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Registration Palatino Bernhard Modern BernhMod a Courier eWorld Tight Espy Sans Bold Espy Sans Helvetica Mishawaka Mishawaka Bold New York Symbol Zapf Dingbats Monaco Geneva Chicago Registration vhard drive: 6789:; =>?@AB "#$%&. ()*+,()*+,:Comitas - Greek Book *:sidenotes: :Comitas - Greek Book *:sidenotes: MBody text MCaption MHeadline MSubhead 1 MSubhead 2 MNormal 6789:; =>?@AB "#$%&. ()*+,iYlNTimes Palatino Bernhard Modern BernhMod a Courier eWorld Tight Espy Sans Bold Espy Sans Helvetica Mishawaka Mishawaka Bold New York Symbol Zapf Dingbats Monaco Geneva Chicago LWNT_470.PDXipt 100CE LaserWriter Select 360IF Letter Contents vhard drive: ..--__øj@_&ú™°' 7‘—|™:ƒ§¨2hQoNi qhW9£:ƒ~}ÀÇh!V G OPPROBRIUM AND PERSECUTION HASHISH USERS IN URBAN GREECE Lambros Comitas TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface PART ONE. THE COMPOSITE LIFE HISTORY I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX By way of prologue - historical milieu The local scene - early years 11 Hashish - actors and patterns 28 War and civil war - history brought forward 50 The local scene - later years 60 Hashish - effects on the person 71 Hashish - consequences of the law 89 Hashish - familial relations 126 By way of epilogue - looking back 161 1 PART TWO. THE SURVEY X XI XII XIII Introduction 179 Description of the sample 182 Attitudinal measures 198 Findings A. Scores on the modernization scale 201 B. Scores on the hashish scale --C. Correlation analysis: selected sociodemographic variables with survey scales and subscales --D. The effect of selected sociodemographic variables on survey scales and subscales --E. Discriminant and misclassification analyses --- Appendix References ----- PREFACE What follows is the final comprehensive report submitted by the Research Institute for the Study of Man (RISM) to the National Institute on Drug Abuse in fulfillment of Contract 271-76-3303 on Òanthropological research with Greek hashish users.Ó This contract called for a thorough investigation of basic sociological questions related to hashish use in Greece which were not addressed in a prior, primarily clinical study of Greek hashish users (HSM-42-70-98). Specifically, RISM was asked to identify those social, cultural, and subcultural factors which enhance or inhibit the use of hashish and to provide Òsome idea of use and non-use of hashish in the general population of Greece from which the clinical sample of chronic users was drawn.Ó In a later contract modification, RISM was also asked to explore the effect and consequences of drug laws on the lives of hashish users particularly as these laws became increasingly more stringent. To reach these objectives, synchronic and diachronic an cal research was planned and implemented in several separate sites in Greece with each site theoretically rep ing a point on a con um of hashish use. For each study site, the extent of hashish use was determined as were the key factors related to local use/non-use and the specific historical context in which these factors are em ded. At each study site, one in the capital city of Athens and three in the department of Thessaly, an appropriate combination of the fol ing methods and techniques were utilized to generate relevant data Ñ participantobservation, formal and in mal interviews, household surveys, attitudinal surveys, geneologies of hashish users and non-users, cog tive networks through the CATIJ sociometric, mapping, archival probes, analysis of police records and, most significantly, full life histories of selected users and non-users. Project research carried out at the study sites, particularly in the more rural sites of Thessaly, confirmed the impression held by Greek analysts of the drug scene that hashish use was not extensive in Greece at the time of the study and that the few pockets of relatively high densities of users were to be found only in the large coastal cities. Furthermore, this research established with reasonable certainty that the number of Greek users at that time was relatively small and rel ly stable and that confirmed users of the substance were most often from the working class. Confirmation that Greek hashish users were clustered in urban locales made the Athenian project data particularly important for analytic purposes. It was in this urban setting rather than in the villages and towns of the interior that patterns of hashish use could be ef ly discerned, that social relationships fundamental to these patterns could be revealed and that the legal and social consequences of hash ish could be traced. For this compelling reason and because the clinical sample of the prior study was drawn completely from the Greater Athens area, the final report focuses on and is organized around the Athenian data. In this opinion, this focus permits an effective and efficient presentation of data related to the central issues of Greek hashish use. The report itself is divided into two distinct but conceptually linked partsÑthe first based completely on qualitative data and the second devoted exclusively to an analysis of quantitative measures. In essence, Part One is a composite life history of the urban hashish user, a form of presentation that relies completely on the actual words of hashish users and non-users to explore the context and meaning of hashish use in Greece. This composite life history, or more accurately, this social history of modern Greece from the per tive of working-class users and non-users, is a pro al use of autobiographical materials in drug research developed especially for this project. Life histories were