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The Caspian Basin: Geopolitics and the Future Balance of Power
1) Introduction (pg. 2)
2) Brief overview and history of the Caspian Sea (pg. 3-4)

Overview

History
3) Littoral states – Geopolitical fundamentals and regional relations (pg. 5-6)

Russia

Azerbaijan

Kazakhstan

Turkmenistan

Iran
4) Current dynamics (pg. 7-18)

Economy and energy

Maritime disputes

Military

External players and the geopolitical balance of power in the region
5) Future dynamics (pg. 19-26)

Economy and energy

Maritime disputes

Military

Balance of power
6) Conclusion (pg. 27)
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Introduction
The Caspian Sea region as defined in this report consists of the Caspian littoral states of Russia,
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Iran. This region is perhaps one of the most dynamic
places in the world because of the presence of Russia and Iran -- two established powers -- and
because of the emergence of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan first as independent
states in the early 1990s, and now as important regional actors in their own right. Adding to this
complexity and dynamism is the interest the region has attracted from other global players,
including the United States, European Union, Turkey and China.
This report will examine the current dynamics of the Caspian Sea region -- ranging from
relations among the littoral states over various issues such as energy, maritime disputes and
military matters -- and will explore the geopolitical balance of power of the region as a whole.
The report will also look forward at how these regional relationships and the geopolitical balance
of power could change in the coming decade. Because of its strategic location and array of
resources and competing actors, the Caspian Sea region is one that presents enormous
opportunity but also significant risks for all players involved.
*Graphic 1 - Insert map of Caspian Sea region
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Brief overview and history of the Caspian Sea
The Caspian Sea is a unique body of water in many respects. It is the world's largest inland body
of water. Its waters are salty, and the northern part of the Caspian freezes over for much of the
year. These factors, plus winds that often exceed 70 miles per hour on the sea's waters, make the
Caspian very difficult body to navigate. Indeed, the Caspian might not even be a sea at all; it is
sometimes referred to as the world's largest lake.
The Caspian covers an area of 386,000 square kilometers (nearly 150,000 miles), roughly the
size of Japan. The Caspian is roughly 1,200 km long from north to south, and is 320 km wide on
average. The Caspian's surface is around 27 meters (90 feet) below sea level.
The Caspian gets its water flow from two major rivers -- the Volga and the Ural -- as well as
several smaller ones. It is divided into three distinct regions regions: Northern, Middle and
Southern. The Northern Caspian is quite shallow and represents less than 1 percent of the sea's
total water volume. The Middle Caspian contains about a third of the water volume, while the
Southern Caspian is the deepest part and holds roughly two-thirds of total water volume.
While the Caspian Sea is significant as a geographical feature, it is the countries surrounding the
sea -- Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Iran -- and the resources within and
near the sea that makes it important. Ultimately, these factors and the sea's strategic location in
the middle of the Eurasian land mass give the Caspian its true geopolitical importance.
History
Roughly 10,000 years ago, the first human civilization began near the Caspian Sea in what is
today western Turkmenistan. Since antiquity, various empires have risen and fallen in the
general area around the sea. From around the late 17th century, the two empires that came to be
the most important proximate powers were the Russian Empire and the Persian Empire. Russia
and Iran would maintain their positions in the region until the early 20th century.
An important development transpired near the Caspian Sea in 1846 that would come to change
the region in ways felt to this day. This is when the world's first oil well was drilled in Baku. In
the 1870s, this well drew the interest of the Nobel brothers from Sweden, who then pioneered the
oil industry and commercialized it for global purposes (oil was discovered and had been used for
millennia before then on a smaller scale). By the early 20th century, Baku was home to some of
the largest oil producing fields in the world, accounting at its peak for 50 percent of global
production in 1905.
By the early 1920s, Russia and Persia remained the sole Caspian major powers, but in different
incarnations: the Soviet Union and Iran. The former controlled most of the territory of the
Caspian Sea and the majority of its resources, including Baku's oil, while the latter held the
southernmost waters of the Caspian. They were the only two states that bordered the Caspian Sea
from the 1920s until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.
With the fall of the Soviet Union, three new countries -- Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan -- achieved independence and joined Russia and Iran as littoral states of the
Caspian Sea. The ensuing 20 years brought many notable developments, particularly in terms of
the development of their respective oil and natural gas sectors and construction of major energy
projects, as these countries adopted their own national policies and strategies.
In 2011, these states are celebrating two decades of independence. The dynamics in and
surrounding the Caspian Sea have changed dramatically since Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan became independent states.
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Littoral states – Geopolitical fundamentals and regional relations
Russia
Russia is perhaps most notable for its geographic size; it is the biggest country in the world,
spanning more than 17,000 square kilometers and nine time zones. But just as important as its
size is Russia's northern/central location in the Eurasian land mass. This size and location
ensures that Russia's interests and influence reaches toward all major regions in Eurasia, from
Europe to the Middle East to East Asia.
<insert Russian core/expansion phases map>
Despite its size, Russia lacks natural barriers, such as mountains, oceans, or deserts around the
Russian core of Muscovy -- the area in and around Moscow where Russia's political power is
concentrated -- to protect it from other powers. This gives Russia the need to control
surrounding territories in order to create defensive barriers in the form of distance, or buffers,
from other powers.
This need has manifested itself throughout history first in the form of the Russian Empire and
