Download Media coverage of Gulf War

GULF WAR
-- Vinaya Patil (9418)
-- Ritika Dange (9403)
-- Vinodhini Patil (9419)
Introduction:
• First major conflict involving the United States since
Vietnam
• Saddam Hussein ordered an invasion of Kuwait in
August, 1990 and the Iraqi forces quickly seized control of
the small nation.
• Immediately, Bush administration launched a campaign
of diplomacy to gain international support.
• Allied troops were deployed to Saudi Arabia.
• Bush gave an ultimatum to Saddam: Withdraw from
Kuwait by January, 1991
• When the deadline was ignored, an air campaign was
launched against Iraq, devastating them.
• Bush called a ceasefire in February, 1991.
• The war officially ended on March 3rd with the
victory of the U.S.
MEDIA
COVERAGE
Media coverage of Gulf War:
• Heavily televisioned war
• Newspapers and Magazines all over the world covered the
war.
• But, U.S. policy regarding media freedom was restricted.
• The media coverage of the Gulf war became a source of
controversy, media outlets were accused of bias, reporters
were casualties of both Iraqi and American gunfire.
Criticism:
• Media coverage of Gulf war has been highly criticized.
• Analysis show, corruption and duplicity of
government’s media campaigns in support of the war.
• It also blames the media for dismissing the actual
human and fiscal costs of the conflict.
• The organization, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting
(FAIR) analyzed the media coverage during the Gulf
War.
Coverage of U.S.:
•American Society of Newspaper Editors advised journalists
to be fair and unbiased.
•But the question remained, how journalists and the public
should assess whether fairness and balance have been
achieved??
•A research conducted on the media, focuses on how daily
newspapers treated pro and anti war advocacy during the
height of the Gulf war.
•Agenda setting theory suggests that if particular points of
view are given more attention than others, their public
salience will increase and alter public debates.
U.S. mainstream media coverage:
•Most popular cable network in U.S. for news was Fox News.
•Fox News was owned by Rupert Murdoch and was a strong
supporter of the Gulf War.
•It’s pro-war commentary was in contrast to many U.S.
newspapers’ editorials, which were hesitant about going to war.
•Western networks also gave some coverage to anti-war
protests and rallies, anti-U.S. protests in Iraq and celebrities and
politicians that were against the war.
•Celebrities included: Actor Tim Robbins, Mike Farrell, Martin
Sheen, Michael Moore etc.
•Another media house, MSNBC ran a tribute called
“America’s Bravest”
•It fired people who critiqued Bush’s Iraq policy.
One such reporter was Phil Donahur.
•Viewership from pre-war to post-war:
Fox News was at number One followed by CNN and then
MSNBC.
•A study compared the number of insurgent attacks in Iraq to
the number of “anti-resolve” statements in U.S. media.
•The results were termed as “emboldment effect” and
concluded that insurgent groups respond rationally to the
expected probability of America’s withdrawal.
Criticisms of pro-invasion Bias:
• University of Maryland did a study on American public
opinion.
57% of mainstream media viewers believed the falsity that
Iraq gave substantial support to Al-Qaeda, or was directly
involved in September 11 attacks.
69% believed the falsity that Saddam Hussein was
personally involved in September 11 attacks.
22% believed the falsity that weapons of mass destruction
had been found in Iraq.
• In the composite analysis, 80% of Fox News viewers had
one or more of these misperceptions, in contrast to 71% for
CBS and 27% who tuned to NPR/PBS.
•A study was released by FAIR: It states that current
or former government or military officials accounted
for 76% of sources for news stories about Iraq aired
on news channels.
•Journalists found it difficult to report from Iraq.
•Many media bureaus were abandoned.
Pentagon Military analyst Group:
• Investigation by New York Times –
Pentagon officials met with news analysts and gave them
“special information”.
• They convinced the media people to speak favourably
about the war.
U.S. Independent media coverage:
•Journalists from invading countries reported in a way that
was difficult to control by any government or political
party.
•War in Iraq, for the first time in history, showed that
military on front line was able to provide direct,
uncensored reportage themselves.
•Reporting sites such as Soldier blogs or milblogs were
started during the war.
Non- US Media Coverage

Differed in tone and content- journalists were more
cautious, and rigorously citied sources

HMS Ark Royal : British Naval Vessel, demanded BBC
to be turned off due to its apparent “pro- Iraq” bias.

