Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
Howard Wang Professor de Bary Asian Civilizations – East Asia V2002 2 December 2003 A great era in East Asian history came to a close with the decline of the Tang dynasty in the ninth century. The end of the Tang, though nominally differentiated, was, in fact, only a portion of a much larger change in the East Asian realm. The fall of the dynasty brought with it the end of China’s expansionistic drive and led to the deterioration of Buddhism as the compelling ideological force of the age. With China’s political transition to the Song dynasty, the focus of the nation shifted from expansionism to internal economic, social, and cultural development. In order to address the concerns of the period, Neo-Confucianism came as an answer to Buddhism. From the eleventh century to the nineteenth century, Neo-Confucianism would grow and develop into an ideology that would not only shape the face of East Asia’s social, economic, and political climate, but as a principle that unified East Asian morality under the same moral precepts. Buddhism survived during the Tang dynasty due to its expansionistic nature and its accessibility to the masses. However as China evolved into a state more concerned with internal development, Neo-Confucianism came as a “new” concept which provided what the new era needed. The success of Neo-Confucianism can be attributed to various factors. For one thing, Neo-Confucianism addressed both social and political concerns; whereas Buddhism’s inherent adaptability was rooted in its detachment from such secular affairs. Therefore, it could only be relied upon for personal spiritual release from suffering, and not as a solution to social and political matters. The emergence and subsequent prominence of a new class of literati in the Song characterized the focus of the state on a civil administration rather than a military based government. With the Song focused on establishing a civil rule, the need for increased scholarship among the masses became apparent. The technological advent of the printing press facilitated the spread of secular education and scholarship. As a result of this now widely available recorded knowledge, academies of secular learning sprung up throughout China and replaced the Buddhist temples of the preceding age as the intellectual hubs of the nation. Furthermore, the Song reformation of the Civil Service Examinations further underscored the overwhelming demand for schooling and an organized system of education. Efforts to satisfy this overwhelming demand for education were what brought about the development of Neo-Confucianism. The groundwork for Neo-Confucianism was laid out during the opening years of the Song by a man named Hu Yuan. Hu fashioned a venerated curriculum of study during the tenth century which focused on both practical learning and the study of the Confucian classics. His emphasis on practical learning and technical specialization was a testament to his belief in the pragmatic application of knowledge. In the same manner, Hu emphasized the practicality and functionality of Confucian teachings as timeless principles that are enduringly applicable in one’s own time. Hu’s emphasis on the “structure, function, and literary expression” characteristic of Confucianism belied the Buddhist principles of ethereality and incommunicability of the truth. This new system of learning developed by Hu came to be described as “practical” learning, as opposed to the “empty” learning of Buddhism and even that of Classical Confucianism, which was criticized based on its focus on impractical, encyclopedic knowledge and its lack of any moral purpose or application. A key difference between Classical Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism was the addition of the metaphysical facet in the new philosophy that developed alongside the classical focus on the social and moral self. This spiritual component added to its versatility and further strengthened the argument put forth by subscribers of the ideology against competing ideologies, most notably that of Buddhism. This new metaphysics attempted to structure a philosophy to explain human nature in a way consistent with the teachings of Confucius and Mencius, all while meeting the challenge from other metaphysical schools of thought. The Song Neo-Confucians faced two essential concerns in their formation of this new metaphysical philosophy. Firstly, they needed to affirm the Confucian conception of human nature as essentially good in a cosmological manner. Secondly, it was essential that they address the need for the cultivation of a moral and good self by disavowing established Buddhist doctrine regarding the insignificance and emptiness of self. The solution they developed in order to address these concerns was based on the conception of an interrelation and dynamic correlation between the concepts of principle (li) and material-force (qi), where principle corresponded with the abstract element of human nature, while material-force was described as the tangible, material manifestation of principle. This new doctrine of human nature brought about the characterization of the Neo-Confucian sage as, not only a morally just person, but as a spiritual individual concerned with both the social affairs of the world and the spiritual integrity of the mind. Yet another defining distinction between Neo-Confucianism and Classical Confucianism was the way each philosophy portrayed the role of the Confucian sage. Classical Confucianism focused on the morality and sagehood of the leader or king in the political and social realms of society. However, a fundamental component of NeoConfucianism was its universality. In this respect, Neo-Confucians promoted the idea of sagehood being available and attainable by everyone though the employment of a standard neoclassical curriculum of schooling accessible by all. The way in which to attain this sagehood had been discussed and illustrated by works produced by numerous Neo-Confucian scholars, including Zhou Dunyi, the Cheng brothers, and Zhang Zai. Of these scholars, the most important contributor to NeoConfucianism is a man named Zhu Xi, who is recognized as the synthesizer of the NeoConfucianism that came to be accepted in China, and eventually throughout East Asia, from the twelfth century to the nineteenth century. Zhu Xi took the concepts of NeoConfucianism presented by his predecessors and elaborated on them in such a way as to elucidate and further delve into the nature of these principles. His studies on and interpretations of these separate works came together to form one system of thought in which Neo-Confucianism would become based upon. Specifically, Zhu Xi’s philosophy was based extensively on the doctrine of principle (presented by Cheng Yi), which serves as a unifying concept in his philosophy. Zhu Xi most lofty contribution came in the form of his compilation of the Four Books. His Four Books consisted of the Analects, the Mencius, the Great Learning and the Mean. Although the Analects and the Mencius were already important works in any Confucian curriculum of education, the Great Learning and the Mean were not focused upon until Zhu Xi’s inclusion of these works