then in the form of the Soviet Union, where Russia absorbed various nations from Eastern
Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia under its political rule. Russia has used a strong and
centralized political system, pervasive security apparatus and large standing army in order to
manage this system and its interests.
The Caspian Sea region is key for Russia as it is in the middle of two of Russia's southern buffer
regions: the Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan are all important countries that Russia aims to influence and incorporate as buffer
states. Russia is interested in blocking the emergence of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan as independent states, particularly when these countries invite in foreign
(specifically, Western) influence.
Russia views Iran differently; Tehran is one of the established Eurasian powers Moscow seeks to
defend against, not an area to integrate as a buffer. Russia sees Iran as a historical rival in the
Caucasus and Central Asia and therefore wants to block the expansion of Iranian influence into
the Caspian region. However, Russia is willing to cooperate with Iran in certain respects to
prevent the rise of the three smaller Caspian states, particularly Azerbaijan.
Azerbaijan
Azerbaijan's defining geographical feature is its location: It is a relatively small country that sits
between two large powers, Russia and Iran. It is bordered to the north by the Caucasus
Mountains and to the south by the Iranian plateau. To the east is the natural border of the
Caspian Sea, where Azerbaijan's oil and natural gas reserves are concentrated. To the west are
less-definable natural borders, which have led to political and territorial confrontations with
neighboring Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh and several surrounding regions since the end
of the Soviet era.
The majority of the population (more than 90 percent) is Azerbaijani, with small populations of
Lezgins, Avars, Udins, Tsakhurs, Tats, Kurds, Talysh, Tatars, Armenians, Georgians
Russians and others. One notable feature is the number of ethnic Azerbaijanis living in Iran, who
outnumber Azerbaijan's domestic population and make up around 30 percent of Iran's total
population.
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Azerbaijan's view of the Caspian region is framed by its relationship with its two large
neighbors. Azerbaijan has sought to keep a balance between Russia and Iran while striving to
preserve its autonomy or independence as much as possible. Since Azerbaijan gained
independence from Russia following the breakup of the Soviet Union, the Caspian region has
been key to the development of Azerbaijan's energy resources and projects. This development, in
turn, has led to opportunities for cooperation with Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, as well as with
outside powers like Turkey and the European Union, and has played a major role in shaping
Azerbaijan's foreign policy.
Kazakhstan
Kazakhstan consists of mostly steppe and desert flatland. Its defining features are its large size
(one-third the size of the United States) and its long and open border with Russia to the north.
Kazakhstan borders the Caspian to the west, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan to the south, and
Kyrgyzstan and China to the east. Its population of 15 million gives Kazakhstan one of the
lowest population densities in the world. It also has the largest ethnic Russian population of all
the Central Asian countries, making up nearly 40 percent of the total population.
Kazakhstan, like Azerbaijan, must also take into account the larger powers of Russia and Iran -particularly Russia -- in its approach to the Caspian region. As with Azerbaijan, the Caspian
region has been key to Kazakhstan's development of energy resources and projects since the
Soviet collapse and has provided a platform for cooperation with numerous countries.
Turkmenistan
Turkmenistan is covered nearly entirely by desert. It borders the Caspian Sea to the west, Iran
and Afghanistan to the south, and Uzbekistan to the north. Turkmenistan has a small population
of roughly 5 million people. This population is mostly concentrated along its northern and
southern borders, near Iran and Uzbekistan.
Turkmenistan, like Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, must also take into account the larger powers of
Iran and especially Russia in its approach to the Caspian region. Also like Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan has benefited from the Caspian region in developing energy resources
and projects and creating opportunities for cooperation with several other countries.
Iran
Iran is almost entirely mountainous, with the major ranges being the Zagros and the Elburz. Iran
borders the Caspian Sea to the north and the Persian Gulf to the south. It also borders Azerbaijan
to the northwest and Turkmenistan to the northeast, Turkey and Iraq to the west, and Afghanistan
and Pakistan to the east.
Iran is a multiethnic country; the Persian population makes up slightly more than half of the total
population. Ethnic Azerbaijanis make up a significant part of the population, as do Kurds and
other groups.
The Caspian Sea region is not Iran's strategic priority, as its geopolitical interests are more
oriented toward Iraq, the Persian Gulf and the wider Middle East. Iran, like Russia, is interested
in blocking the emergence of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan as independent states
and in preventing foreign (particularly Western) influence from entering those countries.
However, Iran sees Russia as a historical rival in the Caucasus and Central Asia and ultimately
as a competitor when it comes to projecting influence in the region.
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CURRENT DYNAMICS
Economy and Energy
The Caspian Sea holds a number of important resources within its waters. The Caspian has
approximately 80 percent of the world's sturgeon, a fish used to make caviar (# - value annually).
The northern part of the Caspian is also known for the seal industry, where there is a
considerable fur trade (# - value). Several minerals are also found in the Caspian, such as sodium
sulfate, which is used for the production of several commodities like glass and textiles.
*Graphic 2 - Insert map of Caspian Sea ports
The Caspian Sea is also an important transit hub for goods. Whether they are transporting wood,
foodstuffs, cotton or finished goods, the sea's five littoral states conduct much trade via the
Caspian (# - value). There are several important ports and transit hubs on the Caspian Sea,
including Baku in Azerbaijan, Astrakhan and Makhachkala in Russia, Turkmenbashi in
Turkmenistan, Aktau in Kazakhstan, and Bandar-e Anzali in Iran serving as some of the largest.
However, since the Caspian is a relatively small and landlocked body of water, these ports are