Sailors claim that BBC gave more credit to Iraqi reports,
and questioned the reports coming from coalition
sources.
•
Al Jazeera: Arab Media Outfit
civilian casualties referred to as “martyrs”, press
conferences with Iraqi officials claiming to win the war
and American and British POWs that the US Media
refused to air.
•
Other Arab networks downplayed the scenes of Iraqi
citizens cheering coalition forces entering their towns.
•
Referred to US and British forces as “invading forces”
while Western media used “coalition forces”.
Emerging Competition

Abu Dhabi TV matured into Al Jazeera rival.

Other channels such as Al Arabiya
Iraqi Media Coverage

Was under tight state control prior to invasion.

Youth TV- most popular TV station - Uday (Saddam
Hussein’s eldest son)

Saddam Hussein’s govt maintained “strangehold” on
Iraqi Media outlets in which, “insulting the president or
other govt authorities is punishable by death”.

In wake of invasion, Iraqi media changed drastically.
Number of media houses started increasing both in and
outside the country.

Many were closely linked with political or religious
organizations and safeguarded the interests of their
backers. This is said to have led to increased
sectarianism in the country.
•
The budding Iraqi media was subject to US manipulation.
•
Los Angeles Times on November 2005 reported on secret
Pentagon Program to pay Iraqi media outlets to publish
articles favourable of the US invasion.
•
The Lincoln Group- subcontractors that wrote and placed
stories with headlines such as, “Iraqis Insist On Living
Despite Terrorism” and “More Money Goes to Iraq’s
Development”.
•
In march 2006, General George , the Army's second in
command, indicated that this practice, which did not
"violate U.S. law or Pentagon guidelines," would continue.
“Embedded” Journalists

Around 600 journalists were "embedded" with military
units, 80% being British or American.

Robert Entman, professor of communication at the
George Washington University and critic of mainstream
media for decades, indicated it was a very wise tactic
from the Pentagon
•
He mentioned there were more chances for the
journalists to make favorable reports whilst in Iraq with
British and American soldiers than if they had been
asking questions in Washington.
•
Entman indicated there is a natural cultural bias of
American journalists in favor of military troops of their
own country and that journalists do like to satisfy the
government upon which they rely for information, as
well as the public on whom they depend commercially.
•
Entman also mentioned the high number of retired
generals making comments on TV, pointing out these
could not be considered independent experts as they
were still paid by the government.
•
He claims the BBC was much more neutral and
informative on cultural and historical background than
most American television reports.

The Ministry of Defense explained "maintaining morale
as well as information dominance will rank as important
as physical protection".

An MoD-commissioned commercial analysis of the
print output produced by embeds shows that 90% of
their reporting was either "positive or neutral."
Firdos Square Controversy

