely devastated and in subsequent years expe­
rienced economic and political instability. Great Britain and France,
though victors in the war, had to accept that they were not superpow­
ers. In various places around the world, the Western Europeans were
forced to face the reality of their changing role.
INDIA
After World War II, Great Britain was forced to deal with
growing nationalism in its colonies. In 1947. Great Britain lost India,
the "jewel in the crown." Pressure to grant independence came as a
result of a massive nonviolent civil disobedience movement led by
Mohandas K. Gandhi.
159
MAKING CONNECTIONS
Key Concepts: Power
International organizations
such as the Commonwealth
of Nations and the United
Nations can only be as
powerful and effective as
their member states wish
them to be.
SOUTHEAST ASIA The French-Indochina War (1945-1954)
was an attempt by France to keep control of its empire in Southeast
Asia. Many of the rebels were Communists as well as nationalists and
so, as part of the policy of containment, the United States financed
much of the French war. However, France's overwhelming defeat at
the battle of Dien Bien Phu forced the French to accept the 1954
Geneva Agreement, which gave Indochina its independence and
divided it into Laos, Cambodia, and North and South Vietnam.
MIDDLE EAST
In 1956, Great Britain and France, along with
Israel, invaded Egypt with the intention of blocking the nationalization
of the Suez Canal. The Suez Crisis ended when the United Nations,
prompted by the United States and the Soviet Union, condemned the
action and ordered the invaders out. This defeat proved to be a major
humiliation for the former global giants.
AFRICA
In North Africa, the independence movement in Algeria
turned into another bloody contlict for France. This struggle resulted in
domestic turmoil and the creation of a new government headed by the
World War II hero, Charles de Gaulle, who ended the war by granting
Algeria its independence in 1962.
Great Britain withdrew from its African colonies in the late 1950s
and 1960s. In Africa, the European minority often feared independ­
ence, and so nationalist movements sometimes became violent. In
Kenya, for example, extremists known as the Mau Maus launched ter­
rorist attacks against British settlers. Over 12,000 people were killed
before independence was granted.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Regents Tip The Regents
exam almost always asks
about nationalist leaders
and their policies. Also, a
Regents essay may ask
about nationalist groups,
their goals, and their
methods. For more on
African nationalism, see the
section on Africa in this
unit.
History and Politics
Revolutions can be inspired
by ideology as well as by
practical concerns. The
ideology may have to be
modified to govern a
nation.
MARXIS7-Lf=/vIlv/;:) I t'fill..LlvLlrn I
H' V'U". ' v v ....;,
_
the November Revolution. Lenin adapted the theories of Karl Marx to
the situation in Russia. Marx had predicted that a Communist revolu­
tion would first occur in an industrial society such as Great Britain. He
believed that the exploited factory workers would be driven to over­
throw the capitalist owners and would then take both economic and
political control of the country. Russia in 1917 was industrializing, but
was still primarily an agricultural nation. Lenin did not think it was
necessary to wait until Russia was completely industrialized before
bringing about the revolution that would result in a Marxist state. The
ultimate goal. he believed. was the creation of a society based on polit­
ical and economic equality. He was detennined to use any means nec­
essary to bring it about in Russia, in spite of its traditional economy.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOVIET STATE
The world's first modem Communist state became fully defined
under the leadership of Nikolai Lenin and Joseph Stalin.
Russia Under Lenin (1917-1922)
History and Economics
For more on changes to the
Russian economy, see Unit
4, Global Economics.
Once in power. the Bolsheviks, or Communists as they became
known, attempted to fulfill their revolutionary goals. As promised.
Premier Lenin immediately took steps to establish tenns of peace with
Gennany. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (1918) was very harsh in that
Russia was forced to give up extensive territory. Lenin accepted the
treaty, despite the objections of other Bolsheviks. since he felt peace at
any price was imperative for the survival of Russia and the revolution.
Economic problems that existed prior to 1917 were made worse
by the devastation of war and revolution. In the midst of this economic
disorder. Lenin attempted to transfonn capitalist Russia into a Com­
munist state. Eventually, both industries and land were nationalized,
or put under the ownership and control of the government. The major­
ity of people were not familiar with Communist philosophy and did not
understand Lenin's actions. He found it difficult therefore to gain the
cooperation of the people. Some felt that the promises of "land" and
"bread" were not being fulfilled. and opposition to Bolshevik rule
began to grow.
CIVIL WAR (1918-1921)
For three years after the Bolshevik
takeover. civil war raged between the "Reds." who supported the rev·
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Northern Eurasia and Eastern Europe
olutionary government and the '"Whites." who represented many dif­
ferent groups with the same goal-the overthrow of the Bolsheviks.
The White anny was helped by Great Britain. France. Japan. and the
United States, who wanted Russia to rejoin the Allies and who also
feared the spread of communism to the rest of Europe.
The Bolsheviks appealed to the people's sense of nationalism in
fighting the civil war and employed extreme measures to stop counter­
revolutionary activities. They used a secret police to uncover opposi­
tion. Thousands suspected of being anti-Bolshevik and therefore anti­
revolution were executed. In an effort to destroy a unifying force
among the Whites, the Bolsheviks executed Czar Nicholas II and his
entire family. Ultimately, the Whites were no match for the leadership
and determination of the Reds. whose victory allowed the Communists
to establish firm control over Russia.
171
MAKING CONNECTIONS
Regents Tip List the
similarities between the
period under Lenin and the
Reign of Terror in France.
(An example has been
listed.)
Execution of suspected
counter revolutionaries
NEW ECONOMIC POLICY (NEP)
In order to rebuild his war­
torn country and ease the transition to communism. Lenin altered his
earlier economic program. The New Economic Policy allowed some
private control of land and business and set Russia on the road to
recovery.
FORMA TlON OF THE USSR (1922) The Communists
organized the government into the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub­
lics (USSR), or Soviet Union, which became the new name of the
country. Initially, the union consisted of four republics; as more terri­
tory was acquired republics were added. By 1940 they numbered fif­
teen.
Key Concepts: Diversity
Northern Eurasia is a
region of great ethnic
diversity. It is a "union" of
many different nations and
ethnic groups.
Soviet Union Under Stalin (1922-1953)
Lenin's death in 1924 led to a power struggle between Trotsky,
Lenin's chosen successor, and Joseph Stalin. a ruthless and ambitious
Communist Party leader whom Lenin feared. Through manipulation
and political deal making, Stalin was able to force Trotsky out of office
and out of the country. Stalin's rise to dictator marked Russia's return
to stability under the authority of a strong ruler. Many of the policies he
established endured long after his death.
TO TALITARIANISM As dictator with unlimited power, Stalin
created a totalitarian police state more efficient and brutal than czarist
Russia had ever been. A totalitarian government is one that has the
power to completely control every part of the lives of its people. Stalin
increased the size and power of the secret police who sought out and
destroyed his opposition. He ruled through terror. trusting almost no
one. Purges, which were moves to clean out the Communist Party of
. 'disloyal" members, routinely occurred and even those closest to Sta­
lin were not safe. Execution. imprisonment. or exile were common
punishments for those found guilty by Stalin's courts. Eventually, the
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Regents Tip Compare the
Soviet Union under Stalin
with Germany under Hitler.
(An example has been
provided.)
Both countries had
totalitarian governments
172
Unit 2: Global History
MAKING CONNECTIONS
general population was affected by this ruthlessness and it has been
estimated that millions of people died as a result of execution or slave
labor during Stalin's regime. Only recently has the Soviet leadership
fully acknowledged the atrocities committed by Stalin.
History, Economics, and
Society Once
revolutionary leaders have
won a political revolution,
they may begin economic
and social revolutions. For
more information, see Unit
3, Global Society, and Unit
4, Global Economics.
PLANNED ECONOMY
Since the Communist. totalitarian phi­
losophy of the Soviet Union was incompatible with that of the coun­
tries of Western Europe and the United States, Stalin realized that
economic and military strength were necessary for the survival of the
new system. In order to fully modernize the country, he initiated a
series of Five- Year Plans. Under this planned economy, the govern­
ment had complete control over production and distribution. Emphasis
was placed on heavy industry, especially the manufacturing of war
materials, while consumer goods were neglected. By putting the needs
of the state first, Stalin succeeded in transforming Russia into a mod­
ern, industrial nation.
COLLECTIVIZA TlON Stalin forced the peasants to give up their
small farms and join collective farms controlled by the government.
Millions who opposed this policy were killed or sent to prison labor
camps in Siberia or Soviet Central Asia. In the rich agricultural farm­
lands of the Ukraine, where opposition was particularly strong, all
food supplies were seized by the government. In this way, peasants
who stood in the way of Stalin's program starved to death.
THE SOVIET UNION IN WORLD WAR II
(1941-1945)
On September 1, 1939, Hitler invaded Poland and World War II
began. The outbreak of war gave Stalin the opportunity to carry out the
historic Russian theme of expansion.
Agreement with Germany (1939)
The Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact was an agreement in
which the leaders of Germany and the Soviet Union promised not to
attack each other's country. It also contained a secret provision for the
division of Poland between them. In 1940. the Baltic nations of Esto­
nia, Latvia, and Lithuania, were annexed to the Soviet Union as sepa­
rate republics.
Joining the Allies
In 1941, Hitler broke his promise and staged a surprise attack on
the Soviet Union. This move forced Stalin to join the Allies in the war
against Germany. After a number of early defeats. the Soviets finally
rallied, helped in part by the harsh Russian winter of 1942. Following
the Battle of Stalingrad (1942-1943), the Soviet army went on the
offensive. "freeing" Czechoslovakia. Poland, Hungary, and Romania
from Nazi control. Germany surrendered in May 1945 with the fall of
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Northern Eurasia and Eastern Europe
Berlin. The war had been especially hard on the Soviet Union. and the
people viewed Stalin as a father figure. who guided them to victory
against the Nazis in the "Great Patriotic War."
173
MAKING CONNECTIONS
Control Over Eastern Europe
Guided by the principle of nationalism. Stalin took steps to
ensure that his country would never again be vulnerable to foreign
invasion. At the end of World War II, the Eastern European countries
that had been liberated from the Nazis by the Soviet anny came under
Stalin's control. Although he had promised the Western Allies that
these nations would have free elections. Stalin made sure that Com­
munist regimes loyal to the Soviet government in Moscow were
installed. These countries became known as satellites since they were
not truly independent but rather revolved around the Soviet Union. fol­
lowing its directives. Since the Soviet Union lacked geographic barri­
ers in the West. these satellites provided a buffer zone against any
future attacks from Western Europe.
One country in Eastern Europe that eluded Stalin was Yugosla­
via, which adopted the Communist philosophy but did not become a
satellite. Under the leadership of Marshal Tito. the Communists in
Yugoslavia had driven out the Nazis and taken control of the govern­
ment without the help of Stalin. Although the Soviet leader attempted
to force Yugoslavia into the satellite camp, Tito resisted and was able
to follow a policy of nonalignment. or not formally taking sides with
either the Communists or the West.
THE COLD WAR ERA (1948-1990)
Before the end of World War II. Stalin had promised the Allies to
help promote freedom, but after peace was declared he soon indicated
he had other intentions. The Soviets blocked Western efforts to reunite
Germany after a period of occupation. Instead, East Germany became
a Communist satellite of the Soviet Union. When the Soviets attempted
to force the Allies out of Berlin by blocking access routes. the Allies
responded with a massive air lift. This was the first major incident of
the Cold War-the struggle between the Communists and the West.
The Iron Curtain
Stalin was almost completely able to isolate the satellites from the
free countries of the West. Winston Churchill. the World War II prime
minister of England. compared this separation to an "iron curtain"
descending across Europe; future historians cited it as the basis of the
Cold War. Since Eastern Europe was cut off from the rest of the
world. its political and economic systems became interdependent with
those of the Soviet Union. Movements by countries such as Poland and
East Germany to break from Soviet domination were not tolerated.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Key Concept: Power and
Choice
World War II provided the
Soviets with an opportunity
to expand into Eastern
Europe. The countries of
Eastern Europe became
Communist through Soviet
military and diplomatic
pressure rather than by
democratic choice.
History For more on the
Cold War, see the section
on Western Europe in this
unit.
174
Unit 2: Global History
MAKING CONNECTIONS
The Khrushchev Regime (1953-1964)
Following the death of Stalin. a power struggle occurred as it had
after the death of Lenin. Nikita Khrushchev eventually emerged as
the undisputed leader of the Soviet Union. Although he stunned fellow
Communists by denouncing the excesses of Stalin. Khrushchev none­
theless assumed dictatorial powers. Khrushchev encouraged a policy
of "peaceful coexistence"' with the West. but Cold War tensions were
heightened by several incidents.
REVOL T IN HUNGAR Y
In 1956. Hungary's attempt to revolt
against Soviet control was crushed. Khrushchev made it clear that
Eastern Europe would remain under Soviet domination.
CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS In 1962. the United States leamed
that the Soviets had installed missile bases in Cuba. from which it was
possible to launch a nuclear attack. After President John F. Kennedy
ordered a naval blockade of Cuba. Khrushchev removed the missile
sites.
The Brezhnev Years (1964-1982)
Khrushchev's failure in the Cuban missile crisis. along with a
poor Soviet economy and growing split between the Soviet Union and
Communist China. helped lead to his removal from office in 1964.
Leonid Brezhnev succeeded Khrushchev as leader of the USSR.
Brezhnev was a hardline Communist who took a Stalinist approach in
dealing with opposition in his own country as well as in the satellites.
REPRESSION OF DISSIDENTS
Regents Tip Dissident is a
key vocabulary word.
Brezhnev did not tolerate
any form of dissent. Those who disagreed with government policies or
the Communist system were subjected to punishment or exile. Exten­
sive violations of human rights during Brezhnev's rule aroused much
concern among Western nations.
PRAGUE SPRING
In the spring of 1968. the government of
Czechoslovakia attempted to improve political. economic, and social
conditions in the country. Calling its reforms "socialism with a human
face." the government began to allow the people greater rights and
freedoms as well as economic contact with the West. Brezhnev sent in
troops to occupy the country and put an end to the experimental
reforms.
MARTIAL LAW IN POLAND
Severe economic problems dur­
ing the L970s pushed Polish workers to demand change. In 1980. Soli·
darity, a ten-million-member labor union. was formed. Led by Lech
Walesa. it demanded an end to the Communist monopoly of power and
pushed for economic reforms that would improve the working and liv­
ing conditions for the people. Pressured by the Soviets, the Polish gov­
ernment imposed maniallaw. Solidarity was outlawed and Walesa was
jailed. These actions were condemned by the Catholic Church in
Poland. a long-time opponent of the Communists. as well as by the
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Northern Eurasia and Eastern Europe
pope and the leaders of the West. Lech Walesa was finally freed in
1983 and, for leading a fight for freedom by peaceful means such as
strikes and demonstrations, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
Suppression of protests continued, however, until 1988.
175
MAKING CONNECTIONS
Detente
The massive nuclear arsenals controlled by the Soviets and the
Americans caused fear that a war between the countries could mean
mutual destruction. This fear prompted the adoption of a policy of
detente by both the United States and the Soviet Union during the
1970s. Detente, or a easing of tensions in the Cold War, included arms
control talks and cultural exchanges. Improved relations between the
Soviet Union and the U.S. were hurt, however, by such events as the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979.
History and Political
Science For more on
detente, see the section on
Northern Eurasia and
Eastern Europe in Unit 5,
Global Politics.
NORTHERN EURASIA SINCE 1985
Mikhail Gorbachev assumed the role of leader of the Soviet
Union in 1985. Compared to previous Soviet rulers, he was young and
energetic as well as determined to change his country for the better. In
his five years in power, Gorbachev pursued three major reform pro­
grams.
GLASNOST
Glasnost was a policy of greater "openness" within
Soviet society and in dealings with other countries. This policy
allowed the people more freedom to criticize the government, and
political dissidents had better treatment. Gorbachev also met with
Western leaders to work out arms reductions and cultural exchanges.
History and Political
Science For more on
glasnost and
democratization, see the
section on Northern Eurasia
and Eastern Europe in Unit
5, Global Politics.
DEMOCRA TlZA TION
Under democratization the people of the
Soviet Union were granted a more meaningful voice in the govern­
ment. A freely elected government body was created and political par­
ties other than the Communist Party were allowed to exist and
function.
PERESTROIKA Gorbachev's plan for economic reform was
called perestroika, which means "restructuring." It was a loosening
of the government's grip on the Soviet economy.
A NEW ERA
A group of hard-line Communist leaders tried to
seize power in August 1991. The Soviet people, led by Russian Repub­
lic president Boris Yeltsin, resisted the takeover attempt, and it failed
in less than a week. Gorbachev returned to power as Soviet president,
but the Soviet Union was changed forever. In only a few weeks, the
three Baltic republics, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, became inde­
pendent countries. The 12 remaining republics are independent coun­
tries that are members of a new, democratic Commonwealth of
Independent States.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
nl~
ot>t> (C\IPLE
176
Unit 2: Global History
MAKING CONNECTIONS
Eastern European countries have already been given their freedom, as
symbolized by such acts as the bringing down of the Berlin Wall and
the reunification of Germany. Improved relations with the West,
marked by impressive arms reduction agreements, brought about the
end of the Cold War. Dramatic events in 1991-1992 saw the dissolu­
tion of the Soviet Union and subsequent birth of a democratic Com­
monwealth of Independent States.
MAJOR HISTORICAL THEMES
1. Both Russian and Soviet history were influenced by a policy of
expansion.
2. The idea of autocracy came from the example of the Byzantine
Empire and the Mongols. Autocracy has been useful in governing a
large amount of territory and number of people.
3. The Revolution of 1917 was brought on by a number of factors that
created an intolerable situation.
4. Lenin adapted the theories of Marx to fit the Russian situation in
bringing about the Communist revolution.
5. Stalin used brutal tactics to establish a totalitarian state, which was
maintained by his successors.
6. The history of eastern Europe has been marked by domination by
foreign powers.
7. The reform policies of Mikhail Gorbachev led to dramatic changes
in Northern Eurasia, Eastern Europe, and the world.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Source B
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Unit 7: E. Europe, Russia, & C. Asia- Contemporary Nations
319
III. Contemporary Nations And Cultures
A. U.S.S.R. Becomes A Totalitarian State
Civil War
During the period of the civil war in Russia (1917-1921), the Bolsheviks
effectively used the well trained Red Army under the leadership of Leon
Trotsky. The opponents of the Reds, the Whites, included former tsarist
army officers, land-owning nobles, members of the middle class, Russia's for­
mer World War I allies, and some of the peasantry. However, the White effort
was not coordinated and frequently consisted of isolated resistance on the
fringes of the country while the Reds controlled the interior. Victims of the
civil war were the Tsar and his family, all of whom )'Vere shot by the Bolshe­
viks to keep them from being liberated by an advancing White Army.
I~
Choice
'~
During the civil war, the Bolsheviks followed a policy called War
Communism. This policy turned control of industries over to the
workers, called for peasant ownership of the land, and seizure of
farm surpluses for distribution to the cities. By 1921, production
was less than 50% of pre-World War I levels. It is also interesting
to note that one of the first structures established by the new re­
gime was the Cheka (secret police).
Lenin
At the end of the civil war, Lenin made the
determination to "take one step backward" in order to
revive the economy. He initiated the New
Economic Policy (NEP). This policy
allowed some capitalism in the economy.
The government retained ownership of the
"commanding heights" of the economy, that is, the
major natural resources and industries. Others
were turned over to private ownership. Farmers were
allowed to sell their surpluses in a free market and
to keep the profits. As a consequence, by 1928,
production was restored to pre-World War I levels.
Stalin And Trotsky Struggle For Power
Lenin died in 1924 before he had the opportunity to see the full effects of
the NEP. His death led to a struggle for power between his followers, Josef
Stalin and Leon Trotsky.
Stalin had been in charge of ethnic minorities under Lenin and had later
become First Secretary of the Communist Party which gave him access to
all Party records, intimate knowledge of the background of Party members,
and the ability to appoint followers to high positions.
Stalin was known for his machiavellian tendencies and willingness to be
ruthless. He believed that it was possible to have a proletarian revolution in
one country, build up that country, and eventually export revolution to other
areas.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
320
Global Studies - A Review Text
©
N&N
I~
Trotsky had a base of power in the Red Army which was
largely his creation. He was a brilliant orator and known for
his command of Marxist ideology. He believed in immediate
world wide revolution. Stalin emerged as the victor, Trotsky was exiled and later killed in Mexico, perhaps on the
orders of Stalin. General Secretary of the Communist Party has become an
extremely important position in the Soviet hierarchy, and subsequent rulers
have all held this position.
