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From: Imam Jamil A. Al-Amin Ta Sin MIm. These are verses of the Book that makes (things) clear. We rehearse to you some of the story of Moses and Pharaoh in truth, for a people who believe. Truly Pharaoh was proud and arrogant in the land and broke up its people into groups, oppressing, small group among them: Killing their sons and keeping alive their females: For he was indeed a maker ofmischiej: And we wished to be gracious to those who were being oppressed in the land. To make them leaders (in faith) and make them inheritors, to establish afirm place for them in the land and to show Pharaoh, Hamam and their Congress, by the hands of slaves, the very things against which they were taking precautions. (Qur'an 28:1-6) I begin in the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful. I seek Allah's protection from Satan, the rejected. I bear witness that there is only One God, worthy of all praise and worship, and He is Allah. I pray that Allah's peace and blessings be upon the Prophet of Allah, Muhammad son of Abdullah, and his family, and those who follow him. And I am Abdullah, slave of Allah. I am the seed of the survivors of the Middle Passage; the harvest of those who could not be broken, would not be broken. The answer of the prayer of the one chained and shackled, buried in the hull of a slave ship, make to lie in his own waste, up on his neck, he bore the scars of chains, and up on his body was imprinted the evidence of an unyielding cruelty, human cargo denied the crumbs of human compassion; a commodity by circumstance, political by birth, I am the son of that one, the son that rose in the west; the sun that rose in the west. Allah's way is circumscribed by justice and clothed in mercy. Justice is a master virtue; no light matter, no civil rights issue, just truth and falsehood, no nicely calculated less or more. Truth comes and falsehood is perished, and falsehood by its nature is bound to perish. I am a prisoner of politics in a land controlled by an anglo-american patriarchy, who for time immemorial has in jurisprudence made justice and law, two different schools of thought, totally unrelated. Its law, not only flawed, but to people of my common ancestry and heritage, it is a law that is scandalous. A government that still makes slaves—while protesting smoothly the end of slavery. Bigotry and unrighteousness have their own crooked ways of pretending to be tolerant. They never let facts get in the way of a good script Men and women in black robes and in high places, whose hands still are ulcerated from rope burns, give graphic meaning to the statement of "coming from barbarism to decadence without going through civilization." A society that produces then glorifies cannibalism; can they be called civilized? A group that kills its unborn and disrespects its old, can they be called civilized? A gang who kills women and children in air raids and missile attacks; are they really to be. viewed as civilized? Do the civilized define people who throw away food, while their neighbor starves, as being of them? Without the ability to define... language itself enslaves. Baldwin reminds us, " the principles upon which the Englisb language have been constructed form part of the architecture of the Black man's prison." We think and speak in the language of oppression. The Prophet of Allah (peace be upon him) has said, "If you imitate a people, then you are of that people." Racism systematically verifies itself anytime a slave can only become free by imitating his master. I am a political prisoner; a prisoner of war. In peace strong! In Battle, strongest!!! I give no authority or legitimacy to the american system of justice because of the gross human rights violations that this government has, and still commits against the African ascent in america. Ck; My record of struggle is clear and well documented concerning my fight for the right to self-determination and reparations for African descendents in america. May Allah show those who disbelieve in. the Day of Accounting, that it is He, and no one else, who is in control of good. "0 Allah, to you I complain of my weakness, my littleness of resources, and my unimportance to people. 0, Most Merciful of the merciful. You alone are the Lord of the weak and you alone are my Lord. Under whom are you placing me, to someone distant from me [ and my purpose] who looks down upon me? Or, is it to an enemy whom you have given power over me? If you are not angry with me, then I do not care what happens to me because your protection of me is more extensive than that which I perceive. I seek refuge in the Nur (light) of your wajh (face) by which darkness is given light, and by which all the things of this world and the Hereafter are rightly ordered, from your anger descending from you upon me, and from your wrath being permitted for me. It is for you to be satisfied until you are well pleased (and not for me to be). There is no power, no might, no strength except from you." If enthnocide or ethnic cleansing is a crime in Europe, then it is a crime in amerikkka. Peace be upon those who do good, Allah's Slave Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin A U.S. POLITICAL PRISONER: THE CASE OF IMAM JAMIL AL-AMIN (H. RAP BROWN) Imam Jamil Al-Amin, formerly known as H. Rap Brown, was sentenced in March 2002 to life without parole in the Georgia prison system. He became involved in the civil/human rights movement primarily in the southern part of the United States as early as 1962. As a result of Imam Al-Amin' s activism, speech-making, and subsequent May 1967 election as Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), by August 1967, the United States government labeled H. Rap Brown a target of surveillance and entrapment programs, specifically COINTELPRO, initiated by then FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. During Imam Al-Amin's early years as a public figure, the United States government and its state and local branches charged and imprisoned him on unfounded and fabricated charges of counseling to arson, inciting to arson and riot, federal firearms violations, and bond violations. By 1968, while under house arrest, U.S. Congressional members and governors were calling for law enforcement to arrest him, and "slam the doors" of the prisons behind him. On April 11, 1968, the "Rap Brown" Federal Anti-Riot Act passed as an amendment to a fair housing bill. This Act against dissent made it illegal to travel from one state to another, write a letter, make a telephone call, or speak on radio or television with the "intent" to encourage any person to participate in a riot. The "Rap Brown" Act would be used against anti-war protesters and resistance groups, including those arrested at Wounded Knee. By 1970, Imam Al-Amin was placed on the FBI's "10 Most Wanted List," simply for failing to appear for trial on the fabricated State of Maryland inciting to arson and riot charges. From 1971 until 1976, Imam Al-Amin was imprisoned in the State of New York on charges related to eradicating drug activity in African American communities. Upon his release, he relocated to Atlanta, Georgia, where he immediately began to establish and organize a local and national Muslim community. He traveled from 1976 through 2000 to conferences and conventions throughout the United States, the Sudan, Pakistan, India, the West Indies, and Saudi Arabia. He served on boards of major Islamic organizations with a national and international agenda, continued to work to improve communities in the inner cities of the United States, and served as a broker of peace treaties with street organizations. Imam Al-Amin continues to appeal his Georgia conviction as he maintains his innocence of the murder and assault of two Fulton County Georgia deputies. His habeas corpus defense has raised numerous grounds for reversal of the conviction and sentence, including ineffective assistance of counsel, the failure to investigate the confession of an individual who continues to assert his guilt since March 2000, misidentification, and FBI misconduct. Imam Al-Amin filed two lawsuits against the State of Georgia and prison personnel. One action challenged the warden and staff of the Georgia State Prison at Reidsville for opening legal mail from his wife, an attorney, outside of his presence. The 11th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the prison violated Imam Al-Amin's First Amendment right by opening his legal mail. The second lawsuit addresses the Georgia prison's 23-hour lockdown confinement, retaliatory actions, restriction of permitting Imam Al-Amin to freely exercise his right to practice Islam, and his transfer to the ADMAX federal prison in Florence, Colorado. Prior to the transfer, the Georgia Department of Corrections acknowledged that Imam Al-Amin is considered a high profile political prisoner and that other inmates desired to have him serve as the Imam/leader for the Muslim inmates throughout the Georgia prison system. As a result, Imam Al-Amin was placed in federal custody and moved away from his family, friends, and legal counsel to an institution with deplorable and inhumane conditions. The Georgia Department of Corrections used a March 1990 Agreement between the state and the Federal Bureau of Prisons to have Imam Al-Amin, a state prisoner, placed in federal custody. Imam Al-Amin's defense continues to challenge the decision made by the State of Georgia to move him more than 1,400 miles from his legal counsel at a time when lawsuits are pending in Georgia. Although the Federal Bureau of Prisons maintains it will return Imam Al-Amin to Georgia upon Georgia's request, Georgia is refusing to seek his return. The transfer out of the State of Georgia to a federal institution that operates a behavior modification program is seen as a punitive action on the part of the government; consequently, the defense recognizes the necessity to launch a campaign to petition for a change to a neighboring federal facility or Georgia prison, and out of the SUPERMAX conditions. The conditions of Imam Al-Amin' s confinement at the SUPERMAX are harsh. All prisoners are kept in solitary confinement for at least 23 hours a day. According to a number of psychologists and other commentators, such perpetual solitary confinement almost inevitably leads to psychological damage. The cruel conditions of Imam AlAmin's confinement bear no reasonable relation to his conduct. In this regard, Imam Al-Amin will continue to challenge the solitary confinement conditions at the "no touch, no contact" federal prison in Florence, Colorado, as he is housed without a federal charge, conviction, or sentence. Contact Information: The J ustice F und P.O. Box 115363 Atlanta, GA 30310 [email protected] Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin Reg. No. 99974-555 USP Florence ADMAX P.O. Box 8500 Florence, CO 81226 2 From: Imam Jamil A. Al-Amin Ta Sin Mim. These are verses of the Book that makes (things) clear. We rehearse to you some of the story of Moses and Pharaoh in truth, for a people who believe. Truly Pharaoh was proud and arrogant in the land and broke up its people into groups, oppressing ,a small group among them: Killing their sons and keeping alive their females: For he was indeed a maker ofmischief And we wished to be gracious to those who were being oppressed in the land. To make them leaders (in faith) and make them inheritors, to establish a firm place for them in the land and to show Pharaoh, Hamam and their Congress, by the hands of slaves, the very things against which they were taking precautions. (Qur'an 28:1-6) I begin in the Name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful. I seek Allah's protection from Satan, the rejected. I bear witness that there is only One God, worthy of all praise and worship, and He is Allah. I pray that Allah's peace and blessings be upon the Prophet of Allah, Muhammad son of Abdullah, and his family, and those who follow him. And I am Abdullah, slave of Allah. I am the seed of the survivors of the Middle Passage; the harvest of those who could not be broken, would not be broken. The answer of the prayer of the one chained and shackled, buried in the hull of a slave ship, make to lie in his own waste, up on his neck, he bore the scars of chains, and up on his body was imprinted the evidence of an unyielding cruelty, human cargo denied the crumbs of human compassion; a commodity by circumstance, political by birth, I am the son of that one, the son that rose in the west; the sun that rose in the west. Allah's way is circumscribed by justice and clothed in mercy. Justice is a master virtue; no light matter, no civil rights issue, just truth and falsehood, no nicely calculated less or more. Truth comes and falsehood is perished, and falsehood by its nature is bound to perish. I am a prisoner of politics in a land controlled by an anglo-american patriarchy, who for time immemorial has in jurisprudence made justice and law, two different schools of thought, totally unrelated. Its law, not only flawed, but to people of my common ancestry and heritage, it is a law that is scandalous. A government that still makes slaves—while protesting smoothly the end of slavery. Bigotry and =righteousness have their own crooked ways of pretending to be tolerant. They never let facts get in the * way of a good script. Men and women in black robes and hi. high places, whose hands still are ulcerated froth rope burns, give graphic meaning to the statement of "coming from barbarism to decadence without going through civilization." A society that produces then glorifies cannibalism; can they be called civilized? A group that kills its unborn and disrespects its old, can they be called civilized? A gang who kills women and children in air raids and missile attacks; are they really to be. viewed as civilized? Do the civilized define people who throw away food, while their neighbor starves, as being of them? Without the ability to define...language itself enslaves. Baldwin reminds us, " the principles upon which the English language have been constructed form part of the architecture of the Black man's prison." We think and speak in the language of oppression. The Prophet of Allah (peace be upon him) has said, "If you imitate a people, then you are of that people." Racism systematically verifies itself anytime a slave can only become free by imitating his master. I am a political prisoner; a prisoner of war. In peace strong! In Battle, strongest!!! I give no authority or legitimacy to the american system of justice because of the gross human rights violations that this government has, and still commits against the African ascent in america. My record of struggle is clear and well documented concerning my fight for the right to self-determination and reparations for African descendents in america. May Allah show those who disbelieve in. the Day of Accounting, that it is He, and no one else, who is in control of good. "0 Allah, to you I complain of my weakness, my littleness of resources, and my unimportance to people. 0, Most Merciful of the merciful. You alone are ihe Lord of the weak and you alone are my Lord. Under whom are you placing me, to someone distant from me [ and my purpose] who looks down upon me? Or, is it to an enemy whom you have given power over me? If you are not angry with me, then I do not care what happens to me because your protection of me is more extensive than that which I perceive. I seek refuge in the Nur (light) of your wajh (face) by which darkness is given light, and by which all the things of this world and the Hereafter are rightly ordered, from your anger descending from you upon me, and from your wrath being permitted for me. It is for you to be satisfied until you are well pleased (and not for me to be). There is no power, no might, no strength except from you." If enthnocide or ethnic cleansing is a crime in Europe, then it is a crime in amerikkka. Peace be upon those who do good, Allah's Slave Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin A U.S. POLITICAL PRISONER: THE CASE OF IMAM JAMIL AL-AMIN (H. RAP BROWN) Imam Jamil Al-Amin, formerly known as H. Rap Brown, was sentenced in March 2002 to life without parole in the Georgia prison system. He became involved in the civil/human rights movement primarily in the southern part of the United States as early as 1962. As a result of Imam Al-Amin's activism, speech-making, and subsequent May 1967 election as Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), by August 1967, the United States government labeled H. Rap Brown a target of surveillance and entrapment programs, specifically COINTELPRO, initiated by then FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. During Imam Al-Amin's early years as a public figure, the United States government and its state and local branches charged and imprisoned him on unfounded and fabricated charges of counseling to arson, inciting to arson and riot, federal firearms violations, and bond violations. By 1968, while under house arrest, U.S. Congressional members and governors were calling for law enforcement to arrest him, and "slam the doors" of the prisons behind him. On April 11, 1968, the "Rap Brown" Federal Anti-Riot Act passed as an amendment to a fair housing bill. This Act against dissent made it illegal to travel from one state to another, write a letter, make a telephone call, or speak on radio or television with the "intent" to encourage any person to participate in a riot. The "Rap Brown" Act would be used against anti-war protesters and resistance groups, including those arrested at Wounded Knee. By 1970, Imam Al-Amin was placed on the FBI's "10 Most Wanted List," simply for failing to appear for trial on the fabricated State of Maryland inciting to arson and riot charges. From 1971 until 1976, Imam Al-Amin was imprisoned in the State of New York on charges related to eradicating drug activity in African American communities. Upon his release, he relocated to Atlanta, Georgia, where he immediately began to establish and organize a local and national Muslim community. He traveled from 1976 through 2000 to conferences and conventions throughout the United States, the Sudan, Pakistan, India, the West Indies, and Saudi Arabia. He served on boards of major Islamic organizations with a national and international agenda, continued to work to improve communities in the inner cities of the United States, and served as a broker of peace treaties with street organizations. Imam Al-Amin continues to appeal his Georgia conviction as he maintains his innocence of the murder and assault of two Fulton County Georgia deputies. His habeas corpus defense has raised numerous grounds for reversal of the conviction and sentence, including ineffective assistance of counsel, the failure to investigate the confession of an individual who continues to assert his guilt since March 2000, misidentification, and FBI misconduct. Imam Al-Amin filed two lawsuits against the State of Georgia and prison personnel. One action challenged the warden and staff of the Georgia State Prison at Reidsville for opening legal mail from his wife, an attorney, outside of his presence. The 11 th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the prison violated Imam Al-Amin's First Amendment right by opening his legal mail. The second lawsuit addresses the Georgia prison's 23-hour lockdown confinement, retaliatory actions, restriction of permitting Imam Al-Amin to freely exercise his right to practice Islam, and his transfer to the ADMAX federal prison in Florence, Colorado. Prior to the transfer, the Georgia Department of Corrections acknowledged that Imam Al-Amin is considered a high profile political prisoner and that other inmates desired to have him serve as the Imam/leader for the Muslim inmates throughout the Georgia prison system. As a result, Imam Al-Amin was placed in federal custody and moved away from his family, friends, and legal counsel to an institution with deplorable and inhumane conditions. The Georgia Department of Corrections used a March 1990 Agreement between the state and the Federal Bureau of Prisons to have Imam Al-Amin, a state prisoner, placed in federal custody. Imam Al-Amin's defense continues to challenge the decision made by the State of Georgia to move him more than 1,400 miles from his legal counsel at a time when lawsuits are pending in Georgia. Although the Federal Bureau of Prisons maintains it will return Imam Al-Amin to Georgia upon Georgia's request, Georgia is refusing to seek his return. The transfer out of the State of Georgia to a federal institution that operates a behavior modification program is seen as a punitive action on the part of the government; consequently, the defense recognizes the necessity to launch a campaign to petition for a change to a neighboring federal facility or Georgia prison, and out of the SUPERMAX conditions. The conditions of Imam Al-Amin's confinement at the SUPERMAX are harsh. All prisoners are kept in solitary confinement for at least 23 hours a day. According to a number of psychologists and other commentators, such perpetual solitary confinement almost inevitably leads to psychological damage. The cruel conditions of Imam AlAmin's confinement bear no reasonable relation to his conduct. In this regard, Imam Al-Amin will continue to challenge the solitary confinement conditions at the "no touch, no contact" federal prison in Florence, Colorado, as he is housed without a federal charge, conviction, or sentence. Contact Information: The Justice Fund P.O. Box 115363 Atlanta, GA 30310 [email protected] Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin Reg. No. 99974-555 USP Florence ADMAX P.O. Box 8500 Florence, CO 81226 2 March 11, 2010 EFIA NWANGAZA Director, MALCOLM X CENTER 321 W. Antrim Drive P.O. Box 16102 Greenville, SC. 29607 RE: UNITED NATIONS FIRST UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES, December 2010 Dear Efia and Stan Will: I am in receipt of your memorandum and procedures of the UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW concerning the United States, Political Repression and its Human Rights Obligations. You ask that we tell you our "story," where we are legally and our proposed solution, to organize as a "report" submitted by the U.S. Human Rights Network to be reviewed by the UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW WORKING GROUP, which will consist of 47 members of the U.N. Human Rights Council. Enclosed please find the following documents, which contains my casehistory and why I was framed by the political police, to stop me from conducting my on-field investigations in my capacity as a Delegate to the UNITED NATIONS COMMISISON ON HUMAN RIGHTS, 49th Session, General Asembly, March-April 1993 of the Non-Governmental Organization, the INTERNATIONAL INDIAN TREATY COUNCIL: 1. my letter of July 4, 2008 addressed to former SECRETARY OF STATE CONDOLEEZZA RICE; 2. copy of AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF submitted by NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT and RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN before the INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS in Washington, D.C. dated February 20, 2009; By the way, the INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS send me a convulut_4a r _dletter dated January 7, 2010 telling me that "...It does not appear from the information provided that you intend to formally initiate an individual petition," GENERAL INQUIRY CG-00084-2009, after having sat on my properly prepared "indiVidualL petition" for over one and a half (11/2) years, demonstrating the same indifference to human rights as my tormentors who framed me and who now hold me in captivity. Please make copies of the enclosures and return my originals at your earliest convenience. EFIA NWANGAZA DIRECTOR, MALCOLM X. CENTER 11 MARCH 2010 PAGE 2 Should you need additional information, or other documents, please feel free to contact me, or my Defense Committee at the mailing address indicated below. Thank you for your time and prompt response to this letter. I SOLIDARITY, AL A 0 LUNA HERNANDEZ # 255735, H ghes Unit Rt. 2, Box 4400 Gatesville, Texas 76597-0001 alhjr:ipp CC: MR. JOHN S. DOLLEY, JR. Coordinator, ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ DEFENSE COMMITTEE P.O. Box 7187 Austin, Texas telephone: (512) 320-0511 e-mail: [email protected] SARA FALCONER International Spokesperson RPO Roncevalles Avenue P.O. Box 97048 Toronto, ON. M6R 3B3, CANADA e-mail: [email protected] February ,e), 2009 MR. SANTIAGO , CANTON Executive -cretary INTER-AM ICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANI ATION OF AMERICAN STATES 1889 Street, NW Wa- ington, D.C. 20006 RE: ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ P-1033-08 UNITED STATES Dear Sir: Enclosed please find original set of AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF and APPENDIX to be filed with the documents in the above entitled and numbered human rights complaint and case for presenting to the Commission for its review and inspection. By copies of this AMICUS BRIEF, without APPENDIX, copies of the same are this day being served on the parties listed at page 9, Certificate of Service, at the addresses indicated therein. Thank you for your time and kind ass stance in this matter. rel Amici representative member NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN 339 LaFayette Street New York, NY. 10012 ([email protected]) mm:ipp XC: MR. BARA OBAMA MS. HI RY CLINTON MR. C HOLDER.. MR ICK PERRY JOHN S. DOLLEY, JR. S SARA FALCONER MR. ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ •C' IN THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES NO. P-1033-08 ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ, PETITIONER, VS. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A AND ITS POLITICAL SUB-DIVISION § THE STATE OF TEXAS, RESPONDENTS. § AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF The NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT and RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN organizations respectfully move for leave of Court pursuant to Rule 23, RULES OF PROCEDURE, INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS, to submit this amicus curiae brief on behalf of PETITIONER ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ, in this case with his consent. In support thereof, amici would show unto this Commisison the following: NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT AND RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN AS AMICUS CURIAE' NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT and RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN are national organizations that promote social and racial justice, human rights, amnesty and freedom for hundreds of men and women incarcerated in prisons and jails in the United States, who as a consequence of their political beliefs, and activities in struggling f o r j u s t i c e a n d f o r t h e s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r i n t e r n a l colonies oppressed by United States colonialism and imperialism, were targeted for illegal harassment, repression and wrongful imprisonment by law enforcement agencies and the government of the United States of America and its political sub-division States. 1. 4 Most activists and their movement organizations were "targeted" under secret, illegal government "counter-intelligence" actions committed in the name of national security and public order under t h e i n f a m o u s "COINTELPRO" program, and similar initiatives, d e s i g ne d to "neutralize" and destroy these social movement organizations and t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p a n d t o a r r e s t t h e m f r o m struggling for their people's rights to social and racial justice and to self-determination within the domestic boundaries of the United States. The racist, genocidal practices of the United States government cannot be denied - the majority of these social m o v e m e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s w e r e c o m p r i s e d e x c l u s i v e l y o f e t h n i c minorities and other indigenous peoples and groups. COINTELPRO was investigated by the SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES (popularly known as the "Church Committee") which submitted a final report in 1976. "[T]he origins of COINTELPRO demonstrated that the [FBI] adopted extralegal methods to counter perceived threats to national security and public order because ordinary legal process was believed to be insufficient to do the job. There were innocent peopléwho were victimized by COINTELPRO. In essence, the Bureau took the law into its own hands, conducting a sophisticated vigilante operation against [perceived] domestic enemies." CHURCH COMMITTEE REPORT, 1976, page 27; The CHURCH SUBCOMMITTEE concluded that many of the actions carried out by the government against these social. activists could 1 only be described as "abhorent in a free society." 1. At least two FBI agents, W. MARK FELT and EDWARD MILLER, were convicted for COINTELPRO crimes but were immediately pardoned by PRESIDENT RONALD REAGAN before they began to serve their sentpnces. It is such similar "abhorent" police and governmental practices that occurred in the ease at bar, now before this Commission, that h a s m ove d , s h oc k ed an d c om pe l le d a m ic i t o r ai s e t he i r v oi ce , condemn such racist, arbitrary and criminal actions committed by the police, ,thegovernment and the judicial systems in order t silence and wrongfully imprison an innocent man, and to "criminalize" legitimate political dissent and organizational activities, in a country that proclaims itself to be the "citadel" of equal justice under law and representative democracy in the free world. Amici has a strong interest, therefore, to see that international social justice is done in this case, and that its government respect international law and other human rights laws as a rule of law in the Americas. PETITIONER ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ is a person officially recognized by amici, and by other prominent national.and international organizations, as a human rights activist, a freedom fighter and a political prison-er incarcerated as a result of his 2 political beliefs and activities while a fre e person. Most notably, Petitioner's long history of human rights activism is well known, See www.freealvaro.org, including his status as a Delegate of the "NGO" (non-governmental organization), the INTERNATIONAL INDIAN TREATY COUNCIL/San Francisco, California (co–sponsor the NATIONAL 2. Two previous international tribunals organized pursuant to Nuremberg, Geneva Convention principles. of international law, relative to the existence. of prisoners of war, politiP4qprisOnOrs in the United States, convened, heard evidence and issued special verdicts declaring the United States in violation of international human rights laws. See SPECIAL INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNALS, Dec. 9, 1990, Hunter College, New York City; Oct. 2, 1992, San Francisco, CA. 3. CHICANO HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL, Denver, Colorado), to the 49th Session of the UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS held in Geneva, Switzerland in March-April 1993, wherein Petitioner personally addressed the U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY on questions of human rights violations in the United States. See U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY HEARING RECORD, 49tH SESSION, March-April 1993; Further, in addition to being the source of many other writings on his case, the most recent book published in August of 2008, edited by the below-signed amici representative member MATT MEYER entitled LET FREEDOM RING: A COLLECTION OF DOCUMENTS FROM THE MOVEMENTS TO FREE U.S. POLITICAL PRISONERS, PM Press: Oakland, CA., highlights Petitioner Luna Hernanders! case at the following pages: 1. page 25; 2. pages 234-235; 3. page 566; 4. pages 662-667; 5. page 783; 6. page 829; A copy of LET FREEDOM RING is being submitted by amici herein as APPENDIX, accompanying th is pleading for this Commissions review and inspection. STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES INVOLVED Amici is familiar with the facts and human rights claims raised by Petitioner to this Commission. Those claims, include, among others, 4. 1 criminalization, persecution of legitimate actions undertaken by Petitioner in exercise of rights protected under international law, including violations of the protections accorded United Nations participants, in Petitioner's capacity as a Delegate of a NGO before the United Nations Commission On Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland, in March-April 1993, 49th Session of the General Assembly; 2 misuse and abUse.'of state power and the criminal justice system and penal laws to w r o n g f u l l c h a r g e , w r o n g f u l l y k i d n a p , arbitrarily detain and imprison Petitioner and suspend the fundamental freedoms accorded to all persons to meaningful use of the writ of habeas corpus to challenge illegal restraint and detention, and give state illegal acts the appearance of law; 3 3 the right to recognition of juridicial personality (the right to be recognized as a person before the laws)'; 4 the right to personal integrity, and to humane treatment, including not to be subjected to cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment; 5. the right to freedom from slavery or involuntary servitude; 6. the right to personal liberty; 7. the right to a fair trial and to due process of law; 8. the right to equal protection of the law; 9. the right to judicial protection against violations of fundamental rights and liberties; 3. This ,Commission should take judicial notice of the decision in United States v. Alvarez-Machain, 504 U.S. 655 (1992) wherein the U.S. Supreme Court sanctioned U.S. government agents to kidnap persons in other sovereign countries, a decision called "monstrous" by dissenting JUSTICE JOHN PAUL STEVENS. See—also ALLEN E. SHOENBERGER, THE NOT SO GREAT WRIT: THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS FINDS HABEAS CORPUS AN INADEQUATE REMEDY: SHOULD AMERICAN' COURTS REEXAMINE THE WRIT? 56 Catholic Univ. Law Review 47 (2006): See also Boumediene v. Bush, 128 S.Ct. 2229 (2008) (U.S. Military Commissions Act of 2006 held an unconstitutional suspension of the writ of habeas corpus for Guantanamo Bay "enemy combatant" prisoners); 5. 10.,the rights of indigenous and oppressed internal colonies in the Americas, to independence, self-determination and to freedom from United States government racist, colonial and imperialist rule; 11. the right to freedom from the historical crimes of the United States colonialism and to truth. and reconciliation of the colonial-settler war crimes against humanity committed by the United States and Texas governments against the Chicano, Mexicano peoples and nation, from the Mexican-American War of the 1800's, and_ for the de-colonization of the occupied territories (Texas, New'Mexico, Arizona, California, Colorado, and parts of Utah, Nevada and Wyoming); 12. the right to reparations for the horrendous genocidal war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the United States and Texas governments in their colonialsettZeIr ) and imperialist military annexation of the Chicano, Mexicano nation and homeland; 13. for other international rights violations and colonial crimes this Commission determines w e r e c o m m i t t e d b y t h e g o v e r n m e n t s o f t h e United States and Texas against Petitioner, his family and the Chicano, Mexicano peoples and nation; CONCLUSION While the United States government is quick to condemn human rights violations in countries 6tich as Cuba, China, Russia and in other parts of the world, it-hypocritically ignores and tramples upon those same human rights of its citizens within its domestic territories in the Americas, especially , those human rights of ethnic minority and indignenous peoples and nations. See AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, www.amnesty,orgiailib (1998). PETITIONER ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ is an "unsung hero" with a 6. history of human rights activism in the United States and internationally. The infamous Alpine Police kidnapped Petitioner and falsely charged him with a "criminal offense", as a pretext, a bogus charge later dismissed. At his criminal trial, many defense witnesses testified about the special hatred police had against Petitioner, labeling him a "troublemaker" simply because of his community activism. The police were determined to stop Petitioner f r o m " a g i t a t i n g " t h e c o m m u n i t y o n i s s u e s o f p o l i c e a b u s e a n d brutality against citizens by police. They wanted to silence Petitioner in his organized efforts to re-open the Alpine Police murder of ERVAY RAMOS, a 16-year:. old Chicano youth murdered in cold-blood by known, racist policeman BUD POWERS in June 1968. The RAMOS case was cited by the U.S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS in its 1970 report entitled MEXICAN AMERICANS AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN THE SOUTHWEST, pp. 4-6, U.S. Printing Office, GAO, Library of Congress (1970). See also EXHIBITS accompanying original human rights complaint in this case. This Commission needs no reminder of the recorded historical legacy of white-colonial-settler injustices, genocide and Texas Ranger-style brutality against Chicanos committed since the colonial o c c u p a t i o n o f t h e i r h o m e l a n d d u r i n g t h e e x p a n s i o n i s t M e x i c a n - American War of the 1800's. Such injustices and brutality have continued unabated to this very day, of which Petitioner is another social victim of. See EXHIBIT A - TESTIMONIO: A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN A ERICAN STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS (2000)(previously submitted). 7. Amici is certain that once this Commission becomes thoroughly familiar with all the facts and circumstances of this unique case now before it, it will be equally outraged to learn of the flagrant violations of the fundamental, international human rights of Petitioner and render fair judgment condemning the totalitarianism of the governments of the United States and the State of Texas, their employees and agents, and order.Tetitioner released from further illegal restraint and confinement, and to compensate him for the horrendous crimes committed against him, and his family, in the name of the "criminal 4ustice system" of :the United States, in that law and justice so require under international law. Signed and subscribed this f d"D day of February , 2009. MEYER Representative-Member Pro Se NATIONAL JERICHO MOVEMENT P.O. Box 1272 New York, NY. 10013 [email protected] www.thejerichomovement.com RESISTANCE IN BROOKLYN 339 LaFayette Street New York, NY. 10012 [email protected] AMICUS CURIAE PETITIONERS PRO SE 8. CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE This is to certify that a true and correct copy of the above and foregoing AMICUS CURIWBRIEF, without APPENDIX, as been mailed, via U.S. Mail, postage prepaid, on this the . " day of February, 2009, addressed to the following persons: MR. BARACK OBAMA President, USA The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20510 MS. HILLARY CLINTON Secretary of State U.S. Department of State .7th Floor, Office S, HST 2201 C. Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20520 -MR. ERIC HOLDER U.S. Attorney General U.S. Department of Justice 10th Street & Constitution Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20530 -MR. RICK PERRY Governor, State of Texas P.O. Box 12428 Austin, Texas 78711-1849 MR. JOHN S. DOLLEY, JR National Coordinator Committee To Free Alvaro Luna Hernandez P.O. Box 7871 Austin, Texas 78713 M S . S A R A F A L C O N E R International Representative Committee To Free Alvaro Luna Hernandez P. O . B o x 9 7 0 4 8 RPO Roncevalles Avenue Toronto, ON. M6R 3B3 CANADA -MR. ALVARO LUNA HERNANDEZ TDCJCID NO. 255735 Alfred D. Hughes Unit Rt. 2, Box 4400 Gatesville, Texas 9. 4th of July, 200 CONDOLEEZZAR10E Secretary ;of State U.S. Department of State 2201.C,'Street, N.W. 7th:. Floor, Office S, HST Washington, D.C. 20520 Dear Secretary Rice: The Associated Press, and other media outlets, nationally and internationally, recently reported your verbatim statements about being "deeply disturbing to the United States," the recent sentencing by the government of China, of Chinese civil rights activist HU JIA, to 31/2 years in prison for allegedly "inciting subversion of state power" against China's rule. Further, you have also been quoted in the same media about the alleged violations of human rights by the government of China, in connection with the uprisings in TIBET, in the wake of other protests against China and the scheduled Olympic games to open in BEIJING, CHINA, next month. This letter is not in defense of, nor to denounce the policies of the government of China, nor its human rights record around the world. It is about the utter, naked hypocrisy of you, and the government of the United States of America, and its double standard of justice, when applying norms, customs and other standards of international law and other human rights accords, treaties and standards around the world, and domestically as applied to citizens of the United States. It is indeed inspiring to hear that you, in your capacity as Secretary of State, have pronounced your displeasure with the alleged injustices, human rights violations, and the imprisonment of political prisoners in CHINA, CUBA, RUSSIA and in other parts of the world, such as in the HU JIA case. However, with the same passion, you should equally denounce the gross violations of the human rights in ABU GHRAIB PRISON, GUANTANAMO BAY, CUBA, PELICAN BAY PRISON (California State Prison), HUGHES PRISON UNIT (Texas State Prison), U.S. ADMINISTRATIVE MAXIMUM (Federal prison in Florence, Colorado), and many other state and federal prisons and jails in the United States where prisoners are being tortured daily in these "control units," like I am now being tortured here at Hughes Unit, behind the IRON CURTAIN that insulates human rights abuses from the eyes,.and.ears of:: the public.and the entire world community, of which your silence contributes thereto. Your double standard of application of international human rights laws, norms, customs and standards is crystal clear to the world community. You speak with a "forked tongue." For example, despite CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 2 recent United Nations reports on the torture and human rights abuses of detainees in GUANTANANMO BAY, CUBA, and in "SUPERMAX" prisons in the United States in violation of the UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION AGAINST TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN AND DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT, ratified by the United States government on October 21, 1994, you have lend a blind eye and a deaf ear to such brutality and egregious abuses of human rights. You have also kept your silence about the SPECIAL VERDICT OF THE SPECIAL INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS OF POLITICAL PRISONERS, PRISONERS OF WAR, HELD IN U.S. PRISONS AND JAILS, held on December 7-10, 1990, at New York. City's Hunter College, where the Tribunal, after accepting jurisdiction pursuant to the principles of international law adopted by the world community, found violations of our human rights, and called, "...on the U.S. government to release all prisoners who have been incarcerated for the legitimate exercise of their rights of self-determination or in opposition to U.S. policies and practices illegal under international law." Id. SPECIAL VERDICT; The Tribunals' Coordinator was DR. LUIS NIEVES FALCON, PUERTO RICO; the Special Prosecutors were LENNOX HINDS, JAN SUSSLER, ROBERT BOYLE, BRUCE ELIISON, and ROGER WAREHMAN, all licensed attorneys at law. Counsel to the Tribunal were DANIEL NINA and RICHARD HARVEY. Emphasis on our as indicated above, is due to the fact that I was, and am, a PRISONER . '. PARTY PETITIONER to the Tribunal, as represented by the COMMITTEE TO FREE ALVARO HERNANDEZ, and the MOVIMIENTO DE LIBERACION NACIONAL MEXICANO (Movement for National Liberation -Mexican). See also WWW. [email protected]; As to my current imprisonment, I am in a Texas prison serving a fifty (50) year sentence, after a finding of guilty by a jury for the offense of aggravated assault against a Sheriff, assessed in July 1997 in Odessa, Texas, after a change of venue for purposes o f t r i a l f r o m A l p i n e , B r e w s t e r C o u n t y , T e x a s . S H E R I F F J A C K MCDANIEL (now deceased) was in the act of shooting and, possibly murdering me when he pulled out his weapon on me. I had no weapon. I only disarmed him in self-defense and fled. I never shot him, nor phsyically injured him in any way. Nor did I threaten him. I only fled in fear of my life from a racist, murderous police force, with a long history of police brutality and murders of Mexican American youth in Alpine, Texas. The Alpine police was well aware that I was documenting cases of police brutality and other abuse by the police in the county to expose. I was also in the process of documenting witnesses and was to call for federal CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 3 intervention by the U.S. Department of Criminal Civil Rights Division in the Alpine police murder of a friend of mine, 16 -year old ERVAY RAMOS, shot and killed by policeman BUD POWERS in June of 1968. I was with the young RAMOS on that tragic night when he lost his life at the hands of a known racist police, with a history in Alpine of racism against Mexican Americans. I was an eyewitness to this murder. However, POWERS never served a day in jail, and was assessed five (5) years probation by state courts. He was never prosecuted for federal criminal civil rights violations under Title 18 United States Codes, Sections 241, 242, & 243, The Alpine police murder of ERVAY RAMOS was included in a 1970 report by the U.S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS, entitled, MEXICAN AMERICANS AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE,IN THE SOUTHWEST, at pages 4-6, available from the Librry2 of Congress, U.S. Printing Office, in Washington, D.C. The Alpine police feared my human rights activism, and framed me in order to silenceme whemthey were unable to assassinate me. In 1977 I was responsible for the federal criminal civil rights convictions of PECOS COUNTY CHIEF DEPUTY SHERIFF MIKE HILL, AND DEPUTY SHERI FF WILLIAM " BILL" M ARE, for t heir b rutality against me and three (3) others in Fort Stockton, Pecos County, Texas. HILL and MABE were prosecuted and found guilty in the U.S. District Court, Western district of Texas, Pecos Division, in 1977-78. They were sentenced to one (1) year, probated. The Assistant U.S. Attorney that prosecuted HILL and MABE was JOHN M. PINCKNEY, III, now in private practice in San Antonio, Texas. As a result of that beating, I filed, and won, a federal civil rights lawsuit for monetary damages against said deputy sheriffs, Sheriff PETE TEN:EYCK and the COUNTY OF PECOS. See Hernandez v. Sheriff Ten Eyck, Civil Action No. P-77-CA-06, W.D. Texas, Pecos Division; Further, the Alpine Police are no strangers to the federal court system. Former Alpine police and former Presidio Count y Sheriff RICK THOMPSON, and former Alpine Police Chief D.A. MOSELEY., were both convicted in federal court in Midland, and Pecos, respectively, for running criminal drug enterprises. My long history of successful civil rights activism includes Hernandez v. Sheriff Jim Skinner, Civil Action NO. P-77-CA-30; Hernandez v. Judge Kenneth DeHart, Civil Action NO. P-97-CA-030, W.D. Texas, Pecos Division, among other state and federal civil rights lawsuits. CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. bepartment of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 4 My political-social organizational activities, as a civilian, and a free person, include the following: 1. National Director, NATIONAL MOVEMENT OF LA RAZA, a community based group dedicated towards the empowerment of Chicanos and Mexican Americans (not to be confused with the NATIONAL COUNCIL OF LA RAZA, Washington, D. C.), with its home base in Houston, Texas. 