On April 9, 2003, a large statue of Saddam Hussein in
Baghdad's Firdos Square, directly in front of the
Palestine Hotel where the world's journalists had been
quartered, was toppled by a U.S. M88 tank recovery
vehicle surrounded by dozens of celebrating Iraqis, who
had been attempting to pull down the statue earlier with
little success.
•
The M88 was able to topple the statue which was jumped
upon by Iraqi citizens who then decapitated the head of the
statue and dragged it through the streets of the city hitting
it with their shoes.
•
The destruction of the statue was shown live on cable news
networks as it happened and made the front pages of
newspapers and covers of magazines all over the world symbolizing the fall of the Hussein government.
•
The images of the statue falling came as a shock to many
Arab viewers, who had thought that Iraq was winning the
war.
•
The event was widely publicized, but allegations that it had
been staged were soon published.
•
One picture from the event, published in the London Evening
Standard, was allegedly doctored to make the crowd appear
larger.
•
Los Angeles Times stated it was an unnamed Marine colonel,
not Iraqi civilians who had decided to topple the statue; and
that a quick-thinking Army psychological operations team
then used loudspeakers to encourage Iraqi civilians to assist
and made it all appear spontaneous and Iraqi-inspired.
•
According to Tim Brown at Globalsecurity.org: "It was not
completely stage-managed from Washington, DC but it was
not exactly a spontaneous Iraqi operation."
Operation Desert Scam
•Desert Storm was the military operation but the whole
operartion in itself turned out to be more of a scam due to
levels of fraud involved .
•The question : Why were people surprised at the
weakness of the Iraqi ground resistance?
→ Answer : Because they trusted the media, and the
media trusted the U.S. military.
The “Disinformation Campaign”
•Newsday's Susan Sachs (3/1/91) reported how the Pentagon
intentionally placed false estimates of Iraqi defenses in the
U.S. press: "There was a great disinformation campaign
surrounding this war," one senior commander boasted.
"We've known for weeks that the lines weren't that
formidable," Gen. Walter Boomer told Sachs. "But we
wanted to let Iraqis think we still thought they were big.“
•The “Disinformation Campaign” was more for American
citizens than for Saddam Hussein:
1. Justifying a massive military build-up
2. Then making the Pentagon into a hero for knocking down a
straw man.
George Bush's unprecedented rating in the polls was the
fruit of this deception.
“Victimisation” Of American Citizens & Public Opinion
Formed By U.S. Media
•Sometimes the deaths occurring in Iraq were literally
forgotten, as when Ted Koppel (1/23/91), on a day when
clearing weather allowed 2,000 bombing runs over Baghdad,
said, "Aside from the Scud missile that landed in Tel Aviv earlier,
it's been a quiet night in the Middle East.“
•The compassion that might have been extended to the
innocents under U.S. bombing seemed reserved instead for
another "victim"—the U.S. citizen.
•In terms of forming public opinion experts on economics and
psychology were brought on TV to explain how Saddam Hussein
was hurting the American public, which helped to dissolve any
residual guilt they might feel over the destruction of Baghdad.
Terror Theme Played By Media
The way the media established the living-room participant as a sort of
vicarious casualty was by the incessant repetition of the terrorism theme.
Report after report about terrorism was based on nothing more than the
speculation of self-styled terrorism "experts,"
Example: "Anti-terrorism experts say an attack in the U.S. can be
expected.... [The question is] not if an attack, but when." (NBC, 1/22/91)
The experts usually turned out to be either Bush administration officials or
corporate security consultants for whom fear means business, or
sometimes both.
Example: Billie Vincent, a member of Bush's anti-terrorism task force and
president of a company that designed security systems for airports, wrote
a New York Times op-ed (2/26/91) piece with the unsurprising rallying cry,
"Improve airline bomb detection."
Weapons Fetishism
 Meanings:
- Excessive devotion to one object or one idea.
- An object regarded with awe
- Excessive or irrational devotion to some activity.
•
A phenomenon related to the domination of the media
discussion by retired military men was a near-worship of
weapons.
•
Journalists revered U.S. weaponry—a CNN reporter (1/16/91)
described the "sweet beautiful sight" of bombers taking off
from Saudi Arabia—and attributed moral failings to Iraqi
munitions, as when NBC's Arthur Kent (1/17/91) called the
Scud "an evil weapon, but not an accurate weapon." While
Peter Jennings talked about the "brilliance of laser-guided
bombs," (1/21/91) he described the Scud as "a horrifying
killer," (1/22/91) even though the effects of the U.S. bombs
were demonstrably more deadly.
•
The ultimate in weapons fetishism came in discussion of the
ultimate weapon—the nuclear bomb. During the Gulf
Crisis, journalists gave serious, sometimes sympathetic
consideration to the use of atomic weapons against Iraq.
"Should a Nuclear Bomb Be Used Against Iraq?" was one
of the "ethical dilemmas" Time magazine examined in its
Feb. 4 issue.
•
In a lengthy segment that considered whether to use nuclear
bombs against Iraq "to save U.S. lives," CBS's Robert
Krulwich marveled over the advances made in tactical, lowyield nuclear weapons: "You can drop one over the Empire
State Building and control the blast within five blocks and
there'd be almost no significant damage in the rest of
Manhattan. Even fallout is less of a problem."
How could Bush be doubted????
•
"The mission of our troops is wholly defensive. Hopefully, they
will not be needed long." —George Bush, 8/8/90
"Our jobs are our way of life. Our own freedom and the freedom
of friendly countries around the world would all suffer if all the
world's great oil reserves fell into the hands of that one man,
Saddam Hussein." —George Bush, 8/15/90
"Some people never get the word. The fight isn't about oil, the
fight is about naked aggression." —George Bush, 10/16/90
"We in the media have been slow to catch on on this issue of the
Gulf crisis: For months, the president has meant what he said
and done what he said he would." —Brit Hume, Nightline,
2/22/91
Coverage of U.S. casualties:
• Media coverage of U.S. military casualties has been met by
Bush administration efforts to downplay reports about soldiers’
deaths throughout the invasion.
• The administration also scheduled the return of wounded
soldiers to Dover Air Force Base for after midnight so that the
press would not see them.
• The U.S. toll reached 3,000 in December,2006.