much smaller than some of the world's largest ports like Singapore or New York (#s - compared
to other global ports).
But the most significant economic driver of the Caspian region is the energy sector, which is a
major factor in the modern geopolitical relationship among the Caspian countries. The Caspian
Sea is unique in terms of the sheer amount of energy that is located, produced and exported from
within or near its waters. In 2010, more than 3 billion bpd of oil was produced in the Caspian
region (not including energy resources from Russia and Iran that are not immediately in or near
the Caspian Sea), accompanied by roughly 100 bcm of natural gas. The Caspian region accounts
for #% of global oil production and #% of global natural gas production.
Russia and Iran both rank in the top five globally for oil and natural gas production, with Russia
by far the world's top natural gas producer and constantly switching with Saudi Arabia for the
No. 1 position in oil. Iran trails just behind Russia, Saudi Arabia and the United States in oil
production, and is also the world's fourth-largest natural gas producer.
However, the vast majority of these countries' oil and natural gas resources are not located in or
near the Caspian region. Russia has huge concentrations of energy resources in the YamalNenets region and both West and East Siberia, with only marginal volumes near the Caspian
Sea. Iran's resources are predominantly found near the Persian Gulf, with virtually no resources
near the Caspian.
Therefore, most of the energy resources found in or near the Caspian Sea -- and there are a lot of
them -- are largely held by the three states that are newest both to political independence and to
formulating energy strategy: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. The level of oil and
natural gas production of these states is quite significant and has grown considerably in recent
years. And because these countries have relatively small populations and therefore much smaller
domestic energy demands than Russia and Iran, much of this production growth has translated
into greater exports both westward and eastward. However, given the geographic isolation and
the landlocked nature of the Caspian region, there are limitations on the distribution of these
resources to end users.
Resources/fields
Three major oil fields are currently in production in or near the Caspian Sea. There are the
Tengiz and Kashagan fields in Kazakhstan, and the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli complex in
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Azerbaijan. Additionally, four major natural gas fields are currently operating in the region: the
South Yolotan and Dauletabad fields in Turkmenistan, Karachaganak field in northwestern
Kazakhstan, and the Shah Deniz field in Azerbaijan.
Production/exports
*Table 1 - Insert table on oil/natural gas production and exports
Pipelines/transit infrastructure
Because the three major Caspian energy-producing states -- Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan -- are former Soviet states, it is no surprise that much of the pipeline and transit
infrastructure that carries energy flows in the Caspian region is oriented toward Russia, since
much of it was built during the Soviet era.
Energy is one of Russia's primary geopolitical tools of influence. It uses its vast network of
pipelines and other export infrastructure such as tankers and rail to increase the dependence of its
primary market -- the Europeans -- on Russia for energy and thus increase its own political
leverage. In the past, Russia has also used infrastructure to hook in other energy-producing states
in its periphery in order to limit competition, to control pricing and to further increase the
volume of supplies it sends to Europe. Russia often pays these other countries a low price for
their energy supplies, which it eventually sells to the Europeans.
While Russia had a near monopoly on energy supplies coming from Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan
and Turkmenistan in Soviet times, this has changed considerably in recent years with the
completion of several energy infrastructure projects that run to the west, east and south. Russia
does still import or transit the majority of these countries' energy supplies, but the percentage of
supplies Russia imports or transits is shrinking fast: In 2008, 80 percent of the Caspian region's
exports went to or transited Russia, but only 55 percent went to or transited Russia in 2010
(IEA*).
Oil
While Russia and Iran have long been major oil producers, the status of Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan is growing in the field (Turkmenistan is a marginal player when it comes to oil).
This is not to say that Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan did not have significant oil production in the
past -- Baku was the first major oil producing region in the world -- but a renewed focus on
exploration and investment into these countries’ oil reserves since independence has opened up
new resources and potential for Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan.
In addition to contributing to energy revenues and building up government coffers (especially
when energy prices are high), these new resources have changed the picture of oil infrastructure
in the region considerably. In 2006, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline debuted and made
Azerbaijan's oil imports available not only to Turkey but also to larger markers further into
Europe.
Kazakhstan has also sought new markets, occasionally contributing to Azerbaijan's oil exports to
the west and also sending its supplies to the east to energy-hungry China. This has allowed
Kazakhstan to become one of the top 10* oil exporting countries in the world. Both Kazakhstan
and Azerbaijan, however, are still significantly involved in Russia's oil pipeline network.
*Insert pipeline maps here
*Insert table on oil pipelines
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Natural gas
Natural gas is in many ways more strategic than oil, because most natural gas -- excluding
liquefied natural gas, which as of 2010 accounted for 10 percent* of all natural gas trade -- must
travel through pipelines. This means its distribution networks are fixed, and hence control over
the territory in which those networks are located gives total control over distribution. That gives
natural gas exporters less flexibility and a less-diverse range of export markets than oil exporters,
who can use pipelines or ship their products via tanker virtually anywhere there is access to the
oceans. (It is much easier to ship by sea than to build and maintain a pipeline through Siberia to
China, for example.) Not only do exporters of traditional natural gas have to contend with
geographic distance, crossing natural boundaries with pipelines and the cost effectiveness of
transporting their products, they also face -- particularly in Central Asia -- the inherent political