2. I was NATIONAL COORDINATOR of the RICARDO ALDAPE GUERRA DEFENSE COMMITTEE, Houston, Texas, the community group that instigated the MEXICAN CONSULATE in Houston to take a more active role in assisting and defending Mexican national ALDAPE GUERRA, and who spearheaded the movement fight to protest and to free ALDAPE GUERRA from Texas' death row, framed for the killing of a Houston police. See Guerra v. Johnson, 90 F. 3d 1075 (5th Cir. 1997)(police, prosecutorial misconduct led to conviction of the innocent GUERRA, death sentence reversed); 3. I was DIRECTOR of the PRISONERS' SOLIDARITY COMMITTEE and the STOP THE VIOLENCE YOUTH COMMITTEE, Houston based. 4. I was a DELEGATE of a NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION ("NGO"), t h e NGO INTERNATIONAL INDIAN TREATY COU NCIL, San Francisco, California, to the 49th SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS, GENERAL ASSEMBLY, held in GENEVA, SWITZERLAND, in March-April 1993, where I personally addressed the Member States of the General Assembly on human rights issues. related to the United States government's dismal record of such abuses, in the h earing pre sence of MS. GERALD INE FE RARRO, U.S U nite d Nations Representative in 1993. The head of our Delegation was RIGOBERTA MENCHU, GUATEMALA HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVIST, and recepient of NOBEL PEACE PRIZE for her human rights work in GUATEMALA. See WWW.freealvaro.org; It is in my "capacity" as a NGO Delegate that I was documenting the case of human rights victim ERVAY RAMOS in Alpine, Texas, that the police wanted to silence, and did silence. See State of Texas v. Alvaro Luna Hernandez, Cause No. 3283, 394th District Court, Brewster County, Texas, (many defesne witnesses, including media persons, former police, and others testified about my human rights activism and my documenting of the ERVAY RAMOS case; my entire trial transcripts are available for review by you and CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 5 any interested party, or tribunal); I have pursued legal remedies in both State and Federal court systems, all to no avail. See Hernandez v. State,. 24 SW 3d 846 (Tex.App.-ElPaso 2000, pet. ref'); Hernandez v. Dretke, 125 Fed. Appx. 528 , 2005 WL 361812 (5th Cir. 2005). cert. denied, U.S. , 125 S.Ct. 2969, 162 L.Ed. 2d 894 (2005); However, probable cause and reasonable suspicion exists to conclude that evidence of my actual innocence and of other police and prosecutorial misconduct, and other evidence, was withheld from my defense. For example the initial charge that led Sheriff McDaniel to my home, which triggered all these, was later dismissed when I proved my innocence and police and prosecutorial misconduct. Therefore, the Sheriff had no legal right to trespass upon my property and his alleged "order of arrest" was bogus and invalid, which led to me disarming him in self defense. At my trial, the State's. own evidence showed a consistent pattern of ongoing police harassment against me, and the police being disturbed by my presence in the county, and the "documenting" of cases of police brutality against them. I was constantly stopped by police unlawfully had my automobile searched, without probable cause, numerous times, without having been issued not even one citation for traffic infractions. To add insult to injury, unbeknown to me, during my trial, the State and Federal governments were investigating my criminal defense attorney, retained by my family, for criminal drug enterprise involvement, and months after I was found guilty my attorney, JOSE ANTONIO "TONY" CHAVEZ was indicted and convicted in the federal court in Pecos, Texas, on said charges in United States v. Jose Antonio Chavez (Aka Tony), NO. P-98-CR-107 (8), W.D. Texas, Pecos Division, and sentencedto 30 months in federal prison and disbarred from the practice of law. See In The Matter of Jose Antonio Chavez, Misc..Docket No. 99-9172, Oct. 6, oct. 19, 1998, respectively. It is no secret that the U.S. government has a long history of murdering, brutalizing and wrongfully imprisoning hundreds of men and women as a consequence of our political ideas, our activities and our movement and political affiliations. The U.S. government has systematically targeted social and political movement organizations with illegal harassment, repression, and wrongful incarceration for many years, in order to "criminalize" our legitimate movement activities and organizations, to stop and arrestour pursuit of justice and our rights and our self-determination, protected under international laws and other human CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 6 rights covenants adopted by the United Nations. You are well aware of the infamous COINTELPRO (COUNTER INTELLIGENCE PROGRAM) of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and published in: the SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES, popularly known as the "CHURCH COMMITTEE," which submitted a final report in 1976: "[T]he ori gins of COINTELPR O demon strated th at the Bureau adopted. extralegal methods to counter perceived threats to national security and public order because ordinary legal process was believed to be insufficient to do the_job. There were innocent people who were victimized by COINTELPRO'. In essence,the Bureau took the law into its own hands, conducting a sophisticated vigilante operation against [perceived] domestic enemies." CHURCH COMMITTEE, Page 27; 1/ As in the HU JIA case, are you not equally "disturbed" that I am an innocent man languishing in a "control unit" in a Texas prison,(See Ruiz v. Johnson, 37 F.Supp. 2d 855, at 940 (S.D. Texas, Houston Division March 1, 1999) the continuing torture inflicted on me by Texas prison authorities at the Hughes Unit, conditions that have not changed since March 1, 1999,) with a parole eligibility date of 2021 for defending my own life and defending the human rights of others ? Are you not equally "disturbed" that my ten (10) yera old son, ALVARO HERNANDEZ, III, was taken from me, and my family, by Texas',. CHILDRENS PROTECTIVE SERVICES, and me and my family destroyed by the police and the judicial system ? See In.Re ALB, III, 214 SW 3d 45 (Tex-App.—El Paso, Oct. 26, 2006, reh'g denied, pet. ref'd, Feb. 7, 2007, Texas.Supreme Court); 1. Two FBI agents, W. MARK FELT and EDWARD MILLER, were convicted for COINTELPRO activities and were immediately pardoned by President R ea g an be f or e t h ey b e ga n t o ser v e th e ir s e nt enc e s. T h e Al p in e P o l i c e , l i k e t h e U . S . G o v e r n m e n t , h a v e a h i s t o r y o f t a r g e t i n g t h e CHICANO MEXICANO power and freedom movements in this country, especially during times of great social strife in the nation, to stop "militant" activities. See, THE DIALECTICS OF REPRESSION: THE LOS ANGELES POLICE D E P T . A N D T HE C H I C A N O M O V E M EN T , J o u r n a l o f A me r i c a n H i s t o r y , Escobar (1993). CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE 7 You speak of HUMAN RIGHTS, but those mean nothing to you when i t c o m e s t o c i t i z e n s o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . Y o u a r e m o r e interested in "defense" of human rights, only when it involves other governments, that do not say "UNCLE SAM," nor who dance to the tune of the U.S. government, and is more aligned with the "politics" of the Republican Right Wing than anything else. I am attaching portions of my trial court statement of facts so that you can read for your self that I am not telling you fabrications. (Both Cause # 3268-dismissal, and # 3283-trial); Please accept this letter as my request for a full and fair investigation by the United States Government, the Senate Judiciary Committee, the House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary, concerning my polit ical imprisonment; and as my request for exhaustion of my domestic and administrative remedies in prelude to the filing of a complaint with international human rights organizations and the United States Government, for violations of my human rights under international law, and for the wrongful imprisonment of an innocent man, and a political prisoner by the State of Texas. In conclusion, I end this letter with the quote apropos for this Fourth of July day: "What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy licen se; your n ationa l gr eatness, swe llin g vanity, your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy -a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of these CONDOLEEZZA RICE Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 4th of July, 2008 PAGE .8 United States, at this very hour. Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the. everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for'revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America -reigns without a rival." - FREDERICK DOUGLAS, former slave and leader in the fight against slavery, 1852 TDCJ NO. 255735 Texas Hughes Prison Unit Rt. 2, Box 4400 Gatesville, Texas 76597 alh:ipp XC: PRESIDENT GEROEGE W. BUSH PATRICK LEAH'-,:, CHAIR, SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE JOHN CONYERS, CHAIR, HOUSE COMMITTEE ON JUDICIARY UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY GENERAL BAN KI-MOON SENATOR BARACK OBAMA, PRESUMPTIVE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE-D G E RA L DI NE F E RR ARO , 1 99 3 US U N R EPR E SE N TA TI V E HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES INTER-COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, HAGUE, NETHERLANDS, NATIONAL COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS, MEXICO CITY (other media, groups and interested parties) From Katrina to Haiti: Tragedies that Travel Fast By Khalfani Malik Khaldun The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of txqnfort and convenience, 2`,!.; a 0f-7,7s of challenge and controversy." —Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Revisiting Katrina The U.S. government still carries the burden for mistakes made prior to and after the deadly aftermath of the wrath of Hurricane Katrina. Countless women, men, children and babies were left dead from the carnage. New Afrikan families were destroyed and many families lost homes and their right to land. Revelations would surface that FEMA gave away $85 million in supplies intended for the victims of Hurricane Katrina. The supplies sat in warehouses for over two years, with the storage costing FEMA more than $1.1 million a year, according to agency officials. Many of the items were donations from corporations. FEMA gave away 121 truckloads of items to cities, schools, and food banks. When tragedies like this happen, people come out of the woodwork to take advantage of the weak, the meek, and the less fortunate. Rhonda Tawey, a white woman and Red Cross worker had helped (allegedly) a Black family with two Black female survivors and her children. However, Ms. Tawey kidnapped the children even though the mother expressed a desire to move back to devastated New Orleans. Tawey ran away with the children and eventually negotiated surrender with law enforcement officials, saying the mother mistreated the children and threatened her. Rev. Charles Steele Jr., President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, observed that racism remains a problem in the crescent city. Racism was there before the storm hit and it remains there after the storm, he said. The long term discrimination and historic racism in the U.S. remains at the core of the lack of action and commitment to bringing Black families back td New Orleans. While some survivors have managed to receive help to stabilize their lives, other survivors of this tragedy will not receive help without a struggle. New Afrikan men and women and any people of color that adhere to revolutionary morality must support survivors all across this country. We must say to the U.S. "never, ever again." George W. Bush didn't give a damn about the countless deaths of New Afrikan people. Post-Katrina hundreds of new Afrikan children disappeared. In light of the child predators being busted all over the world, we must strongly re-emphasize that we must protect our children. Genuine Support for Haiti For a long time I wondered why the U.S. government wouldn't allow Haitians fleeing Haiti to enter this country. They are always returned. The political machine has a racist agenda where it concerns the Haitian people. The recent earthquake that rocked Haiti's capital Port-au-Prince caused massive destruction and hundreds of thousands of casualties. What is not being talked about in these chaotic times is the U.S. meddling for fear of and from a Black Republic in 1803, when slaves rose up and defeated their . French masters in a guerilla war. During that time Napoleon's army was one of the greatest in the world. He sent his brother-in-law to put down the rebellion and re-assert French control over the most lucrative of its colonies. Napoleon's brother-in-law died and so did outright French rule. Napoleon was absolutely clear on his reason for moving to try to crush the rise of a Black Republic in Haiti: "My decision to destroy the authority of the Blacks in Saint Dominique (Haiti) is not so much based on considerations of commerce and money, as on the need to block forever the march of the Blacks in the world." Afrikan people all around the world and those friends and supporters that embrace our existence should be whole-heartedly behind all relief efforts to save the survivors of this tragedy. Having witnessed the first days after the tragedy struck Haiti, and seeing the mountains of dead bodies, there is no excuse for those in the position to aid this call to do nothing. With the U.S. government taking the lead, his horrific crisis presents the challenge and opportunity for the world to mobilize massive resources to rebuild Haiti as an expression of historical gratitude. This plan of global relief must be devoid of the failed IMF and World Bank policies that have crippled Haiti's development efforts in the past. First and foremost, this plan must address Haiti's vision of its future based on a blueprint crafted by the Haitian people. People of Afrikan descent must mount a massive, coordinated effort to revive and rebuild Haiti. Haitians in the U.S. are already in motion through musical talent Wyclef Jean's Yele Foundation and a myriad of local, state and regional efforts across the country. The Haitian community is energized and organized. Their challenge is to mobilize and organize U.S. Blacks, Carribbeans, Afro-Latinos and continental Africans to contribute to the relief, recovery and reconstruction efforts in an unprecedented expression of kinship and solidarity with our Haitian brothers and sisters, Dr. Ron Daniels, President of the Institute of the Black World 21st Century and founder of the Haiti Support Project, delivered a speech on Jan. 20, 2010 in which he noted that for 15 years building a constituency for Haiti in the U.S. has been the unique mission of the Haiti Support Project of the Black World 21st Century. Ezili Danto of the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network stated, "that's my blood down there; we asked for conscious emergency relief with human rights and dignity and we got 12,000 marines instead. We want to see Haitian-led, Haitian capacity building in Haiti. We know our traditional enemies are not going to become our friends because of this catastrophe." She continued, "I can't say to__ you that we need your power; we need your help and we need you to be sure to stand not with bourgeois democracy because that's what Jean Jacques Dessalines stood against; he was for universal freedom where the assets-of the country should be equally divided with the people of the country." Children the Most Precious Resource When events resulting in major destruction occur like earthquakes or tsunamis, children become a primary focus for those who exploit or manipulate children through sexual slavery rings, child pornography, or even black market organ trafficking. Right now news reports are highlighting some European or white people traveling to Haiti for the purpose of engaging in manipulating poor mothers to sign over or give release custody of their children. Yes, there are white people who are genuinely going there to adopt a child to give them better lives. But there are some who are trying to convince the mothers of these starving Haitian children to give them over so that they can sell these beautiful, innocent children for large sums of money. What is further disturbing to me is that it seems that Black people here and abroad have not stepped up en masse to adopt some of these children. Those of you who are economically stable enough to help should do so. We must never make it easy for our children to be abused or victimized. A group of white women belonging to an orphanage called New Life Children's Refuge entered Haiti and convinced 33 Haitian mothers to sign a release giving custody of their children to the group. However, this group didn't follow the rules for legal adoptions and were arrested. I'm not a rocket scientist, but why would the head of this group try to leave the country without following proper procedure if they were not trying to kidnap these children? Trying to smuggle these children to the Dominican Republic reeks of deceitful intentions. They are now facing possible counts of kidnapping by the Haitian government. There is a black market for the trafficking of young children. We must keep our eyes on Haiti and demand that the Haitian children not become auctioned off like cars on an assembly line. We cannot keep saying children are our future while they are taken away from us. The time to act is now. The People Demand New Afrikans should go to Haiti and adopt a child or two and make it your mission to raise and love them with proper care. Demand that all New Afrikan churches immediately aid the Haitian relief mission with whatever resources they have available. Demand that President_Obama ensure that _the U.S. government aid the reconstruction of Haiti and engage in no effort to exploit or colonize the country. That once Haiti is restored and on its feet that all U.S. forces and its allies leave Haiti to stabilize and stand on its own. That all debts be resolved that Haiti may own currently and will owe after the reconstruction. That Haitian children and babies be protected from sexual predators or alleged religious organizations looking to exploit the people and children. The New Afrikan people and people of color become allowed to have first opportunity to adopt any children. I'm hoping this will add to the mountain of dialogue arising on Haiti and relief efforts. He struggle continues. Bro. Khalfani Malik Khaldun (Leonard McQuay) 874304 A 706 PO Box 1111 Carlisle, IN 47838 of the Shadows Getting Ahead of Prisoner Radicalization A Special Report by The George Washington University Homeland Security Policy Institute The University of Virginia Critical Incident Analysis Group Critical Incident Analysis Group Homeland Security Policy Institute (HSPI) and Critical Incident Analysis Group (CIAO) Prisoner Radicalization Task Force* CO-CHAIRMEN Frank Cilluffo Gregory Saathoff Director, HSPI Executive Director, CIAG TASK FORCE MEMBERS Abdullah Ansary Independent Scholar Thurgood Marshall, Jr. Partner Bingham McCutchen Scott Atran Professor of Psychology and Public Policy University of Michigan Matthew Bettenhausen Andrew McCarthy Consultant The Investigative Project Ed Meese Director of the California Governor's Office of Homeland Security The Heritage Foundation John Cohen Paul Rogers U.S. Government Richard Ensminger President American Correctional Chaplains Association U.S. Government Suzanne E. Spaulding Steve Etter Principal Bingham Consulting Group Former Unit Chief Federal Bureau of Investigation John P. Sullivan Josh Filler Los Angeles Shers Department Lieutenant President Filler Security Strategies, Inc. Steve Herrick Director of External Relations American Academy of Religion Janet Warren Associate Director Institute of Law, Psychiatry and Public Policy at the University of Virginia * The affiliations of the individual task force members are provided for identification purposes only and do not represent endorsements by those organizations or agencies. CO-AUTHORS Frank Cilluffo Director, HSPI Gregory Saathoff Executive Director, CIAG Jan Lane Deputy Director, HSPI Jeffrey Raynor Forensic Psychiatric Fellow Institute of Law, Psychiatry and Public Policy at the University of Virginia Sharon Cardash Associate Director, HSPI Josh Magarik Policy Analyst, HSPI Andrew Whitehead Policy Analyst, HSPI Arnold Bogis Policy Analyst, HSPI Gina Lohr Assistant Director, HSPI About The Homel and Security Policy Institute The George Washington University Homeland Security Policy Institute (HSPI) is a unique, nonpartisan "think and do tank" that builds bridges between theory and practice to advance homeland security through a multi and interdisciplinary approach. By convening policymakers and practitioners at all levels of government and the private sector, HSPI creates innovative strategies and solutions to current and future threats to the nation. About The Critical incident Analysis Group Critical incidents have the potential for creating social trauma and undermining social trust in government - ultimately impacting community life and even the practice of democracy. The Critical Incident Analysis Group works to understand the impacts of critical incidents on government and the societies they serve and to counteract these effects through the study of past incidents. For further information, please contact: Homeland Security Policy Institute The George Washington University 2300 I Street NW, Suite 721 Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202-994-2437 [email protected] http://homelandsecurity.gwu.edu The Critical Incident Analysis Group (CIAG) University of Virginia School of Medicine PO Box 800657 Charlottesville, Virginia 22908-0657 (434) 243-9458 or (434) 243-9467 [email protected] http://www.healthsystem.virginia.edu/internet/ciag Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION Executive Summary The potential for radicalization of prison inmates in the United States poses a threat of unknown magnitude to the national security of the U.S. Prisons have long been places where extremist ideology and calls to violence could find a willing ear, and conditions are often conducive to radicalization. With the world's largest prison population (over 2 million – ninety-three percent of whom are in state and local prisons and jails)' and highest incarceration rate (701 out of every 100,000) 2, America faces what could be an enormous challenge – every radicalized prisoner becomes a potential terrorist recruit. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales recently stated that "[t]he threat of homegrown terrorist cells – radicalized online, in prisons and in other groups of socially isolated souls – may be as dangerous as groups like al Qaeda, if not more so. They certainly present new challenges to detection."' The London transit bombings of 2005 and the Toronto terrorist plot of 2006, to name just two incidents, illustrate the threat posed by a state's own radicalized citizens. By acting upon international lessons learned, the U.S. may operate from a proactive position. Under the leadership of The George Washington University's Homeland Security Policy Institute (HSPI) and The University of Virginia's Critical Incident Analysis Group (CIAG), a task force of diverse subject matter experts was convened to analyze what is currently known about radicalization and recruitment in U.S. prison systems at the federal, state and local levels. The goal of this diverse, multidisciplinary group was to give unbiased and well-informed recommendations for further action. The task force performed an extensive literature review and received briefings from professionals with expertise in this area. Federal, state and local officials provided background information on radicalization and ongoing efforts to decrease the threat of terrorist activity in prisons. The task force sought and received perspectives from religious service providers in prisons and jails, behavioral and social scientists, and members of the national security and intelligence communities. Researchers of radicalization in foreign prisons provided first hand accounts of radicalization and terrorist activities overseas.4 Due to the sensitive nature of many of these briefings and the desire of some briefers to remain anonymous, this report makes reference to information for which no source is cited. All information provided, where no source is provided, originates from task force briefings with subject matter experts and officials with personal experience in dealing with prisoner radicalization. This report focuses on the process of radicalization in prison. Radicalization "refers to the process by which inmates...adopt extreme views, including beliefs that violent measures need to be taken for political or religious purposes."' By "extreme views," this report includes beliefs that are anti-social, politically rebellious, and anti-authoritarian. This report focuses, Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Prison Statistics, 15 August 2006, <http://www.ojp.usdoi.gov/bjs/correct.htm> (13 September 2006). Roy Walmsley, World Prison Population (5" Ed) (Home Office, Publication 234, 2003). 'Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales, "Stopping Terrorists Before They Strike: The Justice Department's Power of Prevention," Testimony before the World Affair Council of Pittsburgh, delivered on April 16, 2006. See Appendix A. A Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons' Selection of Muslim Religious Services Providers, Department of Justice, Office of The Inspector General April 2004, p. 6. GW HSPI/UVA CIAG ii in particular, on religious radicalization in conjunction with the practice of Islam. Radical beliefs have been used to subvert the ideals of every major religion in the world. Just as young people may become radicalized by "cut-and-paste" versions of the Qur'an via the Internet', new inmates may gain the same distorted understanding of the faith from gang leaders or other influential inmates. The task force recognizes the potentially positive impact of religion on inmates, and it should be noted that inmates have a constitutional right to practice their religion,' a right reinforced by further legislation.' Prison facilities bear the burden of proof if they wish to deny an inmate's request for any service or activity related to religion. Plainly, inmate conversion to Islam, or any other religion, is not synonymous with radicalization. Prison gangs may adopt a form of Islam, unique to prison, that incorporates values of gang loyalty and violence. Several Imams interviewed in the course of producing this report characterized this phenomenon as "Jailhouse Islam" — a significant threat to security in prisons. In addition to radical Muslim influence, U.S. prisons have borne the imprint of right-wing extremist groups and cults known to participate in criminal activity. These groups share certain characteristics, interests, and goals with each other, and insights about terrorism can be gained from an examination of operations and recruitment. Some radical right-wing groups have found common ideological cause with Muslim extremists, exemplified by their shared hostility towards Israel. A number of terrorist groups have used narcotics trafficking and other illegal activities to 9 support their operations. On occasion, terrorists and criminal gangs have cooperated to achieve their own ends, as was the case in 2004 when terrorists, supported by traditional criminals, attacked the Madrid rail system. Radical Muslim gangs are growing more sophisticated as they adapt the practices of existing gangs. There have been a number of publicized connections between former prisoners and terrorism: • Jeff Fort, a gang leader in Chicago, Illinois, converted to Islam while incarcerated in 1965. Fort went on to found a group called El Rukn, which made a name for itself in 1985 when it brokered a deal with the Libyan government to carry out attacks on U.S. police stations, government facilities, military bases, and passenger airplanes in exchange for $2.5 million and asylum in Tripoli.' Zeyno Baran, Director, International Security and Energy Programs. The Nixon Center "Combating alQaeda and the Militant Islamic Threat," Testimony before the Committee on Armed Services. United States Constitution, First Amendment The Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 Steven C. McCraw, Assistant Director, Office for Intelligence, Federal Bureau of Investigation, "NarcoTerrorism: International Drug Trafficking and Terrorism —A Dangerous Mix," Testimony before the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, delivered on May 20, 2003. Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism: Terrorism Knowledge Base, Group Profile: El Rukn. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION iii James Ellison, the founder of the extremist Christian group Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (CSA), met Robert G. Millar while incarcerated." Millar, a leader in the radical "Christian Identity" movement, became Ellison's spiritual advisor in prison. After Ellison was released, he recruited for CSA and established a compound with his followers. When the compound was eventually raided, authorities found homemade landmines and U.S. Army anti-tank rockets. In addition, they found a large supply of cyanide that the CSA was apparently planning to use to poison a city's water supply. Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, the emir of Egypt's Gama'at al Islamia (the Islamic Group), is the radical cleric who plotted to bomb New York City landmarks in 1993. Upon being sentenced to a life term, he issued a decree from federal prison, declaring of Americans that "Muslims everywhere [should] dismember their nation, tear them apart, ruin their economy, provoke their corporations, destroy their embassies, attack their interests, sink their ships, ...shoot down their planes, [and] kill them on land, at sea, and in the air. Kill them wherever you find them." Osama bin Laden later claimed that this fatwa provided religious authority for the 9/11 attacks. Abdel Rahman has continued trying to run his organization while incarcerated - and three defendants were convicted of terrorism charges in 2005 for helping him do so. Richard Reid is believed to have converted to Islam and been radicalized by an Imam while incarcerated in Great Britain. He was later apprehended while attempting to detonate a bomb on a U.S. commercial flight in December 2001. A recently foiled plot to attack numerous government and Jewish targets in California was devised inside New Folsom State Prison. The perpetrators were members of an inmate-founded group called Jami'iy yat 1_11-Islam Is Saheeh (Assembly of Authentic Islam). The leader of this group, Kevin Lamar James, advocated jihad against the U.S. government and supporters of Israel. Two men implicated in the plot were recruited from a local mosque by a disciple of James who had been released from the prison. There exists a number of other examples, but due to the sensitive nature of ongoing investigations, they cannot be discussed in detail. Radicalization is occurring in prisons throughout the world. There has been growing concern about the presence of radical Islam in European prisons. French officials report that radical Islamic views are being preached in a majority of French prisons.'2 The ethnic and socioeconomic background of the prisoners, as well as the political environment, presents unique challenges in each country. Despite these differences, much can be learned from international experiences, especially those of Western Europe, due to Europe's large Muslim " Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism: Terrorism Knowledge Base, Group Profile: Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (CSA). /2 Pascale Combelles Siegel, "Radical Islam and the French Muslim Prison Population, "Terrorism Monitor, Volume 4, Issue 15 (July 27, 2006). iv GW HSPI/UVA CIAG populations and significant numbers of incarcerated Muslims. While the U.S. must be concerned about the ability of radicalized inmates released in Europe to enter this country, or participate in transatlantic terror networks, we must also be vigilant with regard to radicalization in our own prisons. A greater understanding of the susceptibility of particular inmates to radicalization and the process by which they become radicalized can act as a force multiplier for those agencies currently combating terrorism. Key Findings Radicalization is neither unique to Islam nor a recent phenomenon, and remains the exception among prisoners rather than the rule. Right-wing extremist groups are also present in prisons and have an extensive history of terrorist attacks. "Jailhouse Islam", based upon cut-and-paste versions of the Qur'an, incorporates violent prison culture into religious practice. The inadequate number of Muslim religious services providers increases the risk of radicalization. Further, upon release from prison, the inability to track inmates coupled with lack of social support to reintegrate them into the community gives rise to a vulnerable moment in which they may be recruited by radical groups, posing as social support organizations that are more interested in their own extremist agendas than in the welfare of released prisoners. Information collection and sharing between and among federal, state and local prison systems is integral to tracking radical behavior of prisoners and religious services providers. Significant strides have been made at the federal level, but change at the state and local level, where the overwhelming majority of inmates are incarcerated, is much more difficult to assess. Resource limitations — both in terms of manpower and financing — hinder efforts to combat prisoner radicalization. Officials in California report that every investigation into radical groups in their prisons uncovers new leads, but that they simply do not have enough investigators to follow every case of radicalization. Radicalization in prisons is a global problem and bears upon the national security of the U.S. In Europe, Latin America and elsewhere the threat has progressed farther than it has in the U.S., giving officials the opportunity to learn from foreign prison radicalization cases so as to confront the problem here in its early stages. Information sharing between and among the U.S. and other countries is crucial. At present there is insufficient information about prisoner radicalization to qualify the threat. There is a significant lack of social science research on this issue. No comprehensive records currently exist, for example, on the religious affiliations of inmates when they enter prison. This can be improved by policies that promote good research while continuing to secure the rights of inmates who are involved in these studies. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION v Prison officials are understandably stretched thin by the need to maintain order in overcrowded and under-funded facilities. Nevertheless, because information is an essential precursor to action, investigation of radicalization in prisons must become a homeland security and counterterrorism priority. Religious radicalization within prisons is a complex problem. No one profession alone is equipped to analyze and recommend change. A multi-disciplinary approach that includes perspectives of religion, criminal justice, intelligence, law, and behavioral sciences is necessary for proactive analysis of the phenomenon. Knowledge must be translated into action. Awareness, education and training programs must be developed for personnel working in prison, probation and parole settings. The Intelligence Reform Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 calls for the establishment of the Information Sharing Environment (ISE) to support our nation's counter-terrorism efforts. It is critical that information regarding the radicalization of prisoners in state, local, and federal correctional facilities be included as part of the body of information shared through the ISE. Key Recommendation Congress should establish a Commission to investigate this issue in depth. An objective risk assessment is urgently needed in order to better understand the nature of the threat, and to formulate and calibrate proactive prevention and response efforts accordingly. Enhanced information would enable officials to address this issue now, rather than forcing them to manage a crisis later. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 1 Background Information Prisons have long been places where extremist ideology and calls to violence could find willing recruits. Recently, the spiritual philosopher of al Qaeda, Sayyid Qutb, wrote the radical Islamist manifesto Ma'alim fi al-Tariq (Milestones along the Road) while in an Egyptian prison. Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was an unaccomplished Jordanian revolutionary until his imprisonment, where he recruited followers and controlled prison life in a manner similar to that of a powerful gang leader. Speaking of their time together in prison, a follower of Zarqawi said that "in each prison it was possible for us to have letters sent out and books brought in...The government imprisons us, and God gives us everything we need...prison makes our fight stronger."' Since September 11, 2001, several individuals who were radicalized while incarcerated have been involved in terrorist operations. This has increased awareness and concern about the spread of radical religious beliefs and their potential impact on terrorist recruiting in the U.S. prison system. Prior to recent efforts by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Federal Bureau of Prisons (FBOP), the dissemination of religious materials and teachings in federal prisons was not monitored in a consistent or systematic fashion. The process of radicalization amongst incarcerated Muslims remains poorly understood and the limited amount of extant research hinders the development of effective intervention techniques. Prison provides an ideal environment for radicalization of young men and women. Research on the characteristics of terrorist recruits abroad has identified youth, unemployment, alienation, a need for a sense of self-importance and a need to belong to a group as common factors, all of which are present among U.S. prison populations." Although they may have had some exposure to mainstream Christianity, many inmates have not had prior experience with Islam before they are incarcerated. Lacking an understanding of mainstream interpretations of Islam, these inmates are vulnerable to extremist versions of the religion. The threat of terrorist recruiting in U.S. prisons was highlighted in October 2003 during a hearing before the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology and Homeland Security, which identified two major areas of concern in the U.S. federal prison system:5 First, a variety of socioeconomic and psychological factors make inmates vulnerable to radical ideology. Second, groups known to support terrorist causes have distributed radical literature to the prison population. Although the extent of the problem was not determined, witnesses stated that serious problems with the screening of religious services providers have created an opportunity for radicalization. There have been a number of publicized connections between former prisoners and terrorism: Brisard. Zarqawi: The New Face of Al-Qaeda (Other Press, New York: 2005; p. 44). " R.A. Hudson„ "The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism: Who Becomes and Terrorist and Why?," Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1999, p. 24. I5 John Pistole, Assistant Director, Counterterrorism Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base," Testimony before the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, delivered on October 14, 2003. I' Jean-Charles 2 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG Jeff Fort, a gang leader in Chicago, Illinois, converted to Islam while incarcerated in 1965. Fort went on to found a group called El Rukn, which made a name for itself in 1985 when it brokered a deal with the Libyan government to carry out attacks on U.S. police stations, government facilities, military bases, and passenger airplanes in exchange for $2.5 million and asylum in Tripoli.'6 James Ellison, the founder of the extremist Christian group Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord (CSA), met Robert G. Millar while incarcerated: 7 Millar, a leader in the radical "Christian Identity" movement, became Ellison's spiritual advisor in prison. After Ellison was released, he recruited for CSA and established a compound with his followers. When the compound was eventually raided, authorities found homemade landmines and U.S. Army anti-tank rockets. In addition, they found a large supply of cyanide that the CSA was apparently planning to use to poison a city's water supply. Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, the emir of Egypt's Gama'at al Islamia (the Islamic Group), is the radical cleric who plotted to bomb New York City landmarks in 1993. Upon being sentenced to a life term, he issued a decree from federal prison, declaring of Americans that "Muslims everywhere [should] dismember their nation, tear them apart, ruin their economy, provoke their corporations, destroy their embassies, attack their interests, sink their ships, .. . shoot down their planes, [and] kill them on land, at sea, and in the air. Kill them wherever you find them." Osama bin Laden later claimed that this fatwa provided religious authority for the 9/11 attacks. Abdel Rahman has continued trying to run his organization while incarcerated - and three defendants were convicted of terrorism charges in 2005 for helping him do SO. Richard Reid is believed to have converted to Islam and been radicalized by an imam while incarcerated in Great Britain:8 He was later apprehended while attempting to detonate a bomb on a U.S. commercial flight in December of 2001. A recently foiled plot to attack numerous government and Jewish targets in California was devised inside New Folsom State Prison. The perpetrators were members of an inmate-founded group called Jami'iy yat UI-Islam Is Saheeh (Assembly of Authentic Islam)." The leader of this group, Kevin Lamar James, advocated jihad against the U.S. government and supporters of Israel. Two men implicated in the plot were recruited from a local mosque by a disciple of James who had been released from the prison. 16 Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism: Terrorism Knowledge Base, Group Profile: El Rukn. '7 Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism: Terrorism Knowledge Base, Group Profile: Covenant, Sword and Army of the Lord (CSA). " A Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons' Selection of Muslim Religious Services Providers, Department of Justice, Office of The Inspector General April 2004, p. 6. See Appendix A. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 3 For this reason, prisoner radicalization and its implications warrant study. While some literature on the characteristics of terrorist recruits exists, there is little thorough work in the U.S. context. Individual or environmental factors involved in the distinct processes from religious conversion to radicalization to recruitment by a terrorist organization are, ultimately, not completely understood.' Defining Terms" For consistency, the task force adopted the following definitions of radicalization and recruitment. The first two are adapted from a report by the Department of Justice's Office of the Inspector General (OIG), released in April 2004 following Senate hearings on the confluence between terrorism and crime.' Other definitions are terms used by FBI personnel or were developed by the members of the task force, deriving from their collective and diverse subject matter expertise.' Radicalization - "refers to the process by which inmates... adopt extreme views, including beliefs that violent measures need to be taken for political or religious purposes." By "extreme views," this report specifies beliefs that are anti-social, politically rebellious and anti-authoritarian. Recruitment - "is used to mean the solicitation of individuals to commit terrorist acts or engage in behavior for a terrorism purpose."' Non-radicalized inmates may be persuaded to participate in actions that directly benefit the terrorist network. Therefore, a recruited individual would include anyone in the prison environment who provides support to terrorists. Many members of a terrorist network may not be fully aware of the value that their actions bring to the network, as in the case of a prisoner who is coerced through blackmail to smuggle cell phone parts into a prison." Individual radicalization - results from exposure to a radical religious services provider or charismatic inmate espousing radical ideas. This type of individual may decide to pursue violence on his own, becoming a "lone-wolf' terrorist. He would not necessarily have the support of a network, but may seek out a network in the future, and may be at risk for recruitment at some later date. Organized radicalization - a process supported by external groups who seek to influence vulnerable inmates. These groups coordinate the entry of radical religious services providers into prisons and jails. They provide inmates with reading materials that include nonS. Gerwehr and S. Daly, Al-Qaida: Terrorist Selection and Recruitment, (McGraw-Hill Homeland Security Handbook, 2006), Chapter 5, p. 73-89. 'Definitions of radicalization, particularly as applied to prison settings, inevitably raise questions regarding what constitutes extreme and what is constitutionally permissible for government to limit. The task force encourages further review and possible revision of this definition by the commission that the task force is recommending be established (see the Findings and Recommendations sections of this report). 22 Department of Justice, OIG Review, 2004. See Appendix A. Ibid., p.6. Ibid., p.6.. 4 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG traditional or extremist interpretations of the Qur'an. Once released, inmates are also directed to supportive groups that espouse violence, such as radical mosques. The social services offered by radical groups act as a vehicle for "top-down recruiting," also known as "scouting". This involves radical groups identifying released inmates with valuable skills who can be recruited to carry out specific actions in support of the group's agenda. This process occurs over the long term and direct recruiting may result long after the inmate has become radicalized. Gang radicalization - makes use of pre-existing prison gangs or networks to attract inmates. A principal reason for joining an existing gang is the belief that membership in such a group confers physical protection and psychological support. Gangs also provide a sense of belonging to disillusioned youths. Once these groups become radicalized, their money, communications networks and intimidation factor can be used to recruit others and support terrorist networks. Most prisoners who join Islamic gangs for protection adopt Islam temporarily out of necessity, a phenomenon called "Prislam" by officials of the New York Police Department.' In contrast, a small proportion of converted prisoners later become engaged in terrorist activity. Para-radicalization - takes place when non-radicalized individuals, including inmates, correctional officers or other prison staff aid or abet radicalized networks. Wittingly or not, they are an important part of terrorist network operations in the prison setting. Using bribery and intimidation, radical inmates can obtain, for example, smuggled communications devices, pass messages and cause the strategic transfer of particular inmates. The Problem OVERVIEW OF THE PROCESS OF RADICALIZATION Inmates in general are particularly vulnerable to radical religious ideology due to their antisocial attitudes and the need to identify with other inmates sharing the same background, beliefs or ethnicity. When there has been little exposure to organized religion in the community, the inmate's understanding of the religion is dependent upon the religious leadership and materials at their facilities. It is during this period that radical rhetoric may exploit the inmate's vulnerabilities and lack of grounded religious knowledge by providing validation to the inmate's disillusionment with society and creating an outlet for their violent impulses. Possible psychological factors increasing vulnerability include a high level of distress, cultural disillusionment, lack of intrinsic religious beliefs or values, dysfunctional family system or dependent personality tendencies.27 These factors are prevalent among prison populations. From an ideological standpoint, radical religious groups allow the inmates to demonize their perceived enemies and view themselves as righteous. Prisons are inherently violent environments and therefore fertile ground for radicalization. Inmates are 26 See Appendix A. 2' S. Genvehr and S. Daly, Al-Qaida: Terrorist Selection and Recruitment, p. 84. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 5 drawn to radical groups out of the need for protection or to gain status amongst other prisoners. Studies have suggested that terrorist recruitment methods are not always expected to yield a high number of recruits.' Radical messages may be delivered to many prisoners with the understanding that most will resist radicalization. As demonstrated in the New Folsom plot, a single radicalized inmate can be a significant threat. Even if the radical message resonates with only a few inmates, they could then be tar geted for more intense one-on-one instruction. It should be noted that there is a difference between a radicalized prisoner, who holds radical religious or political beliefs, and a prisoner who has been recruited by a terrorist group and who has chosen to commit violence. A cycle or sequence from radicalization to violence exists, beginning with the conditions of the prison setting and first exposure to radical ideas, and ending with the decision to become a terrorist. Only a few who become radicalized go on to actively pursue terrorism. An important resource for combating terrorism would be to determine which factor or factors existing in prison influence some radicalized prisoners to make the specific leap from radical beliefs to violence in the name of those beliefs. RADICALIZATION IN U.S. PRISONS I. Religious Services The recruitment of Muslim chaplains has been limited by the lack of recognized national religious organizations to administer the vetting process. Compounding the problem, has been the controversy over imams espousing violent views, as has been seen in several New York cases. The lack of well-trained Muslim chaplains has led to a reliance on religious contractors and volunteers, especially in state and local facilities. A 2004 survey of 193 wardens of state correctional facilities showed that only half of religious services were physically supervised and just over half used any sort of audio or video monitoring capabilities.' Half the institutions allowed inmates themselves to act as spiritual leaders. Prison facilities bear the burden of proof if they wish to deny an inmate's request for any service or activity related to religion. Currently, chaplains "must have a Master of Divinity degree from an accredited residential seminary or theology school."" However, that alone does not confirm that they have sufficient religious education to qualify them to fulfill Muslim religious needs. The same point applies to a contracted Muslim religious services provider or volunteer. Given the relatively small number of chaplains, contracted Muslim religious service providers cannot be routinely supervised by chaplains. Lack of education is a significant problem; contracted religious services providers and volunteers are not required to have formal religious education. Prisoners may find it difficult to fulfill their basic religious obligations because of Ibid. George W. Knox, "The Problem of Gangs and Security Threat Groups in American Prisons Today: Recent Research, Findings From the 2004 Prison Gang Survey," (National Gang Crime Research Center, 2005) " A Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons' Selection of Muslim Religious Services Providers, Department of Justice, Office of The Inspector General April 2004, p. 17. 28 6 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG the limitations of the services offered. Even when they are available, some qualified Muslim religious leaders have been intimidated by radical inmates who consequently assume the role of religious services provider for themselves. In the absence of qualified Muslim religious services providers, inmates can become attracted to radical views and the politico-religious messages coming from other inmates who assume informal positions of religious leadership. Due to the lack of proper religious authorities and academically credentialed experts available to review all materials entering the prison system, no consistently applied standard or procedure exists to determine what reading material is appropriate. In the absence of monitoring by authoritative Islamic chaplains, materials that advocate violence have infiltrated the prison system undetected. The lack of individuals with a thorough knowledge of Islam, the Qur'an and other religious materials entering prisons offers an opportunity for recruiters outside of prisons to paint a violent picture of Islam. Radical literature and extremist translations and interpretations of the Qur'an have been distributed to prisoners by groups suspected or known to support terrorism.' The Noble Qur'an, a Wahabbi/Salafist version written in English, is widely available in prisons. A recent review in the Middle East Quarterly characterized this version as reading "...like a supremacist Muslim, anti-Semite, anti-Christian polemic than a rendition of the Islamic scripture."' Of particular concern is its appendix, entitled "The Call to Jihad (Holy Fighting in Allah's Cause)." Saeed Ismaeel's The Differences Between the Sheekh and Muslims Who Follow the Sunnah, written in plain English, is another such example of radical material. Radical Muslim prison groups use Arabic language and script as codes – a practice adopted from existing prison gangs and the use of ancient scripts as code by right-wing extremist groups – to communicate secretly and to smuggle radical materials undetected." Some prisoners have indirect access to the Internet, which opens up another avenue for prisoners to access radical materials. These materials end up in the hands of inmates acting as prayer service leaders, who then use the materials to recruit inmates to follow the radical views expressed. Extremist interpretations of the Qur'an use footnotes and supplements to lead the reader to a radical interpretation of the scripture. For example, in April 1993 a riot, involving approximately 450 prisoners took place in a maximum security facility in Lucasville, Ohio. Many prisoners feared that correction officials would force them to have tuberculosis vaccinations, which Muslim inmates perceived would violate their faith; some inmates also desired to settle old disputes with other prisoners. Following the riot, in which ten died and more than forty million dollars worth of damage was caused, the investigating authority found radical materials (books and unauthorized audio materials) in Muslim inmates' cells. Prison authorities later banned all of these materials.' 3' See Appendix A. Khaleel Mohammed, "Assesing English Translations of the Qur'an", Middle East Quarterly, Volume 12, Number 2 (Spring 2005). Criminal Investigative Division, "Gangs Use Ciphers and Secret Codes to Communicate," Federal Bureau of Investigation Intelligence Bulletin (Unclassified), 20 July 2006. See Lucasville Prison Riot, Ohio Historical Society, 2005, See also, "End to Prison Riot Possible, Officials Say," Tulsa World, April 18, 1993, Page A8; See also, "Inmates End Standoff: 5 Guards Freed," Tulsa World, April 22, 1993, Page Al. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 7 II. Support after Release Although just over two million inmates are incarcerated in U.S. jails and prisons, a substantially greater number have served time and have returned to society. According to a recent report released by the Commission on Safety and Abuse in America's Prisons, "13.5 million people spend time in jail or prison, and 95 percent of them eventually return to our communities."' Both incarcerated and released individuals are vulnerable to radicalization and recruitment, the latter because many inmates leave prison with very little financial, emotional, or family support. To the extent that radical groups may draw upon funding from well-financed extremist backers, they can offer significantly more social and financial support to released prisoners than other legitimate community support programs. Much community support is faith-based, and in many cases can assist in successful reintegration with society. However, when inadequate formal support is provided for inmate transition, radical religious groups may fill the void by offering both financial and emotional support. By providing for prisoners in their time of greatest need, these organizations can build upon the loyalty developed during the individual's time in prison. If connections are made with a radicalized community group, the recently released inmate may remain at risk for recruitment or continued involvement in terrorist networks. Released inmates have significant potential value for terrorist networks that have recruited them. We currently lack the necessary data to determine both the extent and patterns of radical religious recruitment for incarcerated prisoners and released inmates. Even if a religious provider is removed from one facility, that provider can simply apply to enter a prison in another state. No comprehensive database exists to track religious services providers who are known to expose inmates to radical religious rhetoric. III. Other Radical Religious Groups Relevant to U.S. Prisons The growth of Islam in prisons, the relative deficit of vetted religious services providers, and world events have all focused attention on radical Islam. However, it is worth noting that right-wing Christian extremist groups not only have a history of terrorist attacks on U.S. soil, but a longstanding relationship with prisoners. There are many groups aligning themselves with "Christian Identity" ideology. These groups include Posse Comitatus, The Order, Aryan Nations, and many of the militia movements across the country. Aryan Nations has maintained an outreach program with inmates since the 1970's. The racial beliefs of these groups make them appealing to white inmates who feel they must associate with inmates of the same race. As with Islamic groups, this may be related to the need for protection. Some of these groups have found common cause with extremist Muslim groups, who share their hostility towards the U.S. government and Israel. Most recently, a number of white supremacist groups vocalized their support for Hezbollah in its conflict with Israel.36 The Phineas Priesthood, a terrorist organization adhering to "Christian Identity" ideology, is significant in that it espouses the concept of a "leaderless resistance." By requiring that its 35 The Commission on Safety and Abuse in America's Prisons, "Confronting Confinement," June 2006, p.1. 3' Counterterrorism Division, "White Supremacist Response to the Conflict in Lebanon," Federal Bureau of Investigation Intelligence Bulletin (Unclassified), 7 August 2006. 8 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG members act independently and in extreme secrecy, its activities are very difficult to detect. Other types of terrorist groups may adopt this strategy as their networks become less centralized. IV. Organized Prison Gangs International terrorist organizations share a funding source with gangs based in U.S. prisons — criminal enterprise. During testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee in 2003, Steven C. McCraw, Assistant Director of the FBI, stated, "Terrorism and crime are inextricably linked. International and Domestic Terrorism Organizations and their supporters engage in a myriad of crime to fund and facilitate terrorist activities." These criminal enterprises, he reported, "include extortion, kidnapping, robbery, corruption, alien smuggling, document fraud, arms trafficking, cyber crime, white collar crime, smuggling of contraband, money laundering and certainly drug trafficking."' The National Drug Threat Assessment in 2006 stated that "it is possible that some gangs may associate with foreign terrorists for the purpose of conducting drug trafficking and various criminal activities. Moreover, the potential for such relationships exists primarily among U.S. prison gangs, whose members seem to be particularly susceptible to terrorist and other extremist recruitment."" V Challenges at the State and Local Levels The U.S. corrections system consists of a complex network of prisons and jails at the federal, state and local levels. Out of the over two million inmates in the U.S. prison system, ninety-three percent are in state and local prisons and jails.' The threat of prisoner radicalization is therefore even more paramount for state and local officials. In California state prisons, for example, there exists no standard policy for vetting Muslim religious services providers. Instead, policy is set by the warden of each prison — leading to thirty-three different policies for each of California's thirty-three adult facilities. A lack of a single state-wide policy hinders attempts at identifying and monitoring radical religious services providers. Most providers are endorsed by local organizations which have different requirements for religious education and provide different levels of scrutiny to weed out potential radicals. California employs twenty Muslim chaplains for a population of over 300,000 prisoners and parolees, limiting their ability to oversee religious services. Prisoners must often rely on fellow inmates or volunteers to meet their religious needs. One California state prison alone hosts 3,000 volunteers each month, an impossible number for short-staffed prison officials to Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, Terrorism Knowledge Database, accessed July 13, 2006, http://www.tkb.org/Home.jsp. Steven C. McCraw, Assistant Director, Office for Intelligence, Federal Bureau of Investigation, "NarcoTerrorism: International Drug Trafficking and Terrorism — A Dangerous Mix," Testimony before the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, delivered on May 20, 2003. " "National Drug Threat Assessment 2006," National Drug Intelligence Center, U.S. Department of Justice, Product No. 2006-Q0317-001, p. 35. 40 Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Prison Statistics, 15 August 2006, <http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/correct.htm> (13September 2006). Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 9 monitor effectively. State prison officials lack the manpower and financial resources to thoroughly investigate radicalization occurring within their facilities. Successful disruption of radicalization is currently more a matter of luck than of ability or intent. The terrorist plot formulated at New Folsom State Prison is one such example. The responsible group, Jam'iyyat Ul-Islam Is Saheeh (Assembly of Authentic Islam or JIS), was founded by Kevin Lamar James while he was imprisoned. James recruited his fellow inmates to JIS, while other members recruited outside the prison after having been paroled. The group planned a number of attacks on targets in the Los Angeles area, including U.S. military facilities, synagogues and the Israeli consulate.' The plot was discovered because a member of the group dropped a cell phone during a robbery, fortuitously alerting authorities to the group and the plot. A lack of resources, mainly personnel shortages, prevents law enforcement officials from operating more proactively. The Los Angeles Sheriff's Department (LASD) has indicated that radicalization is a growing problem within their jurisdiction, with a number of potential leads to be fo llowed. However, a lack of trained experts and analysts prevents the LASD from investigating many potential groups and plots, and hinders them from sharing intelligence with other departments and agencies. With dozens of overcrowded prisons (some are at 200 percent capacity and growing) and hundreds of thousands of prisoners and parolees to oversee, prison officials must devote most of their resources to maintaining basic order and security, with little left over for investigating radicalization. This is compounded by the fact that radical inmates, wishing to avoid attention, act as model prisoners, leading prison officials to focus on violent prisoners while overlooking radicalization. The LASD — one of the largest Sheriffs departments in the country — reports that its manpower shortage is of the magnitude of a thousand personnel.' EUROPEAN PRISONS In the U.S., Muslims make up a relatively small percentage of the prison population. According to the Chief of the FBOP's Chaplaincy Services Branch, "approximately 9,000 inmates, or about 6 percent of the inmate population, seek Islamic religious services."'" In contrast, Muslims are significantly overrepresented in European prisons." For example, Muslims make up about 8 percent of the general populations of France, but there are approximately ten times as many Muslims in French prisons as there are in the general population. Though Islam is the most prevalent religion in French prisons," there are some 600 Catholic priests attending Christian inmates compared to 95 imams attending Muslim United States District Court for the Central District of California, October 2004 Grand Jury, Indictment against Kevin James. See Appendix A. 4' Department of Justice, OIG Review, 2004, p. 5. " N.H.Ammar, et al. "Muslims in Prison: A Case Study from Ohio State Prisons," International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, Vol. 48, No. 4, (2004), pp. 416-417. Fahrad Khosrokhavar and Danielle Joly. Muslims in Prison: Challenge and Change in Britain and France. Palgrave, Oct 2005. 