Ban Lifted:
• Soon after taking the office in January 2009, President
Barack Obama asked Defence Secretary Robert Gates to
review the ban on media coverage of coffins.
Attack on Al Jazeera:
•On April 8, 2003, U.S. aircraft bombed the Baghdad bureau
of Quatar satellite TV station Al Jazeera.
•The U.S. gocernment had criticized Al Jazeera as
“endangering the lives of American troops”.
•In a speech given in New York city, British Home secretary
David Blunkett commented on what he believed to be
sympathetic and corrupt reporting of Iraq by Arab News
sources.
•In a conversation between Prime Minister Blair and
President Bush, Bush, according to British media, proposed
bombing the Quatar central office of Al Jazeera.
Attack on Palestine Hotel:
•Due to what the U.S. states was a communication
error, the tank mistakenly fired at the Palestine Hotel
on the same day as the destruction of Al Jazeera.
•After interviewing a dozen reporters who were at the
scene, the Committee to protect Journalists said, the
facts suggested “that attack on journalists, while not
deliberate, was avoidable.”
Journalist Casualties:
• There have been a number of journalist casualties
during the invasion, including fourteen deaths.
• A few noted ones:
Michael Kelly
NBC’s David Bloom
ITN reporter Terry Lloyd.
How PR Sold the War in the Persian Gulf
"If I wanted to lie, or if we wanted to lie, if we wanted
to exaggerate, I wouldn't use my daughter to do so. I
could easily buy other people to do it."
--Saud Nasir al-Sabah, Kuwait's Ambassador to the
United States and Canada
The Mother of All Clients
•
•
•
•
Waging a war to push Iraq's invading army from
Kuwait would cost billions of dollars and require an
unprecedented, massive US military mobilization.
Selling war in the Middle East to the American
people would not be easy.
Prior war, a retired army PR official, Hal Steward
warned that, "If and when a shooting war starts,
reporters will begin to wonder why American soldiers
are dying for oil-rich sheiks,"
Steward needn't have worried. A PR plan was already
in place, paid for almost entirely by the "oil-rich
sheiks" themselves.
Packaging the Emir
•
•
•
•
US Congressman Jimmy Hayes of Louisiana - a
conservative Democrat who supported the Gulf War - later
estimated that the government of Kuwait funded as many
as 20 PR, law and lobby firms in its campaign to mobilize
US opinion and force against Hussein.
Participating firms included the Rendon Group, Neil & co.
, Sam Zakhem, front groups: Coalition for American at the
risk and freedom task force.
Mastermind for the Kuwaiti Campaign- Hill &Knowlton,
World’s largest PR firm.
By law, the Foreign Agents Registration Act should have
exposed this propaganda campaign to the American people,
but the Justice Department chose not to enforce it.
•
•
•
•
•
“Citizens for a Free Kuwait” – PR front group.
Hill & knowlton produced dozen of video news release
at a cost of well over half a million dollars worth of
“free “ air time.
TV stations and networks simply fed the carefullycrafted propaganda to unwitting viewers, who assumed
they were watching "real" journalism.
Unreliable Sources-Martin Lee and Norman Solomon.
Throughout the campaign, the Wirthlin Group
conducted daily opinion polls to help Hill & Knowlton
take the emotional pulse of key constituencies so it
could identify the themes and slogans that would be
most effective in promoting support for US military
action.
Suffer the Little Children
•
Every big media event needs what journalists and
flacks alike refer to as "the hook."
•
In the case of the Gulf War, the "hook" was invented
by Hill & Knowlton.
•
The Congressional Human Rights Caucus served as
another Hill & Knowlton front group, which - like
all front groups - used a noble-sounding name to
disguise its true purpose.
•Only a few astute observers noticed the hypocrisy in
Hill & Knowlton's use of the term "human rights."
•John MacArthur, author of The Second Front,
•MacArthur also noticed another telling detail about the
October 1990 hearings: "The Human Rights Caucus is
not a committee of congress, and therefore it is
unencumbered by the legal accouterments that would
make a witness hesitate before he or she lied. ... Lying
under oath in front of a congressional committee is a
crime; lying from under the cover of anonymity to a
caucus is merely public relations."
•
In fact, the most emotionally moving testimony on
October 10 came from a 15-year-old Kuwaiti girl,
known only by her first name of Nayirah.
•
Her written testimony was passed out in a media kit
prepared by Citizens for a Free Kuwait.
•
"I volunteered at the al-Addan hospital," Nayirah said.
"While I was there, I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into
the hospital with guns, and go into the room where . . .
babies were in incubators. They took the babies out of
the incubators, took the incubators, and left the babies
on the cold floor to die.“
•The story of babies torn from their incubators was
repeated over and over again.
•None had more impact on American public opinion
than the one about Iraqi soldiers removing 312 babies
from their incubators and leaving them to die on the
cold hospital floors of Kuwait City.
•
At the Human Rights Caucus, however, Hill &
Knowlton and Congressman Lantos had failed to reveal
that Nayirah was a member of the Kuwaiti Royal
Family.
•
If Nayirah's outrageous lie had been exposed at the time
it was told, it might have at least caused some in
Congress and the news media to soberly reevaluate the
extent to which they were being skillfully manipulated
to support military action.
•
Public opinion was deeply divided on Bush's Gulf
policy.
•Given the narrowness of the vote, the babies-thrownfrom-incubators story may have turned the tide in
Bush's favor.
•Following the war, human rights investigators
attempted to confirm Nayirah's story and could find no
witnesses or other evidence to support it.
•When journalists for the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation asked Nasir al-Sabah for permission to
question Nayirah about her story, the ambassador
angrily refused.
Front-line Flacks
•
The military build-up in the Persian Gulf began by flying
and shipping hundreds of thousands of US troops,
armaments and supplies to staging areas in Saudi Arabia,
yet another nation with no tolerance for a free press,
democratic rights and most western customs.
•
Deputy Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Pete
Williams served as the Pentagon's top flack for the Gulf
War.
•
This strategy kept news organizations competing with each
other for favors from Williams, and kept them from
questioning the fundamental fact that journalistic
independence was impossible under military escort and
censorship.