hurdles associated with building natural gas infrastructure without involving Russia.
Another crucial factor of natural gas is pricing. Natural gas consumers have a greater ability to
set the price than oil consumers, because natural gas producers cannot easily find a new market
(new pipelines would be required for that). Yet if a producer can gain control over the majority
of natural gas distribution networks, one gains greater power in pricing, since consumers cannot
easily diversify away from the same set pipelines.
However, since the fall of the Soviet Union, Western powers and international energy firms
made a concerted effort to take advantage of the newfound independence and energy wealth of
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. While this process took a while to get started, in
recent years several major projects have come online that have changed the dynamics of this
region.
*Insert pipeline maps here
*Insert table on natural gas pipelines
Maritime disputes in the Caspian Basin
The status of the Caspian Sea is disputed and controversial and has been since the breakup of the
Soviet Union. The primary issue at hand among the Caspian's littoral states is resources -particularly energy -- and how to divide them. This has translated into the question of how to
divide the maritime borders of the Caspian Sea among Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan.
This is where the legal status of the Caspian Sea comes in. There is an open question as to
whether the Caspian should be classified as a sea or as a lake, as the Caspian does not fit neatly
into either category according to international law. If it is classified as a sea, the delineation and
boundaries of the Caspian would differ from what they would be if it were classified as a lake.
While Iran proposes delineating the Caspian Sea into five equal parts, the smaller states oppose
this method of division as it would give a greater share of the resources to Iran, and Russia
opposes a division according to national sectors entirely.
*Insert map of sea vs. lake boundaries?
Historical precedent does not offer much guidance. According to a treaty signed between the
Soviet Union and Iran in the 1920s, the Caspian Sea was technically considered a lake. The
Caspian was divided into two sections, and its resources were to be shared. But at that time, the
primary resource in the Caspian that was for mass consumption was fish -- not oil and natural
gas. Also, the treaty did not clarify rights regarding the energy sector in terms of exploration or
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seabed boundaries, so energy resources have changed the calculus regarding maritime
boundaries in the Caspian. Furthermore, it is likely no surprise that when the Soviet Union
dissolved, Russia and Iran decided to continue to abide by their treaty and classification system,
but the three newly independent states did not.
There have been negotiations among the littoral states on formally demarcating maritime borders
in the Caspian for more than a decade, and many proposals and counter-proposals have been
considered, but these negotiations have not yet produced a solution agreeable to all five states.
Several bilateral agreements were made in the northern part of the Caspian between Russia and
Azerbaijan, Russia and Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in the late 1990s and early
2000s, but agreements in the south between Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Iran remain elusive.
These are the most important disagreements -- and not coincidentally involve areas where major
disputed and untapped oil and natural gas fields are located.
Practically speaking, however, these political issues and disagreements have not yet been a
significant barrier to energy production with the Caspian Sea. Each of the three major Caspian
producers -- Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan -- have followed through with national
projects within the portion of their sectors that are relatively close to shore and are not
significantly disputed. While exploration efforts have created frictions (such as an incident in
2001 in which an Iranian patrol boat forced an Azerbaijani energy exploration vessel to turn
away), littoral disagreements have not significantly hampered current energy operations or each
country's production or export strategy. And, crucially, at this point there are no subsea pipeline
projects that cross national sectors of the Caspian.
While legal and environmental factors could significantly affect energy projects in the Caspian in
the future, these factors have not yet been obstacles to energy development in the Caspian.
Technological and financial barriers have been the limiting factors so far in energy production in
the region.
Military
Confronted with large range of issues, Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan
have revised their positions on their military presence in the Caspian Sea. Though most of the
littoral states were opposed to the militarization of the Caspian Sea in the 1990s, they are now
convinced of the necessity for the military supervision of their own wealth and strategic
objectives.
The official budgets of Iran and of the former Soviet states of the South Caucasus and Central
Asia clearly show that defense spending has increased in the Caspian basin region since 1995.1
The evolving national security doctrines of several countries in the region consider international
terrorism and political and religious extremism as the main threats to national security, resulting
in increased priority being given to the development of interior ministry forces during the latter
half of the 1990s. In this report, these forces and their sources of funding are considered
independently of the regular armed forces. Armed non-state groups are also active in the region,
and the secret nature of their sources of funding and equipment makes it difficult to reach
reliable conclusions about their military capability and their effects on security in the region. But
among the security issues the states in the Caspian region have had to address since the fall of
the Soviet Union, the Caspian Sea has turned out to be particularly complex, since it involves
1
Inconsistent reporting and coverage of defense budgets by regional countries are the norm, and available data are
often unreliable, seldom reflecting the actual military/security environment of the region. For example, paramilitary
forces possessing military capabilities and performing defense-related tasks are not usually funded through defense
budgets but by interior ministries.
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matters that are at once politico-juridical (definition of the sea's legal status), economic (control
of subsoil wealth) and geopolitical (balancing of the great powers).