collected from eighty urban dwelling hashish users and nonusing controls. These voluminous materials formed the data pool for the construction of the composite life history. All eighty respondents lived in several contiguous neighborhoods along the western boundary of Old Athens, neighborhoods that lie almost in the shadow of the Acropolis. Among the selected re dents were a number of older individuals, ethnic Greeks from Turkish Asia Minor, who came to these once desolate Athenian locales over a half century ago. Victims of GreeceÕs defeat by Turkey in 1922 and refugees because of the resultant forced exchange of populations between the two countries, a significant number of these old re dents were born and reared in a particular region of Asia Minor where ethnic Greeks were in the minority. His cal data would indicate that the sociodemographic characteristics of that region at that time were more conducive to the propagation of hashish use than those of other regions in Asia Minor where ethnic Greeks and other Europeans were to have been found in substantial numbers as, for example, in the cosmopolitan city of Smyrna circa 1910. A surprisingly large number of hashish-using respondents, almost all born in Athens, were found to be offspring or otherwise related or connected to old Asia Minor refugees of the first type. In addition to an often common refugee background, many hashish-using respondents were found to hold similar jobs as porters, carters, food vendors and butchers in the central food markets and slaughterhouses of Athens. During all periods but particularly during lean years of war and occupation, these bustling centers of aggregation offered ample opportunity for illicit trade and for forbidden activities like hashish smoking and hashish dealing to those so motivated. Over time, as the life histories demonstrate, hashish smokers, never very large in num ber and largely ignored by the authorities during the early decades of this century, were subjected to increasingly stringent sanctions for their illegal usage. Careful analysis of the life histories indicates that changes in the drug laws had less to do with any imagined escalation of a Greek hashish or drug ÒproblemÓ than the ideological repercussions that followed the drastic political and socioeconomic turbulences that have long buffeted the Greek state and society. Even a casual reading of these life his ries makes this direct re ship abundantly clear. As a consequence, it became obvious that hashish use, hashish users and the con es of hashish use in Greece could only be incompletely comprehended if not viewed and examined in the context of shifting political, social, and ideological pressures. Given the nature of the data base, one efficient way of accomplishing this holistic goal is through a controlled and system OPPROBRIUM AND PERSECUTION HASHISH USERS IN URBAN GREECE Lambros Comitas f TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface PART ONE. THE COMPOSITE LIFE HISTORY I II By way of prologue - historical milieu The local scene - early years 11 1 III IV V VI VII VIII IX Hashish - actors and patterns 28 War and civil war - history brought forward 50 The local scene - later years 60 Hashish - effects on the person 71 Hashish - consequences of the law 89 Hashish - familial relations 126 By way of epilogue - looking back 161 PART TWO. THE SURVEY X XI XII XIII Introduction 179 Description of the sample 182 Attitudinal measures 198 Findings A. Scores on the modernization scale 201 B. Scores on the hashish scale --C. Correlation analysis: selected sociodemographic variables with survey scales and subscales --D. The effect of selected sociodemographic variables on survey scales and subscales --E. Discriminant and misclassification analyses --- Appendix References ----- PREFACE What follows is the final comprehensive report submitted by the Research Institute for the Study of Man (RISM) to the National Institute on Drug Abuse in fulfillment of Contract 271-76-3303 on Òanthropological research with Greek hashish users.Ó This contract called for a thorough investigation of basic sociological questions related to hashish use in Greece which were not addressed in a prior, primarily clinical study of Greek hashish users (HSM-42-70-98). Specifically, RISM was asked to identify those social, cultural, and subcultural factors which enhance or inhibit the use of hashish and to provide Òsome idea of use and non-use of hashish in the general population of Greece from which the clinical sample of chronic users was drawn.Ó In a later contract modification, RISM was also asked to explore the effect and consequences of drug laws on the lives of hashish users particularly as these laws became increasingly more stringent. To reach these objectives, synchronic and diachronic an cal research was planned and implemented in several separate sites in Greece with each site theoretically rep ing a point on a con um of hashish use. For each study site, the extent of hashish use was determined as were the key factors related to local use/non-use and the specific historical context in which these factors are em ded. At each study site, one in the capital city of Athens and three in the department of Thessaly, an appropriate combination of the fol ing methods and techniques were utilized to generate relevant data Ñ participantobservation, formal and in mal interviews, household surveys, attitudinal surveys, geneologies of hashish users and non-users, cog tive networks through the CATIJ sociometric, mapping, archival probes, analysis of police records and, most significantly, full life histories of selected users