Although influential media such as the New York
Times and Wall Street Journal kept promoting the
illusion of the 'clean war,' a different picture began
to emerge after the US stopped carpet-bombing Iraq.

The pattern underscored what Napoleon meant when
he said that it wasn't necessary to completely
suppress the news; it was sufficient to delay the
news until it no longer mattered.
Worst Censorship was at U.S
•
The morning after the U.S. began the bombing of
Iraq, NBC's Robert Bazell reported , "We've lost only
one casualty.“
•
Charles Osgood (1/17/91) described the early
bombing of Iraq as "a marvel," while the same
network's Jim Stewart (1/17/91) spoke of "two days
of almost picture-perfect assaults.“
•
The war ended on the same note of enthusiastic
cheerleading from the media, "Congratulations on a
job wonderfully done!"
•
But many TV journalists did not need to be coerced into
abandoning the appearance of independence, instead
accepting the task of guiding public opinion in favor of
the war as their natural role.
•
In discussing the prospect of increased casualties, Jim
Lehrer (1/23/91) presented the government and the
media as an information team: "Have officials and the
press prepared the American people for what may
happen next?"
•
NBC's Tom Brokaw (1/22/91) was skeptical of the idea
that reporters have a right (let alone a duty) to cover the
return of dead U.S. service people: "Do you think that's
in the best interest of the U.S?" he asked.

Reporters treated officials, particularly military
officials, with kid gloves.

As Christopher Hitchens of The Nation put it,
describing the limited range of debate on U.S. network
television (C-SPAN, 2/4/91), "If you can't, in discussing
something like this war, use the word 'we' for
everything that's done, as if we are one and we're all
agreed ... you really aren't in the discussion at all.“