Western companies participating in international consortiums exploiting Azerbaijani and Kazakh
oil supplies and the export routes from the Caspian to the Caucasus and then to the Black Sea
require security assistance. In light of this, NATO has sought to strengthen military relations
with Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan with the signing of the Partnership for Peace.
The West's increased presence has provoked reactions from Russia and Iran, the two historical
powers of the Caspian Sea, who both oppose the U.S. military presence and hope to win the
former Soviet states over. To avoid Russian -- and to a lesser extent, Iranian -- domination,
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are hastening to develop national navies. By
increasing their naval power, each country is trying to gain more freedom of movement. What is
really at stake is the ability of the littoral states to defend themselves -- not just against common
militant threats, which have yet to materialize in the Caspian but could occur, or against
proliferation (what do we mean by this specifically -- nuclear proliferation? The growth of the
other littoral states' militaries?), but against potential Russian and Iranian threats to their energy
projects (and thus their independence). The militarization of the Caspian Sea is therefore part of
multiple competitive perceptive strategies: Iran versus the United States, Russia versus the
United States, and Russia versus Iran.
Although the military buildup in Caspian Sea has accelerated in the last few years, the buildup is
not a new development. Recurrent tensions between the Soviet Union and Iran actually led
Moscow to establish the Soviet Caspian fleet at Baku and to construct a small military naval base
at Astrakhan. As a result of the treaties signed with the Soviet Union, Iran was not permitted to
establish itself in the region militarily.
The disintegration of the Soviet Union increased the number of Caspian littoral states from two
to five. Of the four ex-Soviet republics, Russia inherited the largest chunk of the Soviet military
assets, including almost the entire Caspian naval force, leaving the remaining countries in a very
disadvantageous military position. Efforts by the newly sovereign Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan to form their military forces were quite natural in the early 1990s, when they were
trying to consolidate their independence. Yet, especially in the second half of the 1990s,
disagreements over the division of the energy-rich Caspian Sea -- in the absence of a legal
regime acceptable to all the littoral states -- led to numerous territorial disputes, including
multiple ownership claims to a number of oil fields. Apart from political and security
considerations, fear of losing those potentially revenue-generating fields to their neighbors
created strong economic incentives for all the Caspian states to boost their military power.
Arms transfers to the countries of the Caspian basin increased during the second half of the
1990s, with Iran and Kazakhstan emerging among the world's leading recipients of conventional
weapons. Today, to modernize their armed forces, the region's countries are importing more
sophisticated weaponry and repairing existing weapons, concluding military-technical
cooperation agreements with regional and extra-regional states, and developing indigenous
scientific and industrial defense capabilities.
The development and capabilities of the national armed forces in the Caspian basin are
influenced by four factors:
<ul><li>Foreign financial aid, which partially supplements national defense capabilities;</li>
<li> The presence of foreign forces in some countries: Russia is strengthening its cooperation in
the military-political and military-technical spheres via alliances like the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), while NATO has
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emerged as a major institutional player in South Caucasus and Central Asian security affairs;
</li>
<li>Participation in international military exercises and training programs (under CIS, NATO
and U.S. auspices); and </li>
<li>Participation in bilateral and multilateral defense, security and military agreements and
cooperation. </li></ul>
Russia
Russia was in political and economic turmoil from the fall of the Soviet Union until the mid2000s. The parity of the Russian and U.S. nuclear arsenals was symbolic and of more political
value; throughout the 1990s, Russia was weak militarily and bogged down in Chechnya. The
loss of the K-141 Kursk, the pride of the Northern Fleet, was the culmination of a decade of both
psychological and material degradation on a massive scale.
But in the last five years or so, there have been at least two modernization surges for Russia's
armed forces. The first occurred around 2005-2007, facilitated by increased revenues flowing in
due to rising oil prices and increases in Russian arms exports. The second surge in the
modernization of Russian Armed Forces seems to be under way, once again funded by
increasing oil revenues resulting from higher global oil prices. The present surge in Russian
military modernization has drawn more attention, due to the fielding of new intercontinental
ballistic missiles and the long-delayed commissioning of Russia's first new, post-Soviet multipurpose nuclear submarine, Project 855. Russian strategic bombers have also resumed global air
patrols. These developments suggest the creation of a credible military deterrence and force
projection capabilities. Some experts suggest that because the strategic arsenal was always a
priority, the reorganization of the conventional forces from ponderous divisional structures to
independent brigade-sized structures -- more flexible and better suited for military interventions
and dealing with asymmetric challenges -- as well as greater funding for the forces led to the
Russo-Georgian war of 2008.
With its military on the rise, Russia fully intends to dominate the Caspian by building up and
modernizing its Caspian fleet and the accompanying naval infrastructure. However, the current
Caspian fleet is a small force meant for coastal defense and waterways patrols. Even if Russia
has the largest fleet on the Caspian, the forces are outdated and uncompetitive; most of its 148
ships are at least 30 years old and are not seaworthy.
Since the taking of Astrakhan -- a natural outlet of the Volga -- in 1556, Russia has continued its
attempts to advance southward to gain new territories and thwart the desires of neighboring
empires. After several wars against the Persians and Ottomans, in 1813 Russia acquired the
exclusive right to have a military fleet in the Caspian Sea. From 1867 to 1992, Baku served as
the home base for this fleet. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the fleet was repatriated to its
main port in Astrakhan. This port still serves as the Russians' main port by the Caspian, although