Political Systems
VV'
Stalin's Totalitarian Regime
Trotsky was not the only one to suffer at Sta­
lin's hands. During the late 1930's, Stalin carried
out a purge of the Party to eliminate any opposi­
tion or suspected opposition. Leftists who were
accused of Trotsky leanings were executed as were
rightists who were accused of favoring a less se­
vere policy in dealing with peasants.
Very significant, however, in terms of subse­
quent European history, Stalin also purged the
leadership of the Red Army in the period right
before the outbreak of World War II. This purge is
sometimes cited as one of the reasons for the Nazi­
Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 as Stalin
needed time to train new Red Army leaders.
Josef Stalin
Economically, Stalin decided to abandon the NEP. In 1928, he began the
fIrst of the 5-year plans. He called for government ownership of all the
means of production with a government central planning agency to make
basic economic decisions, in effect a command economy. However, some
capitalistic principles, long denounced as unfair, were included. Most factory
workers were paid on a piece-work basis and factory managers were
rewarded or punished based on whether their factories met production quotas
established by the government.
Stalin was primarily concerned with the development of heavy industry
and did little with consumer or light industry. In order to achieve his
industrial objectives, changes were made in the agricultural sector of the
economy also.
Ualin needed workers for his factories, but he also needed high
agricultural productivity to feed the population and to earn foreign
currencies to pay for necessary machinery imports. To achieve
these objectives, he ordered that the small peasant farms be
merged into large collective farms to be run by the government
and cooperatively farmed by the peasants. He hoped that this
would permit increased mechanization, increase production, and
free some peasants for factory work.
~
Choice
VV'
Collectivization also gave the government more ability to control farm
production and plan the economy as a whole. On collective farms, the peas­
ants were to share in the profIts. In addition, they were allowed private plots
of about one acre in size, which they could farm for their own profIt.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
,
"
Unit 7: E. Europe, Russia, Be C. Asia- Contemporary Nations
321
There was tremendous opposition from the peasants, especially in Ukraine.
Most peasants had supported the communists based on the pledge to give
them land. Stalin was ruthless in dealing with the opposition. Many were ex­
ecuted and thousands were sent into Siberian exile. However, the peasants
were ingenious in showing their opposition through the slaughter of livestock.
It took nearly 20 years to bring the herds back to the levels of the 1930's.
The industrialization of the Soviet Union was very successful.
No western country had ever shown as much growth in a period I l~'\
comparable to the fIrst two 5-year plans. Production of iron and Technology
steel increased four times, and coal three and a half times be­
~
tween 1928 and 1938.
By 1939, only Germany and the United States exceeded the Soviet Union
in gross industrial output. Much of this development was east of the Ural
Mountains in new industrial centers. This proved to be a wise move when
Hitler later invaded the older industrial areas of the western U.S.S.R.
Totalitarian Government Changes
In 1922, Russia became the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(U.S.S.R.). There were four republics at first: the Russian Federation, the
Ukraine, Byelorussia, and Transcaucasia. By World War II, there were fIf­
teen. The 1922 Constitution gave ethnic groups in the republics certain pow­
ers within the union. As time went on, Stalin centralized power in Moscow.
He created a new authoritarian constitution in 1936. Ethnic groups in the
republics lost powers. Brezhnev changed the constitution slightly in 1977 to
give different gT01:pS more rights on paper, but not in practice.
Lenin's 1922 Constitution created a national legislature - the Supreme
Soviet. It was a bicameral body. Representatives of the people served in the
Soviet of the Union. Representatives of the republics and territories served in
the Soviet of Nationalities. These houses became "rubber stamp" bodies. They
merely endorsed decisions of Communist Party leaders.
The Supreme Soviet appointed a Council of Ministers.
~
It ran the country's daily operations. The leader of the Political Systems
Council was the Premier, the real head of the government.
~
The U.S.S.R. was a one-party totalitarian state. From Lenin
through Gorbachev, party leaders and government leaders were the same
people. Real power rested in the party's leadership committee, the Politboro.
The leader of the Politboro, the First Secretary, usually became the Premier
of the government. Periodically, the government held elections. However,
there was only one candidate, the Communist Party candidate. As a result,
the U.S.S.R. became a totalitarian state ruled by the elite of the Communist
Party.
B. Totalitarian Government After Stalin
Khrushchev
Stalin died in 1953. A struggle for power took place in the Politboro. Nikita
S. Khrushchev won the struggle. He was a strong, clever man, but not as
ruthless as Stalin. In fact, Khrushchev shocked the nation by denouncing
Stalin. He reviled the long-time dictator for a variety of crimes: personal
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
322
Globdl Sfudie.s - A Review Text
© N&
N
cowardice, foreign policy mistakes, and terrorizing citi­
zens. The attacks on Stalin's reputation boosted Khrush­
chev's popularity with younger party leaders. Stalin's old
line supporters were angered. They avoided open criticism
of Khrushchev, but quietly sabotaged his policies.
Khrushchev wanted to improve the Soviet standard of
living. He said government spent too much on heavy in­
dustry and military production. He tried to increase agriKhrushchev
cultural production and consumer goods. Khrushchev tried
to reduce the power of central economic planners. He also
tried to open new lands in Central Asia to settlers. This "Virgin Lands Pro­
gram" failed because the climate was poor for the crops the government
ordered the settlers to grow. This failure helped to topple Khrushchev.
Khrushchev's worst blunders came in foreign policy. At heart, he wanted to
prove communist societies gave people a better life. To do this, he wanted to
diminish the costly arms race with the U.S. and its allies. Khrushchev spoke
of "peaceful coexistence" with the Western democracies. However, his con­
struction of the Berlin Wall, placement of nuclear missiles in Cuba, and the
disputes with Mao's China all hurt the chances for coexistence. His old
enemies in the Politboro forced Khrushchev to retire in 1964.
Brezhnev
In the mid 1960's, Leonid Brezhnev emerged from another Politboro
struggle in the Kremlin (central government compound in Moscow). By the
1970's, Brezhnev was First Secretary and Premier. Like Khrushchev, he fIrst
tried to cut down central planning to produce more consumer goods. The
quality of goods improved, but quantities fell short of needs. By the early
1980's, military and heavy equipment production once again received econom­
ic priority.
Brezhnev's foreign policy was uneven. Friction continued with China. In
1968, Brezhnev ordered an invasion of Czechoslovakia to stop democratic re­
formers from taking power. Relations with the Western democratic nations
improved. Brezhnev signed several treaties on arms and human rights (see
SALT and Helsinki Accords). There was more cooperation on Middle East
problems.
Cultural Diversity In The U.S.S.R.
Ethnic Groups
/fP$(\
Diversity
~
Armenians
Azeris
Bashkirs
Byelorussians
Chuvash
Georgians
Germans
Jews
Kazakhs
Latvians
Lithuanians
Moldavians
Russians
Tators
Tadzhiks
Turkmen
Ukrainians
Uzbeks
Religions
Armenian Church
Buddhists
Evangelical Baptists
Georgian Orthodox
Judaism
Lutherans
Roman Catholic
Russian Orthodox
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
326
Globdl Studies - A Review Text
© N &N
B. Decline Of Totalitarian Rule
Gorbachev Brings Change
Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985. He was a younger leader in the
Politboro who began to change the governmental structure. His glasnost pol­
icy allowed people more freedom to criticize and try to reform the govern­
ment. He allowed dissidents to leave the country, permitted more Jews to
emigrate, and freed some political prisoners.
Under Gorbachev, constitutional reforms gave more
power to a new national legislature (Congress of the
Peoples' Deputies) and created a stronger Presiden­
cy. The control of the Communist Party diminished.
Reforms allowed rival parties.
Gorbachev was less successful at reforming the com­
mand structure of the economy. His perestroika pol­
icy allowed the people to explore market economy forc­
es such as self interest, competition, credit, and profit.
It promoted privately owned small business. It en­
couraged local plant managers to decide about the
quality and quantity of consumer goods.
Gorbachev
In foreign policy, Gorbachev reduced Soviet influence in Eastern Europe.
This allowed democratic movements to grow. Mass demonstrations and pro­
tests toppled communist rule. Germans tore down the Berlin Wall and the re­
unified their countI'y in 1989. The Warsaw Pact dissolved in 1991. Summit
meetings with Western leaders reduced missiles and military presence in
Europe. Some hailed this as an end to the Cold War. Gorbachev received the
Nobel Peace Prize in 1990.
While Gorbachev became a hero abroad, his cautiousness toward reform
created instability at home. Anti-reform Politboro members launched a coup
against him in the summer of 1991. Democratic resistance rallied around the
Russia!1 Federation President Boris Yeltsin. The Red Army refused the coup
leaders' orders to fire on civilians. The coup and the U.S.S.R disintegrated.
The Success
of Gorbachev
... the world loves me,
but willi also be a
hero at home ?...
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Unit 7: E. Europe, Russia, & C. Asia- Contemporary Nations
327
Just before the coup, Gorbachev prepared a new Treaty of Union to return
real power in local and regional matters to the republics. Mter the coup, re­
publics began to declare independence. Gorbachev could not hold the country
together and resigned as President. The totalitarian state that Lenin created
in 1917 faded into history.
Yeltsin Begins A New Era
Mter the aborted coup against Gorbachev, Boris
Yeltsin emerged as a key personality. Yeltsin origi­
nally rose through Communist Party ranks with
Gorbachev's help. By 1987, he felt Politboro lead­
ers would not permit Gorbachev to reform the
U.S.S.R. Yeltsin resigned from the Communist
Party. He won the Presidency of the Russian SFSR
Parliament as an independent reform candidate.
Soon after, he won the first democratic election for
President of the Russian SFSR. While the coup
leaders held Gorbachev prisoner in the Crimea,
Yeltsin led public demonstrations defying the coup.
Boris Yeltsin
The coup fell apart when Red Army commanders and troops refused to fire
on their own people. Gorbachev returned and resigned from the Communist
Party. However, it was clear he had to share power with Yeltsin. Mter
Gorbachev recognized the independence of the Baltic Republics (Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania) in 1991, Yeltsin organized the Commonwealth of
Independent States. Gorbachev was forced to resign and the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics came to an end.
Yeltsin's economic reform programs led to hardship for many in the popula­
tion. Corruption and mounting crime impeded critical investment from
abroad. Disgruntlement led to a resurgence of the Communist Party in the
1995 parliamentary elections. Nationalist groups also grew in popularity.
Yeltsin's chronic health problems created concern about his ability to lead. In
the mid-1996 presidential election, he defeated a strong communist challenge
from Gennadi Zyuganov. In the fall, an ailing Yeltsin won an internal
struggle by ousting General Alexander Lebed from his Kremlin power base.
In November 1996, Yeltsin emerged from extensive heart surgery and strong­
ly reasserted his leadership.
~
The Soviet
"Ship Of State" Sinks,
Leaving The Former
(I
Republics To Survive~
On Their Own. ~;"'--7'"~
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
328
Global Studies - A Review Text
©
N& N
A New Power Structure
The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
became a loose alliance of former Soviet republics with
little central control. Critics compare it to the weak U.S.
government under the Articles of Confederation (1781­
1789). CIS members agree on only a few policies.
The U.N. gave Russia the Security Council seat that belonged to the
U.S.S.R. Other republics applied for U.N. membership. Yeltsin continued the
Gorbachev's pattern of foreign policy. He shares some control of the nuclear
arsenal with other CIS members. However, the republics oversee the bases on
their soil. Questions about the military, foreign policy, currency, and trade
relations remain unanswered.
Like Yeltsin in Russia, new leaders in the Ukraine, Belarus, and
,~ Kazakhstan
control their new governments. Unresolved civil strug­
Change
~
gles plague the Transcaucasian and Central Asian regions. In some
areas, the Communist Party retains power.
Economic chaos concerns leaders. Market systems work on trial and error.
It takes time before consumers and producers achieve price equilibriums. In
Russia, the government ended many price controls, but currency is unstable
and shortages of most products exist. Russians are fearful and angry. Some
have demanded a return to the communist system. Some foreign aid is help­
ing Russia. Yeltsin seeks more. However, private foreign investors lack confi­
dence to risk long term investment in the region's development.
The Force Of Nationalism In The Region
In the western areas of the region, Slavic groups dominate Russia, Belarus,
and the Ukraine. They use the Cyrillic alphabet and are mainly Eastern
Orthodox Christians. They are strongly nationalistic and guard their inde­
pendence fiercely.
In the Baltics, the Latvians, Lithuanians, and Estonians differ linguistical­
ly and culturally from the Slavic groups. The Baltics share a long history of
struggles for their existence. They use the Latin alphabet and are mainly
Roman Catholics and Protestants. The Baltic Republics have strong national
identities. As coastal nations, their sea links with Poland and Western
Europe are vital to survival.
~
'IdeIltitY'
~'
The Transcaucasian region is in turmoil. Among the more than
forty ethnic groups there are many diversities of language, tradi­
tions, and religions. Christian Armenians and Muslim Azerbaija­
nis have been in an armed struggle over territory for years.
The forces of tradition and modernization threaten the Central Asian
republics. Islam and Muslim culture predominate. Turkish and Iranian influ­
ences are strong. Political possibilities range from a new federation to further
fragmentation.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Source C
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
IThe Cold War
In 1945, the victorious Allied leaders were faced with creating a lasting peace.
From the start, mistrust between the Soviet Union and the West made this diffi­
cult. While this mistrust grew into hostility, it never heated up into another con­
flict such as World War II. Yet, this "cold" struggle between East and West was no
friendly rivalry. The Cold War was a battle of words and propaganda, involving
competition in science, weapons, and in seeking allies among the emerging
nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. It was a war in every way. The two new
superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, had conflicting philoso­
phies about politics, economics, and human rights. The nations of Europe were
divided between them, and the rest of the world became the arena in which these
two sides would wrestle for influence and control.
.
Agreements During World
War II (1943-1945)
The Mistrust Between the Allies
Although they were allies, the great mistrust between the Soviet Union, the
United States, and Great Britain made them uneasy partners against the Axis pow­
ers. The reasons were mainly philosophical, political, and historical:
1. Communist theory viewed the capitalist nations as enemies, claiming that
communism would one day spread over the earth.
2. Since the Communists came to power in 1917, the leaders of the Western
capitalist democracies viewed them as threats and said so.
3. Allied support of the White Army during the Russian Civil War (1918-1921).
The United States and Great Britain had landed troops on Russian soil dur­ ing the conflict, thus adding to the Soviet fear of invasion.
4. The United States did not officially recognize the USSR until 1933.
5. The dictatorial, police-state policies of the USSR contrasted with the democ­
ratic ideals of the Western nations.
Opposition to Nazi Germany was the only bond that held them together. Once
that was gone, the old suspicions reappeared. The decisions made during the
peace settlements in the years immediately following the war laid the groundwork
for the Cold War by dividing Europe into two specific spheres of political influ­
ence (communist and democratic) .
The Teheran Conference (1943)
The first conference took place in Teheran (Iran) in 1943 between the Soviet
dictator Joseph Stalin, United States President Franklin Roosevelt and British
Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill (see Chapter 32, 'World War II"). At that
meeting, Stalin agreed to bring the USSR into the war against Japan after the
defeat of Germany, while the United States and Great Britain agreed to open a
second front in France, forcing the Nazis to divide their army. Stalin rejected a
proposal that they open another front in Eastern Europe, which would have given
the British and Americans greater influence in the region.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Yalta Conference (February 1945)
The second conference took place at Yalta (Crimea) in February of 1945. While
they agreed on the establishment of the United Nations (see Chapter 33, 'The
United Nations and Postwar Western Europe"), the complete "de-Nazification" of
Germany, and the creation of four occupation zones (United States, Great Britain,
Fran.::e, and the USSR) within that nation, the Allies soon disagreed on the post­
war fate of Eastern Europe. Stalin argued that Eastern Europe, which was already
occupied by Soviet troops, was vital to the USSR's security as Russia had been
invaded through these countries for centuries. He insisted that the Soviet Union
be given some measure of control over the region. Both Roosevelt and Churchill
objected, and it was finally agreed that free general elections be held in these
nations as soon as possible.
The Potsdam Conference Guly 1945)
The last meeting of the three Allies took place in Potsdam (Germany) in July of
1945. At this conference, the only original member left was Stalin, as Roosevelt
had died and Churchill had lost that year's election in Britain. The United States
was represented by the new president, Harry Truman, and Great Britain by its new
prime minister, Clement Attlee. Even though they once again agreed on matters
concerning Germany, Eastern Europe was still a sensitive issue. The vague assur­
ance of free elections in the near future was all the Western Allies could obtain
from Stalin.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Soviet Satellites in
Eastern Europe
The Descent of the Iron Curtain
With the spirit of cooperation already disappearing after the Potsdam Confer­
ence, Stalin ignored the previous agreements and forced Communist dictator­
ships on the Eastern European nations of Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and
Hungary, beginning in 1945. Independent local Communist regimes had estab­
lished themselves in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Albania, initially appearing as
friendly to the USSR The Allies were infuriated at the creation of these Soviet
satellite nations (smaller nations controlled by a larger one). Truman denounced
the new governments and Churchill added a new term to the political vocabulary
when he warned of an '1ron Curtain" dividing a free and democratic West from an
East under totalitarian rule. Stalin retaliated by calling the Western democracies
the enemies of communism. While not all the Eastern European Communist lead­
ers were obedient to Stalin, their nations nevertheless became known as the Soviet
Bloc, or Eastern Bloc. This grouping, also called the Communist bloc, stood in
contrast to the Western Bloc, or the ''Free World" bloc.
The Division of Berlin The breakdown of cooperation was felt most strongly in Germany, which was still
divided into zones of occupation. Berlin, the former German capital city, which
was within the Soviet zone, was itself divided into four occupation sectors. Access
to the individual sectors was only through the Soviet zone. In 1947, the British,
French, and American zones joined together for economic reasons. With this
union, the Western powers took the first steps toward establishing West Germany
(see Chapter 32-, 'World War II").
The Policy of Mter the war in Europe, Communist rebels captured northern Greece with the
Containment assistance of the Albanians and Soviet backing, leading to the Greek Civil War
(1945-1948). Similar rebellions took place in Turkey and Iran. In response to
these acts of Soviet expansionism, President Truman announced the Truman Doc­
trine in 1947. This was a policy to support any free nation trying to resist being
forcibly taken over by another power. As a result of this, the United States sent
military and economic aid to assist those countries fighting Communist forces.
The Truman Doctrine was part of new American policy known as Containment.
Developed in 1946 by American diplomat George Kennan, the Containment theo­
ry argued that only through determined and continued resistance could the
advance of ;;;oviet power be stopped. Communism, he believed, had to be "con­
tained" where it already existed and not be allowed to spread. Communism and
Soviet power were viewed, in a sense, as a contagious disease. The disease had to
be contained before it "infected" other parts of the globe.
The Containment policy was further pursued with the Marshall Plan later that
year. Proposed by the American Secretary of State George Marshall, the Marshall
Plan was a broad program of economic assistance to help Europe recover from
the devastation of the war. Marshall feared that if economic conditions got bad
enough in Western Europe, successful Communist revolutions might occur there.
Both the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan were highly successful. By 1948,
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
the Communist rebellions in Greece, Turkey, and Iran had been defeated and the
Western European nations underwent a remarkable economic recovery.
Cominform and the CEMA. In 1947, as a way of countering U.S. economic
involvement in Western Europe, the Soviet Union established the Communist
Information Bureau or Cominform. This was an organization designed to better
coordinate the policies of the Soviet Union and the nations of Eastern Europe. In
reality it was a restoration of the Cominterm or Communist International, which
worked for world revolution. The following year a Soviet version of the Marshall
Plan, the Council for Economic Mutual Assistance, was created. In reality, these
policies merely tightened the USSR's grip on its Eastern European satellites.
The Division of As tensions in Germany grew greater, the Soviets cut off all access routes between
Germany Berlin and the Western occupation zones in June of 1948. This trapped the West­
erners living in the city. In response, the United States established the Berlin Air­
lift, which flew food, fuel, and supplies to the Western sectors. With the Berlin
Airlift making the blockade ineffectual, the Soviets decided not to escalate the cri­
sis and re-opened the access routes in May of 1949. A month later, the Western
Allies established the Federal Republic of Germany or West Germany as it came to
be known. The Soviets respond.ed by creating an East Germany, the German
Democratic Republic, in their zone.
The Creation of NATO The mounting tension between the East and West gradually led to military
alliances. In April of 1949, representatives of twelve Western nations signed the
North Atlantic Pact. This was a mutual defense agreemen.t (if one nation is
attacked, the others will come to its aid) between the United States, Great Britain,
France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Denmark, Norway, Iceland,
Canada, Italy, and Portugal. In 1952, Greece and Turkey joined, followed by West
Germany in 1955. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was estab­
lished to coordinate the activities of the alliance, and be ready to respond to any
acts of Soviet expansion in Europe.
