Download Conference “After the war. Political solutions to the conflicts in the

Conference
“After the war. Political solutions to the conflicts in the Sahel region”
Introduction
Globalisation has deeply shaped the contemporary world, affecting both its economic
development and its political dynamics. Without doubt, the exponential spread of
traditional media and social networks increased the openness of societies across the
globe to democracy and to its mechanisms of participation.
In this ever-changing context, Nation-States, international organizations and civil
society movements, are still absolutely engaged in issues relating to ethnic minorities
and respect of their civil, political, economic and social rights. Today more than ever,
these issues overcome national borders and become problems of international, or at
least, regional, interest.
So far, models and approaches used to solve these issues were generally poor and
limited, and it led to their becoming persistent and chronic. In this sense, examples
like Kurdistan, Nagorno-Karabakh, the Basque Countries, Northern Ireland, Corsica
and many other cases in Africa and in South America are explicative.
In recent years, several organizations and movements have claimed the right to selfdetermination as a solution to disputes related to minorities and cultural and ethnic
diversity. However, the mere recourse to this principle has not allowed us to better
deal with, let alone to solve, the contrast between sovereignty and unity of the State,
on the one hand, and the rights of ethnic minorities on the other. Nevertheless, some
Countries with a federal system of Government, such as India and Germany, and
other countries with great internal diversity, such as Italy, have successfully managed
the issues of minorities.
Among the best political experiences in resolving this kind of disputes, there is the
case of the Italian autonomous region of Trentino Alto-Adige. From this example, it
is possible to draw important lessons relating to the clash between two key principles
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of International Law: the right of the State to safeguard its sovereignty and unity on
the one hand, and the right of its people to self-determination on the other.
A failure in resolving the problems related to minorities and cultural diversity can
lead to serious consequences, degenerating into secessionism, a threat both to the
State involved and to the region as a whole. This situation is all the more alarming
when, in the regions affected by this phenomenon, the vast majority of people live
below the poverty line and human development is extremely basic. These factors
favour and encourage the penetration of criminal and terrorist organizations, which
can lead, in extreme cases, to the dismemberment of the State and all the ensuing
consequences, from civil war to the spread of terrorism. This is the case of Northern
Mali.
Today, the Republic of Mali, is facing the worst crisis of its post-colonial history. The
occupation of the northern part of the country by a coalition of jihadist forces –
formed by AQIM, Ansar al Din and MUJAO – willing to create an Islamic emirate in
the heart of the Sahel represents a real threat to political stability and security in the
immense and arid region which extends south of the Sahara and runs the whole
breadth of the continent.
The unsuccessful talks between the transitional government of Mali, led by President
Diouncounda Traorè, and the radical Islamic front, has prompted the latter to resume
the offensive southwards, with the aim of conquering the city of Mopti, the capital of
the region. The Malian government therefore asked for help from the International
Community, fearing a sudden advance of the al-Qaeda-linked militias to Bamako.
The French government could not exempt itself from accepting the Malian request
and mobilised its military apparatus to protect the lives of its citizens, to fight the
spread of terrorism and to defend its economic interests in the region. The operational
plan, devised both by France and other African Countries, authorized by UN
resolution 2085 and originally planned for September 2013, was brought forward to
meet the pressing needs.
From January 11th, the day the operation “Serval” was launched, the offensive of the
French troops, supported by the Malian Army and contingents from ECOWAS (the
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Economic Community Of West African States) and Chad, has recaptured the towns
and regions of Dijabali, Konna, Douetza, Gao and Timbouktou in a few weeks.
The International Community, through the African Union, ECOWAS, the United
Nations and the European Union, showed great attention to the crisis in Mali and
quickly mobilised to provide logistical and military support on the ground to the
French Government.
However, beyond the relatively quick achievement of military objectives and the
progressive liberation of cities occupied by jihadist forces, the Countries involved in
the Malian crisis have to come to grips with the asymmetric response by AQIM and
its allies. In fact, once the major urban centres had been liberated, the French and
African troops kept facing a guerrilla war in the desert or in the arid and mountainous
landscape of the Ifoghas Mountains. In addition, the al-Qaeda-inspired fighters are
quite capable of sowing instability throughout the whole region, as demonstrated by
the hostage crisis at the In Amenas gas plant in Algeria.
Ultimately, an exclusively military victory cannot solve the problems of Mali, a
Country in which the ethnic, cultural and social differences between the North and
the South have always been fertile ground for the growth and spread of movements of
rebellion against the central government. Without adequate political solutions, the
Tuareg independence movement in the Northern part of the Country could cyclically
return, as it has in the past, and could be again a source of instability international
jihadism could exploit to its advantage. Furthermore, poverty and socio-political
marginalization are not endemic just to Northern Mali, but are prevalent all over the
Sahel, thus creating conditions in which the extremist Islamic message could
proliferate and spread, exposing the region to the risk of Salafi "contagion".
Project
Italy’s Centre for International Studies – Ce.S.I. proposes a meeting with some of the
most important experts on the issue to discuss the origins and the causes of
irredentism and conflicts in the Sahel, the dangers of the spread of al-Qaeda-inspired
terrorism and organized crime. Moreover, the conference is focused on exploring
achievable political solutions, including the promotion of autonomy for regions and
ethnic groups that make up the mosaic of several States in the Sahel.
Ce.S.I. Centro Studi Internazionali
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Tel. +39 06 85 35 63 96 - Fax: +39 06 85 35 63 96
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Structure
Panel 1. “The Sahelian mosaic. Historical origins and social causes of the conflicts in
the region”
In this section, the origins of current conflicts in the Sahel will be analysed: from the
contradictions of the colonial era to the difficult dialogue between independence
movements and Governments, not to mention the critical social and economic basis
of the claims of local populations.
Panel 2. “Al-Qaeda and its allies in the Sahel, a constant and evolving threat”
The need to find a political response to the crisis in the Sahel comes from the
absolute necessity of staunching the spread of Salafism and of al-Qaeda’s propaganda
especially among the youth of the region, who are disenfranchised by the old
authorities and socially and economically marginalized. In recent years, al-Qaeda has
changed the way it establishes local roots in a new area it enters, paying much more
attention to local peculiarities and developing country-specific agendas and
narratives. A worrying sign of the effectiveness of this technique is given by MUJAO,
an offshoot of AQIM which was able to recruit thousands of militants from Algeria,
Mauritania and the Sahrawi refugee camps in the area.
Panel 3. “National sovereignty, territorial integrity and identity of minorities: a new
approach for autonomy”
This part is dedicated to the discussion of achievable political solutions to conflicts in
the Sahel. In particular, a higher degree of regional autonomy can meet both the
requests for inclusiveness and participation of minorities and the inalienable
sovereignty and integrity of the State.
Round Table: "Mali’s crisis: possible solutions"
Ce.S.I. Centro Studi Internazionali
Via Nomentana 251 00161 Roma, Italy
Tel. +39 06 85 35 63 96 - Fax: +39 06 85 35 63 96
Email: [email protected] - P.IVA IT08198531009
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