its infrastructure is deteriorating and is mostly occupied by commercial ships. Russia has
therefore decided to invest in other strategic ports, such as Kaspiisk (*Makachkala?) in
Dagestan, which will become Russia's southernmost ice-free port.
Russia's presence in the Caspian region has intensified as the region's oil exports made their way
into the world market. Russia's current geopolitical conditions mean the importance of the
Caspian fleet is on the rise.
Iran
Like Russia, Iran has a long history as an independent state with determined and committed
armed forces and a developed economy which accommodates significant spending on defense.
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Its relative military strength -- particularly in covert operations around the region -- combined
with its cultural, political, economic and strategic interests in the region makes it an important
actor in the Caspian geopolitical environment. As only a few countries are willing to supply it
with weapons, Iran is focused on developing its indigenous arms industry, especially missile
production technology. Iran produces numerous other conventional weapons domestically,
including main battle tanks, Armored Infantry Fighting Vehicles , various surface-to-air and antitank missile systems, fighter aircraft and attack helicopters, and several types of naval vessels.
Iran lost all control over the Caspian Sea when it signed treaties with Tsarist Russia in 1828, and
was prohibited from maintaining a military (but not commercial) fleet on the Caspian. This
prohibition was renewed during the friendship treaties signed with Moscow in 1921 and 1940,
but the collapse of the Soviet Union enabled Tehran to declare itself freed from the agreements.
At the beginning of the 1990s, Iran's military fleet was obsolete after having suffered enormously
from the termination of cooperation with British and U.S. crews after the overthrow of the Shah
and from its decade-long war with Iraq. The Islamic republic therefore decided to embark on a
large-scale modernization of its military naval forces. The navy became perhaps Iran's most
important military service, since the Persian Gulf is the primary route for all of Iran's oil exports
and most of its other trade.
Consequently, Iran has made the modernization of its naval forces a high priority. Since the end
of the Iran-Iraq war, Iran has obtained new anti-ship missiles and missile patrol craft from China,
midget submarines from North Korea, and submarines from Russia. Iran has also received
modern mines and enhanced its anti-ship missile capabilities. Tehran has expanded the
capabilities of the naval branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, acquired additional
mine warfare capability and upgraded some of its older surface ships.
The accelerated modernization of Iran's navy principally is focused on the strategic waters of the
south, particularly the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman. However, the Caspian region, to
date used as a training zone, has also benefited from this dynamism. The Iranian navy in the
Caspian Sea is represented by two commands independent of one another: the Naval Armed
Forces Command in the Caspian Sea Zone (4th Naval Region, with naval base at Anzali) and the
Naval Corps Guards Command of the Islamic Revolution in the Caspian Sea Zone (a coastal
defense battalion at the port of Noshahr). Iranian naval training centers are operational in the
ports of Noshahr and Anzali, as well as in Rasht. A school for Iranian combat divers is also
located in the Caspian area. Meanwhile, in the event of a crisis, Tehran can use rail to transfer
midget submarines and other smaller craft from its southern coast to the Caspian.
The most dramatic differences between Iran and other Caspian littoral states are its anti-ship
missile arsenal, knowledge and capabilities for asymmetric naval warfare and other war-tested
capabilities from the Persian Gulf that could be transferred relatively seamlessly to any naval
conflict in the Caspian.
Kazakhstan
Kazakhstan's military and security relationship with Russia, strong and rooted in common
interests and approaches expressed through bilateral and multilateral defense cooperation, shows
signs of deepening in new ways that reveal some of Kazakhstan's most pressing defense
priorities.
Kazakhstan has a new concern about achieving interoperability of forces (command and control
structures) with NATO and with Russia, but the bulk of Kazakhstan's armed and security forces
remain predisposed to cooperation and interaction with Russian forces. Kazakhstan made slight
progress toward NATO interoperability within higher readiness formations, which seems a long
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way off, when the decision was made to create a military language institute in Almaty to train
officers in military English, French and German. Overall, Astana's efforts to attain NATO
interoperability only extend to certain high-profile, key formations; and arguably its bilateral
cooperation with Russia and multilateral cooperation in bodies such as the CSTO and Shanghai
Cooperation Organization do more to enhance its capabilities for dealing with actual security
needs.
Kazakhstan's 2007 military doctrine refers to the emerging relationship that Kazakhstan has
fostered with the West, emphasizing its bilateral military cooperation with the United States.
Therefore, Kazakhstan plans to deepen its military cooperation with Washington but only in
specific areas: the technological modernization of Kazakhstan's armed forces, the transfer of
military technology, training, and helping to construct and consolidate key military infrastructure
in order to promote regional security.
In the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan has advantages and disadvantages. It has five ports -- Aktau,
Atyrau, Kuryk, Bautino and Sogandyk -- but none was ever equipped with military naval
infrastructure during the Soviet era, and Astana has had to construct them from scratch. There
has been some modernization at Aktau, the only Kazakh port with military infrastructure, but no
proper naval forces have been created. It was not until 2003, more than 10 years after
independence, when the Kashagan hydrocarbon deposit was discovered, that Kazakhstan
announced the creation of naval military forces and began formulating a doctrine for their
development.
Kazakhstan currently has coast guard assets -- nine ships and 22 motor boats -- which patrol as
far as 25 kilometers from the coast. Kazakhstan's announcement of plans to purchase three patrol
boats and three corvettes would bring Astana into rough naval parity with Baku and would give
Kazakhstani armed forces the hardware to begin patrolling the open waters of the Caspian and
defending offshore energy rigs. Statements from Astana suggest that the navy's chief mission