The Creation of the The Soviets responded to West Germany's joining of NATO with the creation of
Warsaw Pact the Warsaw Pact in 1955. This was a military alliance of the Soviet Union with
Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Romania.
YUgoslavia, under the independent Communist leader Tito, refused to join. (In
1961, Albania left both the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Bloc.)
The Arms Race
Both alliances now began to stockpile huge quantities of arms. They enlarged
their armed forces, increased military spending, and s~nt spies into each other's
member nations. Thus, as the 1950s came to a close, it appeared that a frighten­
ing repetition of history was occuring. The two military alliances were reminders
of the "two armed camps" of the alliances that existed before World War I (see
Chapter 30, "World War 1"). Both the Triple Alliance and Triple Entente claimed
to be merely defensive in purpose. That is, that each would fight only if attacked
by the other. A similar policy was echoed by NATO and the Warsaw Pact. Yet, the
existence of these two groupings made the world more alarmed than was the case
with the earlier alliances, for these reasons:
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
1. NATO and the Warsaw Pact had many more member nations, spanning
three continents.
2. Their armed forces were larger.
3. Their weapons were newer and more deadly. Air forces, intercontinental
missiles, and atomic power came to be possessed by both sides.
4. Fear and distrust on both sides was enormous. The West was upset with the
USSR's post-World War II expansion into Eastern Europe, Stalin's treachery,
and the messianic belief of the Communists that spoke of inevitable world
domination. The Soviets claimed that the Western powers were "ganging
up" on them. NATO was seen as a threat to the Soviets, reminiscent of two
previous invasions of Russia from the West (Napoleon in 1812 and Hitler in
1941).
Amidst such tensions, we should not be surprised to find their effect on many
other global areas.
The Creation of SEATO The rise of Communist regimes in China under Mao Zedong and North Korea
under Kim n-5"\lng in 1949 created panic in the West. These nations were friendly
with the USSR, taking a similar anti-Western and anti-American stance. When
North Korea attacked South Korea in 1950, United Nations forces, led by the
United States, went to war. The conflict became known as the Korean War
(1950-1953). An armistice brought the fighting to a temporary halt. However, no
peace treaty formally ending the war was ever signed. North Korea received
weapons from the USSR, as well as both arms and manpower from Communist
China. Yet, the North Koreans failed to take the South. This was considered a suc­
cessful application of the Containment Policy by the United States and its allies as
it had stopped Communist expansion and re-established the status quo (e~sting
state of affairs) before the war.
The United States, in the forefront of having successfully protected a nation
from Communist domination, became more convinced of the importance of prac­
ticing Containment. In 1954, U.S. President Eisenhower expanded the Western
anti-Communist alliance system with the creation of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO). This included the United States, Great Britain, France,
Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand, and Pakistan.
The Policy of Peaceful In 1953, Stalin died and control of the USSR government went to much more
Co-Existence moderate leadership. The new Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev (r. 1956-1964),
adapted a doctrine called "Peaceful Co-existence." This was a policy of peaceful
competition between the East and the West that would be based on greater
achievement as a means of influencing non-allied nations. In the USSR,
Khrushchev had begun several reforms in domestic policy and had a reputation
for being a reformer (see Chapter 36, 'The Collapse of Communism in the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe").
In July of 1955, President Eisenhower, British Prime Minister Anthony Eden,
and Fre~ch Premier Edgar Faure met with Khrushchev in Geneva, Switzerland.
Known as the Geneva Summit, it was a breakthrough in Soviet-Western relations
since the start of the Cold War in 1945.
The Berlin Crisis (1958) The tension soon returned, however, as Khrushchev began a campaign to demili­
tarize and neutralize West Berlin in November of 1958. He demanded that the
Western powers pull out all military personnel and equipment from Berlin in six
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
months or he would tum the city over to the East Germans (The GDR was a gov­
ernment that the West did not recognize). When the Western powers refused to
give in, Khrushchev let the deadline pass, ending the Berlin Crisis of 1958. This
event was viewed internationally as an embarrassment to the Communists. The
Soviet premier agreed to meet, lith Eisenhower at a summit in Paris in 1960, but
the capture of an American U-2 spy plane carrying out surveillance operations
over Soviet territory resulted in its cancellation.
In early 1961, Khrushchev renewed his pressure on the Western powers about
West Berlin. In August, the Soviets and East Germans closed the border between
East and West Berlin and began the construction of a wall that divided the city.
The Berlin Wall, which was built to prevent East Germans from escaping to the
West, became a symbol of Communist oppresssion in Eastern Europe. Even
though the crisis subsided, relations between East and West began to deteriorate.
The Cuban Missile Crisis When the revolutionary leader Fidel Castro took power in Cuba in 1959, he was at
(1962) first welcomed as a relief to the niilitary dictatorship of General Fulgencio Batista.
By 1960, however, Castro had made it clear that he was clearly within the Commu­
nist camp and strengthened his ties with the USSR and Communist China. Seeing
Castro as a threat to American security, the United States responded by arming
and preparing a military force composed of Cuban exiles to overthrow the
regime. The failure of this group at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 drove Castro to seek
assistance from the Soviet Union. The Soviets provided Castro with conventional
-arms, but also began to construct missile launching pads for intermediate range
missiles. United States PresidentJohn Kennedy demanded that the missiles be dis­
mantled. He ordered a blockade to prevent Soviet ships from bringing further
equipment to Cuba. After tense negotiations, Khrushchev removed the missiles.
Kennedy pledged not to invade Cuba and to pull NATO missiles out of Turkey.
After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the Washington-Moscow hotline (tele­
phone that linked the U.S. president with the premier of the USSR) was estab­
lished in case of another crisis. Following-the crisis, the United States and the
USSR signed the first Nuclear Test Ban in July of 1963, which agreed to stop the
testing of nuclear weapons in the air. This was the first agreement of its kind,
indicative of the changes the Cuban Missile Crisis had created. In October of
1964, however, the reform-minded Khrushchev was removed from office and
replaced with the hard-line Communist Leonid Brezhnev (see Chapter 36, "The
Collapse of Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe"). This resulted
in a return to a more antagonistic Soviet foreign policy and a renewal of strained
relations between the two superpowers.
The Decline of the Cold War
(1972-1991)
The Policy of Detente
As the decade progressed, there was an improvement in East-West relations.
Beginning with the presidency of Richard Nixon, a "thaw" in the Cold War began.
Relations improved between the United States and its Western Allies, and the Sovi­
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Europe During the Cold War
e
NATO Alllance,1955
~ Orlglnal EEC Members, 1957
~
Communist Bloc (Members
~ of Warsaw Pact and COMECON)
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
et Union. A policy of Detente (understanding) was
adopted and new conferences on arms control fol­
lowed. In 1972 and 1979, two Strategic Arms Limita­
tions Treaties (SALT I and SALT II) were signed,
which put limited restrictions on weapons production.
Detente declined in the early 1980s due to the
Soviet invasion of Mghanistan in 1979 and the imposi­
tion of military government by the Soviet Union on
Poland in 1981. To the West, these actions seemed to
be a return to the expansionist policies of Stalin's
rule. However, both policies met with great resistance
within the Soviet Bloc. The war in Mghanistan cost
thousands of lives and became very unpopular in the
USSR, sparking desertions in the army and protests at
home. The crackdown in Poland only served to unify
the Polish people in their opposition to Soviet domi­
nation (see Chapter 36, ''The Collapse of Commu­
nism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe").
The End of the Cold War
Mter Mikhail Gorbachev (r. 1985-1991) became
the Soviet leader in 1985, relations with the West, par­
ticularly the United States, improved. Gorbachev's
policies of Glasnost (openness) and Perestroika
Map ofEurope during the Cold War: the above map shows the
(restructuring) brought political and economic
division ofEurope during the Cold War (1945-1991). Note
reforms which were viewed with admiration in the
that the democratic and Communist alliances are roughly
West (see Chapter 36, "The Collapse of Communism
equivalent to the traditional cultural divisions between Eastern in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe"). In Decem­
and Western Eu"rope.
ber of 1987, American President Ronald Reagan and
Gorbachev signed the Intermediate Range Nuclear
Forces Treaty (INF) at the Washington Summit. This was an agreement to destroy
all American and Soviet missiles within a range of 315 to 3,125 miles within three
years. It was the first American-Soviet agreement to actually reduce the level of
arms.
In 1988, Gorbachev began to pullout Soviet troops from Eastern Europe (the
Gorbachev Doctrine). This was followed by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and
with it almost all the Communist regimes of Eastern Europe (see Chapter 36,
'The Collapse of Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe"). With
the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in Eastern Europe, the need for the NATO alliance
lessened. In December of 1989, American President George Bush and Gorbachev
officially declared the end of the Cold War at the Malta Conference. The struggle
that had divided both Europe and the world for 45 years was finally over.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
T.ac~s
pink were lighting the predawn sky when hundreds of
I ;oVletofsoldiers
heard the roar of planes approaching the airfidd
on the Crimean Peninsula along the north shore of the Black Sea.
The. planes. bore the in~i~as of the Soviet Union}s two major·
wartIme allies} Great Bntam and the United States. They carried
ab?~t 700 passengers}. including Winston Churchill} the British prime·
DllIllster} and Franklin D. Roosevelt} the American president. The
date was February 3} 1945.
At th~ airp?rt} a Red Army band greeted the leaders} playing each
country s natIOnal anthem. Soviet officials led their visitors to three
nearby tents where they dined on smoked salmon and caviar. Then
they set out on a six-hour automobile ride over winding mountain
roads to the small Black Sea resort cit)( of Yalta.
At Yalta} Roosevelt and Churchill were greeted
by their Soviet counterpart Joseph Stalin. Together
the three Allied leaders toasted the defeat of
Germany that now seemed certain. World War IT
was nearly over. Churchill spoke of lithe broad
sunlight of victorious peace.
Victorious peace} however, meant different
things to each of the three leaders. For Churchill}
it meant a free and democratic Europe that Britain
would lead, thanks to its centuries-old parlia­
mentary traditions and its mighty empire. For
Stalin} victorious peace meant increased Soviet
power and a chance to safeguard the USSR against
any further invasions from the West. Finally} for
Roosevelt} victorious peace meant a world in
which democracy could thrive under the lead­
ership of the United States.
These differences were reflected in the dis­
cussions of the three leaders at Yalta during eight
fateful days. The question of Germanis future}
for example} was hotly debated. Stalin-his
country devastated by German armies in both
world wars-favored a harsh approach. He wanted
to keep Germany permanently divided into
occupation zones-areas controlled by Allied
military forces-so that it would never threaten
the Soviet Union again. At the same time} he
wanted to ensure that governments in neighboring
countries such as Poland were friendly to the
Soviet Union to provide even more security for
the future.
Churchill disagreed strongly} but Roosevelt
played the part of mediator. While the American
president shared Churchill}s desire for inde­
pendent} democratic countries throughout Europe}
he was prepared to make concessions to Stalin
for two reasons. First} he hoped that the Soviet
Union woule quickly join the war against Japan
in the Pacific. That struggle was expected to
continue for another year or more. (The first test
of the atom bomb was still five months away.)
Second} Roosevelt wanted Stalin}s support for a
new world peacekeeping orgaItization} the United
Nations} that he felt would make war a thing
of the past.
JI
Like most such c;onferences} the historical
at Yalta produced a series of compro­
nnses. Churchill and Roosevelt agreed to a tem­
porary division of Germany. Meanwhile Stalin
agreed to join the war against Japan. He also
agreed to participate in an international conference
to take place in April in San Francisco. There}
Rooseveles dream of a United Nations would
become a reality.
Sadly} just two weeks, before that conference}
President Roosevelt died suddenly. The millions
who mourned his passing shared his hopes for
the future. IIWe really believed in our hearts
one Roosevelt adviser later recalled} IIthat this
was the dawn of the new day we had all been
praying for and talking about for so many years.}}
Unfortunately such hopes were quickly dashed.
Almost before the last Nazi guns were silenced
in 1945} a great rift developed between the former
Allies. As you will see} the United States and
the So~et Union became competing superpowers,
or dommant world powers. Their bitter rivalry
cast a dark shadow across Europe and the world.
This climate of icy tension between the su­
perpowers} which people came to call the Cold
War, lasted for several decades after World War IT.
This chapter deals first with the two great Cold
War rivals} the United States and the Soviet
Union. It then examines how the once-mighty
continent of Europe became the major battle­
ground in their struggle for supremacy.
m~eting
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
JI
Two superpowers arose
after World War II.
1
In the spring of 1945, American troops rolled
eastward across Germany. Soviet troops marched
westward. On April 25, 1945, American and Soviet
forces met at Torgau on the Elbe River in Ger­
many. Nazi Germany had been crushed between
the two great powers.
After months of fighting, the two armies were
ready to celebrate. They saluted each other, drank
toasts, danced jigs, sang, and shouted. "Today
is the happiest day in all our lives/' proclaimed
a Soviet major to the Americans. "Long live your
great leader! Long live oUI..great leader!"
The United States and the Soviet Union now
stood forth as the most powerful nations on Earth.
Not only were they two of the world's largest
countries but also their abundant natural re­
sources helped build strong economies. Their
military strengths were similar as well. But the
two countries had very different ambitions for
the future. These political differences contributed
to the tensions that led to the Cold War.
At the war's end, the United States was both
the most powerful and the most prosperous of
all the countries in the world. Many Americans
had suffered during the war. About 400,000 had
died in battle, and many more were injured.
However, no bombs had fallen on American cities.
American factories were unscathed. Few other
industrialized countries were as lucky.
In 1945 the United States had the biggest navy
and the best-equipped army and air force in the
world. The United States was also the only coun­
try to possess the war's most formidable weapon,
the atom bomb. Militarily the United States was
the unchallenged leader of the world.
Americans were eager to return to peace, how­
ever. Families wanted their sons, husbands, or
fathers home from the army. Therefore, the
United States demobilized as soon as the war
was over.
"No nation in history," observed President
Harry Truman (who took office when Roosevelt
diedL "had ever won so great a victory and asked
for so little in return." It was also true that no
country had ever emerged from a war so pros­
perous. In 1947, the United States produced half
of the world's manufactured goods, 57 percent
of its steel, 43 percent of its electricity, and 62
percent of its oil. Never before in history had so
large a percentage of the world's wealth been,
concentrated in a single country.
After World War I, as you saw in Chapter 3D,
the United States had turned to political isola-~i
tionism (page 686). After World War II, however",j
the American attitude was different. The United "
States even offered to make New York City the')
permanent headquarters of the new United Na­
tions, Shortly before his death, Franklin Roosevelt
had said, "We have learned that we cannot live.
alone, at peacej that our own well-being is de­
pendent on the well-being of other nations."
The USSR demanded a buffer zone.
Like the United States, the Soviet Union
emerged from the war as a nation of enormous
economic and military strength. In fact, it was
second in power only to'the United States.
Unlike the United States the USSR had suffered
heavy fighting on its own soil. Large areas of the
Soviet Union had been occupied by Nazi armies.
Many Soviet cities were destroyed. Fields around
the cities were filled with mass graves. Soviet
war losses have been estimated at 20 million,
half of whom were civilians. For every American
killed in the war, 50 Soviets died.
These losses help to explain why the United
States and the Soviet Union acted differently
after the war. While American leaders were most
concerned about building a peaceful world, Soviet
leaders were most concerned about protecting
their country against future wars.
The best protection the USSR could have, Stalin
reasoned, was a buffer zone along its western
border. A buffer zone is a region that lies between
two rivals, cutting down the threat of conflict.
The area Stalin wanted as a buffer zone was
Eastern Europe. By dominating this region, Sta­
lin hoped to ensure that the Soviets could stop
any future invasion before the Soviet Union it­
self was hurt. Moreover, Soviet control of East­
ern\Europe would bring about 100 million more
people into the Communist system.
Stalin's plans ignored the wishes of the people
who lived in Eastern Europe. Like the USSR,
most countries in Eastern Europe lacked strong
democratic traditions. Thus the Soviet Union
could hope to push Communist governments
into power without effective opposition.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The United Nations was founded.
Despite their different views of the world, both
the United States and the Soviet Union partic­
ipated in the San Francisco Conference. They
were among the 50 countries who signed the
United Nations charter in June 1945. Together
these nations pledged "to save succeeding gen­
erations from the scourge of war. /1
The new peacekeeping organization was based
in New York City, where a magnificent head­
quarters complex was completed in J952. The
UN charter provided for a main representative
body called the General Assembly. Every member
nation (the total would grow to over 150 in the
years ahead) could cast a vote in the General
Assembly. The General Assembly approved new
members, discussed a broad range of issues, and
made recommendations and agreements.
A second group, the Security Council, was in
charge of investigating disputes, peacekeeping,
and emergency action. Five countries-Britain,
China, France, the United States, and the Soviet
Union-were permanent members of the council.
Six other members were chosen from the lJN
membership at large. These members served two­
year terms on the council. (Later, the number
of other members was increased to 10 so that
the Security Council now has 15 members.)
Both the United States and the Soviet Union
insisted on being permanent council members
when the UN charter was written. The two
countries also agreed that each permanent mem­
ber would have veto power. In other words, the
Security Council could take no action unless all
five permanent members agreed.
Besides the General Assembly and the Security
Council, the UN included many other organi­
zations and agencies. For example, an Interna­
tional Court of Justice dealt with questions of
international law. The Secretariat, headed by the
Secretary-General, organized the daily business
of the United Nations.
From the start, the United Nations enjoyed at
least two advantages over the old League of Na­
tions. First, no major powers refused to join.
Second, the charter provided for a UN peace­
keeping force, an armed group that could be drawn
from the troops of member countries. The UN
could use these troops to enforce its decisions
or to separate warring groups.
Despite these advantages, the UN also faced
a major stumbling block. Unless all five per­
manent members of the Security Council agreed
on a course of action, the UN could do nothing.
Time and again, one permanent member or an­
other used its veto power to paralyze the United
Nations.
The United Nations proved more effective on
social and economic issues than in solving po­
litical crises. In 1948, it adopted the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, a document that
supports human rights through the protection
of individuals against oppression and the pres­
ervation of basic rights and freedoms. According
to the preamble, the Declaration serves as "a
common standard of achievement for all peoples
and all nations./1 It also provides that all people
are born free and equal in dignity and rights.
Nuclear weapons threatened
modern civilization.
Overall the United Nations had a mixed record
of successes and failures in the decades after
World War II. The UN proved, powerless, however,
in dealing with the threat of nuclear war.
Of all the new weapons developed during the
1940's, none transformed warfare as dramatically
as the atom bomb. At Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
for example, just two of these murderous weapons
killed 120,000 people. "The primary reaction of
the populace to the bomb,/1 as the official Amer­
ican report on its use noted, "was fear, uncon­
trolled terror, strengthened by the sheer horror
of the destruction and suffering witnessed and
experienced by the survivors./1
The destructive power of the atom bomb was
not limited to its tremendous blast. First came
a heat flash that could bum, blind, and kilL Later,
in the days and weeks after the blast, came ra­
dioactive fallout that spread sickness and slow
death across'a much broader area.
Once the United States had such a bomb, the
Soviet Union was determined not to be left with
weaker weapons. The Soviets began a crash pro­
gram to develop their own atom bomb imme­
diately after World War II. In 1949, they tested
their first atom bomb in a remote part of Siberia.
That test marked the end of the American mo­
nopoly on such bombs.
Now that both superpowers possessed such
weapons, the world faced a new situation. Win­
ston Churchill called it "a balance of terror./1 He
meant that both countries would be so terrified
of destruction that they would avoid war.
The atom bomb was the first example of a
nuclear weapon. Weapons of this type get their
power from reactions involving the center, or
nucleus, of an atom.
In 1952, American scientists produced an even
more destructive nuclear weapon, the hydrogen
bomb. Soviet scientists quickly followed suit,
testing their country's first hydrogen bomb in
1953. In a contest that came to be called t~
arms race, the two superpowers continued to
compete in making more and larger nuclear
weapons. Knowing that such a race might end
in worldwide disaster, leaders in both countries
also searched from time to time for ways to limit
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
or slow this arms race.
I
.The war left Europe
divided.
2
1945, Europe, which had once dominat~d
the globe, was struggling to survive. "What IS
Europe now?" Winston Churchill asked at the
end of World War n. "It is a rubble-heap, a charnel
house, a breedirIg ground of pestilence and hate."
Europe faced dark days indeed. Hunger and
want stalked the land from Bulgaria to Belgium.
Tens 'of millions of Europeans were homeless,
classified as "displaced persons." To make matters
worse the winter of 1946-1947 was the coldest
in living memory, and fuel supplies were dis­
astrously low.