"We" weren't fighting "them," but "him.“
Pentagon "Experts"
•
The Pentagon usually either provided the networks'
information about the war, or managed the news from the front
through censorship and press restrictions (Spin Control
Through Censorship: The Pentagon Manages the News)
•
Network TV featured a one-sided procession of retired
military brass, ex-government hawks, right-wing pundits and
politicians, scholars from think tanks with generally
conservative bents, and—for supposed balance—Democratic
politicians rallying 'round the president.
•
ABC's Anthony Cordesman, a former Pentagon and National
Security Council official and, until the day the war began, an
aide to Senator John McCain (R-AZ), was the analyst who
showed up most often in a FAIR survey of network news
sources—eleven times in fourteen days. His message could be
summed up in one sentence: "I think the Pentagon is giving it
to you absolutely straight" (Newsday, 1/23/91).
Civilian Deaths as "Propaganda"
•
With policy critics basically excluded from the
discussion, few had any interest in bringing up one of the
most important issues of the war: civilian casualties.
•
The unstated but obvious truth was that by carrying out
an air war that was unprecedented in its ferocity, U.S.
strategy sought to reduce U.S. military losses at the
expense of thousands of Iraqi civilian casualties.
•
Again and again, the mantra of "surgical strikes against
military targets" was repeated by journalists, even though
Pentagon briefers acknowledged that they were aiming at
civilian roads, bridges and public utilities vital to the
survival of the civilian population.
•
Journalists and pundits were rightfully outraged when
Baghdad advertised its violations of the Geneva protocols
by parading prisoners of war on TV.
•
While civilian targets deliberately hit by U.S. bombs were
transformed by the media into military targets, the
civilians accidentally killed by U.S. bombs became
Saddam Hussein's fault.
•
Reporting on Iraqi civilians killed by U.S. bombs, Mark
Phillips of CBS (2/14/91) intoned, "Saddam Hussein
promised a bloody war, and here was the blood."
•
Other reporters in Baghdad, such as ABC's Bill
Blakemore, also did creditable jobs of reporting the
facts as they saw them, sometimes under considerable
pressure from their anchors to conform to the official
Washington version.
•
The U.S. media's most effective—and offensive—tool
for dismissing civilian casualties was to treat the whole
issue as a propaganda ploy on the part of Saddam
Hussein.
•
The voracious American media will use human-interest
stories to prey on the sensibilities of the American
people, who are extremely sensitive to casualties.
Alternative media outlets provided views in
opposition to the Gulf War.
•
Deep Dish Television compiled segments from independent
producers in the U.S. and abroad, and produced a ten hour
series that was distributed internationally, called The Gulf
Crisis TV Project.
•
War, Oil and Power
•
News World Order
•
Paper Tiger Television West produced a weekly cable
television show with highlights of mass demonstrations,
artists' actions, lectures, and protests against mainstream
media coverage at newspaper offices and television
stations.
Campaigns
•
The US divided the conflict into three major campaigns:
•
Defense of Saudi Arabia for the period 2 August 1990,
through 16 January 1991.
•
Liberation and Defense of Kuwait for the period 17
January 1991, through 11 April 1991.
•
Southwest Asia Cease-Fire for the period 12 April 1991,
through 30 November 1995, including Operation
Provide Comfort.
Films about the Persian Gulf War
•
•
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•
•
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•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Dawn of the World
Bravo Two Zero
Courage Under Fire
The Finest Hour
Jarhead
Lessons of Darkness
Live From Baghdad
Heroes of Desert Storm
Towelhead
Three Kings
The Manchurian Candidate (2004 film)
Used as a back drop for the film, The Big Lebowski. It is
frequently discussed as well.
Used in retconned backstory for The Punisher (2004 film)
Novels about the Gulf War
•
Braving the Fear - The True Story of Rowdy US Marines in the
Gulf War (by Douglas Foster)
•
Glass (Pray the Electrons Back to Sand)
•
The Fist of God (by Frederick Forsyth)
•
To Die In Babylon by Nick Livingston
•
Hogs dime novel series by James Ferro
•
Burning Desert by Zahida Zaidi
•
Bravo Two Zero - The true story of an SAS Patrol behind enemy
lines in Iraq (by Andy McNab)
Video games related to the Gulf War
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Operation Desert Storm (1991)
Super Battletank (1992)
Gulf War: Operation Desert Hammer (1999)
Conflict: Desert Storm (2002)
Conflict: Desert Storm 2 (2003)
Patriot (1993)
Desert Combat Battlefield 1942 mod (2002?)
Silent Thunder (computer game) (1998?)
Desert Strike: Return to the Gulf (1992)
Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell: Conviction (2010), used
during Sam Fisher's flashback as a Navy SEAL.
Casualties and losses
•
240-392 -killed
776 wounded -(Coalition)
1,200 killed-(Kuwait)
1,490-1,592 -killed total
•
20,000-35,000 casualties.
•
Kuwaiti civilian deaths:Over 1,000 Kuwaiti civilians
estimated killed during the Iraqi occupation in addition to
300,000 made refugees.
•
Iraqi civilian deaths:About 3,664 Iraqi civilians killed.
•
Other civilian deaths:2 Israeli civilians killed, 230 injured
1 Saudi civilian killed, 65 injured.
Conclusion
On 10 March 1991, 540,000 American troops began to
move out of the Persian Gulf.

The Iranian revolution and seven years of bloody and
inconclusive warfare have changed Iraq's view of its
Arab neighbors, the United States, and even Israel.

Its leaders no longer consider the Palestinian issue their
problem.

Iraq is now the de facto protector of the regional status
quo....