would be deterring terrorism, not dealing with threats posed by other Caspian littoral states. But
the firepower of the ships that Kazakhstan is considering, while modest compared to the
competition, is much greater than would be required to thwart militant attacks. Also, a top
priority will be refurbishing a fourth helicopter in Kazakhstan's Huey II helicopter fleet, which
will help to protect significant energy infrastructure and respond to threats in Kazakhstan and on
the Caspian. However, the problems this project faces suggest that the Kazakh navy will face
continued limitations, particularly in its war fighting capability.
Azerbaijan
The distinction between Western-oriented and Russian-oriented security and defense policies
among former Soviet states is clearest in the countries of the South Caucasus. Armenia and
Azerbaijan are increasing their defense spending on the basis of perceived threats -- mainly from
each other. While Armenia consolidates its ties with Russia and Iran, Azerbaijan is moving
closer to the West in the area of security, maintaining and developing certain ties with Russia but
supplementing and sometimes replacing them with new security links with NATO and bilateral
cooperation with NATO members (particularly the United States and Turkey). Because 20
percent of its territory is currently occupied by Armenia, Azerbaijan has devoted most of its
attention in recent years to developing its land and air forces in order to be able to counter and
possibly end that occupation. (This isn't neutral language -- if this were going on the site I would
reword this to make it more politically neutral, but since I'm not sure who the audience is for this
I don't know if it needs to be reworded or if this is acceptable) However, Baku has not neglected
the development of a naval presence on the Caspian Sea -- a reflection of its own key interests
there and the challenges presented by the four other littoral states.
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Until 1992, Baku was the base of the Soviet Caspian fleet and is still the region's largest military
port. Azerbaijan's naval forces are the second most powerful in the former Soviet Union (after
Russia) and are doubly strategic in that they are able to play a key role in both the Russian and
NATO frameworks and thus are the object of both Western and Russian desires. After the Soviet
Union collapsed, Russia gave Azerbaijan different classes of poorly conditioned assets -- a small
part of the former Soviet Caspian fleet, almost entirely based in Baku. Meanwhile, NATO's
training institutes -- particularly in the United States and Turkey -- host numerous Azerbaijani
officers in domains such as the protection of offshore oil rigs. Western experts are sent to the
country regularly to train naval personnel in new technologies. The United States continues to
work with Azerbaijan's navy to increase Caspian maritime security, develop professional
military education, enhance peacekeeping capabilities in support of coalition operations and
promote progress toward NATO interoperability.
Today, Azerbaijan's military budget reflects Baku's security concerns on land and sea.
Azerbaijan historically had a strong presence in the Caspian not just because it was the main
naval base during the Soviet rule, but also because a considerable number of Soviet naval
officers received their training at Azerbaijan Naval Academy. Considering this, it is no surprise
that Azerbaijan has reacted strongly to challenges from the other littoral states. Since the 1990s,
Baku has had few occasions to be concerned about the Russian fleet in the Caspian, but it has
expressed concerns about the development of the navies of the other three littoral countries,
seeing these steps as a possible challenge to Azerbaijan's position on the Caspian. The navy's
most critical role is patrolling and securing the country's coastal waters, ports and key sea-lanes,
and protecting key assets including its sea-based oil fields and infrastructure, and the sector of
the Caspian seabed it claims. This latter mission took on renewed importance following the 2001
naval confrontation with Iran.
Overall, there is an existing fleet and doctrine for the Caspian for Azerbaijan to build upon; the
Azerbaijani navy will almost certainly remain in a position to cope with all its responsibilities,
notwithstanding the occasional faltering expected of an institution that did not even exist two
decades ago.
Turkmenistan
Turkmenistan is trying to strengthen its armed forces, vowing to fight more energetically against
transnational drug smuggling, and reaffirming its neutrality even though Russia had a major
effect on defense planning until 2005. The amount of Turkmenistan's current military
expenditure is not sufficient to suddenly change the regional balance of military power in its
favor. However, Ashgabat's significant arms purchases compared to its limited annual revenues
in hard currency could encourage, if not provoke, other Caspian littoral states -- especially Iran,
Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan -- to accelerate and expand their military build-ups. Ashgabat's
military budget increase is partly due to serious territorial disputes with Baku over certain
Caspian oil fields. The resulting accelerated arms race could complicate the peaceful settlement
of current territorial disputes in the Caspian region.
In terms of Caspian security, Turkmenistan is currently the weakest state. It has announced plans
to create a navy, but developments are by their very nature relatively slow, given how long it
takes to build ships and train personnel. Barring something unexpected, Turkmenistan should be
able to receive help from the United States through the International Military Education and
Training and Foreign Military Financing programs to purchase U.S. defense supplies, services
and training to establish a fledgling naval capability on the Caspian Sea.
Following independence, Ashgabat announced its intention to create its own border troops. In
1994, it ended most of its military cooperation with Russia, except for the guarding of the
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maritime borders, which continued until 1999. When its relations with Azerbaijan deteriorated at
the beginning of the 2000s, Turkmenistan resolved to commit to the naval protection of its
Caspian interests and so sought the support of foreign partners. Turkmen President Gurbanguly
Berdimukhammedov announced in January 2010 that the country would create a navy, based at
the port of Turkmenbashi, by 2015. In 2008, Turkmenistan bought three guided-missile patrol
boats and two smaller patrol boats from Russia. Turkmenistan has said it wants to buy two or
more larger warships, possibly corvettes, as well. The lack of naval equipment limits
Turkmenistan's naval ambitions, but the lack of experience with operating the equipment, much