Europe's overseas empires crumhled.
The countries of Europe were barely able to
support themselves in 1945, let alone rule overseas
colonies. At the same time, nationalist move­
ments in Asia and later in Africa gained strength.
Together these developments brought down the
curtain on the age of European imperialism and
changed the role of former imperial po,:ers.
Great Britain made the most dramatrc break
from imperialism. This island nation once ruled
a fourth of the world's land and 500 million of
it~ oeople. In 1947, Britain gave up the brightest
:1 of its empire, India. Britain also withdrew
from the bitterly divided Middle Eastern state
of Palestine (page 669). Thereafter Britain con­
tinued to divest itself of its colonies.
The shift away from imperialism was due to
a sudden turnaround in British politics. In July
1945 British voters turned their great war leader
Win~ton Churchill out of office. Churchill's
Conservative party was replaced in power by the
Labour party under Clement Attlee.
.
Why did the British vote against Churc~l1?
Despite his inspired leadership, voters saw him
as a symbol of the country's past, and many
Britons believed that the country needed new
directions. The Labour party leaders believed that
imperial rule was wrong. They also thought that
the government should spend its increasingly
limited resources closer to home. They wanted
better schools and hospitals as well as welfare
benefits for those who needed them. Under the
leadership of Attlee, Britain made fairly peace~
agreements for independence with many of ItS
former colonies.
Like Britain, France faced the loss of its overseas
lands. Unlike Britain, however, France struggled
hold on to its empire. As a result, the French
~tlDd themselves trapped in long, bloody, ex­
pensive conflicts in Indochina and North Africa.
Eventually, however, the French were forced to
accept the end of the imperial era.
One by one, other European countries also lost
their colonies. Yet Europe's influence survived
in the places it had once ruled. Often former
colonies kept English or French as their official
language. Many newly independent countries kept
close economic ties with their former rulers. As
Europe recovered its prosperity, new trading
Partnerships replaced the old imperialism.
Germany was defeated and divided.
Hitler's policies left Germany in ruins. Some
four million Germans had died in the war. Cities
lay in rubble. Transportation was at a standstill.
Every bridge across such major rivers as the Rhine
and the Main had been destroyed in Allied
bombing raids. So too had most of the country's
businesses. In the Ruhr valley, only one factory
in ten was still operating at the war's end.
Eilst-West split As you have seen, Germany's
postwar fate was determined in part at Yalta.
Roosevelt and Churchill had gone along with
Stalin's demand for a divided Germany, expecting
that this division would be temporary. Four oc­
cupation zones were created in 1945: one each
for the United States, Great Britain, France, and
the Soviet Union.
The Western Allies encouraged the growth of
democratic government in their three occupation
zones. In 1949, Britain, France, and· the United
States allowed their zones to join. The three
zones became the Federal Republic of Germany.
This self-governing democratic state becam.e
known as West Germaiiy.
However, Stalin was not prepared to lose control
over the Soviet zone. This was the easternmost
section of Germany, includirIg the capital Berlin.
Under a Communist government, this section
became the Gennan Democratic Republic, known
as East Germany. It remained under Soviet rule.
The Nuremberg trials Besides geographic di­
vision, Germany had another price to pay for the
war. The discovery of Hitler's death camps (page~
724-725) led the Allies to put 22 surviving NazI
leaders on trial for crimes against humanity. The
trials were held in the southern German town
of Nuremberg during 1946.
"The wrongs which we seek to condemn and
punish" said one prosecutor about the NazIS,
"have been so calculated, so malignant, and so
devastating that civilization cannot tolerate their
being ignored-because it cannot survive their
being repeated./I In the end, 12 Nazis were sen­
tenced to death. Seven Nazi leaders received long
prison sentences, and three were acqui~ted. The
greatest war criminal of all, Adolf Hitler, had
taken his own life during the last days of the
war in Berlin.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Europe was split between East
and West.
As Germany collapsed in defeat, armies from
the Soviet Union had pushed the Nazis back
acrosS Eastern Europe. By the end of the war,
Soviet troops occupied the countries of Bulgaria,
Romania, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and
eastern Germany.
ill most of these countries, local Communists
had fought hard against the Nazis in resistance
movements. Many of these Communists had
spent at least part of the war in Moscow and
were closely allied with the Soviets.
In 1945, with the support of the Soviet army,
Communists gained powerful posts in Eastern
European governments. As the Nazis had done
earlier, they often gained control of the police,
the newspapers, and the radio stations. Soon they
took over completely.
Stalin had promised Roosevelt to allow free
elections-that is, with vote by secret ballot in
a multiparty system-in Poland and other parts
of Eastern Europe "as soon as possible." By July
1945, however, it was clear he would not keep
this promise. "A freely elected government in
any of these East European countries would be
anti-Soviet/' Stalin said bluntly, "and that we
cannot allow."
By 1948, Communist governments were in
power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland,
Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. These countries
were sometimes called Soviet satellites. In this
sense, a satellite is a country whose policies are
dictated or heavily influenced by another country.
Tito and Yugoslavia As in the other countries
of Eastern Europe, Communists carne to power
in Yugoslavia. However, Yugoslavia followed a
somewhat different path from its neighbors and
did not become a Soviet satellite.
The leader of Yugoslavia's Communists was
Josip Broz, better known by his wartime name
of Tito (TEE-toh). Tito had led Yugoslav partisans
(guerrillas) against the Nazis. By the time the
Rer1 Army arrived in Yugoslavia in late 1944
much of the country had already been freed b;
Tito's fighters. Although he was a Communist,
Tito was above all a fierce Yugoslav nationalist.
He was determined that the Soviets should not
dominate his country.
Geography gave Tito a strong position. Yu­
goslavia's rugged mountains offered protection
against Soviet tanks. Likewise the country's long
coastline on the Adriatic had plenty of harbors
through which Tito could get supplies from the
West if the need arose. With these advantages
and his own army behind him, Tito refused to
obey orders from Stalin. "We demand" said Tito
"that everyone shall be master in his ~wn house.'"
"I will shake my little finger/' Stalin boasted
in 1948, "and there will be no more Tito." Yet
Tito long outlasted Stalin. The Yugoslav leader
remained in power until his death in 1980 and
kept his country independent of the Soviet Union.
An iron curtain Europe was now divided into
two political regions: a mostly democratic West- ,
em Europe and a Communist Eastern Europe. i
Winston Churchill described this new situation
in 1946:
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so
lately lighted by the A1hed victory. From
Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the AdIi­
atic, an iron curtain has descended across
the continent. Behind that line lie all the
capitals of the ancient states of Central
and Eastern Europe . .. These famous cities
and the populations around them lie in
what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all
are subject in one form or another, not
only to Soviet influence but to a very high
and, in many cases, increasing measure of
control from Moscow.
measures to prevent any extension of Communist
rule to other countries.
While the American government wavered be­
tween these positions, Communist pressure
threatened the independence of both Turkey and
Greece. In Turkey, the Soviets demanded a treaty
that would give them control over the strategic
Dardanelles Strait. In Greece, Communist rebels
appeared to be on the verge of overthrowing a
pro-Western government.
Since World War II, Greece and Turkey had
depended upon Great Britain for support. As you
have seen, Great Britain had been the strongest
power in the eastern Mediterranean for more
than a century. The British, however, now found
themselves exhausted by World War II and unable
to continue helping Turkey and Greece. On Feb­
ruary 21, 1947, the British delivered two notes
to the United States State Department acknowl­
edging that they could no longer support these
two countries. An American official later noted,
"Great Britain had within the hour handed the
job of world leadership with all its burden and
all its glory to the United States."
President Truman accepted the challenge. On
March 12, 1947, he asked Congress for $400 mil­
lion for military and economic aid to Greece and
Turkey. In a statement that became known as
the Truman Doctrine he stated, "It must be the
policy of the United States to support free peoples
who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed
minorities or by outside pressure." After a short
debate, Congress overwhelmingly approved the
request made by Truman. The aid proved vital
in helping Greece and Turkey successfully con­
front the Communist threat.
The Truman Doctrine marked the first use of
containment. Under this policy, the United States
would not attempt to overthrow Communist
governments where they already existed. It would,
however, do everything short of war to prevent
any further Communist takeovers. "The free
peoples of the world look to us for support in
maintaining their freedoms/' said Truman. "If
we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the
nPiH'P
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
nf thp -wnrlrl "
rhe Marshall Plan aided
Western Europe.
Greece and Turkey were not the only countries
need aid. As you have seen, World War IT
~~lt Western Europe in ruins. Secretary of State
George Marshall argued that the United States
had to act quickly. "The patient is sinking while
the doctors deliberate," he warned. Marshall pro­
posed a bold cure. Speaking at Harvard University
in June 1947, he presented a plan to offer extensive
economic aid to all the nations of Europe.
The Marshall Plan revived European hopes.
Over the next 4 years, 16 Western European .
countries received almost $13 billion in economic
aid. Although the countries of Eastern Europe­
including the Soviet Union-were invited to
participate, only Yugoslavia accepted.
The Marshall Plan proved to be a great success.
Within four years, industrial production in the
countries receiving aid was 41 percent higher
than it had been on the eve of World War II. At
the same time, currencies had been stabilized
and exports were rising rapidly.
The Marshall Plan benefited the United States
as well. As the American government bought
food and goods to send to Europe, American farms
and factories raised production to record levels.
As a result, the American economy continued
i' wartime boom without faltering. Moreover
tern Europeans soon became good customers
for American exports.
The Warsaw Pad The USSR, for its part, saw
NATO as a threat. In 1955, the Soviets developed
an alliance system of their own, known as the
Warsaw Pact. The Warsaw Pact linked the USSR
and seven Eastern European countries-Poland,
East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Ro­
mania, Bulgaria, and Albania.
Rival alliances arose.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union
feared that the Cold War might suddenly tum
hot. Both countries met the threat of war by
organizing alliances.
The United States built up its armed forces
in Western Europe. Meanwhile the draft was
continued in the United States to keep the army
and navy at record peacetime size. Likewise the
Soviet Union kept a huge standing army and
required its satellites to do the same.
The NATO alliance In 1949, the United States
joined Canada and ten Western European coun­
tries to form the North Atlantic Treaty Orga­
nization (NATO). The European members were
Great Britain, Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland,
Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, and
Portugal.
The 12 members of NATO pledged military
support to one another in case any member was
attacked. This alllance marked the United States
. peacetime military commitment since the
country's 'founding in 1776.
Greece and Turkey joined NATO in 1952, and
West Germany joined in 1955. By then, NATO
kept a standing military force of more than
500,000 troops as well as thousands of planes,
tanks, and other equipment.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
During the winter of 1949, tensions slowly
eased as the airlift-called Operation Vittles­
became a success. During the critical winterc~
months, the daily average of supplies delivered
to West Berlin reached 5/X)() tons. American pilots'
raised the spirits of West Berlin children by par-·
achuting thousands of toys to them.
The success of the B~rlin airlift showed the'
failure of the Berlin blockade. On May 12, 1949,
Stalin reopened road and rail traffic between West,
Berlin and West Germany. The consequences of'·
the airlift, however, proved to be long-term. The ,j
constant roar of the planes over Berlin provided"
a vivid demonstration of American power and;
will. Americans, in turn, came to admire the j
West Berliners' courage and determination."'- .
The Berlin Airlift As Cold War tensions wors­
ened, the city of Berlin became the focus of the
first great test of wills between the United States
and the Soviet Union. As Germany's largest city
and former capital, Berlin had tremendous po­
litical and psychological significance. The Allies
recognized this fact v" hen they divided Berlin
into four separate zones controlled by Britain,
France, the United States, and the Soviet Union.
The city itself, however, lay in East Germany,
110 miles within the Soviet occupation zone (see
map page 746).
The Soviets increasingly came to view the
presence of Western powers in Berlin as a check
on their plans to dominate East Germany. These
fears grew when the United States, Britain, and
France announced plans to unite their occupation
zones as one unit, West Berlin.
Although the three nations had a legal right
to unify their zones, they had no written agree­
ment with the Soviets guaranteeing free access
to Berlin by road or rail. Stalin saw that this
loophole provided an opportunity. H he moved
quickly, he might be able to take over the part
of Berlin held by the three Western powers. In
June 1948, Stalin closed all highway and rail
routes into West Berlin. As a result, no food or
fuel could reach that part of the city. The 2.5
million residents of West Berlin had only enough
food to last for 36 days.
The'Soviet blockade of Berlin confronted Pres­
ident Truman with a difficult decision. H the
Western powers gave up West Berlin, that meant
leaving their sector to Soviet controL Truman
also knew that such a move would be contrary
to his policy of containment. On the other hand
the president knew that if he sent troops to reope~
the closed roads, he might provoke a military
showdown. Truman believed that the Berlin
blockade represented a test of American deter­
mination. He therefore refused to withdraw de­
claring, "We are going to stay, period."
'
Truman chose an unexpected and risky strategy
to m_aintain~JJl:.esencein West Berlin. On June
24 1948 he ordered a massive airlitt to SUllply~
th~ 4 500 tons of food, fuet and supplies that~f
the p~ople of West Berlin needed e~ery day. T01
guard against any Soviet attemptto mterrupt thei,
airlift, Truman transferred 60 bombers t~ ba~es,
in Britain. Each plane was capable of delivenng~
atom bombs. Unknown to the Soviets, Truman\~
was bluffingj the planes did not carry atom bombs~
For a few weeks, the world seemed close to~
war. Although Stalin did not make any serious,j
attempt to disrupt the airlift, he refused to lili~
the blockade. Fearing the worst, Truman asked';
his advisers to brief him "on bases, bombs, Mos}!
cow, Leningrad, etc." Later he wrote in his diaryr
"I have a terrible feeling . . . that we are very'
close to war. I hope not."
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The USSR dominated
Eastern Europe.
4-
.In March 5, 1953, Joseph Stalin died. For three.
decades, he had ruled the Soviet Union with an .'
iron hand, using totalitarian methods to force
an industrial revolution upon his undeveloped
country.
After 1953, the Soviet economy continued to ,
expand. The rate of economic growth during the
1950's was double that of the United States. But
the fruits of this impressive development were,
not enjoyed by the Soviet masses. Government­
owned factories churned out industrial and mil­
itary products but precious few consumer goods..
Politically the Soviet Union remained a police
state, in which all decisions were made by the
Communist party and in which no dissent was
tolerated.
Khrushchev rose to power.
Brezhnev opposed dissidents.
Within a short time, Leonid Brezhnev [1906­
1982) replaced Khrushchev as the top Soviet
leader. Brezhnev quickly adopted a policy designed
to end domestic dissent. Government censors
carefully controlled what writers could publish.
The Communist party strictly enforced laws that
limited such basic human rights as freedom of
speech and worship.
Brezhnev clamped down on dissidents who
dared to protest against government policies. The
secret police arrested Alexander Solzhenitsyn,
winner of the 1970 Nobel Prize in literature, and
expelled him from the Soviet Union. When the
physicist Andrei Sakharov criticized the gov~rn­
ment, he and his wife Yelena Bonner were exiled
to the remote city of Gorky.
Brezhnev made it clear he would not tolerate
dissent in Eastern Europe either. In 1968, for
example, he ordered the armies of the Warsa;w
Pact nations to crush a reform government in
Czechoslovakia. He justified this invasion by
claiming that the Soviet Union had the right to
use force to keep its Eastern European allies from
turning away from communism. This policy be­
came known as the Brezhnev Doctrine.
Stalin's death made clear a basic problem in
the Soviet system: It lacked a legal, well-defined
way for one leader to succeed another. Without
public elections, leaders within the Communist
party maneuvered for position, hoping to gain
enough support to be named general secretary.
Eastern Europe was linked
Jr the first few years after Stalin's death, a
to the Soviet Union.
gfOUp of Soviet leaders shared power. As time
The Brezhnev Doctrine was merely a contin­
went by, however, one man was able to gain
uation
of Stalin's policy toward the Soviet sat­
more anel more power. That man was Nikita
ellites in Eastern Europe. After World War II, for
Khrushchev (1894-1971). Few people would have
example, the Soviet Union did not allow these
predicted Khrushchev's rise. The son of a coal
countries to accept Marshall Plan aid. However,
miner, he first worked as a metalworker and
the aid that the Soviets offered through Comecon
mechanic. Khrushchev had little formal educa­
(the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance)
tion, but he was shrewd, tough, and at times
was far too little to repair the war's damages.
ruthless. In 1939, he became a full member of
Moreover, the USSR did not allow Eastern Eu­
the Politburo, an elite group of about 20 leaders
ropeans to choose their own economic priorities. ,
that made policy decisions for the Communist
Instead, the USSR insisted that they concentrate
party. By 1958, Khrushchev was both general
on developing industries that fit Soviet needs. ,
secretary of the Communist party and premier.
Such obstacles made Eastern Europe's economic \
De~Stalinization Khrushchev boldly demon­
recovery slower than Western Europe's. Gradually,
strated his power at a secret session of the Twen­
however, industrialization spread more widely
tieth Communist Party Congress in Moscow in
in Eastern Europe. East Germany and Czecho- .
1956. Before an astounded audience, he accused
slovakia took the lead, with Albania remaining .
Stalin of jailing and killing loyal Soviet citizens.
the least developed. By the 1970's, the standard.
Khrushchev's speech signaled the beginning
of living in Eastern Europe had improve~.
of a policy called de-Stalinization. Workers de­
Most Eastern Europ~ were loyal to their
stroyed monuments of the former dictator. Stalin's'
Communist
governments. Yet there was a con­
body was moved from its place of honor next
stant
undercurrent
of discontent with Soviet
to Lenin and buried outside the Kremlin wall.
control
that
at
times
erupted in protests.
The city of Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd.
'Uirushchev's overthrow Khrushchev called for .
. ..lumber of reforms that eventually led to his
undoing. Many party leaders feared that changes
in party organization would reduce their power.
A final blow was Khrushchev's loss of prestige
as a result of the Cuban Missile Crisis (page 816).
In 1964, Soviet party leaders voted to remove
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Khrushchev from power.
The Hungarian tevolt failed.
AB you have seen, Stilin's death in 1953 brought
to power a new, more moderate group of Soviet
leaders. The new leaders allowed the satellite
countries a little more independence as long as
they remained fumly Communist and whole­
heartedly allied with the Soviet Union.
This small gain only whetted people's desire
for more freedom in Eastern Europe. Beginning
in East Germany in 1953, a wave of strikes and
protests swept across Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
and Poland.
In Hungary, the protests grew to a major 'crisis.
In October 1956, the Hungarian army joined with
the protesters to oust Hungary's Soviet-controlled
government. Angry mobs stormed through Bu­
dapest, waving Hungarian flags with the Com­
munist hammer-and-sickle emblems cut out. The
rioters beat and killed as many members of the
Soviet-supported secret police as they could catch.
"From the youngest child to the oldest man/'
said one Hungarian, "no one wants communism.
We have had enough of it, enough of it forever."
Imre Nagy (nahjt the most popular and liberal
Hungarian Communist leader, formed a' new
government. Nagy promised free elections, de­
nounced the Warsaw Pact, and demanded that
all Soviet troops leave Hungary.
Such reform~) were far more than the USSR
would allow. In early November, Soviet tanks
rolled into Budapest, backed by crack infantry
units of the Red Army. Armed only with pistols
and bottles, thousands of Hungarian freedom
fighters threw up barricades in the streets and
fought the invaders but to no avail. The Soviets
overthrew the Nagy government and replaced it
with pro-Soviet leaders. Nagy himself was exe­
cuted. Some 200,000 Hungarians fled west of the
iron curtain.
The United States did nothing to help Hungary
break free of Soviet control. Many Hungarians
were bitterly disappointed. The American policy
of containment did not extend to driving the
Soviet Union out of its satellites.
No help came to Hungary from the United
Nations .either. Although the UN passed one
resolution af.ter another condemning the USSR,
the Soviet veto in the Security Council stopped
the UN from taking any action.
FAst Germany led in industry.
Life in East Germany, as the German Dem­
ocratic Republic is known, was bleak for many
years after World War II. In East Berlin, whole
blocks of bombed-out buildings stood as grim
reminders of the war. East German stores and \
markets had few consumer goods. Meat and fresh I
~egetables were often in short supply. Meanwhile, I
ill nearby West Berlin, new construction had re- !
placed the ruins, and the standard of living was'
steadily rising.
Faced with this contrast, more than three mil­
lion East Germans fled to West Germany between
1949 and 1961. Most of these refugees escaped
by going from East Berlin to West Berlin. Sud­
denly, on August 13, 1961, the Communists built
a barrier between the two halves of Berlin. Known
as the Berlin Wall, the barrier eventually became '
a 28-mile wall of concrete and barbed wire. Escape
to the West became much more difficult.