and non-users. Project research carried out at the study sites, particularly in the more rural sites of Thessaly, confirmed the impression held by Greek analysts of the drug scene that hashish use was not extensive in Greece at the time of the study and that the few pockets of relatively high densities of users were to be found only in the large coastal cities. Furthermore, this research established with reasonable certainty that the number of Greek users at that time was relatively small and rel ly stable and that confirmed users of the substance were most often from the working class. Confirmation that Greek hashish users were clustered in urban locales made the Athenian project data particularly important for analytic purposes. It was in this urban setting rather than in the villages and towns of the interior that patterns of hashish use could be ef ly discerned, that social relationships fundamental to these patterns could be revealed and that the legal and social consequences of hash ish could be traced. For this compelling reason and because the clinical sample of the prior study was drawn completely from the Greater Athens area, the final report focuses on and is organized around the Athenian data. In this opinion, this focus permits an effective and efficient presentation of data related to the central issues of Greek hashish use. The report itself is divided into two distinct but conceptually linked partsÑthe first based completely on qualitative data and the second devoted exclusively to an analysis of quantitative measures. In essence, Part One is a composite life history of the urban hashish user, a form of presentation that relies completely on the actual words of hashish users and non-users to explore the context and meaning of hashish use in Greece. This composite life history, or more accurately, this social history of modern Greece from the per tive of working-class users and non-users, is a pro al use of autobiographical materials in drug research developed especially for this project. Life histories were collected from eighty urban dwelling hashish users and nonusing controls. These voluminous materials formed the data pool for the construction of the composite life history. All eighty respondents lived in several contiguous neighborhoods along the western boundary of Old Athens, neighborhoods that lie almost in the shadow of the Acropolis. Among the selected re dents were a number of older individuals, ethnic Greeks from Turkish Asia Minor, who came to these once desolate Athenian locales over a half century ago. Victims of GreeceÕs defeat by Turkey in 1922 and refugees because of the resultant forced exchange of populations between the two countries, a significant number of these old re dents were born and reared in a particular region of Asia Minor where ethnic Greeks were in the minority. His cal data would indicate that the sociodemographic characteristics of that region at that time were more conducive to the propagation of hashish use than those of other regions in Asia Minor where ethnic Greeks and other Europeans were to have been found in substantial numbers as, for example, in the cosmopolitan city of Smyrna circa 1910. A surprisingly large number of hashish-using respondents, almost all born in Athens, were found to be offspring or otherwise related or connected to old Asia Minor refugees of the first type. In addition to an often common refugee background, many hashish-using respondents were found to hold similar jobs as porters, carters, food vendors and butchers in the central food markets and slaughterhouses of Athens. During all periods but particularly during lean years of war and occupation, these bustling centers of aggregation offered ample opportunity for illicit trade and for forbidden activities like hashish smoking and hashish dealing to those so motivated. Over time, as the life histories demonstrate, hashish smokers, never very large in num ber and largely ignored by the authorities during the early decades of this century, were subjected to increasingly stringent sanctions for their illegal usage. Careful analysis of the life histories indicates that changes in the drug laws had less to do with any imagined escalation of a Greek hashish or drug ÒproblemÓ than the ideological repercussions that followed the drastic political and socioeconomic turbulences that have long buffeted the Greek state and society. Even a casual reading of these life his ries makes this direct re ship abundantly clear. As a consequence, it became obvious that hashish use, hashish users and the con es of hashish use in Greece could only be incompletely comprehended if not viewed and examined in the context of shifting political, social, and ideological pressures. Given the nature of the data base, one efficient way of accomplishing this holistic goal is through a controlled and systemÀ atic presentation of the views of the actors themselves. The composite life history that follows, therefore, attempts to fashion a chronological, contextualized, holistic, and accurate picture of hashish phenomena in urban Greece through the word images of hashish users and their non-using social counterparts. The practice of hashish in modern Greece is debated by those most affected and that debate is carried through the contexts of connected issuesÑhow hashish was diffused into the country, the in ence of the Asia Minor refugees, the trauma of refugee resettlement, the urbanization of Greater Athens and attendant problems, the ambiance of the work place, the jails and their effect, and the paradoxes of the law. These and other issues are traced through time