10 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG prisoners. This shortage provides ample opportunities for radical Islamist preachers and organizers to spread their message among prisoners. The number of Muslim inmates in Europe since the 1970s has been growing. France and Britain have the largest and longest established populations of Muslims in Western Europe. Muslim prisoners serving prison sentences in England and Wales have increased as a proportion of the prison population from 4.49 percent in 1991 to approximately 8.05 percent today. In France, the proportion of Muslims in prisons is probably higher than in the prisons of England and Wales. Estimates of their presence in sections of urban prisons in France go as high as 80 per cent.46 Whereas the 6 million Muslims in the U.S. are mostly middle class, most of Western Europe's 12-15 million Muslims occupy a lower socioeconomic status. European policies on assimilation, in contrast to U.S. policies, have resulted in a division between Europe's Muslim population and the rest of society. This socioeconomic marginalization of Europe's Muslims makes them more vulnerable to radical political and religious messages. Although immigrant communities and their levels of integration vary across nations, the experience of other countries is relevant for the U.S. For example, when radicalized inmates are released in Europe, they may travel to the U.S. or participate in networks with individuals inside the U.S. Both Zacarias Moussaoui and Richard Reid entered the country using passports issued by countries participating in the Visa Waiver Program. Moreover, because of the increasing amount of knowledge that can be shared globally through the Internet, successful radicalization and recruitment techniques can be adapted to the U.S. prison system with relative ease. Indirect access to the Internet allows prisoners in the U.S. to communicate with extremist and terrorist groups outside prison walls, making it easier for terrorist networks to work across borders. Radicalization in Europe is not limited to recent immigrants from traditionally Islamic countries. Researchers in the Netherlands have found that radicalization occurs among many second and third generation immigrants, as well as a small number of converts of Dutch descent. These individuals tend to participate in local networks, but these local groups may periodically coordinate with one another or make connections with transnational networks.47 Prison officials have struggled to control radicalization. However, in the interest of maintaining order, prison administrations often facilitate radical groups. Moreover, the blackmailing of prison staff and even non-Muslim religious personnel has resulted in radical inmate groups gaining access to cellular phones and even the Internet. Attorneys provided by foreign terrorist organizations have also arranged for inmates to be moved in and out of particular prisons. Attorneys have also been used to pass information between radical inmate leaders and to coordinate with outside networks. As in the U.S., radical religious groups have adopted the techniques of violent prison gangs to intimidate others and gain control over the facilities in which they are incarcerated.'s James A. Beckford, et al., Muslims in Prison Challenge and Change in Britain and France, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, Mar. 2, 2006, pp. 72 and 276. A' Violent Jihad in the Netherlands: Current trends in the Islamist terrorist threat, General Intelligence and Security Service Communications Department, March 2006, pp. 23-24. " See Appendix A. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 11 Current Response Efforts Awareness and containment of the European problem is only part of the needed response. Because successful networks adopt and adapt effective strategies learned elsewhere, the European experience must be used as an opportunity to learn about prison radicalization so that it can be disrupted in the U.S. at a much earlier stage. FEDERAL, STATE AND LOCAL RESPONSES Officials at the state level have taken a number of steps to combat prisoner radicalization. Arizona, California and New York have started actively addressing this challenge. California in particular has been exemplary in this regard, having identified prisoner radicalization as a high priority threat and devoted resources to combating it. Despite severe manpower shortages, officials are making a concerted effort to investigate radical networks within their prisons. All California state prisons, for example, have an investigative unit dedicated to this task. California officials are making a deliberate effort to identify key gaps in responses and fill them. Model terrorism and training awareness courses are being developed for correctional officers, and pilot programs have been introduced to draw on the expertise developed over time by institutional gang investigators. Prison officials have been working to counter gang organization and recruitment among inmates with success. Due to the similarities between gang recruitment and recruitment by radical groups within prisons, there are lessons that can and should be drawn from anti-gang efforts to thwart radicalization and potential terrorist recruiting. Important differences exist between gangs and radical groups, however, so these lessons should not be applied wholesale. Rather, anti-gang efforts should be studied to determine what among them can be usefully applied to combating radical groups in prisons. The California state government has taken steps to coordinate efforts between its own prison facilities and between other agencies working on this problem. Presently, the California Department of Corrections has liaison officers posted at each prison who meet monthly to share information across facilities. Beyond the prison-to-prison network at the local level, the long term and crucial process of building relationships and trust between and among officials at different levels of government has been furthered by the establishment of a number of "fusion centers" to bring together federal, state and local officials to share intelligence and plan responses. The California state government has created several Joint Regional Intelligence Centers (JRICs) and Regional Threat Assessment Centers (RTACs), which are composed of representatives from prison staffs, the LASD, the Los Angeles Police Department, the FBI, the Drug Enforcement Agency and the Assistant U.S. Attorney for the area. Unfortunately, efforts are often stymied by the nature of bureaucracy. The FBI established four Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTFs) in California to bring together federal, state, and local officials, but the JTTFs meet infrequently. Likewise, the JRICs and RTACs are designed to study the problem strategically, not to support operations against radical groups, leading some member agencies to disregard the groups thus sinking an opportunity for intelligence sharing. 12 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG Even though state and county officials have been forward leaning in their efforts to work together, significant cultural, policy and resource impediments continue to hamstring their efforts. Crucially, local information must fully find its way into regional and national intelligence processes and networks, and strategic analysis must be fused with investigatory efforts for synergies to emerge. California provides an exce llent case study of the complexities of working across jurisdictions, and among a number of agencies to get an accurate gauge of the extent of radicalization, but even the most effective example still suffers from numerous impediments to success. In New York State, in late 2004 and early 2005, the New York State Office of Homeland Security, State Department of Corrections, New York City Department of Corrections, NYPD and the FBI began the process of establishing a joint prison monitoring system to monitor and track prison radicalization within State prisons and Riker's Island Jail. All of the agencies had been working on their own prison monitoring programs before that time, but each independent of the other. The system is built off of already well established gang intelligence units at both the State and city level and uses the Upstate New York Regional Intelligence Center (UNYRIC) and the NYPD intelligence center at the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area (HIDTA) to fuse intelligence collected within the prisons and jails. More recently, the State of New York has begun the process of integrating county jails, most of which are run by local sheriffs, into the system. However, at this time, the majority of county jails are still not part of the prison monitoring system.49 EXCLUDING RADICALS AND EXTREMIST MATERIALS FROM PRISONS Since 2002, the FBI and FBOP have enhanced collaborative efforts to detect and respond to any threats to national security originating from prisons. Their experience indicates that U.S. prisons have been targeted for radicalization and recruitment.' However, because the vast majority of inmates are incarcerated in state prison systems, individual and organized radicalization and recruitment at the state level represents the majority of the current radical activity. In response to the OIG report on the paucity of Muslim religious services providers, the FBOP has made changes to many of its policies.' Religious services providers are now questioned about their beliefs regarding violence and other concepts related to radicalization. They are also subjected to more rigorous background checks. Muslim chaplains are involved in the screening process as subject matter experts. The OIG report detailed issues related to the selection of chaplains and other religious services providers, such as the inadequate examination of doctrinal beliefs.' Volunteers and 49 See Appendix A. " See Appendix A. "Analysis of the Response by the Federal Bureau of Prisons to Recommendations in the OIG's April 2004 Report on the Selection of Muslim Religious Service Providers, U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General, July 2004. 52 Department of Justice, OIG Review, April 2004. Out of the shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 13 religious contractors were required to receive endorsements only from local organizations. Since 1995, chaplains had been required to obtain endorsement from a national organization. The FBOP made the change in order to increase accountability and allow the chaplains to maintain contact with the endorsing agency when they were moved to other states. To further accountability, the FBOP could maintain more consistent relationships with a national agency, and more easily detect any deviation from mainstream religious practices. The Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) was the only provider of endorsements of Muslim chaplains until 2003. In response to allegations about ISNA connections to terrorist groups, the FBOP stopped accepting endorsements for Muslim chaplains." As a result, no new Islamic chaplains could be hired until the FBI cleared the ISNA of any association with terrorist groups. The FBOP has maintained ongoing communication with Muslim groups, including the ISNA. There is strengthened communication between the FBI and FBOP regarding the vetting process of religious services providers. They are questioned and investigated regarding any connection to or funding from foreign governments. The FBOP has begun accepting endorsements of chaplain candidates from local organizations in lieu of national endorsements. FBOP chaplains must now meet new requirements for academic training, and experience, and pass thorough background checks. Chaplains must also demonstrate a willingness and ability to provide and coordinate religious programs for inmates of all faiths." FBOP staff members have received training on Islamic beliefs and FBI field offices are required to provide training to local and state prisons. The FBOP's mission is to identify organizations and individuals attempting to radicalize inmates and prevent their entry into prisons. Although the need for positive influences on inmates, including non-radical religious services is recognized, it is difficult to maintain the balance between the need to provide religious services and the need to prevent entry of radical religious services providers. While the OIG found that the FBOP was effectively employing ten current Muslim chaplains to screen new contractors, this was not felt to be adequate for supervision of existing inmate and non-inmate providers, because "ample opportunity exists...to deliver inappropriate and extremist messages." The ten FBOP Muslim chaplains cannot interview the many thousands of religious contractors who have exposure to inmates. The FBOP maintains a database of inmates which is available to, but not widely used by, local and state systems. State and local databases of information on prisoners that do exist are not universally compatible with the federal system or with other states. Despite use of available databases and improvements in information sharing, intelligence gaps remain. Information about who is directing and funding radicalization and recruitment efforts is incomplete. The decentralized and fluctuating leadership of radical groups contributes to this deficit." " The investigation of the ISNA is beyond the scope of the task force and the statements made in this report are not meant to confirm or deny the allegations mentioned above. The ISNA is mentioned specifically because it is the only national Islamic organizations that has been used to endorse FBOP chaplains. " Department of Justice Fact Sheet, Department offiistice Anti-Terrorism Efforts Since Sept. 11, 2001, 5 September 2006 <http://www.usdoj.gov/opa/pr/2006/September/06_opa_590.html>. 5s See Appendix A. 14 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG The FBOP has developed a more complete system of monitoring the inventory of religious reading material and other forms of media available to Federal prison's. This allows for more consistent review by experienced chaplains. A set of best practice guidelines has been implemented throughout the FBOP regarding appropriate reading materials. These guidelines are incorporated into the training available to local and state facilities, though there has been no authoritative measure of the degree to which these practices are being implemented. The FBOP has mandated the constant supervision of inmate-led groups, and is requiring that the provision of Islamic teachins and study-guides must be prepared by Islamic chaplains who are full-time FBOP staff.' Findings Prison gangs and terrorist organizations share a common interest in criminal enterprises. The potential therefore exists for a nexus between the two. The limited numbers of individuals required by successful terrorist recruiting methods increases the possibility of cross fertilization. Research on foreign terrorists describes isolated and alienated young people lacking a sense of self importance that feeds a need to belong to a group—a set of conditions found in recruits of U.S.-based prison gangs. Radicalized prisoners form a pool of potential recruits for terrorist groups. Radicalization is neither unique to Islam nor a recent phenomenon, and remains the exception among prisoners rather than the rule. Right-wing extremist groups are present in prisons and have an extensive history of terrorist attacks. The inadequate number of Muslim religious services providers increases the risk of radicalization. At the same time, not all contracted religious leaders have the appropriate experience, education or background to lead fellow Muslims. Prisoners with little training in Islam have been able to assert themselves as leaders among the prison population, at times misrepresenting the faith. "Jailhouse Islam", based upon cut-and-paste versions of the Qur'an, incorporates violent prison culture into religious practice. Radical religious service providers in prisons are able to move from prison to prison while remaining under the radar of prison officials. Currently there are no national organizations authorized by the FBOP to endorse Muslim chaplain candidates. By relying on local endorsing organizations, it is inherently more difficult to ensure that religious leaders providing services within prison systems are adequately trained and to deny radical ideologues access to prisoners. In the absence of a sound process to vet materials entering into prisons, the system remains vulnerable. The inability to track inmates upon release from prison, coupled with limited social support, gives rise to a vulnerable moment in which former inmates may act upon radical tendencies. The lack of support groups to help reintegrate released prisoners into society allows for individuals to carry into the larger community the radical " Department of:Justice Anti-Terrorism Efforts Since Sept. 11, 2001. Department of Justice Fact Sheet, 5 September 2006 <http://www.usdoj.gov/opa/pr/2006/September/06_opa_590.html>. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 15 messages learned while confined and increases the likelihood of repeat offenses. There do exist local charities that may accept recently released prisoners of Muslim faith to help these individuals to become productive members of society by providing immediate assistance with housing and career counseling. However, these groups generally rely on private donations, and with their decentralized leadership may be vulnerable to the influences of radical groups more interested in finding recruits than in providing social services or in the welfare of prisoners. Resource limitations — both in terms of manpower and financing — hinder efforts to combat prisoner radicalization. Officials in California report that every investigation into radical groups in their prisons uncovers new leads, but that they simply do not have enough investigators to follow every case of radicalization and information goes unshared with officials at other prisons or agencies. Lack of systematic intelligence and information sharing among federal, state and local prisons on inmates who express violent, religion-based behaviors allows for such prisoners to carry out a message of extremism undetected. Information collection and sharing among federal, state and local prison systems is integral to tracking radical behavior of prisoners and religious services providers, and to preventing recruiters from moving freely between prisons. Significant strides have been made at the federal level, but change at the state and local level is difficult to assess. Further, intelligence regarding radicalization activities at the federal, state and local levels must be integrated into the body of information shared through the ISE. Radicalization in prisons is a global problem and bears upon the national security of the U.S. Information sharing between and among the U.S. and other countries is crucial. Lessons learned abroad afford the U.S. the opportunity to proactively address such threats domestically. At present there is insufficient information about prisoner radicalization to qualify the threat. There is a significant lack of social science research on this issue. No records currently exist, for example, on the religious affiliations of inmates when they enter prison. This can be improved by policies that promote good research while continuing to secure the rights of inmates who are involved in these studies. The motivations for and incentives offered by terrorist groups must be better understood, and the sequence of radicalization must be better understood to identify the steps that separate a radicalized inmate from a terrorist recruit — that is, the factor or factors that exist in prison that cause a few radicalized prisoners to pursue violence. Prison officials are understandably stretched thin by the need to maintain order in overcrowded and under-funded facilities. Nevertheless, because information is an essential precursor to action, investigation of radicalization in prisons must become a priority. 16 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG Recommendations Prisoner radicalization is a potentially significant threat to U.S. national security. Conditions in prison are conducive to radicalization, as demonstrated by Europe's experience and cases within the U.S. Radicalized prisoners are a potential pool of recruits by terrorist groups. The U.S., with its large prison population, is at risk of facing the sort of homegrown terrorism currently plaguing other countries. To deal with this threat before it materializes as a terrorist attack, Congress should establish a commission to investigate prison radicalization. An objective risk assessment is urgently needed to investigate this issue in depth, in order to better understand the nature of the threat, and to calibrate and formulate our prevention and response efforts accordingly.57 Religious radicalization within prisons is a complex problem and therefore no one profession alone is equipped to analyze and recommend change. A multi-disciplinary approach that includes perspectives of religion, criminal justice, law, and behavioral sciences is vital for proactive analysis of the phenomenon. We would urge that the Commission seek to balance the practice of religious freedom while preventing the spread of radical ideology in a religious con text. Among the areas to be addressed by the commission are the following recommended priority issues: Objectively assess the risk posed by the influence of radical groups in the prison system, as well as the current levels of information sharing between and among agencies at all levels of government involved in managing inmates and monitoring radical groups. Identify steps to ensure the legitimacy of Islamic endorsing agencies so as to ensure a reliable and effective process of providing religious services to Muslim inmates. Identify steps to effectively reintegrate former inmates into the larger society, thereby reducing the likelihood that they will be recruited by radical groups posing as social service providers, or will act upon radical tendencies learned behind bars. Identify broader areas of dialogue with the Muslim community to better facilitate cultural understanding. Identify lessons that can be learned and adapted from present and past efforts to combat gangs and right-wing extremists in prisons. Existing prison programs designed to prevent radicalization and recruitment or to disrupt radical groups, whether at the local, state, federal, or international level, should be evaluated to determine a set of "best practices" that can be used to develop a comprehensive strategy to counter radicalization. It should be noted that the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security are also conducting their own strategic assessments regarding the scope of radicalization and recruitment in U.S. prisons from a law enforcement-centric point of view. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION 17 • Knowledge must be translated into action. Awareness, education and training programs must be developed for personnel who work in prison, probation and parole settings. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION A-1 Appendix A Prisoner Radicalization Task Force Briefings* Johari Abdul-Malik: Muslim Chaplain, Howard University, Washington, D.C. Randy Beardsworth: Assistant Secretary for Strategic Planning , Department of Homeland Security Matthew Bettenhausen: Director, Office of Homeland Security, California Alon Daniel: Counterterrorism Consultant, Transnational Crime and Corruption Center, American University Richard Davis: Senior Associate, Center for the Study of the Presidency; Former Director of Prevention Policy, Homeland Security Advisory Council Cindy Gatiglio: Intelligence Analyst, Emergency Operations Bureau, Terrorism Early Warning Group, Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Matthew Hamidullah: Warden, Federal Bureau of Prisons in Estill, South Carolina William Hipsley: Deputy Director, California Office of Homeland Security Sunni-Ali Islam: Muslim Religious Service Provider, Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections James McMahon: Director, New York State Office of Homeland Security Larry Meade: Sergeant, Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Todd Puhler: Federal Bureau of Investigations Larry Richards: Detective, Emergency Operations Bureau, Terrorism Early Warning Group, Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Rick Rimmer: Assistant Secretary, California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation John Stedman: Lieutenant, Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Craig Trout: Federal Bureau of Prisons Detailee, Federal Bureau of Investigations The task force consulted, interviewed and received briefings from additional subject matter experts who wish to remain anonymous. All briefings were conducted under "Chatham House" rules. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION Appendix B-1 B Additional Resources I. BOOKS 1. A Correctional Institution's Guide to Islamic Religious Practices, Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), (2004). 2. Felecia Dix-Richardson & Billy R. Close eds., Religion, the Community, and the Rehabilitation of Criminal Offenders, (The Haworth Press, 2003) pp 87 – 107. 3. Ihsan Bagby et. al, The American Mosque: A National Portrait, Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), (2001). 4. James A. Beckford, et al., Muslims in Prison Challenge and Change in Britain and France, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, Mar. 2, 2006) pp 1 – 305. 5. Law Enforcement Official's Guide to the Muslim Community, Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), (2003). 6. Saeed Ismaeel, The Difference Between the Shiite and the Majority of Muslim Scholars (3rd ed., Falls Church, VA: Unites States Office, World Assembly of Muslim Youth, 1995) II. REPORTS 1. A Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons Selection of Muslim Religious Services Providers, U.S. Department ofizistice Office of the Inspector General, (Apr. 2004), available at hup://www.usdoj.gov/oig/special/0404/final.pdf 2. Christopher M. Blanchard, The Islamic Traditions of Wahhabism and Salafiyya, CRS Report for Congress, Order Code RS21695, (Jan. 25, 2006), available at hup://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RS21695.pdPfsearch=%22%22The%201slamic%20Traditions91o20o f%20Wahhabism%20and%20Salaflyrya%22%22 3. Commission on Safety and Abuse in America's Prisons Summary of Findings and Recommendations, (June 2 0 0 6 ) , a v a i l a b l e a t hup://www.prisoncommission.org/pdfs/prison_commission_summary.pdftsearch=94,229622The%20 daily%20count%20oNio2Oprisoners%20ing/o2Othe%20United%20States%20hasTo2Osurpasseci%202. 2%20 million.%200ver%20the%20course%20ofb/o20a%22%22 4. Inmate Religious Belief and Practices (Technical Reference), U.S. Department of Justice: Federal Bureau of Prisons, (Mar. 27, 2002), available at http://www.nicic.org/pubs/2002/017613.pdf. Out of the Shadow s: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION B-3 7. Jess Maghan, The Post 9/11 Prison, Crime & Justice International, (Sept./Oct. 2004), available at littp://www.jmfcc.com/POST911-PRISON-CjiO409- 10%20pgs%201 2-19.01. 3. Overview of Islamist Extremism in Europe, Hearing before the Subcommittee on European Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, (Apr. 5, 2006), (Testimony of Daniel Fried, Assistant Secretary for European Affairs), available at http://www.state.gov/p/eur/r1s/rm/64192.htm. 9. Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology, and Homeland Security, (Oct. 14, 2003), (Opening Statement of Senator Jon Kyl Chairman), available at http://wwi,v.globalsecurity.org/securiry/library/congress/2003_h/030910-kyl.htm. 10. Terrorism: Radical Islamic Influence of Chaplainry of The US. Military and Prisons: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology and Homeland Security of the Committee on the Judiciary United States Senate One Hundred Eighth Congress, First Session, Serial No. J-108-44, (Oct. 14, 2003), available at h t t p : / / w w w . m i p t . o r g / p d f / s - h r g 1 0 8 443.pdf#search=%22%22TERRORISM%3A%20RADICAL%201SLAMIC%20INFLUENCE%20 OF%2OCHAPLAINCY%200F%20THETo2OU.SA20MILITARY%20AND%20PRISONS%22% 22 IV. ARTICLES, MAGAZINES, NEWSPAPERS, AND ONLINE SERVICES 1. Addle M. Banks, Senate Holds Hearing on How Muslim Chaplains Are Chosen, Religion News Service, (Oct. 15, 2003), available at http://pewforum.org/news/display.php?NewsID=2746. 2. Amy Menefee, Islamic Religious Groups Jockey for Prison Access as Concerns over Inmate Terrorism Grow, Congressional Quarterly, (June 25, 2003), available at h Et p://www.defenddemocracy. o rg/cn b/custo m_tags/con te... y.o rg/ i n_the_inedi a/i n_the_med ia_sh ow .htm?doc_id=179485. 3. Analysis of the Response by the Federal Bureau of Prisons to Recommendations in the OIG's April 2004 Report on the Selection of Muslim Religious Services Providers, Office of the Inspector General, (July 2004), available at http://vvww.usdoj.gov/oig/specia1/0404/response.h t m. 4. Arnaud de Borchgrave, Criminals Recruited for 'Islamic Army' in America, NewsMax.com, (Aug. 21, 2002), available at http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2002/8/20/163711.shtml. 5. Arthur C. Pace & Daniel DeBlock, Chaplain Ministry in Prison, (Winter-Spring 2000), available at h ttp://www.usachcs.army.mil/TACarch ive/ACwi nsp r00/priso n. htm. 6. Aussie Dasher, Imams Vow to Preach Values of Islam, West, The Washington Times, (Apr. 10, 2006), available at http://freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1612265/posts 7. B.A. Robinson, Potential for Radicalization of U.S. Muslim Prison Inmates, Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance, (Aug. 20, 2005), available at http://www.religioustolerance.org/islpris. htm. 3. Bill Berkowitz, African American Muslims: A Clear and Present Danger?, Z Magazine Online, Vol. 16 No. 6, (June 2003), available at http://zmagsite.zmag.org/Jun2003/berkowitzprint0603.html. GW HSPI/UVA CIAG B-2 5. John J. Gibbons and Nicholas de B. Katzenbach, Confronting Confinement: A Report of the commission on safety and abuse in America's prisons, Commission on Safety and Abuse in America's Prisons, (June 2006), available at http://www.prisoncommission.org/pdfs/Confronting_Confinemen t.pdf. 6. Kristin Archick, et. al., Islamist Extremism in Europe, CRS Report for Congress, Order Code RS22211, (Jan. 6, 2006), available at http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/terror/RS22211.pdf#search=%22%22Islamist%20Extremism94)20in%20E urope%22%22 7. Program Statement, U.S. Department of Justice: Federal Bureau of Prisons, (Dec. 31, 2004), available at http://www.nativeweb.org/pages/legal/trapp/B0P_5360_008.pdf#search=gio22%22Religious%2Oreso urces%20will%2060/020equitably%20distributed%20for%20the%22%22. 8. The Federal Bureau of Prisons: Semiannual Report to Congress, Office of the Inspector General, (Apr. 1, 2004 — Sept. 30, 2004), available at http:/hvww.usdoj.gov/oig/semiannual/0411/bop.htm. III. CONGRESSIONAL MATERIALS I. Hearing before Senate Committee on Intelligence of the United States Senate, (Feb. 16, 2005), (Testimony of Robert S. Mueller, III, Director Federal Bureau of Investigation, available at http://www.ffii.gov/congress/congress05/mueller02I 605.htm. 2. Hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base", (Oct.14, 2003), (Testimony of Dr. Michael Waller, Annenberg Professor of International Communication the Institute of World Politics), available at http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1039743/posts 3. Hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base", (Oct.14, 2003), (Testimony of John S. Pistole Assistant Director, Counterterrorism Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation), available at http://judiciaty.senate.gov/testimony.cfm?id=960&wit_id=2718. 4. Hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base", (Oct.14, 2003), (Paul Rogers, President of the American Correctional Chaplains Association), available at http://www.globalsecurity.org/security/library/congress/2003_h/031014rogers.htm 5. Hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base", (Oct.14, 2003), (Statement of J. Michael Waller, Annenberg Professor of International Communication Institute of World Politics), available at http://judiciary.senate.gov/testimony.cfm?id-,960&wit_id=2719. 6. Hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Homeland Security, "Terrorist Recruitment and Infiltration in the United States: Prisons and Military as an Operational Base", (Oct.14, 2003), (Testimony of Mr. Harley Lappin Director Federal Bureau of Prisons), available at http://judiciary.senate.gov/testimony.cfm?id=960&wit_id=2318. B-4 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG 9. C.T. Rossi, Today's Criminal Will Become Tomorrow's Islamic Terrorist, Free Congress Foundation, (July 1, 2002), available at http://wv‘w.freecongress.org/commentaries/2002/020625CR.asp. 10. Cal Thomas, Radical recruiting in America's prisons, Townhall.com, (Jun. 20, 2002), available at http://www.townhall.corn/opinion/columns/calthomas/2002/06/20/163601.html. 11. Charles Colson, Terrorists Behind Bars, First Things, (Nov. 2002), available at http://www.firstthings.com/ftissues/ft0211/opinion/colson.html. 12. Chuck Colson, Al Qaeda and Converts to Islam, Townhall.com, (Apr. 28, 2004), available at http://www.jihadwatch.org/archives/001759.php. 13. Chuck Colson, Evangelizing for Evil in Our Prisons: Radical Islamists Seek to Turn Criminals into Terrorists, Wall Street Journal, (June 24, 2002), available at http://www.centerforsecurirypolicy.org/index.jsp?section=static&page=colson624. 14. Corey Weinstein & Eric Cummins, The Crime of Punishment Pelican Bay Maximum Security Prison from the Book Criminal Injustice (Elihu Rosenblatt ed.), South End Press, (1996), available at http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Prison_System/CrimePunish_Pelican.html. 15. Craig S. Smith, Islam in Jail: Europe's Neglect Breeds Angry Radicals, Natasha Tynes, (Dec. 09, 2004), available at http://www.natashatynes.corn/nel,vswire/2004/12/islam_in_jail_e.html. 16. Daniel Pipes, Home-Grown Radical Islam Haunts L.A., The Daily News of Los Angeles (Sept. 11, 2005). 17. Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Wahhabism in the Big House. The Weekly Standard, (Sept. 26, 2005), available at http://pewforum.org/news/display.php?News1D=5376. 18. Don Thompson, Terror Allegations Prompt Debate about Inmate Religious Meetings, Associated Press, (Aug. 20, 2005), available at http://www.sfgate.com/cgibin/article.cgi?file=/n/a/2005/08/19/state/n170307D66.DTL&type=printable 19. Edward E. Plowman, Rubber-Stamping Islamic Chaplains?, WiccaNet, (Sep. 17, 2004), available at http://wiccanet.us/CMS/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=153&mode=thre ad&order=0&thold=0. 20. Elaine Ganley, Officials Concerned about Muslim Converts, WorldWide Religious News, (Jan.17, 2006), available at http://wwwwwrn.org/article.php?idd=20126&sec=33&con=2 21. Elizabeth Bryant, Radical Islam Preached in I of 3 Jails, Monsters and Critics.com, (Jan. 13, 2006), available at lutp://www.monscersandcritics.com/error,php. 22. Eric Lichtblau, Report Warns of Infiltration by Al Qaeda in U.S. Prisons, The New York Times, (May 5, 2004), available at http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.usa/browse_thread/thread/621e4c6058a58974/c95c1c3b a6cfl 5d0?lnk=raot#c95c1c3ba6cfl 5d0. 23. Esther Hartstein, Prisoners Being Recruited to Radical Islam, The American Daily, (Dec. 2, 2003), available at h trp://www.americandaily.com/article/3997. Out of the Shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION B-5 24. First Annual Muslim Chaplain Conference Detailed Report, Islamic Society of North America, (Aug. 30 – Sept. 1, 2005), at http://www.ildc.net/2005-mcc-repord. 25. Four Accused of L.A. Terror Plots, CBS News, (Aug. 31, 2005), available at http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2005/08/31/terror/main810568.shtml. 26. France: Islam in Jail, The Real Cost of Prisons Weblog, (Dec. 8, 2004), available at http://realcostofprisons.org/blog/archives/2004/12/francelslam_in.html. 27. Frank J. Gaffney Jr., Preachers for Terrorism, Washington Times, (Oct. 14, 2003), available at http://ww.frontpagemag.com/articles/Printable.asp?ID=10327. 28. George W. Knox, The Problem of Gangs and Security Threat Groups (STG's) in American Prisons Today: Recent Research Findings From the 2004 Prison Gang Survey, National Gang Crime Research Center, (2005), available at http://1,vww.ngcrc.com/corr2006.html. 29. Hadi Yahmid, French Prisons Teeming with Muslims, Islamonline.net, (June 19, 2005), available at http://,,vww.islam-online.net/English/News/2005-06/19/article04.shtml. 30. Helping Prisoners Turn their Lives Around, AMILA, (visited Sept. 4, 2006), available at http://www.amila.org/about/intro.php. 31. Ian M. Cuthbertson, Prisons and the Education of Terrorists, World Policy Journal, (Fall 2004), available at http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_go1879/is_200409/ai_n9730117. 32. Ibrahim B. Syed, Education of Muslims in Kentucky Prisons, Islamic Research Foundation International, (visited Sept. 4, 2006), available at http://www.irfi.org/articles/articles_l_50/education_of muslims_in_kentucky.htm. 33. Islamic Chaplain Banned from Prison Ministry, for September 11 Remarks, Associated Press, (Feb. 6, 2003), available at http://www.siteinstitute.org/bin/articles.cgiM=news3203&Category=news&Subcategory=0. 34. Islamic Chaplaincy Program, Macdonald Center for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, (visited Sept. 4, 2006), available at http://macdonald.hartsem.eciu/defiuilt.htm. 35. J. Michael Waller, FBI Bowing to Radical Islam?: Official Declines to Speak about Wahhabi-Terror Link at Senate Hearing, Worldnetdaily, News World Communications Inc., (July 31, 2003), available at http://www.libertypost.org/cgi-bin/readart.cgi?ArtNum=19895&Disp=0. 36. Jail Worry over Islam Converts, Australian Associated Press General News, (Nov. 7, 2005), available at http://forums.muslimvillage.net/lofiversion/index.php/t16726.html. 37. Jeff Johnson, Investigation of 'Terrorist Recruitment' Concerns Muslims, CNSNews.com Congressional Bureau Chief, (Sept. 29, 2003), available at h ttp://www.cns news.com/ ViewPri nt.asp?Page=%5CPentagon%5Carchive%5C200309%5CPEN 200 30929a.html. 38. Jenifer Warren, and Greg Krikorian, Prisons Weigh Threat of Radical Islamist Gangs, Los Angeles Times, (Sept. 4, 2005), available at http://pewforum.org/ news/display.php?NewsID=5309. 39. Jerry Seper, Prisons Breeding Ground for Terror?, The Washington Times, (May 6, 2004), available at http://www.washingtontimes.com/national/20040505-111705-4604r.htm. GW HSPI/UVA CIAG B-6 40. Jesse J. Holland, New protocol is set on Muslim chaplains, Associated Press & Boston.com, (Oct. 15, 2003), available at http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/articles/2003/10/15/ new_protocol_is_set_on_muslim_chaplains/. 41. Keith Johnson & David Crawford, Do Jails Breed Terrorists?: In Europe, Threat Seems to Be Exacerbated, Not Blunted, in Prison, The Wall Street Journal, (June 20, 2005), available at http://www.desdeelexilio.com/2005/06/21/. 42. Louis Proyect, European prisoners turn to Islam, The New York Times, (Dec. 8, 2004), available at http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/08/international/europe/08prisons.html. 43. Louisa Cleave, Prison Staff on Alert for Terror Links, New Zealand Herald, (Dec. 23, 2005), available at http://www.nzherald.co.nz/section/print.cfm?c_id= I ezobjectid- 10361202. 44. Lucasville Prison Riot, Ohio Historical Society, (2005), available at lutp://,,vww.ohiohistorycentral.org/entry.php?rec=1634. 45. M. Amir Ali, Islam in Prisons: The III&E Contribution over a Decade], Islamic Society of North America, (2005), available at http://www.isna.net/services/library/papers/america/IslamInPrison.html. 46. Mark Almond, Why Terrorists Love Criminals (And Vice Versa) Many a Jihadi began as a Hood, Opinion Journal, (June 22, 2002), available at http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110001881. 47. Matt Krasnowski, Is Prison a Terrorism Breeding Ground?, Balita Media Inc., (Aug. 27, 2005), available at http://www.balita.com/_2005/082705/communityll.php. 48. Matt Krasnowski, Probe Fans Fears of Prison Terror Plots, Union-Tribune, (Aug. 22, 2005), available at http://www.signonsandiego.corn/news/nation/terror/20050822-9999-1n22prison.html. 49. Muslim Chaplains Determined to Join Hands in Serving Community and Nation, Islamic Society of North America, (Sept. 11, 2005), available at http://www.ildc.net/display/ShowJournalEntry?moduleld=1928088centry1d=2501608cprinterFriendl y=true. 50. Muslim Chaplains Meet in Chicago to Map out the Future, Islamic Society of North America, (July 22, 2005), available at http://www.ildc.net/display/ShowJournalEntry?moduleld=1928088centryld=212744&printerFriendl y=true. 51. Muslim Chaplains: Challenges, Opportunities and the Road Ahead First Annual Muslim Chaplain Conference Detailed Report, Islamic Society of North America, (Aug. 30 - Sept. 1, 2005), available at http://www.ildc.net/2005-mcc-report. 52. Mustafa Akyol, Anti-Terrorism Resources: Understanding Radical Islam-How we Got Here, Free Muslims against Terrorism, (2006), available at http://www.freemuslims.org/document.php?id=55. 53. Nathalie Malinarich, Europe Moves Against Radical Imams, BBC News Online, (June 5, 2004), available at http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3686617.stm. Out of the shadows: GETTING AHEAD OF PRISONER RADICALIZATION B -7 54. No Proof of Terrorist Recruitment by Muslims in US Jails, Daily Times, (June 6, 2005), available at http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/print.asp:page=2005%5C06%5C06%5Cstory_6-6-2005_pg7_45. 55. Outraged by Government Leaks, Muslim Leaden- Underscore Value of Chaplains, MPAC News, (Aug. 19, 2005), available at http://www.archives2005.ghazalimet/html/outraged_by.html. 56. Paul Howard, A Fifth Column in the Prisons? Let's keep firebrand Muslim clerics away from prisoners, City Journal, (Spring 2006), available at http://www.city-journal.org/printable.php?id=1997. 57. Rachel Zoll, Islam Behind Bars: American Prisons Have Become Focus of Political, Religious, Arizona Daily Star, (June 5, 2005), available at http://www.azstarnet.com/sn/printDS/78328. 58. Radical Indoctrination in the U.S. Prisons, American Congress for Truth, available at http://cedarmailer.com/americancongress/pages/archive/messagedetails.asp?11)=256. 59. Radical Islam in U.S. Prisons, Profiles in Terror, (Dec. 28, 2003), available at http://www.profilesinterror.com/updates/2003_12_28_archive.html. 60. Radical Islamists in Calfornia Prisons, LA Times, (Aug. 20, 2005), available at http://talkleft.com/new_archives/011930.html. 61. Rajeev Syal & Chris Hastings, Warnings on Jail Muslims were Ignored by Ministers, telegraph.co.uk, (Au g. 31, 2002), available at http://propagandamatrix.com/warnings_on_jail_muslims_were_ignored_by_ministers.html. 62. Ramadan Challenges Inmates, Prisons as Islam Spreads, Religion Link, (Oct. 9, 2003), available at http://www.religionlink.org/tip_031009h.php. 63. Renwick McLean, Spanish Prisons Provide Pool of Recruits for Radical Islam, The New York Times, (Oct. 31, 2004), available at http://www.religionnewsblog.com/print.php?p=9184. 64. Rise of Islam in jails a risk?, WorldWide Religious News, (July 07, 2004), available at http://www.vvwrn.org/article.php?idd=10213&sec=33&con=5. 65. Robert S. Leiken, Europe's Angry Muslims, Foreign Affairs, (July/Aug. 2005), available at http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20050701faessay84409/robert-s-leiken/europe-s-angrymuslims.html?mode=print. 66. Russ Wellen, The New Dream Team: White Power and Radical Islam, freezerbox.com, (Dec. 13, 2005), available at http://www.freezerbox.com/archive/article.php?id=397. 67. Searching for Mecca in American Prisons, Tagrir Washington, (visited Sept. 4, 2006), available at http://72.14.207.104/search?q=cache:lx kiRwPGAgj:wi,vw.tagrir.org/eng/showarticle.cfm%3Fid%3D32. 68. Senator Jon Kyl, Radical Chaplains, Reprinted from National Review On-Line (Oct. 15, 2003), available at http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/ky1200310150824.asp. 69. Senator Jon Kyl, Winning the Future, National Ledger.com, (Feb. 27, 2006), available at http://www.newt.org/backpage.asp?art=2763. B-8 GW HSPI/UVA CIAG 70. Sheila B. Lalwani, Islam and the Black Inmate: Many Convert while Behind Bars, Journal Sentinel Inc., (Mar. 18, 2006), available at http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=4088838cformat=print. 71. Siraj Islam Mufti, Islam in American Prisons, Islam Online, (Aug. 31, 2001), available at http://www.islam-online. net/english/Views/2001/08/article20.shtml. 72. Stephen Schwartz, Islam in the Big House: How Radical Muslims Took over the American Prison System, The Weekly Standard, (Apr. 24, 2006), available at http://wNvw.weeklystandard.com/Utilities/printer_preview.asp?idArticle=12120&R=EC51:23254. 