During the 1970's, the standard of living 00- .
proved as East Germany developed the strongest
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Collapse 01
.
Communism in the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe",
The Soviet Union emerged from World War II as a superpower. While Stalin's
successors tried to reduce repression after his death, the USSR remained a totali­
tarian state. Involved in the Cold War with the West, the Soviet and Eastern Euro­ pean Communist systems proved unable to maintain their military machine and
improve the standard of living for their people. By 1989, being a world power was
too costly for the Soviet Union to continue indefinitely.· It was also becoming clear
that communism was a failure. In 1991, after 70 years of communism in Russia and
45 years of Soviet domination in Eastern Europe, the Communist system behind
the Iron Curtain collapsed. That this occurred with little violence or bloodshed is
remarkable. However, enormous damage had been done. The people under the
former Communist regimes in Eastern Europe-politically inexperienced, and
with their countries polluted, technologically backward, and economically dam­ aged-now began to stumble forward toward democracy and capitalism.
The Decline and Collapse of
the Soviet Union (1945-1991)
The USSR Mter World War- II
Mer World War II, the USSR gained control over most of Eastern Europe. This
brought greater territory for the Soviet Empire, as well as larger strains on its dev­
astated economy. The cost of maintaining troops in the Eastern European nations
and keeping a strong military made it necessary for emphasis to continue to be on
the development of heaVy industry. Consumer goods and housing were neglected
and food shortages were common. The new series of Five Year Plans continued to
promote industrial production primarily for military expansion.
As Joseph Stalin's dictatorship (r. 1925-1953) wound down to its last years, the
Soviet Union remained a police state. Intellectuals and artists were prevented from
free expression. Stalin developed a cult of personality, by which he was officially
worshipped through government propaganda. In early 1953, it appeared that he
was about to launch another purge (see Chapter 31, "Rise of Totalitarianism in
Russia, Italy, and Germany"), but his death in March of that year prevented it.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
1f'J1r
The Great Thaw
From 1953 to 1958, a collective leadership consisting of Georgii Malenkov
(1902-1988), Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971), and later Nikolai Bulganin
(1895-1975), ruled the Soviet Union. They put an end to the government terror,
arrestidg and executing the hated Lavrentii Beria (1899-1953), head of the secret
police. By 1958, Khrushchev had removed his partners and taken power by him­
self. In February of 1956, Khrushchev delivered a powerful speech at the 20th
Congress of the Soviet Communist party, denouncing Stalin, his crimes, and his
cult of personality. He later cleared the names of many innocent people, both liv­
ing and dead, who Stalin had wrongly arrested, condemned, and imprisoned. Mil­
lions of political prisoners were released from the Soviet concentration camps in
Siberia. Intellectuals and artists were also given greater freedom of expression.
This period became known as the Great Thaw. The writings of dissidents (people
who disagree with or reject accepted beliefs), which could not be read during Stal­
in's rule, we're published for the first time. The most notable example was
Vladimir Dudinstev's Not By Bread Alone (1957), which sharply criticized the Soviet
bureaucracy. Khrushchev originally allowed Boris Pasternak's (1890-1960) master­
piece, Doctor Zhivago (1958), to be published as well, but gave in to pressure from
the Soviet censors and banned the work. Pasternak was not allowed by the Soviet
authorities to accept the Nobel Prize he won for the novel.
Reforms Under Khrushchev (1956-1963)
Khrushchev tried to institute reforms to improve the economy. While he did
not abandon the emphasis on heavy industry, he encouraged the production of
consumer goods and the construction of housing. Despite great efforts to catch
up with Western production, the Soviet economy began to lag during the 1960s.
In an effort to increase agricultural production, Khrushchev combined collective
farms into larger units, hoping to improve efficiency. He also initiated the VIrgin
Lands Program, which tried to cultivate semi-arid land in Western Siberia and
Central Asia. Despite some early successes, a series of droughts turned the area
into a desert and the VIrgin Lands Program was an embarrassing failure.
Most of the Soviet Union's resources went into an arms race (competition to
build weapons) along with space research. In the autumn of 1957, the Soviets
launched Sputnik I, the first artificial earth satellite. This landmark achievement
was followed by the successful sending of a rocket to the moon in 1959. In April
1961, the first orbital flight with an astronaut aboard was made by Yirrii Gagarin
(1934-1968). Although these accomplishments brought great prestige to the
USSR, they were an expense the Soviets could not afford. Khrushchev's foreign
policy shifted from one of reconciliation with the West to an aggressive attitude
that led to serious confrontations (see Chapter 35, "The Cold War").
Opposition to Khrushchev gradually increased within the Soviet leadership. He
was criticized for his failures in agriculture and foreign policy. Viewed by many as
a "rude peasant" who was incompetent, Khrushchev was removed from his posi­
tion in October 1964. Aleksei Kosigin (1904-1980) replaced him as premier and
Leonid Brezhnev (r. 1964-1982) became general secretary of the Communist
Party. By 1977, Brezhnev became dominant in the Soviet government, taking on
the title of president (1977-1982).
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The USSR Under Brezhnev (1964-1982)
~.
Brezhnev ruled the USSR with a strong hand. His leadership was a period of
great stagnation. Stubbornly, and without much regard for his people's welfare,
Brezhnev refused to depart from the traditional Soviet goals or methods of rule.
For intellectuals and artists it was ~ return to repression. All literature and art were
censored and human rights were abused openly. An underground dissident move­
ment began that included writers, poets, journalists, clergy, professors, students,
and scientists. Publishing their works in underground presses known as samizdat,
they exposed the i~ustices of the Soviet system and protested their continuation.
The Dissidence of The most famous figures of this movement were the dissident writer Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn and Solzhenitsyn (1918- ) and the emminent scientist Andrey Sakharov (1921-1989).
Sakharov Under Stalin, Solzhenitysn had been imprisoned in a Siberian labor camp, which
he wrote about in a short novel, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962). HiS
subsequent works were banned under Brezhnev and only published in the West or
by samizdat Like Pasternak, he was not allowed to accept his Nobel Prize for litera­
ture in 1970. When he completed a massive three-volume history of the Siberian
camps, the Gulag Archipelago (1974), it was banned. Its publication in the West
resulted in Solzhenitsyn',s expulsion from the Soviet Union the following year.
Audrey Sakharov was a prominent physicist and "father of the Soviet hydrogen
bomb." He also joined the ranks of the dissidents with the publication of his book,
My Country and the World (1974), in which he called for greater freedom of expres­
sion and the reform of the political system. In 1975, he was awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize, but was not allowed to accept it. Sakharov's contacts with Western jour­
nalists resulted in his internal exile in the city of Gorky, which was not open to for­
eigners. In 1987, Sakharov was released and allowed to return to Moscow, where he
was elected a member of the Congress of People's Deputies and died in 1989.
Economic Decline In economic affairs, the Br~zhnev years were a period of decline and decay.
Although more consumer goods and housing became available, the quality was
poor and the output could not keep up with the growing population. The levels of
agricultural production declined and the USSR was forced to depend on imports
from the United States and the West. The increased contact with the West due to
Detente (see Chapter 35, 'The Cold War") made the Soviet consumers aware of
how poor their standard of living was compared with nations in the West and the
United States. Most people had to stand on long lines for hours to get the most
basic items. A privileged class of Communist party elites had also deVeloped under
~rezhnev. They lived a luxurious life-style, able to get any product they wanted,
mcluding much sought-afte~Western goods, in "special" stores with no lines. This
antagonized many Soviet citizens further. Finally, the repreSSive nature of the
Brezhnev regime and the inefficiency of the Soviet system made them both angry
and cynical. The Soviet invasion of Mghanistan in 1979 further angered the popu­
lation, especially youths (see Chapter 35, 'The Cold War").
Andropov and Chernenko (1982-1985)
Following Brezhnev's death in 1982, there was a succession of leaders with brief
administrations. 'furii Andropov (r. 1982-1984) became seriously ill after taking
power. While he tried to institute basic economic reforms, his sudden death in
February of 1984 prevented any serious changes from being implemented. His
successor, Konstantin Chernenko (r. 1984-1985) was a reactionary who wished to
continue the policies of Brezhnev. Already declining in health when he took
Andropov's place, he died in March of 1985.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Reform Under Gorbachev (1985-1989)
With the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev (r. 1985-1991), a you"nger generation of
Soviet le;;tpers took control. Even though he wanted to begin reforms, Gorbachev
was hesitalit at first. The meltdown of the nuclear reactor at Chernobyl' in 1986
made the need for reform clear. The accident was a major disaster that contami­
nated entire areas of Ukraine, poisoning thousands of people and animals. It
greatly reduced the capability of one of the world's most fertile regions to pro­
duce crops. The slow reaction of the government to the disaster and its clumsy
attempt to cover it up resulted in an angry population. This gave Gorbachev the
excuse he needed to seek reforms. In 1987, he introduced two new radical pro­
grams: Glasnost and Perestroika.
Glasnost The policy of Glasnost ("openness") was aimed at reducing the intellectual, politi­
cal, and cultural repression that had been part of the Soviet system. The media
were given more freedom in their reporting. For the first time, dissenting opin­
ions could be expressed openly. Glasnost also led to the publication of books that
had been banned, such as Pasternak's Doctor Zhivago. Gorbachevalso released dis­
sidents who were imprisoned or in exile, including Sakharov. He even invited
Solzhenitsyn back to the USSR.
Perestroika Perestroika ("restructuring") was created to promote greater productivity in both
industry and agriculture. It also was designed to improve the quality of Soviet
goods. Gorbachev began by reforming the USSR's command economy (a system
in which government planners make all economic decisions). Gorbachev decen­
tralized Soviet industrial and agricultural management (the Enterprise Law of
1987), by which factory and farm managers were given greater control over deter­
mining both the production and the distribution of profits. Worker incentives,
such as a pay increase for greater individual productivity, were adopted. The goal
of this law was to make factories and farms independent, self-sufficient, and prof­
itable, so that they would no longer need government subsidies (money to make
up losses). The Law of Cooperatives of 1987 allowed Soviet citizens to set up pri­
vate businesses, free of state control, and keep the profits. This was intended to
encourage more production of better products and services, and beginning a sys­
tem of individual enterprise. The Agricultural Reform Law of 1988 broke up the
state and collective farms, replacing them with a private leasing system. Individual
farmers were able to own and profit from their farms once they paid off a long­
term lease. The goal of this reform was to promote greater productivity through
the private ownership ofland.
Clearly, the changes described above, while commonplace in our own society,
were monumental for the USSR. The reason was that they completely violated tra­
ditional Communist theory. Yet, Gorbachev was willing to try such "violations" if
they could result in a more productive economy for the Soviet Union.
The Gorbachev Doctrine Politically, Perestroika reduced the direct involvement of the Communist party
leadership in the day-to-day governance of the country and increased the authori­
ty of local government agencies. This angered the nomemklatura, or ruling group
of the Communist party. Religious freedoms were also granted and the Russian
Orthodox Church celebrated its millennium (one thousandth anniversary) with
the support of the government. Jews were permitted greater freedom, with an
increasing number allowed to migrate to other countries. In foreign affairs, Gor­
bachev implemented the Gorbachev Doctrine, a policy of noninterference in East­
ern Europe and the world. By autumn of 1988, he began to reduce the number of
Soviet troops in some of the satellite nations, encouraging the collapse of the
Communist regimes in those nations a year later.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Decline of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union (CPS U)
Faced with growing opposition from a number of
older bureaucrats, military leaders, and party officials,
Gorbachev took the title of president and removed his
opponents from positions of power in 1988. In 1989,
he instituted a Soviet parliament, the Congress of Peo­
ple's Deputies. Members would be chosen by free
elections, a new procedure for the Soviet Union.
Despite enormous advantages and influence over the
election process, a number of prominent Communists
were nevertheless defeated. The majority of represen­
tatives were, however, Communists who ran unop­
posed. Yet, this panicked Gorbachev. Despite being
dedicated to reform, he feared that if this trend con­
tinued, the dominance of the Communist party would
slowly disappear.
The election of dissidents; such as Sakharov, and officials who were openly criti­
cal of the regime, such as Boris Yeltsin, was seen by Gorbachev as a threat to the
survival of the system. Yeltsino-had risen to power by promoting Russian national­
ism and downplaying the Soviet Union. The population, which had always seen
the two as the same, took a new pride in their nation and directed their anger
directly at the Soviet government. Gorbachev, who never understood this, contin­
ued to remain a strong supporter of communism and became as unpopUlar as the
system he defended. He also came under heavy criticism from conservative hard­
line Communists for allowing the election.
;'orbachev's Retreat In March of 1989, the Baltic Sea satellite nations of Lithuania and Estonia
from Reform declared their independence. Neighboring Latvia followed later in the year. These
(1989-1991) declarations were encouraged by the withdrawal of Soviet domination in Eastern
. Europe that was taking place under the Gorbachev Doctrine. That same month,
the Congress of People's Deputies repealed the Communist party's monopoly of
political power. This meant that the Communists could no longer be the only
political party allowed by law. At the May Day celebration on May 1 (the tradition­
al day of celebration worldwide for all socialists and Communists), Gorbachev and
the other Soviet leaders were jeered at by protesters. At the Communist party
Co~gress in Ju.!y, B~~S~eltsin resigned dramatically from the party. With the resig­
nation of foreIgn mID1S~er Eduard Shevardnadze in December, Gorbachev began
to back down from hIS reforms. He chose hard-line Communists Gennadii
Yana~ev and Valentin Pavlov as vice-president and premier. By February 1991, Gor­
bachev was calling himself "a dedicated Communist" and criticizing many former
allies as "radicals."
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Union Treaty of With Yeltsin's election as president of the Russian Republic, the largest nation
Republics among the 15 republics that made up the USSR, Gorbachev now had a rival. Soon
strains between the Russian and Soviet governments appeared. In July, Shevard­
nadze also quit the Communist party, founding a movement for democratic
reform. Totally overwhelmed by the tum of events, Gorbachev agreed to sign a
union treaty with the heads of ten republics that gave them greater autonomy. His
agreement to the new arrangement frightened conservatives into calling on the
military to "save the country."
The Russian Revolution In August, while Gorbachev was on vacation in the Crimea, a military coup d'etat
of 1991 (an unexpected seizure of power) took place, led by Yanayev and Pavlov. Gor­
bachev was put under house arrest and martial law was declared. Lacking any pub­
lic support, including military support, the coup was unsuccessful and collapsed
after three days. Yeltsin, who had appeared on the steps of the Russian Republic's
government building and defied the illegal takeover, became a national hero.
Gorbachev returned and the leaders of the coup were disgraced. Some were
arrested and others committed suicide.
Rumors soon began that Gorbachev had actually planned the takeover as a way
of undoing his reforms before the Communist party leadership had completely
lost power. While these accusations were never proven, the coup had made him
appear weak and incompetent. The failed overthrow discredited the Communist
party and the KGB. This tum of events became known as the Russian Revolution
of 1991. Disregarding the previous unsigned union agreement, Yeltsin declared
Russia an independent state. One by one, the other republics also claimed inde­
pendence. Gorbachev tried desperately, but unsuccessfully, to stop the swift
breakup of the Soviet Union. On December 25, 1991, he resigned from the presi­
dency of an empire that no longer existed. That evening, the Soviet flag was low­
ered from the Kremlin for the last time. This historic episode now meant that
both communism in Russia and the Soviet Union were over. The revolution that
had shook the world seventy years earlier ended not with a bang, but a whimper.
Tile Commonwealth of With the USSR disbanded, each republic held its own elections and established its
Independent States own independent government. Russia, as the largest and most populous of these
(1991-) states, took a leadership position in creating a new union of autonomous nations,
the Commonwealth of Independent States. The United Nations recognized each
new nation, giving them their own representatives.
Some republics did not make a smooth transition. Civil war flared up in Georgia
between the newly elected government under Eduard Shervardnadze and rebels
who refused to recognize it. Fighting between the Christians of Armenia and the
Muslims of Azerbaijan also' began. This conflict, which had started in the last years
of Gorbachev's rule, grew worse without the Soviet government to mediate.
While Russia tried to take the role of leader of the new Commonwealth, the
other republics were still fearful of once again being dominated by them. This was
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
especially true in Ukraine, where strong feelings of nationalism had risen. In 1992
and 1993, Russia and Ukraine negotiated a compromise over the Black Sea fleet
in the Crimea, an area in the southern Ukraine that was a very important naval
base for the Russians. The two nations finally agreed that it would belong to
Ukraine, but the Russian fleet would be allowed to use it.
The Conflict Between
In the fall of 1993, President Yeltsin dismissed the Congress of People's Deputies.
Yeltsin and Parliament
Composed mainly of Communists from the Gorbachev Period, this former Soviet
parliament had blocked all of his efforts to reform the Russian economic system into
a capitalist free market. Yeltsin demanded that new elections be held. He pointed
out that most of the parliament's deputies had never really been elected by the peo­
ple as they ran unopposed in most cases in the first elections of 1989. Realizing that
they probably would not be returned to office in a fair election, the majority of rep­
resentatives refused to stop meeting and barricaded themselves in the parliament
building. After a brief standoff between the parliament and their supporters, Yeltsin
ordered troops to re-take the parliament building and arrest the rebellious deputies.
These decisive actions were successful and added to Yeltsin's popularity.
Yeltsin also took steps toward creating a new constitution wherein the presidency
would gain greater power. While this move was seen by some as the first step to a
dictatorship, others saw it as necessary to push through economic reforms. Not
suprisingly, in a nation that has only known autocracy throughout its history,
Yeltsin's bid for greater power has given many Russians new confidence in him as a
strong leader. This perception, along with his great popularity, continues to keep
him in power despite the great suffering the economic transformation is creating.
As 1994 began, a spirit of cooperation existed between most nations of the
Commonwealth (C.I.S.). Each was still struggling, however, to solve its economic
problems and make a smooth transition to capitalism and a free market. The suc­
cess of these efforts may well decide the extent to which they will become and
remain democracies. The damage done by the dominance of a co~and econo­
my and a corrupt bureaucracy (when part of the Soviet Union) will be difficult to
correct. A very difficult road lies ahead.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The So"Vie-t Union.. Fa.Jls
1917-1991
R:u.ssia. R.e~:n..s
A
s ?e
s~t
at his desk
in~de
the Kremlin on December 25 1991
~ail Gorbachev briefl,Y paused to straighten his papers. fu a fe~
oments, he would deliver a major speech and as al
h
,:=ed to be.prepared. As president of the Soviet Union,' Gorba;~:~'ha~
~
many llUportant speeches, but this address would be unlik
e or any other Soviet leader had ever given.
e any
Gorbachev began by firmly declaring "I he b di
.
t' . .
h
'
re Y scontmue my
~c IVl~tes ~t t ~ post of president of the Union of Soviet Socialist
epu cs. Saymg that this was his "last 0 ortuni "
~vi:t people, Gorba.chev admitted that he h;d mad;mit~:::~s ~e
s SIX years as presIdent. But then he proudly reviewed hi
hi~mg
ments, declann' g, "we're now Iivmg
. in a new world. "
s ac eve­
Red background
Gorbachev was right. The world was vastly
different from when he first took power in 1985.
At that time, the Soviet Union was the world's
most feared totalitarian dictatorship. But Gor­
bachev had quickly recognized that "something
was wrong." Blaming poor living conditions on
the country's rigid political and economic sys­
tem, he had launched a bold program of reforms.
Gorbachev's sweeping changes had electrified
his country and transformed the world. For the
first time, Soviet citizens were encouraged to
. speak, write, and worship freely. Gorbachev also
had a revolutionary impact on Soviet foreign pol­
icy. He allowed the Berlin Wall to fall, and he
freed Eastern Europe from Soviet domination. As
a result of these and other changes, the Cold War
melted away.
Gorbachev's achievementseamed him world­
wide praise. They also raised expectations among
the Soviet people that he could not meet. The
more controls eased, the more people criticized
Gorbachev for failing to improve the economy.
At the same time, the Soviet Union's increasing­
ly restless republics demanded greater freedom
from the central government.
Gorbachev's resignation did not come as a sur­
prise. The Soviet Union was rapidly falling apart.
By late 1991, all 15 of its republics had declared
their independence. Gorbachev had become a
leader without a country.
A few moments after Gorbachev's resignation,
Kremlin guards lowered the Soviet flag for the
last time. The red flag bearing the distinctive gold
hammer-and-sickle emblem had flown over the
Kremlin since Lenin seized power in 1917. The
guards then raised the white, red, and blue flag of
the Russian Republic. Chimes from the Krem­
lin's tower rang for several minutes to mark the
historic event. The Soviet Union passed into his­
tory, and a new era began.