less maintaining it, conducting damage control and using it effectively in a war fighting scenario
are other obstacles Turkmenistan will have to overcome in creating a naval force.
*Insert table on Caspian naval assets
* According to the Jane's World Navies and other online defense database', note: some of the
vessels of various tonnage/class combined here for demonstration purposes only (What does this
disclaimer refer to?)
External players and the geopolitical balance of power
Energy resources in the Caspian Sea have attracted the interest of many countries outside the
region. In addition to resources within the sea itself, the Caspian is also surrounded by energy
resources that littoral countries hold onshore near the Caspian. These resources have brought in
many of the world's top multinational energy companies, such as BP, Chevron and Total.
Energy resources are not the only factor making the Caspian region so significant; it is located in
the middle of Eurasia and serves as a convergence zone of the Russian and Iranian spheres of
influence. Furthermore, it contains three growing states on the borderlands of these spheres of
influence: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Given its resources and location, the
Caspian region is an area of interest -- for both economic and political reasons -- for four
external powers: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. This makes the
region subject to a dynamic geopolitical competition among some of the world's strongest
powers.
External Players
United States
Economically, the United States has been quite influential in the Caspian, particularly in the
development of the energy industries in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan since their
independence. The United States was instrumental in bringing investment and technology into
these countries' energy sectors in order the get their supplies online. Without U.S. political
backing and financing and technical expertise from U.S. firms like Chevron and ExxonMobil,
projects like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum arguably would
never have materialized, or would not have been completed as quickly.
Politically, the United States' position in the Caspian basin has not been as strong or direct.
Kazakhstan is firmly tied to Russia, while Turkmenistan is closed off to virtually any foreign
involvement in the country's political system. Azerbaijan is closer to the United States than
these two states and cooperates with Washington via logistical support for Afghanistan and
intelligence sharing, but relations between the two have suffered in recent years due to what
Azerbaijan perceives as lack of commitment from the United States over the Nagorno-Karabakh
dispute. Given its geopolitical realities, Baku is more interested in pursuing an independent
position and not committing too firmly to any one side. Ultimately this is the path all three of the
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smaller states want to take, but Azerbaijan is in the best position to pursue such a strategy as
Russia has less direct influence or control over Baku than over Astana or Ashgabat.
European Union
The European Union has also been active in the Caspian region's energy development, with
several leading firms like Total, E.On and Eni as significant stakeholders in several Caspian
projects and pipelines.
But the European Union's political hand in the Caspian region is even weaker than the United
States'. Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are not active in any significant way politically with the
European Union. Azerbaijan is closer to the union than and participates in EU programs like the
Eastern Partnership and in other western institutions, but Baku continues to stress its
independence.
China
China has built substantial ties into Central Asia via the financing and construction of the oil and
natural gas pipeline through Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan to western China. In
addition, China has increased its involvement in other economic sectors in these countries, such
as metals, mining, infrastructure and telecommunications.
However, China's role in these countries currently is almost exclusively economic, as Beijing
currently pursues a policy of non-interference in terms of domestic politics in this (and any
other) region of the world. But energy and investment does have a political nature, and the
choices of business partners and deals to get contracts all require political accommodation to a
certain extent. Also, Beijing has sought to deepen military cooperation with the Central Asian
states, especially with the goal of combating terrorism and separatism, but so far this has been
done generally under the rubric of regional organizations.
Turkey
Turkey has close political ties to the smaller Caspian states -- ties which are backed by cultural
and ethnic links, since Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan share similar Turkic origins.
This can be seen in the Turkish educational institutions and social organizations throughout these
states. Turkey also has a traditionally influential geopolitical role in region, particularly in
countering Russian and Iranian influence in the Caucasus, largely via its relationship with
Azerbaijan.
Turkey is involved in the smaller Caspian countries economically, with a strong presence in
construction and business in these countries. Turkey also plays a key role as a transit state for
Azerbaijan's gas westward and is therefore a key consideration in Azerbaijan's energy-related
decision making.
*Insert FDI/trade #s between external powers and Russia/Iran for Az, Kaz, Turkmen
The geopolitical balance of power
Despite the substantial and growing presence of external powers in the Caspian region, the
strongest player in the region is currently Russia. Though the enormous efforts put into building
new pipelines and infrastructure have loosened Russia's grip on the region's energy industry,
Russia is still the primary destination and transit point for the region's energy supplies.
Though many countries are attempting to translate their economic ties into political influence,
and some are building influence at grassroots levels, Russia still has the closest political ties to -and influence over -- the three smaller Caspian states. Although it has been 20 years since the
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breakup of the Soviet Union, Russia's presence in these countries lingers and resonates in many
ways, whether through trade, political ties to the countries' governments, or security and
intelligence links into these countries.
Iran's role and focus is relatively limited in the Caspian and the smaller Caspian states are still
growing as energy producers, and the West and China are still working to improve their
positions in the region. This leaves Russia as the leading decision-maker and game-changer in
the region as of 2011.