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Second-best economic policy for a divided government
Second-best economic policy for a divided government

... between the reformers and the traditional ministries manifests itself primarily in the battle over state control over various sectors. Such control keeps the traditionalists alive, and prevents the reformers from political ascendancy. In some situations, such as Britain under Thatcher, Mexico under ...
Developing Countries` Experience with Neoliberalism and
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... supports nation-state economic policies. The rate of interests on borrowing increased during the 1980s and combined with the economic recession and low export demands in the developed countries, which exacerbated the developing countries debt crisis. These polices were supposed to free market forces ...
53rd Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference, India, 2007
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... space (with output gaps and sustainable debt and financing options) have the scope to implement expansionary fiscal policies where the main focus should be on the expenditure side, particularly infrastructure and social spending (IMF 2009:3, 6). The economic shock faced in Africa is to some degree d ...
NOTAS23ING_en.pdf
NOTAS23ING_en.pdf

... different. Support to PYMEs is more nominal than real and the official discussion is not supported by actions or backed up by sufficient funds and human resources to produce an impact on company performance. PYME development to date has depended primarily on domestic macroeconomic conditions. Trade ...
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The MTEF in Practice - Reconciling Conflicting Claims

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Strange Defeat: How Austerity Economics Lost All the
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Presentation, Powerpoint 345kb - The Cambridge Trust for New

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... employment, the formal sector, wages and GDP, but production capacity has only slightly improved. In the mean time, exchange rates have started to appreciate once more and real imports to increase (in volume) significantly faster than real exports (in volume). This can be kept up only if export pric ...
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Washington Consensus

The Washington Consensus is a set of 10 relatively specific economic policy prescriptions that is considered to constitute the ""standard"" reform package promoted for crisis-wracked developing countries by Washington, D.C.–based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the US Treasury Department. It was coined in 1989 by English economist John Williamson. The prescriptions encompassed policies in such areas as macroeconomic stabilization, economic opening with respect to both trade and investment, and the expansion of market forces within the domestic economy.Subsequent to Williamson's minting of the phrase, and despite his emphatic opposition, the term Washington Consensus has come to be used fairly widely in a second, broader sense, to refer to a more general orientation towards a strongly market-based approach (sometimes described as market fundamentalism or neoliberalism). In emphasizing the magnitude of the difference between the two alternative definitions, Williamson himself has argued (see ""Origins of Policy Agenda"" and ""Broad Sense"" below) that his ten original, narrowly defined prescriptions have largely acquired the status of ""motherhood and apple pie"" (i.e., are broadly taken for granted), whereas the subsequent broader definition, representing a form of neoliberal manifesto, ""never enjoyed a consensus [in Washington] or anywhere much else"" and can by now reasonably be said to be dead.Discussion of the Washington Consensus has long been contentious. Partly this reflects a lack of agreement over what is meant by the term, in face of the contrast between the broader and narrower definitions outlined above. But there are also substantive differences involved over the merits and consequences of the various policy prescriptions involved. Some of the critics discussed in this article take issue, for example, with the original Consensus's emphasis on the opening of developing countries to global markets, and/or with what they see as an excessive focus on strengthening the influence of domestic market forces, arguably at the expense of key functions of the state. For other commentators reviewed below, the point at issue is less what is included in the Consensus than what is missing, including such areas as institution-building and targeted efforts to improve opportunities for the weakest in society. Despite these areas of controversy, a great many writers and development institutions would by now accept the more general proposition that strategies need to be tailored to the specific circumstances of individual countries.
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