This text has featured many key points in the
distant past, but momentous events are not con­
fined to the long ago. The great changes of the
recent past have transformed your world. This
chapter describes how Gorbachev's reforms
changed the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
and ended the Cold War. It also discusses the
global problems that continued to challenge
world leaders, such as civil war in Yugoslavia
and several African nations.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Gorhachev launched
a new era.
I
On March 10,1985, members of the Politburo,
the Communist party's top decision-making
group, held a secret meeting. The two dozen lead­
ers faced a difficult decision. Since Brezhnev's
death in 1982, the party's aging leaders had tena­
ciously tried to maintain their power. Time and
events, however, were against them. Each of
Brezhnev's two successors had died after only
about a year in office. Who would succeed them?
As the Politburo debated that question, its
choice narrowed to two men. The party's old
guard favored Viktor Grishin, the aging conserva­
tive Moscow party boss. Others, however, argued
for a vigorous but little-known Politburo member
named Mikhail Gorbachev.
Gorbachev's supporters praised his youth,
energy, and political skills. Andrei Gromyko, the
senior Politburo member, told his colleagues that
Gorbachev "has a nice smile, but he's got iron
teeth."
Gromyko's support helped Gorbachev become
the party's new general secretary. The cautious
officials who voted for Gorbachev knew that
reforms were needed to reVltalize the Soviet
Union. However, they did not foresee that Gor­
bachev's rise to power marked the beginning of a
Second Russian Revolution.
Gorhachev introduced reforms.
The Soviet people welcomed Gorbachev's elec­
tion. At 54, he was the youngest Soviet leader
since Stalin and the first one not born under
czarist rule. Unlike other Soviet leaders, Gor­
bachev was too young to have been affected
directly by Stalin's ruthless purge of independent­
minded party members [page 657).
Glasnost Soviet leaders from Lenin to
Brezhnev had created a totalitarian state that
controlled the mass media and restricted human
rights. Soviet citizens lived in a climate of fear
that rewarded silence and discouraged individ­
ual initiative. "Stalin did the thinking for every­
one," wrote one novelist, "so everyone stopped
thinking. "
Soviet reformers warned Gorbachev that rigid
government controls had created"an era of stag­
nation." They stressed that badly needed reforms
could not occur without a free flow of ideas and
information. In 1986, Gorbachev introduced a
new policy known as glasnost, or openness,
which encouraged Soviet citizens to discuss ways
to revitalize their society.
Within a short time, glasnost began to produce
a number of remarkable changes. Although Sovi­
et authorities still frowned on organized religion,
Christians were allowed to open more than 1,000
churches, and more Jews were permitted to leave
the Soviet Union. At the same time, the govern­
ment released many dissidents, including Andrei
Sakharov.
The relaxation of controls also enabled people .
to read books by previously banned authors such
as Alexander Solzhenitsyn. Freed from having to
blindly follow the "party line," reporters actively
investigated social problems and openly criti­
cized government officials. "It's more exciting
right now to read than 'to live!" marveled one
astonished reporter. "The oxygen of democracy is
intoxicating and contagious."
Perestroika The new openness gave Soviet cit­
izens an opportunity to complain publicly about
their economic problems. Angry consumers
protested that they had to stand in long lines to
buy food, soap, and other common household
items. Buyers who could afford a car had to be
even more patient. The average wait to purchase
even the cheapest model was seven years.
Gorbachev blamed these problems on the
Soviet Union's inefficient system of central plan­
ning. Party officials created five-year plans that
told managers at every farm and factory how
much to produce, what wages to pay workers,
and what prices to charge consumers. For exam­
ple, when Gorbachev became general secretary,
64 government ministries fixed production tar­
gets for more than 70,000 items and set more
than 200,000 prices each year.
Gorbachev recognized that this inefficient sys­
tem had to be reformed. In 1986, he launched a
new program called perestroika, or economic
restructuring, to revitalize the Soviet economy.
For example, Gorbachev gave local managers
greater authority over their farms and factories.
In addition, new laws allowed people to open
small private businesses.
Demokratizatsiya In order for the economy to
thrive, Gorbachev knew, the Communist party
would have to loosen its grip on Soviet society.
For example, to control the flow of information,
the party kept most people from using comput­
ers, photocopiers, and fax machines. People need­
ed access to such modem technology to improve
their productivity.
In 1989, Gorbachev unveiled a third new poli­
cy called demokratizatsiya, or democratization.
The plan called for the election of a new legisla­
ture, the 2,250-member Congress of People's
Deputies. In the past, voters had merely ratified
candidates chosen by the Communist party.
Now, even though there still was only one polit­
ical party, voters would be able to choose from a
list of candidates for each office.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The election produced a number of surprises.
In several places, voters chose lesser-known can­
didates over powerful party bosses. Voters also
elected a number of outspoken reformers.
One reformer to win office was Boris Yeltsin.
As the Moscow party boss and a member of the
Politburo, Yeltsin had gained national attention
by denouncing the privileges enjoyed by the par­
ty elite. Thus Yeltsin, like Gorbachev, was a prod­
uct of the Communist system. Yet while Gor­
bachev was trying to reform the system in order
to save it, Yeltsin would eventually decide that
communism itself was the problem and would
have to be abandoned. Yeltsin and Gorbachev
became bitter rivals.
Gorhachev tried" new thinking" in
foreign affairs.
imposed upon them by Stalin. Deteriorating eco­
nomic conditions sparked widespread anger.
Popular discontent and the declining appeal of
communism helped prepare Eastern Europe for
change. Although these forces had been present
for some time, the threat of Soviet intervention
had always kept them in check. That threat was
reduced by Gorbachev's policies.
Poland and Hungary tested
Gorhachev's new policy.
The people of Poland were the first to test Gor­
bachev's new policy. As you have seen (page 757),
in December 1981 the Polish government had
banned the labor union Solidarity and declared
martial law. The Communist party quickly dis­
covered, however, that military rule could not
revive Poland's failing economy. In the 1980's,
industrial production declined, while foreign debt
rose to almost $40 billion. Frustrated consumers
endured long lines, shortages, and rising prices.
Public discontent deepened as the economic
crisis worsened. In August 1988, defiant workers
walked off their jobs, demanding raises and the
reinstatement of Solidarity. Faced with Poland's
worst labor unrest since 1980, the military's
leader, General Jarlizelski, agreed to hold talks
with Solidarity leaders.
These talks triggered a series of significant
changes. In April 1989, Jaruzelski legalized Soli­
darity and agreed to hold Poland's first free elec­
tion since the Communists took power.
Polish voters promptly handed the Commu­
nists a humiliating defeat as Solidarity candidates
swept to victory. For the first time, the people of
a nation had turned a Communist regime out of
office peacefully.
Inspired by the changes in Poland, Hungarian
leaders also launched a sweeping reform pro­
gram. To stimulate economic growth, reformers
encouraged private enterprise and allowed a
small stock market to operate. A new constitu­
tion permitted a mu.J.tiparty system with free
parliamentary elections.
These changes accelerated when radical reform­
ers took over a Communist party congress in
October 1989. The radicals deposed the party's
leaders and then dissolved the party itself. Here
was another first: for the first time, a European
Communist party had voted itself out of existence.
Even Soviet foreign policy would have to
change, Gorbachev concluded. The troubled Sovi­
et economy could no longer bear the costs of an
arms race with the United States. Gorbachev
announced a "new thinking" that stressed diplo­
macy instead of force.
Arms control The groundwork for arms con­
trol had been laid in the 1970's. In 1972, President
Nixon and Soviet leader Brezhnev signed the
Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT), which
limited the number of nuclear missiles the super­
powers could build.
SALT seemed to signal the start of a period of
lower tensions, called detente. But Soviet-Ameri­
can relations worsened in the early 1980's and
arms control talks stalled. Gorbachev wanted to
restart them.
In December 1987, Gorbachev visited the Unit­
ed States. He and President Reagan opened a new
era in superpower relations by signing the Inter­
mediate Nuclear Forces (!NF) Treaty banning
nuclear missiles with ranges of 300 to 3,400 miles.
Afghanistan Gorbachev's pledge to substitute
diplomacy for force produced major results in
Afghanistan. In December 1979, Brezhnev had
ordered the Soviet army to invade Afghanistan to
support an unpopular Communist regime.
Recognizing the war's devastating costs for both
Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, Gorbachev
ordered- his forces to withdraw. The last Soviet
troops left Afghanistan in February 1989.
Eastern Europe Gorbachev's new thinking
also extended to Eastern Europe. Gorbachev
encouraged East bloc leaders to try new methods
to stimulate their lagging economies and thus
lessen their dependence upon Soviet aid. Yet the
aging Communist leaders in East Germany,
Czechoslovakia, and Romania stubbornly reject­
ed reform.
While these leaders vowed to resist change,
powerful forces were steadily eroding their sup­
port. Nationalists within each country in Eastern
Europe bitterly resented the Communist regimes
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
Communism fell in East Germany.
While Poland and Hungary turned rapidly to
reform, hard-line leaders in East Germany stub­
bornly refused to accept change. East Germany's
77-year-old party boss Erich Honecker dismissed
Gorbachev's reforms as unnecessary.
Most East Germans disagreed. The nation's
young professional woders were especially angry
and frustrated. They demanded freedom to
express their views-"I feel buried alive," said
one schoolteacher. By October 1989, huge
demonstrations occurred in cities throughout
East Germany. Demands for freedom and democ­
racy received thunderous applause.
As the crisis deepened, Honecker tried to
regain control by ordering the police to use force
to break up a demonstration in Leipzig. But party
leaders and the police refused to carry out his
order. Stunned by his sudden loss of authority,
Honecker resigned on October 18.
~TUrning Points in Hislory •
The Fall of the Berlin Wall The new East Ger­
man leader, Egon Krenz, promised to make
sweeping changes. Krenz boldly gambled that he
could restore stability by allowing people to leave
East Germany. On November 9, 1989, he opened
the Berlin Wall.
Thousands and then tens of thousands of East
Germans soon poured through the Berlin Wall.
As the incredible news spread that the wall had
been opened, the long-divided city of Berlin
erupted into a joyous celebration. Once-feared
border guards smiled as huge crowds climbed on
top of the wall to celebrate. The jubilant Berliners
danced, sang, and chanted, "The wall is gone!
The wall is gone!" Many slammed hammers into
the wall, smashing the despised symbol of Com­
munist oppression into Sl11all concrete souvenirs.
During the night and for the next two days, a
flood of East Germans poured across the border
into West Berlin. Huge crowds of cheering West
Berliners rushed to greet them. Many people
handed out flowers and food. Church bells rang,
long-separated friends were reunited, and people
wept for joy.
Now that the unthinkable had occurred, curi­
ous East Germans began to explore the city they
had only heard about. Because the East German
currency was worthless in West Berlin, the visi­
tors formed long lines outside banks to obtain the
100 marks [$50) in /I greeting money" given by the
West German government to East Germans visit­
ing West Berlin for the first time. They then head­
ed for the Kurfurstendarnm, the glittering shop­
ping boulevard in the heart of West Berlin.
The sights along the Kurfurstendarnm amazed
the East Germans. People marveled at shops
filled with modern appliances, fashionable
clothes, and abundant supplies of groceries. Many
people used their greeting money to buy fresh
fruits and vegetables to take home.
Krenz's dramatic gamble did not work. When
the public discovered evidence of widespread cor­
ruption among party leaders, Krenz and other top
officials were forced to resign in disgrace. By the
end of 1989, the East German Communist party
had ceased to exist.
.................
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
~
Nationalism and ethnic unrest
threatened the Soviet Union.
of Eastern Europe. They also feared losing their
power and privileges. These officials thus vowed.
to overthrow Gorbachev. When Gorbachev left
Moscow for his vacation at the Black Sea, his
senior officials made final plans to replace him.
The collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern
Europe inspired ethnic groups within the Soviet
Union. As its name implies, the Soviet Union was
a vast multinational state that included more
than 100 different ethnic groups. Russians had
always been the largest and most powerful ethnic
The August Coup On August 18, 1991, a group
group. However, non-Russians formed a majority
of hard-liners suddenly interrupted Gorbachev's
in the 14 Soviet republics outside the Russian
vacation. Speaking for a newly formed State
Republic.
Committee, the group demanded that Gorbachev
Although long suppressed, ethnic tensions
accept emergency rule or resign. When he refused, .
still existed beneath the surface of Soviet society.
the plotters returned to Moscow, leaving Gor-'
As glasnost loosened central controls, ethnic
bachev's compound surrounded by troops and cut'
protests spread across the country. Nationalist
off from the rest of the country.
groups in Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldavia Ino~
The next day, the committee issued a state- 3
Moldova) demanded greater control over thelI
ment declaring that Gorbachev's reforms had'
internal affairs. Meanwhile, Muslims living in
placed the Soviet Union in "mortal danger." The'
the five Central Asian republics demanded more
committee then issued a second decree suspend­
religious freedom.
ing all independent newspapers. By mid-moming, "
confrontation in Lithuania The greatest
hundreds of tanks and armored personnel carriers
threat to Soviet stability occurred in Lithuania,
began rolling into Moscow.
Estonia, and Latvia. Known as the Baltic States,
The State Committee assumed that this show
these three republics had been independent
of force would ensure obedience. They were
nations between the two world wars. In accor­
wrong. Under Gorbachev's reforms, people had
dance with the Nazi-Soviet Pact of 1939 (pages
lost their fear of the party, and they were willing
707-708), the Soviet Union in 1940 had annexed
to defend their freedoms.
the Baltic States. Although the Baltic peoples
By noon, many protesters began to gather at
belonged to different ethnic groups, they shared a
the Russian parliament building just two miles
common desire for independence.
from the Kremlin. Nicknamed the White House
Ignoring Gorbachev's pleas for restraint, the
because of its marble facade, the 19-story build­
Lithuanian parliament declared the republic's
ing served as Boris Yeltsin's headquarters. "We
independence from the Soviet Union on March
are waiting for Yeltsin's response. We are ready to
11, 1990. For months, Gorbachev walked a deli­
defend him," shouted one demonstrator.
cate tightrope between reformers who urged
The crowd outside the White House didn't
restrai.lt and Communist party conservatives
have to wait long. Like everyone else, Yeltsin had
who demanded that he use force.
been caught off guard by the coup. He narrowly
Although Gorbachev wanted to avoid the use
avoided arrest by leaving his home and dashing to
of force, he feared that if Lithuania succeeded in
his office inside the White House. Shortly after
defying Moscow's authority, the other republics
noon, he walked outside the White House and
would be encouraged to do the same. The con­
boldly climbed atop one of the nearby tanks. As
frontation turned violent on January 13, 1991, as
his supporters cheered, Yeltsin, defiantly urged
Soviet tanks plowed through a crowd of unarmed
them to disobey the State Committee's decrees.
civilians guarding the main television and radio
Yeltsin's courageous action helped inspire oth­
station in the Lithuanian capital of Vilnius. The
ers to step forward. Fearing an armed attack,
assault left 14 people dead and over 150 wounded.
thousands of volunteers worked feverishly build­
The rise of Boris Yeltsin The bloody crack­
ing barricades around the White House.
down in Lithuania and a continuing lack of eco­
Their fears were not misplaced. On August 20,
nomic progress undermined Gorbachev's popular­
the State Committee ordered an elite force of
ity. As his support dropped, more and more people
commandos known as the Alpha Group to
looked to Boris Yeltsin, the most popular political
assault the White House. But the Alpha com­
figure in the Russian Republic.
.
manders and their men refused to obey. "They
Yeltsin denounced the crackdown in Lithuama
want to smear us in blood," one commander told
and criticized Gorbachev for the slow pace of
his men. "I for one will not storm the White
House."
economic reform. In June 1991, voters over­
whelmingly chose Yeltsin to become the Russian
Alpha Group's refusal to attack the White
Republic's first freely elected president.
House doomed the coup. On August 21, the mil­
Yeltsin and Gorbachev were now on a collision
itary ordered its troops to leave Moscow. Later
course. But before their rivalry could be resolved,
that night, Gorbachev and his family flew back to
both confronted a far greater problem. Top offi­
Moscow. As he approached the capital, he told
cials in the Communist party, Defense Ministry,
his aides, "We are flying into a new era."
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
and KGB were furious at Gorbachev's "giveaway"
~p.&Fj5':~I'*'~i!"~~!'if~~jo{J1
••••••••••••••••••
The coup had
far~reaching
effects.
Gorbachev would soon learn just how new
that era would be. The coup unleashed a wave of
contempt and rage against the Communists,
who, in the words of one Yeltsin supporter, had
been "strangling us for 70 years." At first Gor­
bachev tried to curb the outcry against the party.
But when this failed, he resigned as general secre­
tary. The Soviet parliament voted to suspend all
party activities. Having first seized power in 1917
in a coup that succeeded, the once all-powerful
party now collapsed in the aftermath of a coup
that failed.
•
The collapse of the Soviet Union The coup
also played a decisive role in accelerating the
breakup of the Soviet Union. As the· coup began
to umavel, both Estonia and Latvia declared their
unconditional independence. On September 6,
1991, the Soviet government officially granted
them independence.
Other republics soon followed the Baltic
example. As the Soviet Union broke up, Gor­
bachev desperately pleaded for unity. But no one
was listening. By early December, allIS republics
had declared independence.
Recognizing that the Soviet Union was
doomed, Yeltsin met with the leaders of other
republics to determine a new course of action.
They agreed to form a Commonwealth of Inde­
pendent States (CISl, a loose federation of former
Soviet territories. Only the Baltic republics and
Georgia refused to join.
The end of an era The formation of the CIS
meant the death of the Soviet Union. On
Christmas Day 1991, Gorbachev announced his
resignation as president of a country that by then
had ceased to exist. Referring to Gorbachev's
devotion to the Communist party, one former col­
league observed sadly, /lHe tried to reform the
unreformable./I But despite his failures,
Gorbachev will always be remembered as the
man who launched one of the most dramatic rev­
olutions of the twentieth century.
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
ENRICHMENT
READING
WITH PRIMARY
SOURCE
DOCUMENTS
MAKES FOR BETTER DISCUSSION AND DEEPER UNDERSTANDING OF MATERIAL –
WILL ALSO HELP WITH AP PLACEMENT FOR GRADE 11 ANDS 12
DeMatteo Global 10 HSW
The Recovery of Europe
The vast destruction of life and property in Europe during
World War II and the assumption of world leadership by the
United States and Russia convinced many Europeans that their
only salvation lay in burying national differences and working
out some form of economic and even political association.
European cooperation and economic revival were considerably
advanced by Marshall Plan aid (1947-1951) and by the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (1949).
In 1951 six European nations (France, Italy, West Ger­
many, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg) agreed to
form a European Coal and Steel Community; in 1957, after con­
siderable success, they established a much closer union in the
European Economic Community (the Common Market).
Seven other nations (Austria, Denmark, Norway, Portugal,
Sweden, Switzerland, and Great Britain) combined in 1959 to
set up a European Free Trade Association. A major step was
taken toward a greater European community when British
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan announced in July 1961 that
Britain wished to apply for membership in the Common Mar­
ket. Other nations were expected to follow.
Negotiations between Britain and members of the Com­
mon Market seemed to progress, but were broken off abruptly
in January 1963 when France vetoed British entry. Members of
both EEC and EFTA continued to express the hope that some
form of association of Western European nations would even­
tually come into being.
.
Stephen R. Graubard, author of the following selecti?n, IS
research associate in the Center for InternatIOnal AffaITS at
Harvard University, and editor of Daedalus, the Journal of the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
If Europe emerged from the [Second World] \Var uncertain
about the future, the reasons were not hard to find . . . . The loss of
power - military and political- seemed obvious. This loss might be
remedied in time, but for the moment the United States and the Soviet
Union hovered over Europe as two colossi [giants], influencing everything
- the establishment of new governments, the rate of economic recovery,
the stability of particular regimes. . . .
As Europeans reflected on their prospects, they faced first a loss of
power, which, in more depressed moments, they chose to translate as
'l. loss of independence. They saw the continent riven [torn apart] by
new and unnatural boundaries, expressing the accidents of war more
than the circumstances of nationality, history, or geography. Formerly
dependent peoples in Asia and Africa rebelled against their European
allegiances, or made their intentions so unmistakable that Europea,ns,
occasionally recognizing the advantage of acting quickly, granted in­
dependence almost as soon as it was demanded. . . . In these circum­
stances, more than sufficient reason existed for concern and even alarm.
The extraordinary thing about the postwar period was that neither de­
veloped to the extent that might have been predicted. It was as if the
war itself had purged Europe of all fears. So much had been experienced
- the suffering and loss had been so great - that these new blows fell
almost without effect on peoples who ~ad become habituated to [used
to] adversity. . . .