beginning with the Ca phe of Õ22, the rise of fascism in the 1930s, the Albanian War, World War II, the German occupation of Greece, the bloody civil war of the post-war period and, finally, the ColonelsÕ Junta of 1967. For the composite life history, portions of twenty-six individual histories were used, twelve of hashish users and fourteen of non-users. These selections were systematically culled from the pool of eighty full life histories. All life histories were tape recorded, transcribed from tape to Greek language text, translated and transcribed into English language text, coded (a scheme was develoed which included seven major headings, eighty-seven major categories and over four hundred sub-categories) and, finally, filed by category and subcategory. Se tion of actual passages for inclusion and the order in which these passages were to be presented remained my responsibility as the principal in tor. Choice was based on relevance of passage with reference to the overall organization of the manuscript, thematic value of the passage, factual accuracy, rep ness, and coherence of language. After passage selection, the principal investigator trans ed all selections anew in order to assure consistency and accuracy and to avoid stylistic dis nance that almost inevitably occurs with the con joined product of several translators of varying competence. Whenever necessary, side notes provide the reader with factual detail concerning references to little known historical facts or the elliptical comments by respondents. Every caution was taken to preserve confidentiality and to assure respondent anonymity. All names have been changed except those of historical personages and public figures mentioned by respondents. [One convention has been employed throughout: each respondent who uses hashish can be identified as such by the fact that he is given only a pseudonymous first name; each non-using respondent can be identified as such by the fact that he is given the prefix KyrÕ, a Greek contraction for Mister, plus a pseudonymous first name]. The second part of this report is devoted to a description and analysis of a survey carried out in the Athenian study site by the project. Designed to probe respondentsÕs attitudes about key areas of Greek life and culture as well as their attitudes and knowledge about hashish, the un ing purpose of the survey was to provide results that would help determine whether hashish users, small in number but nonetheless a heavily sanctioned population in Greece, differ sig ly in their sociodemographics or in their attitudes and beliefs from non-users of similar socioeconomic status. This survey complements an earlier, more inclusive, quantitative probe designed to compare returned Greek migrants from Germany with nonmigrants carried out in Athens by the project. The results of that first survey were sub ted to the National Institute on Drug Abuse as a report entitled ÒSocial and Attitudinal Context for the Hashish Study: A Comparison of Returned Migrants and Stable Population in AthensÓ and was authored by H. Russell Bernard and Lambros Comitas. This survey was also summarized in the international journal Current Anthropology under the title ÒGreek Return Migration.Ó * * * The project was carried out under the auspices of the Research Institute for the Study of Man whose director, Dr. Vera Rubin, gave unstinting professional support to the project and provided open access to the superior facilities of that research or tion. Field research in Greece was under the active sponsorship of the Department of Psychiatry, University of Athens and its chairman, Professor Costas Stefanis. In Athens, the project relied primarily on excellent personnel provided by the Department of Psychiatry. Demitra Madianou was the senior field researcher. Her primary responsibility was the collection of the life histories, a task in which she was assisted by Daphne Fessa, Angeliki Kounalaki, Eriketi Mihalopoulou and Efthimia Mitsou. Dr. Costas Ballas carried out archival and field research. Secretarial assistance in Athens was provided by Amalia Malamatenaki. In the department of Thessaly, community level field research was carried out by Dr. Costas Ballas, Demitra Madianou, Daphne Fessa and Efthimia Mitsou. Survey instruments were designed by Professor H. Russell Bernard, Department of An gy, University of Florida and by the principal investigator. The surveys were carried out by Demitra Madianou and Angeliki Kounalaki with part-time assistants. In New York City, graduate students from the Joint Program in Applied Anthropology, Teachers College, Columbia University, were responsible for the following: Eleni Papagaroufali for first-stage translation of Greek texts to English; Costas Gounis for first-stage translation during the final phase of report preparation; Robert Dieterich and Ronald Miller for coding the translated life histories and for locating and reviewing pertinent de cal, sociological, ethnomusiological and historical manuscripts and publications; Barbara Frankfurt for typing of English language texts. Jeffrey Markowitz, Research Analyst, School of Public Health, Columbia University, prepared the initial statistical analysis which serves as the basis for Part Two of this report. At the Research Institute for the Study of Man, in New York, June Anderson coordinated the complex, cross-national administration of the project; Florence Rivera Tai typed much of the first draft of the report and handled the finances of the project; and Yvonne Darby assisted in all phases of the final preparation of the report. New York, NY Lambros Comitas Principal Investigator