in his anthology gave them prominence in Neo-Confucian studies. Zhu Xi spent much of his life focused on writing commentaries for these four works, including prefaces for the Great Learning and the Mean. It’s important to note that his writings were not excessively technical or philosophical to the point where only the learned elite could comprehend their meaning. His purpose in composing such writings was to make sure that the didactic content contained in his work and compilation would be able to reach the widest possible audience. Zhu Xi’s emphasis on the importance of education is clearly apparent in his writings, most appreciably in his preface to the Great Learning. In his preface, he stressed the importance of a system of universal education where learning could be brought to all. He presented a very well-defined process in which an individual could attain the Neo-Confucian ideal of enlightenment. This process consisted of three guiding principles, which discussed the importance of recognizing, cultivating, and harnessing the innate goodness of one’s self. From these three principles, Zhu Xi goes on to present his Eight Steps, which consecutively and systematically lays out a procedure of self-cultivation for the noble person. Of equal importance to his preface to the Great Learning was Zhu Xi’s preface to the Mean. Wherein he discusses the human mind and the mind of the Way and further elaborates on the correlation between the Message of the Mind (xinfa) and the Way. To his credit, Zhu Xi’s Four Books, with his prefaces and commentaries, came to be regarded as a “core curriculum” of sorts in the Neo-Confucian schools of learning. Due to the universal nature of his teachings, his ideas and practices easily spread with ease. The applicability of his teachings on every level of education and the basic, systematic nature of his texts, along with the availability of printing supported the need for a universal education as recognized by Song reformers. However the success and proliferation of this new form of Confucianism to the rest of East Asia cannot be merely attributed to the soundness and applicability of the Neo-Confucian doctrine alone. The spread of Neo-Confucianism can largely be attributed to multiple chance historical occurrences. Neo-Confucianism was brought to northern China when the Mongol conquerors captured Zhao Fu and installed him in an academy in Beijing. From there, Korean princes, who had been held captive by the Mongols, studied Neo-Confucianism in academies in Beijing and eventually brought the ideology back to Korea during the Koryo dynasty. Neo-Confucianism then spread into Japan by means of Japanese Zen monks who brought the philosophy back to Japan. The ease with which Neo-Confucianism proliferated throughout East Asia is a testament to the universality of its teachings. Therefore, as opposed to Classical Confucianism, which was rooted in unmistakably Chinese values, Neo-Confucianism was based on universally applicable ideals. In Korea, Neo-Confucian principles became of particular interest only during the closing years of the Koryo dynasty. However, in the subsequent establishment of the Choson dynasty, Neo-Confucianism developed in into an ideology so crucial to and engrained in Korean social, political, and spiritual affairs that it rivaled, and even surpassed, that of the Chinese. The Choson chose Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucian principles as the basis for their political philosophy and were intent on basing the reformation of their state and society upon Neo-Confucian teachings. The Choson’s founders took the teachings of the Great Learning as presented by Zhu Xi and formulated a sociopolitical system upon a strict interpretation of the Great Learning as a systematic curriculum for moral edification. The Koreans not only accepted this Neo-Confucian teaching as a mandated state orthodoxy, but integrated Zhu Xi’s principles into their lifestyles on a level appreciably beyond that of the Chinese. However, as Neo-Confucianism further developed and differentiated into additional schools of thought (more specifically that of Wang Yang-Ming), Korean NeoConfucianists remained loyal and dedicated to Zhu Xi’s teachings. During the reign of the Ming dynasty in the sixteenth century, Wang Yang-Ming suggested an alternative interpretation of the Learning of the Mind and Heart as established by Zhu Xi. Wang’s new methodology interpreted the Learning of the Mind and Heart in a more intuitive and innate manner as opposed to Zhu Xi’s interpretation, which focused on the perception of the existentiality of things. Wang’s philosophy became accepted as the new School of the Mind and Heart as Zhu Xi’s philosophy remained as the School of Principle by the majority of Neo-Confucians up until the nineteenth century. Wang Yang-Ming’s principles, though widely contested and thoroughly rejected by the Koreans, found acceptance among some of the Tokugawa Japanese. The actual popularization and subsequent establishment of Neo-Confucianism as the official orthodoxy of Japan occurred during the rule of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Tokugawa Ieyasu turned to Neo-Confucianism due to its applicability and morally didactic content. Under Tokugawa, Hayashi Razan firmly established Neo-Confucianism as the official, courtsanctioned teaching of the Tokugawa Era, adapting Neo-Confucian philosophy for use in the government. Hayashi was a vital proponent of the School of Principle and also gave great consideration to the study of Confucian Classics, which led to a renewed interest in Japanese history. While Hayashi was recognized for his adherence to the School of Principle, Kumazawa Banzan is noted for bringing the Wang Yang-Ming School of Mind and Heart into the political philosophy of Tokugawa Japan. Although Neo-Confucianism spread throughout East Asia and eventually developed somewhat independently within the three nations, the founding principles and unifying tenets of the philosophy still held true in each version. Clearly, NeoConfucianism impacted greatly on all three civilizations, as each governing body officially accepted some form of the philosophy. The Koreans adopted NeoConfucianism wholeheartedly and accepted its principles as an inherent part of their lives. The Chinese, who are, essentially, the progenitors of Neo-Confucianism, did not adhere to the philosophy as adamantly and passionately as the Koreans did, but still accepted it as the defining doctrine in their political philosophy and social structure. The Japanese clearly integrated Neo-Confucian principles into their politics, but did not circumstantially instill the philosophy in the people as the Chinese and Koreans did with their Civil Service Examinations. Although the degree of instillation in the political and social realms of each nation differed, Neo-Confucianism was an undoubtedly unifying force in East Asia. The universally applicable tenets of moral responsibility and intellectual cultivation of the self were appropriate and acknowledged by nearly all of pre-modern East Asia from the Song reformers to the Mongol invaders and from the Choson Koreans to the Tokugawa Japanese and served as the uniting principle of the age.