Europeans had every reason to despair, but accepted none of
them. . . . The concept of a single European society, which had gone
out of fashion in the second half of the nineteenth century . . . re­
turned to favor. There was no way of knowing how far the revival of
European sentiment would go, or what its long-range consequences
would be, but there was no denying its reality. Economic cooperation
Source: Stephen R. Graubard, "A New Europe?" in Daedalus, Vol. 93, No.1,
Winter 1964, pp. 559-65.
dematteo global 10 hsw
might stop with the Common Market and never proceed to political
union, but this did not alter the fact that the second prospect had been
raised in serious political debate throughout Europe, and that it had
not been dismissed as visionary. . . . Increasingly, the idea of Europe
penetrated everyone's thinking; men might define the term differently,
resist it, but they refused to deny it. A consciousness of Europe, once
the property of educated men, became a common possession. . . .
Geographic proximity, which for so long had seemed the condition
of national war and rivalry, emerged as a factor encouraging unity. Eu­
ropean frontiers, in the West at least, became demilitarized; the Franco­
German understanding was certainly as remarkable a development as
any other in a century of diplomatic change. . . .
European statesmen hurried from conference to conference, flew
the oceans of the world, and indicated by their every gesture a contin­
uing interest in maintaining control over their own destinies and in in­
fluencing that of others. The incontrovertible [undeniable] reality re­
mained. With severely limited resources, particularly in the military
sphere, Europe was incapable of defending herself. This fact could
never be lost sight of. Europe's reliance on American protection was to­
tal; this situation had no historic parallel. ...
This loss of military self-sufficiency coincided with another devel­
opment, less discussed, but which could prove to be equally important.
Europe, for all practical purposes, was excluded from the scientific and
technological pursuits associated with the exploration of space. For the
first time in centuries major discoveries were taking place in another
part of the world, to which Europeans contributed in only the most
insignificant manner. . . .
This issue, rarely discussed, symbolized Europe's dilemma. In the
pre-1945 world, Europe's centrality, while open to challenge, was never
effectively denied. Her citizens succeeded in opening up the world; her
ideas dominated in science as well as in the arts; her techniques were
studied and copied by all who believed in the possibility of prog­
ress. . . .
Such a dominant position, perhaps, is beyond the capacity of any
society today; if so, Europe is simply experiencing what the Americans
and Soviets also feel, and what is in any case inevitable, given the facts
of modern technologv. Dominance once enjoyed, however, is not lightly
abandoned, particularly when it seems to define the whole of a society's
past experience. A feeling persists in Europe, rarely expressed, that Eu­
# Flemish: the Belgians who live in the northern region of Flanders. The
Walloons live in the southern part of Belgium. The two groups speak different Ian.
guages and have different religions. There is often friction between them.
t Iberian peninsula: that part of Europe in which Spain and Portugal are
located.
rope must-not simply become the junior partner in a going enterprise,
however magnificentl" managed. Europe's continuing concern is with
the possibility of be .oming too much the political, intellectual, and
"piritual disciple of the United States . . . . This is a strange reversal of
roles. Europe, in the twentieth century, is seeking the independence
from the other which America so prided itself on securing in the
eighteenth. . . .
Europe's experience is too deeply and permanently inscribed for
illusions to exist about the possibility of starting over again. There may
be a "new Europe," but Europe is not a new world. The Flemish'" will
not soon feel differently about the Walloons, '" though any number of
rational arguments may be offered to demonstrate why they should.
West Germans will not easily abandon talk of the "unification" of Ger­
many, though many abroad would wish that they might. ...
For the moment, [Europe's] energy appears to be expended particu­
larly in planning. Cities are being built, industries developed, and agri­
culture [reorganized]. Each of these activities creates opportunities and
problems. As in the past, politics concerns itself largely with the situa­
tions created by immediate developments. . . .
Europe's rebuilding and decolonizing tasks have so preoccupied
her, have required such vast expenditures of pt,ysical and psychic en­
ergy, that there has been little incentive to recognize that these were
essentially finite [having an end] operations, which would not indefi­
nitely make important demands on her. In the decade now opening,
new preoccupations will undoubtedly assert themselves. More thought,
almost certainly, will be given to relations between Western and East­
ern Europe. While the Soviet's policy in this matter will be enormously
influential, it may be less governing than in the past. Relations between
Europe and the states of the Iberian peninsula t may change rather
dramatically; this "underdeveloped" region of Europe is not neces­
sarily destined to remain so. European-Soviet and European-American
relations will almost certainly be modified, in part because of the policies
pursued by the great powers, in part because of Europe's own growing
consciousness of her own capabilities. It would be hazardous to guess
what these changes will be, but it would be wrong to assume that ex­
isting relations define what they are likely to be, even in the immediate
future. The question of European political unity will certainly continue
to be debated. It is not impossible that it will be as unsettled a matter
a decade from now as it is today [1964]. . . .
Europe, by almost any standard that is relevant, shows remarkable
vitality and hope. It should not surprise anyone if in the next half cen­
tury she seeks again, with something approaching her former self-confi­
dence, to be an "example" to the world. The task, while difficult, may
be precisely the one to justify the use of that now overworked phrase,
the "new Europe." The present efforts, seemingly chaotic, may in time
be viewed as the uncertain strivings of an old society to renew itself, by
taking what is best from its recollections of a not undistinguished past.
dematteo global 10 hsw
The United States
Leads the Free Warld
The extent of Soviet ambition became clear soon after the
end of the war. By 1947 Communism had consolidated its posi­
tion in Eastern Europe and was beginning to threaten Greece
and Turkey. The British, who had been giving aid to both these
countries, were no longer in a position to continue because of
overwhelming economic problems at home. At this point Presi­
dent Harry S. Truman, in a speech before Congress on March
12, 1947, asked tIle United States to assume the responsibility of
aiding free nations in their efforts to resist Communist aggres­
sion. This policy, to which Congress responded favorably, be­
came known as the Truman Doctrine.
A few months later, on June 5, Secretary of State George C.
Marshall, in a commencement address at Harvard University,
discussed the gravity of the international situation. Since the
elimination of poverty and hunger were considered essential for
a free and stable Europe, Marshall declared that the United
States was willing to aid war-torn European nations in recon­
structing their economies. Russia and its satellites greeted this
offer with hostility. The non-Communist countries received it
enthusiastically. Large appropriations were voted by Congress
and the Marshall Plan went into action. When the program
drew to a close at the end of 1951, the United States had spent
twelve and one-half billion dollars. The Marshall Plan was an
extraordinary example of international cooperation in peacetime.
The rate of European recovery was impressive.
The following selections are from the speeches of Truman
and Marshall.
The Truman Doctrine
Mr. President [President of the Senate], Mr. Speaker, Members
of the Congress of the United States, the gravity of the situation which
confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint ses­
sion of the Congress.
The foreign policy and the national security of this country are in­
volved.
One aspect of the present situation which I wish to present to you
at this time for your consideration and decision concerns Greece and
Turkey.
The United States has received from the Greek government an
urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. . . .
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to
turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government.
Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has
always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet.
Since 1940 this industrious and peace-loving country has suffered in­
vasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberatIOII l:llIered Greece they found that the re­
treating Germans had destroyed virtually ~l t11e railways, roads, port
facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand
vi11ageshad been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tuber­
cular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. In­
flation had wiped out practical1y all savings.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the
terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists,
who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly
along the northern boundaries. . . .
Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and
self-respecting democracy.
The United States must supply this assistance. We have already
extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid but these
are inadequate.
There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.
No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support
for a democratic Greek government.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this
crisis. But the situation is an urgent one requiring immediate action, and
the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to
extend help of the kind that is required.
Greece's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. . . .
Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great
Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modern­
ization necessdry for the maintenance of its national integrity.
That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle
dematteo global 10 hsw East.
The British government has informed us that, owing to its own
difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.
As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs,
the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to pro­
vide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United
States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these
implications with you at this time.
One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United
States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be
able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamen­
tal issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over
countries which sought to impose their wiII and their way of life upon
other nations. . . .
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently
had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their wiII. The gov­
ernment of the United States has made frequent protests against coer­
cion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, in Poland,
Romania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other
countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must
choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a
free one. . . .
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own
destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and
financial aid, which is essential to economic stability and orderly politi­
cal processes. . . .
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries which have
struggled so long against overwhelming odds should lose that victory for
which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of
independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.
Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neigh­
boring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the
effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to
Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending
June 30, 1948. . . .
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of
American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the
request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and
for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material as­
sistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be pro­
vided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish
personnel.
.Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will per­
mit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodi­
ties, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.
The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning
World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world
peace. . . .
The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want.
They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach
their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
~
dematteo global 10 hsw
The Marshall Plan
The truth of the n~tter is that Europe's requirements for the
next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products­
principally from America - are so much greater than her present ability
to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic,
social, and political deterioration of a very grave character. ...
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the
possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of t>~ desperation of the
people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United
States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States
should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal eco­
nomic health in the world, without which there can be no political
stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any
country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.
Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so
as to permit the emergence of political and social cO!1ditions in which
free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be
on a piecemeal basis as various crises develop. Any assistance that this
government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a
mere palliative [temporary remedy]. Any government that is willing to
assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the
part of the United States Government. Any government which maneu­
vers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us.
Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to
perpetuate human misery in order to profit therefrom politically or oth­
erwise will encounter the opposition of the United States.
It is already evident that, before the United States Government can
proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help
start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some
agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the
situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to
give proper effect to whatever action might be undertaken by this gov­
ernment. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for this government
to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Eu­
rope on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans.
The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country
should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and
of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to
do so. . . .
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United
States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the
character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political pas­
sion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight and a willing­
ness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility
which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have
outlined can and will be overcome.
dematteo global 10 hsw
It is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and N a­
zism and to insure that Germany will never again be able to disturb the
peace of the world. We are determined to disarm and disband all Ger­
man armed forces; break up for all time the Gem:tan General Staff that
has repeatedly contrived the resurgence of German militarism; remove
or destroy all German military equipment; eliminate or control all Ger­
man industry that could be used for military production; bring all war
criminals to just and swift punishment and exact reparation in kind for
the destruction wrought by the Germans; wipe out the Nazi Party, Nazi
laws, organizations, and institutions, remove all Nazi and militarist in­
fluences from public office and from the cultural and economic life of
the German people; and take in harmony such other measures in Ger­
many as may be necessary to the future peace and safety of the world.
It is not our purpose to destroy the people of Germany, but only when
Nazism and militarism have been extirpated will there be hope for a de­
cent life for Germans and a place for them in the comity of nations.
We have considered the question of the damage caused by Ger­
many to the Allied nations in this war and recognize it as just that Ger­
many be obliged to make compensation for this damage in kind to the
greatest extent possible. A commission for the compensation of damage
will be established. The commission will be instructed to consider the
question of the extent and methods for compensating damage caused
by Germany to the Allied countries. The commission will work in Mos­
cow.
We are resolved upon the earliest possible establishment with our
allies of a general international organization to maintain peace and
security. We believe that this is essential both to prevent aggression and
to remove the political, economic, and social causes of war through the
close and continuing collaboration of all peace-loving peoples.
We have agreed th;J.t a conference of United Nations should be
called to meet at San Francisco in the United States on April 25, 1945,
to prepare the charter of such an organization. . . .
The establishment of order in Europe and the rebuilding of na­
tional economic life must be achieved by processes which will enable
the liberated peoples to destroy the last vestiges of Nazism and Fascism
and to create democratic institutions of their own choice. This is a prin­
Plans for Victory and Peace
state of harmony prevailed at a meeting of the Big Three at
Yalta in the Crimea in February 1945. The war in Europe was
coming to an end. Important concessions asked by the Soviet
Union were granted by the United States and Britain in recogni­
tion of the Soviet Union's great sacrifices in the war, in the ex­
pectation that its assistance would be essential to defeat Japan,
and in the hope that a lasting peace could be established. The
Soviet Union gave little in exchange for what it received, except
promises, such as free elections in Eastern Europe.
By the time the Big Three met again at Potsdam in July
of the same year, the atmosphere had cooled. Germany was
beaten, and the Soviet Unirm's actions in Eastern Europe had
aroused apprehension as to its intentions. All the victors wanted
to disarm Germany and to put an end to Nazi domination, but
they could not agree on many issues, such as reparations. Sus­
picion and mistrust soon poisoned all relations between East
and West.
The following selections are extracts from the Yalta and
Potsdam agreements.
L \
Yalta, February 7-12, 1945
We have considered and determined the military plans of the
three allied powers for the final defeat of the common enemy. . . .
Nazi Germany is doomed. The German people will only make the
cost of their defeat heavier to themselves by attempting to continue a
hopeless resistance.
We have agreed on common policies and plans for enforcing the
unconditional surrender terms which we shall impose together on Nazi
Germany after German armed resistance has been finally crushed. These
terms will not be made known until the final defeat of Germany has
been accomplished. Under the agreed plan, the forces of the three pow­
ers will each occupy a separate zone of Germany. Coordinated admin­
istration and control has been provided for. ... It has been agreed that
France should be invited by the three powers, if she should so desire, to
take over a zone of occupation and to participate as a fourth member of
the control commission. . . .
ciple of the Atlantic Charter - the right of all peoples to choose the
form of government under which they will live - the restoration of
sovereign rights and self-government to those peoples who have been
forcibly deprived of them by the aggressor nations.
dematteo global 10 hsw
To foster the conditions in which the liberated peoples may exer­
cise these rights, the three governments will jointly assist the people in
any European liberated state or former Axis satellite state in Europe
where in their judgment conditions require (a) to establish conditions
of internal peace; (b) to carry out emergency measures for the relief of
distressed peoples; (c) to form interim governmental authorities broadly
representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged
to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of govern­
ments responsive to the will of the people; and (d) to facilitate where
necessary the holding of such elections.
Our meeting here in the Crimea has reaffirmed our common deter­
mination to maintain and strengthen in the peace to come that unity of
purpose and of action which has made victory possible and certain for
the United Nations in this war. We believe that this is a sacred obliga­
tion which our governments owe to our peoples and to all the peoples
of the world.
Potsdam, July 17-August 2, 1945*
The conference reached an agreement for the establishment of
a Council of Foreign Ministers representing the five principal powers to
continue the necessary preparatory work for the peace settlements and
to take up matters which from time to time may be referred to the
Council by agreement of the governments participating in the Coun­
cil. ...
The Council shall normally meet in London, which shall be the
permanent seat of the joint secretariat which the Council will
form . . . .
* Of the Big Three at Yalta - Stalin, Roosevelt, and Churchill- only Stalin
attended the entire Potsdam Conference (also called the Berlin Conference). Presi­
dent Truman succeeded Roosevelt, and Churchill, who attended the early sessions,
was replaced by Clement Attlee, the new British Prime Minister.
As its immediate important task, the Council shall be authorized
to draw up, with a view to their submission to the United Nations,
treaties of peace with Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Finland,
and to propose settlements of territorial questions outstanding on the
termination of the war in Europe. The Council shall be utilized for
the preparation of a peace settlementfor Germany to be accepted by the
government of Germany when a government adequate for the purpose is
established. . . .
The Allied armies are in occupation of the whole of Germany, and
the German people have begun to atone for the terrible crimes com­
mitted under the leadership of those whom in the hour of their success
they openly approved and blindly obeyed.
Agreement has been reached at this conference on the political and
economic principles of a coordinated Allied policy toward defeated Ger­
many during the period of Allied control.
The purpose of this agreement is to carry out the Crimea Declara­
tion on Germany. German militarism and Nazism will be [eliminated]
and the Allies will take in agreement together, now and in the future, the
other measures necessary to assure that Germany will never again
threaten her neighbors or the peace of the world.
It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave the Ger­
man people. It is the intention of the Allies that the German people be
given the opportunity to prepare for the eventual reconstruction of their
life on a democratic and peaceful basis. If their own efforts are steadily
directed to this end, it will be possible for them in due course to take
their place among the free and peaceful peoples of the world. . ..
All Nazi laws which provided the basis of the Hitler regime or
established discrimination on grounds of race, creed, or political opinion
shall be abolished. No such discriminations, whether legal, administra­
tive, or otherwise, shall be tolerated.
War criminals and those who have participated in planning or car­
rying out Nazi enterprises involving or resulting in atrocities or war
crimes shall be arrested and brought to judgment. Nazi leaders, influ­
ential Nazi supporters, high officials of Nazi organizations and institu­
tions, and any other persons dangerous to the occupation or its objec­
tives shall be arrested. and interned. . . .
German education shall be so controlled as completely to eliminate
Nazi and militarist doctrines and to make possible the successful devel­
opment of democratic ideas.
The judicial system will be reorganized in accordance with the prin­
ciples of democracy, of justice under law, and of equal rights for all
citizens without distinction of race, nationality, or religion.
dematteo global 10 hsw
Lenin Rules in the Kremlin
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's life was dedicated to a single purpose ­
revolution. A devoted follower of Marx's philosophy, he never­
theless realized that revolutions were not brought about by arm­
chair theorists. With a will of iron and amazing energy, he set
about building a trained, disciplined, and militant party of rev­
olutionaries. For moderates or compromisers he had only con­
tempt. He became the leader of the extremist Bolshevik wing
of the Marxists in 1903. After years of exile, disappointment, and
despair, his opportunity came in 1917. Against great odds Lenin
won the revolution for the Bolsheviks.
Brought back to Russia in April 1917 by the Germans, who
believed that he would add to the chaos, Lenin galvanized his
followers against the Provisional Government. In simple and
powerful slogans he offered the people what they wanted -land
and peace. Departing from Marxist theory, he called for the
union of worker and peasant as the means of bringing about a
revolution in backward Russia. With customary disdain for
democratic institutions, and with typical ruthlessness, he dis­
persed the freely elected Constituent Assembly in which the
Bolsheviks had won only a quarter of the votes.
A description of Lenin as ruler of Russia is given below by
David Shub. Shub was in close contact with Russian revolu­
tionary leaders for several decades. After being exiled to Siberia
for taking part in the Revolution of 1905-06, he escaped and
came to the United States in 1908.
On the first of May Lenin stood on the Kremlin wall where
Napoleon once had watched Moscow burning and gazed down at the
May Day demonstration in Red Square.
"The most important thing is not to lose constant contact with
the masses," he told his companion. "One must be in touch with the
life of the masses." And he asked what the crowd was saying, what their
mood was, was their demonstration spontaneous or artificial? . . .
Not having industrial and consumer goods in sufficient quantity to
exchange with the peasants for grain, the Soviet Government on May
10, 1918, issued an order for the requisitioning of grain from "rich"
peasants. A month later, on June 11, the so-called "Committees of the
Poor" were created to enforce the decree in every village. An ugly at­
mosphere of suspicion, espionage, and betrayal was created among the
peasants. Neighbor spied upon neighbor. Peasants slaughtered their cat­
tle and refused to sow their land rather than turn over their food sup­
plies to the government. And the countryside seethed with local upris­
ings, which were crushed by punitive expeditions of Cheka troops
rsecret police].
The complete suppression of civil liberty, the dissolution of the
Constituent Assembly, the Cheka terror, and the ... peace of Brest­
Litovsk - which deprived Russia of its richest regions - brought in­
creasing revolt from every stratum of the Russian people.
The Petrograd regiments which had overthrown Kerensky [the Pro­
visional Government] were on the verge of a new revolt and had to be
disarmed, as were other military and naval units. The Lettish [Latvian]
sharpshooters became the only regular armed force on which Lenin
could rely with complete certainty. . . .
In 1918 Lenin embarked on a policy of "incomplete Communism."
In March the nationalization of trade was decreed. To the Seventh
Party Congress he explained that the industrial workers an~ landless
peasants had to help build Communism on the fundamental principle
"From each according to his capacities, to each according to his needs."
Communism had to be predicated [based] on the elimination of the
middleman. The system of private trading was to be abolished. Produc­
tion would be guided by social needs, he promised.
There were special needs for nationalizing trade. The peasants. un­
willing to sell their grain for worthless paper currency, were demanding
manufactured goods. In order to secure food for the urban population,
~ the government had to organize a barter system between village and
city. Committees were formed in every town with a population of ten
thousand to fix local prices of articles. The existing stocks of merchan­
dise were registered. Trading in manufactured goods was placed under
state control. But that was not enough. On October 8, 1918, the regime
nationalized all domestic trade. All shops, great and small, were closed
and their inventory used for barter with the peasants.
According to Trotsky, Lenin asserted in 1918, "You will see that
within six months we shall establish Socialism in Russia."
Lenin also prepared the draft of a decree outlining how he pro­
posed to force all able-bodied men and women to serve the interests of
the state.
"Every toiler having worked eight hours during the day is obliged
to devote three hours to military or administrative duties.