73. Stephen Schwartz, Radical Islam in America: The Media, Prisons, the Military, and Academia are Four Key Areas Here the Saudi Government and its Wahhabi Ideology have Gained Tremendous Influence in the US, Society for the Advancement of Education (2005), available at http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1272/is_2726_134/ai_n15863573/print. 74. Susan Schmidt, Spreading Saudi Fundamentalism in U.S. Network of Wahhabi Mosques, Schools, Web Sites Probed by FBI, Washington Post Staff Writer, (Oct. 2, 2003), available at http://www.emjournal.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk/aaoc03001.html. 75. Ted Conover, Ministering to the Enemy, New York Times Magazine, (Oct. 12, 2003), available at http://www.nytimes.com/2003/10/12/magazine/12ESSAY.html?ex=13813776008ten= a8d5b9a99ec22665&ei=5007&partner=USEM_AiND. 76. The Wrong Kind of Prison Fellowship, BreakPoint Commentaries (Criminal Justice), (Oct. 18, 2005), available at http://www.breakpoint.org/listingarticle.asp?ID=1497. 77. U.S. Prisons Becoming Islam Battleground, The Multi faith Library, (July 14, 2005), available at http://www.library.omc.ca/mtarchives/000073.html. 78. Urban Fox, Captive Converts: What Makes Islam So Attractive to Prisoners?, Times Online Correspondent, (Aug. 11, 2005), available at http://wmv.timesonline.co.uk/article/0„18389-1732611,00.html. 79. Wahhabi Prison Fellowship, Weekly Standard, (Sept. 17, 2005), available at http://counterterrontypepad.corn/the_counterterrorism_blog/2005/09/weekly_standard.html. 80. What Is "Prison Islam'?, SEMP Biot #128, (Oct. 27, 2004), available at http://www.semp.us/biots/biot_128.html. 81. Yehudit Barsk, Prisons are Creating Terrorists in our Midst, The American Jewish Committee, (Sept. 30, 2005), available at h t t p : / / w w w . a j c . o r g/ s i c e / a p p s / n 1 / c o n t e n t 2 . a s p ? c = i j I TI 2 P H K o G8 6 = 8 3 8 4 9 3 & c t = 1468229&printmode=1. V. MEDIA I. "Captive Audience", Directors: Jamieson Clair, Mukul Devichand Muhammed Athar Lila; Producer: Columbia University graduate student, at lutp://www.cameraplanet.com/divisions/comOf id=274. The George GEORGE Washington University WASHINGTON Homeland Security UNIVERSITY Policy Institute THE WASIIINGTON DC (4041i Incish ftc:Jrcs The University of Visginia Critical Incident Analysis Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR T HE CE NT RAL D IST RI CT OF CA LIF OR NI A October 2004 Grand Jury 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, SA CR Plaintiff, I N D I C T M E N T v. 18 U.S.C. § 2384: Conspiracy to Levy War Against the United States Government Through Terrorism; KEVIN JAMES, aka "Shakyh Shahaab Murshid," aka "Abdul-Wahid Ash-Sheena," aka "As-Sudaani," aka "AshShafi'e," aka "Ash Shakyh Sudani," aka "Shahaab Murshid Adbdul-Wahid Sudani," aka "Shihab James," aka "Abdul Wahid," aka "Shahaab Murshid," aka "Shahaab James," LEVAR_WASHINGTON, aka "Abdur Rahman," aka "Numair," aka "Numair Abd Rahman," aka "Shihab Numair ) Abd Rahman," aka "Numair Abd Rahman Ash-Sheena," aka ) (Emir," GREGORY PATTERSON, aka "Bilal," and HAMMAD SAMANA, Defendants. ) 18 U.S.C. 5 1117: Conspiracy to Kill Members of the United States Government Uniformed Services; 18 U.S.C. § 1117: Conspiracy to Kill Foreign Officials; 18 U.S.C. § 1951: Interference With Commerce by Robbery; 18 U.S.C. § 924(0): Conspiracy to Possess and Discharge Firearms in Furtherance of Crimes of Violence; 18 U.S.C. § 924(c) (1): Using and Carrying a Firearm in Connection with a Crime of Violence; 18 U.S.C. § 2: Aiding and Abetting inembers ‘bf:, . imprnvelntOligencegatheringialittninnitor 60 :htmnegly01.iterrpfism The pl. andflOrrieland:Security'ate urging .;are,1 :with prisons in dozens.cifitateS COngress is working refornis.', to ers arict..COOrte#Ierii*ith:torrori§tlit6rature...; Its coriserp:becanse: welknnwth#vi0-, , , .thatradical t9vei#.0#4101 seek rote By. 1 v 1 1 U S A prisons., lent!.0(teeinisCgentiO *ill tar get, ;spri,ecian:te 2006 . in. sosa.l*anic. ground who ,meet N* ct oo:s.n. 1. w.01'.611:rif:erod:aeceran:altqde's;government:0:1:sithtoiovlunporbitsaeoce.. ing,Pf-31#0041.:..StOppPd-uPC,IttpAigl1 to curb . ' counte monitor increase awarenes Centk4ite§ts.:0-...!..00146::4010.440-behome4..... grown terror suspects; in London and Cana .:1100.4:s0tos..:0141,**4404010.„0..itotetrii$41::: at:ther.hands of `its; own citizen ritish au '; iiiiii0e04iAti&LgAtath6rtib16::.tijYa,C604'. Spiracy!tOlgod*:up';,USnOuncl],airjilets.:.with.. liepidbonlb.oricte4.14.0141:;006.0,thaig6d 17. people iti°J ne plot: to3,possess-", sez ding=investigators`:to ,pr sons , OpottytOtatirietititigigenOciotiort*.it04 icalization, are: worried that .s`iriiilarplots OriOns be a:. breeding'•. ground, says Charles ;Allen;; h 1=1*§1a.POSouritys:,...0' .-spiotopg0-.i.cg0f5cer2 • '.a'.t.Nitiont te::,'8tepth4v;;•Mo...T.Bt011i:LHOrne.* I0:14.$0.1t.0*0,Wtr0g.1$00.0P-ticAY•0.:, ~D.evelop:more,informantsand'set.,:intire:inteligenCe.:-nnitg..izstate!.iPrinri,Sys,: 1,i$,0611.i4kipi,!,Origsksterti§ to workwith fatal agents to sl are; information:; ...grie„,4tired4;;moil't],s4s, ;.whether it has. un-. 10-govragept5'jorthe :.34:00gnize' .! ; linV.41e4igftOfathetii-alin;nvaieteWs.."ci. 41549PPagatitioditn4o ,rsign5?tl~at Conduct: background.... checks on volun-.1, ensiire:extreinist lim tletic.clon'th0e access.-toprisoneis. concern is,tintyvith:Prisoninmates converting tO.Islani,r.sayS.Seh.S..Susaricoliins, cliaii-.WOre44lithe::.SenateHnme-. 'cotinnittee-.... "For many, conwerf, . this. religionibtingthe,t;itirection and ;;,;purpose A casein California.; some US! prisons hälie.‘.,piawried;t0ni'..Terts.T.0. radical. and .?+ MemberS.,;:of an extremist Oup...yObbed star ohs in:2005 to raise .inoneY to finance ter-.: i0ristattacl&on the United States. The'l-gentes :.fnunder, :Kevin:James, is •legea: by tb401.:.to.,,liave:tecriiited:tneenlpers rneintierssor. the:M-0pp are! awaitiing trial on charges including conspu-a ;. .4,00clielib*,rnanynthei..' i conspiracies•,di7•40king.shaii6;under.ole iri'Other prisons;:,,.' Collins 1 2 The Grand Jury charges: INTRODUCTORY ALLEGATIONS 1. 3 4 5 In approximately 1997, defendant KEVIN JAMES, aka "Shakyh Shahaab Murshid," aka "Abdul-Wahid Ash-Sheena," aka "AsSudaani," aka "Ash-Shafi'e," aka "Ash Shakyh Sudani," aka "Shahaab Murshid 6 Adbdul-Wahid Sudani," aka "Shihab James," aka "Abdul Wahid," aka 7 "Shahaab Murshid," aka "Shahaab James," ("JAMES"), a California prison 8 inmate, founded an organization entitled Jam'iyyat U1 -Islam 9 Is-Saheeh ("JIS") based on his radical interpretation of Islam. 2. 10 Defendant JAMES preached the duty of JIS members to target for 11 violent attack any enemies of Islam or "infidels," including the United States Government and Jewish and non-Jewish supporters of Israel. 12 3. Defendant JAMES actively recruited his fellow prison inmates 13 14 to join JIS by clandestinely distributing a document or "protocol," which 15 set forth defendant JAMES' religious teachings about Islam, including 16 the justification for killing infidels or non-believers, and guidelines 17 to be followed by JIS members ("JIS Protocol"). 18 4. Defendant JAMES required prospective JIS members to take 19 an oath of obedience to him and swear not to disclose the existence of 20 JIS. Defendant JAMES also required prospective JIS members to swear that 21 they would obey a ninety day contact rule, wherein they would communicate 22 with defendant JAMES at least once during every ninety day period. 23 5. In addition to his recruitment efforts inside prison, defendant 24 JAMES also sought to establish groups or "cells" of JIS 25 2 26 27 28 members outside of prison which would carry out violent attacks against 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 perceived infidels, including the United States Government, the Government of Israel, and Jewish persons. 6. In and around November 2004, defendant LEVAR WASHINGTON, aka "Abdur Rahman," aka "Numair," aka "Numair Abd Rahman," aka "Shihab Numair Abd Rahman," aka "Numair Abd Rahman Ash-Sheena," aka "Emir," ("WASHINGTON"), who was incarcerated with defendant JAMES at the California State Prison-Sacramento, gave an oath of allegiance to defendant JAMES and joined JIS. 7. On or about November 29, 2004, defendant WASHINGTON was 10 11 12 13 14 paroled from the California State Prison-Sacramento. S. Paragraphs One through Seven of this Indictment are incorporated by reference and realleged in each of the Counts below as if set forth in full. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 3 COUNT ONE 1 2 [18 U.S.C. § 23843 3 OBJECTS OF THE CONSPIRACY 4 9. From a date unknown to the Grand Jury but at least 5 since December 2004, and continuing to July 5, 2005, in Los 6 Angeles and Orange Counties, within the Central District of 7 California, and elsewhere, defendants JAMES, WASHINGTON, GREGORY 8 PATTERSON, aka "Bilal," ("PATTERSON"), and HAMMAD SAMANA 9 ("SAMANA") did knowingly, willfully, and unlawfully combine, 10 conspire, confederate, and agree together and with persons known 11 and unknown to the Grand Jury, to levy a war against the 12 Government of the United States through terrorism, and to oppose 13 by force the authority thereof, all in violation of Title 18, 14 United States Code, Section 2384. 15 16 MEANS BY WHICH THE OBJECTS OF THE CONSPIRACY WERE TO BE ACCOMPLISHED 17 10. The objects of the conspiracy were to be accomplished 18 in substance as follows: 19 20 Leadership of Defendant JAMES a. Defendant JAMES would and did provide 21 instructions, spiritual and tactical guidance, and support to 22 defendants WASHINGTON, PATTERSON, and SAMANA, in carrying out the 23 war against the United States Government through terrorism. 24 25 United States Military Targets b. Members of the conspiracy would and did target and 26 conduct surveillance of United States military facilities, such 27 as recruitment centers and military bases, in the Los Angeles 28 4 1 area, in preparation to kill United States military personnel. c. Members of the conspiracy would and did plan their methods 2 of attack on United States military facilities, including the types of 3 4 weapons to use, in order to maximize the number of casualties to be 5 inflicted. 6 Government of Israel Targets d. 7 8 9 10 11 Members of the conspiracy would and did target and conduct surveillance of Government of Israel facilities in the Los Angeles area, including the Israeli Consulate and El Al, the national airline of Israel, in preparation to kill Israeli officials. Synagogues e. 12 Members of the conspiracy would and did target and conduct 13 surveillance of synagogues in the Los Angeles area in preparation to kill 14 Jewish persons. f. 15 Members of the conspiracy would and did plan to attack 16 synagogues in the Los Angeles area on Jewish holidays, in order to 17 maximize the number of casualties to be inflicted. 18 Procurement of Weapons g. 19 Members of the conspiracy would and did purchase, solicit 20 others to purchase on their behalf, and otherwise acquire weapons, 21 including firearms, which would be used to carry out their planned 22 attacks. 23 Financing h. 24 Members of the conspiracy would and did commit armed 25 robberies of gas stations, and provide financial support to each other, 26 in order to purchase weapons, including firearms, and otherwise fund 27 their conspiracy. 28 5 1 Training i. 2 3 4 5 6 carrying out their planned attacks against United States military facilities, Government of Israel targets, and synagogues. Recruitment j. 7 Concealment of Activities 9 k. 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Members of the conspiracy would and did attempt to recruit others to join the conspiracy and otherwise support it. 8 11 Members of the conspiracy would and did engage in firearms training and physical training in preparation for Members of the conspiracy would and did conceal from law enforcement the manner in which the members carried out the conspiracy, the locations at which members discussed and carried out the conspiracy, and the locations at which members stored and possessed weapons, including firearms, and maintained the finances of the conspiracy, including the proceeds from gas station robberies. OVERT ACTS 11. In furtherance of the conspiracy and to accomplish the o b j e c t s o f t h e c o n s p i r a c y , t h e d e f e n d a n t s a n d t h e i r c o conspirators committed the following overt acts, among others, in Los Angeles and Orange Counties, within the Central District of California, and elsewhere: a. In or about December 2004, defendant JAMES instructed 23 defendant WASHINGTON to (1) recruit five individuals without felony 24 convictions and train them in covert operations; (2) acquire two 25 firearms with silencers; and (3) appoint an individual from the group 26 he recruited to find contacts for explosives or learn to make bombs that 27 could be activated from a 28 distance. b. 2 In or about December 2004, defendant WASHINGTON advised 3 defendant JAMES that he was prepared to follow defendant JAMES to victory 4 or martyrdom. c. 5 Between in or about December 2004 and July 5, 2005, 6 defendant JAMES advised defendant WASHINGTON about security for the 7 planned war against the United States Government through terrorism. d. 8 Between in or about December 2004 and July 5, 2005, 9 defendant WASHINGTON reaffirmed his allegiance to defendant JAMES by 10 pledging his loyalty until death by martyrdom. e. 11 Between in or about December 2004 and July 5, 2005, 12 defendant WASHINGTON informed defendant JAMES of defendant SAMANA's 13 suitability for the planned war against the United States Government 14 through terrorism. f. 15 Between in or about December 2004 and July 5, 2005, 16 defendant PATTERSON used a computer to conduct internet research on El 17 Al, the national airline of Israel, located at the Los Angeles 18 International Airport. g. 19 Between in or about December 2004 and July 5, 2005, 20 defendant PATTERSON used a computer to conduct internet research on 21 Jewish events in Los Angeles for Yom Kippur in October 2005. h. 22 On or about March 21, 2005, defendant JAMES advised 23 defendant WASHINGTON of his efforts to have defendant PATTERSON visit 24 him at the California State Prison-Sacramento, and offered guidance 25 regarding defendant WASHINGTON's recruitment efforts. 26 27 28 7 1 i. In or about March or April 2005, defendant 2 WASHINGTON attempted to recruit an individual to join the conspiracy. 3 4 j. Beginning on or about May 19, 2005, and continuing through 5 on or about June 7, 2005, defendant PATTERSON used a. computer to conduct 6 internet research on the Israeli Consulate in Los Angeles. k. On or about May 30, 2005, defendant PATTERSON robbed 7 8 a gas station in Los Angeles, California. 9 1. In or about June 2005, defendant WASHINGTON 10 attempted to recruit an individual to join the conspiracy. 11 m. On or about June 6, 2005, defendant WASHINGTON, armed 12 with a shotgun, and defendant PATTERSON robbed a gas station in 13 Torrance, California. 14 n. On or about June 12, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 15 with a shotgun, and defendant SAMANA robbed a gas station in Playa Del 16 Rey, California. 17 o. On or about June 16, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 18 with a shotgun, robbed a gas station in Torrance, California. 19 p. On or about June 18, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 20 with a shotgun, robbed a gas station in Bellflower, California. 21 q. On or about June 20, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 22 with a shotgun, attempted to rob a gas station in Los Angeles, 23 California. 24 r. On or about June 21, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 25 with a shotgun, robbed a gas station in Pico Rivera, 26 8 27 28 1 California. s. 2 3 t. 4 5 On or about June 21, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed with a shotgun, robbed a gas station in Walnut, California. On or about June 21, 2005, defendant SAMANA robbed a gas station in Orange, California. u. 6 On or about June 22, 2005, defendant PATTERSON 7 updated defendant JAMES on the progress of the planned war against 8 the United States Government through terrorism. 9 v. On or about June 29, 2005, defendant PATTERSON 10 purchased a .223 caliber rifle. 11 w. On or about July 2, 2005, defendant SAMANA used a 12 computer to conduct internet research on the Israeli Consulate in 13 Los Angeles, including the identity of specific Israeli officials. 14 x. On or about July 2. 2005, defendant SAMANA used a 15 computer to conduct internet research on United States military 16 recruitment offices in the Los Angeles area. 17 y. On or about July 3, 2005, defendant PATTERSON, armed 18 with a shotgun, robbed a gas station in Playa Vista, California. 19 z. On or about July 3, 2005, defendant PATTERSON used a 20 computer to conduct internet research on Jewish events in Los Angeles 21 during the months of July and August. 22 aa. Between July 1, 2005, and July 5, 2005, defendant SAMANA 23 drafted a document listing Government of Israel and United States 24 military targets in the Los Angeles area, including the addresses of those 25 targets. 26 27 28 bb. On or about July 4, 2005, defendant SAMANA 9 1 participated in firearms training and physical training in a park in Los 2 Angeles, California. cc. On or about July 5, 2005, defendant WASHINGTON, armed 3 4 with a shotgun, and defendant PATTERSON robbed a gas station in 5 Fullerton, California. 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 1 6 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 10 COUNT TWO 2 3 12. [18 U.S.C. § 1117] The allegations in Count One of this Indictment are incorporated by reference and realleged herein as if set forth in full. 4 5 6 7 13. From a date unknown to the grand jury but at least since March 2005, and continuing to July 5, 2005, in Los Angeles and Orange Counties, within the Central District of California, and elsewhere, 8 defendants WASHINGTON, PATTERSON, and SAMANA did k n o w i n g l y , 9 w i l l f u l l y , a n d u n l a w f u l l y c o m b i n e , c o n s p i r e , confederate, and 10 agree together and with persons known and unknown to the Grand Jury, 11 12 to kill, with premeditation and malice aforethought, members of the United States Government uniformed services, while such members were 13 engaged in or on account of the performance of official duties, in 14 violation of Title 18, United States Code, Sections 1111 and 11i4, all 15 in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 1117. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 11 1 COUNT THREE 2 (18 U.S.C. § 1117] 3 14. The allegations in Count One of this Indictment are 4 incorporated by reference and realleged herein as if set forth in 5 full. 6 15. From a date unknown to the grand jury but at least 7 since March 2005, and continuing to July 5, 2005, in Los Angeles 8 and Orange Counties, within the Central District of California, 9 and elsewhere, defendants WASHINGTON, PATTERSON, and SAMANA did 10 knowingly, willfully, and unlawfully combine, conspire, 11 confederate, and agree together and with persons known and 12 unknown to the Grand Jury, to kill, with premeditation and malice 13 aforethought, foreign officials, namely, officials of the 14 Government of Israel, in violation of Title 18, United States 15 Code, Sections 1111 and 1116, all in violation of Title 16 United States Code, Section 1117. 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 12 18, 1 COUNT FOUR 2 [18 U.S.C. §§ 1951, 2] 3 16. On or about July 5, 2005, in Orange County, within the Central 4 District of California, defendants WASHINGTON and PATTERSON aided, 5 abetted, counseled, induced, and procured the conduct of, and otherwise 6 obstructed, delayed and affected commerce and the movement of 7 articles and commodities in commerce, in that defendants WASHINGTON 8 and PATTERSON took and obtained personal property consisting of 9 approximately 252 dollars in the presence of E.N., an employee at a 10 Chevron gas station located in Fullerton, California, against his will 11 by means of actual and threatened force, violence, and fear of injury, 12 immediate and future, to his person, in violation of Title 18, United 13 States Code, Sections 1951 and 2. 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 13 1 COUNT FIVE 2 (18 U.S.C. 55 924(c), 924(o)) 17. 3 4 5 Indictment are incorporated by reference and reallaged herein as if set forth in full. 18. 6 7 8 9 10 The allegations in Counts One, Two, and Three of this From a date unknown to the grand jury but at least since December 2004, and continuing to July 5, 2005, in Los Angeles and Orange Counties, within the Central District of Cal if or n ia, a nd els ew her e, d ef en dan ts J AM E S, WA SH IN GTO N, PATTERSON, and SAMANA did knowingly, willfully, and unlawfully combine, conspire, confederate, 11 and agree together and with persons known and unknown to the Grand Jury, to possess and discharge firearms, including destructive devices, 12 as defined in Title 18, United States Code, Section 921(a) (4), in 13 14 furtherance of a crime of violence for which they may be prosecuted 15 in a court of the United States, namely, Conspiracy to Levy War 16 Against the United States Government Through Terrorism, in 17 violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 2384, as charged in Count One of this Indictment, Conspiracy to Kill Members of the 18 19 United States Government Uniformed Services, in violation of Title 18, 20 21 United States Code, Section 1117, as charged in Count Two of this Indictment, and Conspiracy to Kill Foreign Officials, in violation of 22 Title 18, United States Code, Section 1117, as charged in Count Three 23 of this Indictment, all in violation of Title 18, United States Code, 24 Sections 924(c) and 929(o). 25 26 27 19 28 1 COUNT SIX 2 (18 U.S.C. §§ 924(c) (1), 2) 19. of 3 On or about July 5, 2005, in Orange County, within the Central District 4 California, defendants WASHINGTON and PATTERSON, during and in 5 States relation to a crime of violence for which defendants WASHINGTON and 6 PATTERSON may be prosecuted in a court of the United States, namely, Interference with Commerce by Robbery, in violation of Title 18, United 7 8 Code, Section 1951, as charged in Count Four of this Indictment, 9 knowingly aided, abetted, counseled, induced, and procured the conduct of, and 10 otherwise used and carried a firearm, to wit, a Mossberg twelve gauge 11 shotgun, serial number R379127, in violation of Title 18, United States 12 Code, Sections 924(c) (1) and 2. 13 14 A TRUE BILL 15 16 ______________________________ Foreperson 17 18 DEBRA WONG YANG United States Attorney 19 20 WAYNE R. GROSS Assistant United States Attorney 21 Chief, Santa Ana Branch Office 22 23 KEVIN E. SMITH Assistant United States Attorney 24 Deputy Chief, Organized Crime and Terrorism Section 25 26 27 28 15