"Everyone belonging to the nobility or the well-to-do (an income
of not less than five hundred rubles a month or ... capital of not less
than fifteen hundred rubles) is obliged to obtain a workbook wherein
shall be recorded whether or not he has performed his share in military
or administrative service. The recording is to be done by the trade union,
the Soviet, or the staff of the local Red Guard. The well-to-do can ob­
tain this book on the payment of fifty rubles.
"Nonworkers who do not belong to the wealthy classes are also re­
quired to have such a workbook, which they can obtain for five rubles.
For failure to secure such a book or for false entries in it, punishment is
to be meted out according to military law. . . ."
When the decree for the full nationalization of all industrial and
commercial enterprises was promulgated, the Soviet state really con­
dematteo global 10 hswsisted largely of a few offices in Moscow and Petrograd, whose managers
had little practical experience. The "plan" existed mainly in the brain
of Mikhail (Yuri) Larin.
Larin was [a Communist] who had lived for many years in Ger­
\Vhen [~e].returned to Russia, ... Lenin made [him] the
mam architect of Socialist construction. He was the author of the decree
for nationalization of all industries, large and small. He created, mainl
on paper, a system of central institutions for every branch of
and commerce. All private stores were closed and the merchandise con­
ma~y .....
indust~
fiscated. With Russia's economy already undermined by war and civil
conflict, Larin in effect destroyed the remnants.
When the non-Communist specialist Lieberman reported to Lenin
on the sad state of the lumber industry as a result of Larin's decrees,
Lenin interrupted him with these words:
"Of course we make mistakes, but there are no revolutions without
mistakes. We learn from our mistakes, but we are glad we can correct
them."
As for the latest Larin decrees Lenin remarked:
"We are engaged in making revolution. Our power may not last
long, but these decrees will become part of history, and future revolu­
tionaries will learn from them. They may learn something from Larin's
decrees which you consider senseless. . . ."
The population was forbidden to produce or trade, and at the
same time the state was unable not only to build new industries but to
manage the existing ones. Opening a small factory or shop was prohib­
ited under pain of being shot as a "counterrevolutionist" or speculator.
But there was no trace of state-organized commerce. Economic catastro­
phe followed. Raw materials disappeared together with COnsumer goods
and industrial products. The little that remained in private hands van­
ished from the markets. But although state factories could obtain noth­
ing, there was an active black market where enormous speculation flour­
ished. The result was disastrous inflation. And when the cities were
unable to supply the villages with products, the peasants refused to
bring their bread and meat to the cities. A great part of the city workers
who had come from the villages deserted the hungry cities. The cities
were emptied not only of workers, but of all who could find food in the
villages. Because of the scarcity of labor and materials, hundreds of fac­
tories closed down.
To feed at least the essential workers and the administrators, the
regime had to send troops to the villages to collect bread and grain by
force. But the peasants resisted and" armed revolts broke out. The peas­
ants in 1918-19 were mostly ex-soldiers who had returned from the
front with their rifles, machine guns, and grenades. Thus a war for
bread flared in the villages. The city came to take grain but the peasant
didn't want to surrender it, because the paper currency had no value.
These forced requisitions drove hundreds of thousands of peasants into
the arms of the counterrevolution.
The ravaged villages often joined the anti-Bolshevik forces. In the
Ukraine one heard that the peasants favored the "Bolsheviks" (who
took the land from nobles) but were opposed to the "Communists,"
who sent requisitioning squads. The peasants also replied with sabotage,
refusing to produce. Crops dropped to the point where only enough was
planted and harvested for local village consumption but nothing for the
cities.
At one of the sessions of the Council for Labor and Defense, the
above-mentioned Lieberman proposed that several tons of bread and
oats be designated for the peasants who were to deliver firewood to the
cities and railways. One of the commissars opposed the plan, explaining
that this would entail reducing the already meager bread rations of the
city workers.
Alexei Rykov then took the floor.
"We are able to get our workers and peasants accustomed to work­
ing even without bread. But unfortunately we could not get our horses
accustomed to it. You may declare the horses counterrevolutionary, but
you cannot ignore the fact and you must give them oats."
Tuming to Dzerzhinsky, Rykov said, "Even Felix Edmundovitch
can do little about it. Let him try to shoot a few dozen horses."
Lenin closed the discussion and dictated an order to issue bread
and oats for the peasants.
[In March 1921 Lenin inaugurated the New Economic Policy
(NEP), which attempted to cope with the economic disorganization by
a temporary retreat from the socialization of industry, agriculture, and
commerce.]
dematteo global 10 hsw
The Dictatorship of Stalin
After outmaneuvering his political opponents, the chief of whom
was Leon Trotsky, Joseph Stalin emerged as undisputed dictator
of the Soviet Union. One of the many issues on which Stalin
and Trotsky differed was the extension of the revolution to
other countries. Trotsky, a cosmopolitan of wide experience, be­
lieved that the Soviet Union could never become a true Com­
munist state unless the revolution spread beyond its borders.
Stalin, who was more of a nationalist, felt that his first task was
to establish a strong state. His ultimate goal was no different
from that of Trotsky, and he continued to support and encour­
age Communist groups throughout the world. In the mean­
time he was willing to get along with capitalist nations and to
establish "Socialism in one country." In his struggle for power,
Stalin had opposed a program of rapid industrialization. Once
his competitors were out of the w~y, he initiated the Five-Year
Plan for the expansion of industry. Stalin's rule, as Nikita S.
Khrushchev has acknowledged, was an oppressive dictatorship in
which opponents could not survive.
In the first selection Stalin discusses his policy of "Socialism
in one country," and in the second he deals with the results of
the First Five-Year Plan, inaugurated in 1928.
country, the possibility of the proletariat assuming power and using that
power to build a complete Socialist society in our country with the sym­
pathy and the support of the proletarians of other countries, but with­
out the preliminary victory of the proletarian revolution in other coun­
tries.
Without such a possibility, building Socialism is building without
prospects, building without being sure that Socialism will be completely
built. It is no use engaging in building Socialism without being sure that
we can build it completely, without being sure that the technical back­
wardness of our country is not an insuperable obstacle to the complete
construction of a fully Socialist society. To deny such a possibility is to
display lack of faith in the cause of building Socialism, to abandon Len­
inism.
What do we mean by the impossibility of the complete, final vic­
tory of Socialism in one country without the victory of the Revolution in
other countries?
We mean the impossibility of having full guarantees against inter­
vention, and consequently against the restoration of the bourgeois or­
der, without the victory of the Revolution in at least a number of coun­
tries. To deny this indisputable thesis is to abandon internationalism,
to abandon Leninism.
The First Five-Year Plan
Socialism in One Conntry
On the question of victory of Socialism in our country, ...
[I said ill 1925], "We can build Socialism, and we will build it together
with the peasantry under the leadership of the working class. . . . Un­
der the dictatorship of the proletariat we possess . . . all that is needed
to build a complete Socialist society, overcoming all internal difficulties,
for we can and must overcome them by our own efforts."
On the questi::..n of the ~nal victory of Socialism ... [I said],
"The final victory of Socialism is the full guarantee against attempts at
intervention, and hence against restoration [of the prerevolutionary re­
gime], for any serious attempt at restoration can be made only with
serious support from outside, only with the support of international
capital. Therefore, the support of our Revolution by the workers of all
countries, and still more, the victory of the workers in at least several
countries, is a necessary condition for fully guaranteeing the first vic­
torious country against attempts at intervention and restoration, a neces­
sary condition for the final victory of Socialism."
Clear, one would think! . . .
What do we mean Dy the possibility of the victory of Socialism in
one country?
We mean the possibility of solving the contradictions between the
proletariat and the peasantry with the aid of the internal forces of our
Let us now take up the results of the fulfillment of the Five­
Year Plan. What are the results of the Five-Year-Plan in four years in
the sphere of industry?
Have we achieved victory in this sphere?
Yes, we have. And not only that, but we have accomplished more
than we expected, more than the hottest heads in our Party could have
expected. Even our enemies do not deny this now; and certainly our
friends cannot deny it.
We did not have an iron and steel industry, the foundation for the
industrialization of the country. Now we have this industry.
We did not have a tractor industry. Now we have one.
We did not have an automobile industry. Now we have one.
We did not have a machine-tool industry. Now we have one.
dematteo global 10 hsw
We did not have a big up-to-date chemical industry. Now we
have one.
We did not have a real and big industry for the production of mod­
em agricultural machinery. Now we have one.
We did not have an aircraft industry. Now we have one.
In output of electric power we were last on the list. Now we rank
among the first.
In output of oil products and coal we were last on the list. Now we
rank among the first.
We had only one coal and metallurgical base - in the Ukraine­
which we barely managed to keep going. We have not only succeeded
in improving this base, but have created a new coal and metallurgical
base in the East which is the pride of our country.
We had only one center of the textile industry - in the North of
our country. As a result of our efforts we will have in the very near fu­
ture two new centers of the textile industry in Central Asia and West­
ern Siberia.
And we have not only created these new great industries, but have
created them on a scale and in dimensions that eclipse the scale and
dimensions of European industry.
And as a result of all this the capitalist elements have been com­
pletely and irrevocably eliminated from industry, and Socialist industry
has become the sole form of industry in the U.S.S.R.
And as a result of all this our country has been converted from an
agrarian into an industrial country. . . .
Finally, as a result of all this the Soviet Union has been converted
from a weak country, unprepared for defense, into a country mighty in
defense, a cQuntry prepared for every contingency [possibility], a country
capable of producing on a mass scale all modem weapons of defense
and of equipping its army with them in the ~vent of an attack from
without [outside].
It is true that the output of consumer goods fell short of the de­
mand, and this creates c~rtain difficulties. But then we must realize and
take into account where such a policy of relegating the task of industri­
alization to the background would have led us. . . .
We would have deprived ourselves of the possibility of supplying
our agriculture with tractors and agricultural machinery, which means
that we would now have no bread.
We would have deprived ourselves of the possibility of achieving
victory over the capitalist elements in our country, which means that
we would have raised immeasurably the chances of the restoration of
capitalism.
We would not now have all the modem means of defense without
which it is impossible for a country to be politically independent, with·
out which a country becomes a target for military attacks of foreign
enemies. Our position would be more or less analogous to [like] the pres­
ent position of China, which has no heavy industry and no war indus­
try of her own and which is being molested by anyone who cares
to do so.
In a word, in that case we would have had military intervention;
not pacts of nonaggression, but war, dangerous and fatal war, a san­
guinary [bloody] and unequal war; for in such a war we would be almost
unarmed in the face of an enemy who has all the modem II" 'us of at­
tack at his disposal.
dematteo global 10 hsw
Khrushchev Reveals
the Crimes of Stalin
An anxious world watched the politics in the Kremlin after the
death of Joseph Stalin in March 1953. Stalin had been one of
the most successful dictators in history. He had eliminated his
internal opponents, defeated his foreign enemies, and extended
his rule over a vast empire. There was no one of Stalin's stature
to succeed him. Out of the inevitable struggle for power that fol­
lowed, Nikita S. Khrushchev emerged as ruler of Russia.
The sordid nature of the rule of Stalin was no secret. It was
astonishing, nevertheless, to have Khrushchev denounce him be­
fore the Twentieth Communist Party Congress in February
1956. The brutality, the terror, and the worship of personality
during Stalin's reign were all frankly and vividly revealed. The
people of Russia, who must have been confused by all this, were
somehow able to put away their former idol without apparent
protest.
Russia under Khrushchev remains a dictatorship which does
not shrink from using brute force to crush opposition, but some
of the worst evils of Stalin's rule have not been revived.
Stalin acted not through persuasion, explanation, and patient
cooperation with people, but by imposing his concepts and demanding
absolute submission to his opinion. Whoever opposed this concept or
tried to prove his viewpoint and the correctness of his position was
doomed ... to subsequent moral and physical annihilation. This was
especially true during the period following the Seventeenth Party Con­
gress [1934], when many prominent party leaders and rank and file party
workers, honest and dedicated to the cause of Communism, fell victim
to Stalin's despotism. . . .
Stalin originated the concept "enemy of the people." This term
automatically rendered it unnecessary that the ideological errors of a
man or men engaged in a controversy be proved; this term made possi­
ble the usage of the most cruel repression, violating all norms of revo­
lutionary legality, against anyone who in any way disagreed with Stalin,
against those who were only suspected of hostile intent, against those
who had bad reputations. This concept "enemy of the people" actually
eliminated the possibility of any kind of ideological fight or the making
of one's views known on this or that issue, even those of a practical char­
acter. In the main, and in actuality, the only proof of guilt used, against
all norms of current legal science, was the "confession" of the accused
himself; and, as subsequent probing proved, "confessions" were ac­
quired through physical pressures against the accused. This led to glar­
ing violations of revolutionary legality and to the fact that many entirely
innocent persons who in the past had defended the Party line became
victims. . . .
Arbitrary behavior by one person encouraged and permitted arbi­
trariness in others. Mass arrests and deportations of many thousands of
people, execution without trial and without normal investigation cre­
ated conditions of insecurity, fear, and even desperation. . . .
Stalin ... used extreme methods and mass repressions at a time
when the Revolution was already victorious, when the Soviet state was
strengthened, when the exploiting classes were already liquidated and
Socialist relations were rooted solidly in all phases of national economy,
when our Party was politically consolidated and had strengthened itself
both numerically and ideologically.
tremendous harm to our country and to the cause of Socialist ad­
vancement.
Mass repressions had a negative influence on the moral-political
condition of the Party, created a situation of uncertainty, contributed
to the spreading of unhealthy suspicion, and sowed distrust among Com­
munists. All sorts of slanderers and careerists were active. . . .
Stalin was a very distrustful man, sickly suspicious; we know this
from our work with him. He could look at a man and say, "Why are
your eyes so shifty today?" or, "Why are you turning so much today and
avoiding to look me directly in the eyes?" The sickly suspicion created
in him a general distrust even toward eminent party workers whom he
had known for years. Everywhere and in everything he saw "enemies,"
"two-facers," and "spies." Possessing unlimited power, he indulged in
great willfulness. . . .
Comrades! The cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size
chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported
the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts.
One of the most characteristic examples of Stalin's self-glorification and
of his lack of even elementary modesty is the edition of his Short Biog­
raphy which was published in 1948.
This book is an expression of the most dissolute flattery, an example
of making a man into a godhead, of transforming him into an infallible
sage, "the greatest leader, sublime strategist of all times and nations."
Finally, no other words could be found with which to lift Stalin up to
the heavens.
We need not give here examples of the loathsome adulation filling
this book. All we need to add is that they all were approved and edited
by Stalin personally and some of them were added in his own hand­
writing to the draft text of the book.
Source: N. S. Khrushchev, "The Crimes of the Stalin Era: Special Report to
the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," annotated
by B. I. Nicolaevsky, in The New Leader, New York, 1956, pp. SI3-15, 17,20,25,
27, 32-34, 54. © 1962 by The New Leader. Reprinted by permission of The New
Leader.
I.I>
~:
V
kO~&J:1d
Communism
Eco:n.O:D1Y
/BOI8h.e"'Vi.S~
By Karl Marx
"From Each according to their ability
to each according to their needs"
- The Communist Manifesto
v1.vIar:X::is~
I
+ Positives +
HaUl UlCIS
i~
- Negatives ­
snppas@d
~a UI~k?
Vladimir Lenin
Joseph 'f>ta\in
~orkers
o£ ~e ~orldu.I1i.-te,
Y0"'-I h.a'V"e :n.O-t~g-to lose b"'-I-t yo~ ch.ai.:n.s!"
dematteo global 10 hsw
".l\
Where and When: Europe, 1800s.
The Communist /l!Ianifesto Th~, wtitings of a Germlln jounllliist
What Marx :BeJieved:
1. Workers were taken advantage of by the owners
of private property.
2. Workers rather than employers should own the
means of production.
3. This could be achieved' through revolution.
Impact:
1. His beliefs came to be known as Communism.
2. Some CDuntries adopted Communism as a way
of life. For example, China is a Communist nation.
'" .
' a:,~j~I'''~''''<-:,
/".;f.'"f: '"
'"'
. . . \~.
.:
';":
"
,,:~;;,~,~.~t;,
>~'7. ".~, ~(~~'
i
,
,
,l;~·?;.1j'~·;~~"
. •~~:~~~,{~~lft'" '
"
"
Karl Marx
1818-1883
Karl Marx studiad philosophy at the
University of Berfin bafora he
turned to journalism and
economics, In 1849, Marx joinad
the flood of radicals who fled
continental Europe for England, He
had declared in The Communist
Manifesto that 'tha working men
have no country:
Marx's theories of socialism and
the inev~abla revolt of the working
class mada him very little money.
He earned e meager living es a
journalist His wealthy coauthor and
fallow German, Friedrich Engels,
gava Marx financial aid.
named Karl Marx introrluced the world to 1\ mdical type of socialism
called ~larxism. Marx alld Friedrich Engels, II German whose father
0\\11ed a textile mill in Manchester. outlined their ideas in II 23-page
pamphlf't called The CO/lllllunist Mt/llifesto. In their manifesto, Marx
.and Engels argued thut human societies have always been divided
into warring classes. In their own time, these were the middle-class
"haves" or employers, ,called the bourgeoisie (BUR.zhwall.ZEE), and
the "have-nots" or workers, called the proletariat (PROH·lih·TAIR­
ee'iht). \ Vhile the wealthy controlled the means of producing goods,
the poor performed b~lckbre~ng labor under terrible conditions.
I
'.
. ...... '0; ,",.:
, All graat movements in history .
ara tha resuk of an economic
class struggle.
• The ·h~ves' take ~dvan~~~;:~ ~
of the have-nots.
~,;
..,
• Tha Industrial Revolution ..1
intansifiad tha class strug-"
'Workars are exploited
byamployars,
.
• The labor of wo
. profit fer amplo
• The capitalist SYSl'e~'
"" '-~~"
'
eventu~"y ~astroy ltii.., Th~., \'.;,(\Karl
stata will withar away s
. "Man<
classless society develops.
"
CI•••
Violent
Revolution
The conditions of
Struggle
In non-COmmunist
workers become
worse. In an
attempt to correct
these injustices,
the workers are
finally driven to
overthrow their
capitalist rulers in
a violent revolution.
".
;.'
;: .
:.::.
:.::
",
:;::,',
,
revolution, C0m­
.;
.',
:.::
.
",
'.'(:..
munist leaders
establish a dicta­
torship, run for
the workers' ben­
The New
":: ..
':':. : ~:. ':'
,
";.
ideas of Com­
munism.
;'.
;:::.,
.}"
.: ..
:.
Communist State
Gradually a new
Communist society
is created, with no
private property.
Everyone works for
the good of s0cie­
ty. Each conbi­
butes accOrdf~ to
-=
his abilities and
efit, and educa~
the peopfe In the
:
I~
;.:.;"
Dictatorship of
the Workera
The workers tri­
umph. After the
.,~.
A VOICE FROM THE PAST
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master
and journeyman, In a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant
opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden,
now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary
reconrtitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the con­
tending classes.
KARL MARX. AND FJUEDRICH ENGELS, The Communist Manifesto (1848)
Marxrst iil.lias',
::':,::-:::.::\:.;:.:::::
.
societies, owners
of land and busi­
nesses (called
-capitalistsj use
their wealth to take
advantage of work­
ers by robbing
them of most of
what they produce,
This conflict leads
.,. tO~.~,ass struggle.
'~
1
::";
~esfrom
society~rding
to his need!.
The Future According to Marx Man: belie\'ed that the capit,llist system, which
produced the Industrial Revolution, would eventually destroy itself in the follOWing
way. Factories would drive sm'all artisans out of business, leaving a small number of
manufacturers to control all the wealth. The large proletariat would revolt, seize the
factories and mills from the capitalists, and produce what society needed. Workers,
sharing in the profits, woulcl bring about economic equality for all people. The workers
would control the govemment in iJ. "dictatorship of the proleturillt." After II period of
cooperative living and education, the state or gO\'enllnent would wither away as a
dassless society developecl.
According to Marx and Engels, the Industrial Revolution had
enriched the wealthy and impoverished the poor. The two writers pre­
Marx called this final phase pure COllllnUllislll. Marx desc,ibecl communism as
dematteo global 10 hsw
dicted that the workers would overthrow the owners: 'The proletarhU1S have nothing to
a form of complete socialism ill which the means of production-all lund, mines,
lose but their chllins, The)' have a world to win. \ \'orkingmen of all countries, unite."
factOries, railroads. and businesses-would he 0\\11ed by the.' people. Private propert}'
\lInllfrl in pITI=l('lf- . .·P:lc::P tn pvid All 17(10rlS nne! ~pniC'Ps would hf'l c:h!ll.~rl ",n".,lI ..