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Copyright © 2009 E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company. All rights reserved. Distribution, reproduction or copying of this copyrighted work without express written permission of DuPont is prohibited. Current Business Developments Robert C. Fry, Jr., Ph.D. DuPont Economist’s Office November 19, 2009 PRODUCING MORE OUTPUT WITH FEWER WORKERS Productivity & Labor Costs: US Non-farm Businesses Productivity, as measured by output per hour of all workers in the U.S. non-farm 15 15 Shaded areas denote recessions business sector, rose at a 9.5% annual rate in the third quarter, the fastest advance since Output per Hour Unit Labor Costs 10 the third quarter of 2003 and the second 10 fastest since 1983. Output rose at a 4% annual rate, while hours worked declined at a 5% rate. Compensation per hour rose at a 5 5 3.8% annual rate, but because this was so much less than the increase in output per hour, unit labor costs (labor costs per unit of 0 0 output) fell at a 5.2% rate. This was the third consecutive quarter of big declines in unit labor costs, leaving them 3.6% below year-5 -5 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 00 05 10 earlier levels. This marks the biggest yearover-year decline in unit labor costs since the data series began in 1947. Percent Change from Year Ago It is not unusual for productivity to grow rapidly in the early stages of an economic recovery. Employers are generally reluctant to hire until they are convinced the recovery is for real and instead try to squeeze more output out of their existing workforces. What is unusual is that productivity did not decline during the severe 2007-2009 recession. In each of the six U.S. recessions from 1957 through 1982, productivity growth turned negative on a year-over-year basis, as employers cut hours worked by less than they cut output. This pattern started to reverse itself in the 1990-91 recession, when productivity growth stayed positive on a year-over-year basis. Productivity growth then surged during the 2001 recession. However, these were unusually mild recessions, making it hard to conclude that the cyclical behavior of productivity had permanently changed. The continued growth of productivity during the 2007-2009 recession makes a much stronger case. Perhaps because of pressure from Wall Street to cut costs and protect corporate earnings, U.S. businesses now cut hours during a recession by more than they reduce output, and they continue to reduce hours even after output has turned up in the ensuing recovery. As a result, unemployment rises more than one would expect for a given decline in GDP, and it continues to rise long after the business-cycle trough. (Until the jobless recovery from the 1990-91 recession, unemployment usually peaked within two months of the business-cycle trough.) The surge in productivity growth and associated decline in unit labor costs is good for corporate profits and accounts for the better-than-expected earnings reports in the third quarter. (The government’s measure of “economic profits” for the third quarter will be reported with the revision of third quarter GDP at the end of this month. A big increase is expected after smaller increases in the first and second quarters.) Rising profits normally translate into higher capital expenditures and more hiring. Consequently, profits are sometimes included in indexes of leading economic indicators. Declines in real unit labor costs (unit labor costs adjusted for inflation) have been used as a leading indicator of employment growth. Since productivity growth contributes both to rising profits and falling unit labor costs, it is also included in some leading indexes. Rising productivity and profits and declining unit labor costs are all sending positive signals for economic growth over coming months. Declining unit labor costs also make a significant acceleration in inflation very unlikely in the short run. Perhaps the biggest risk to the current recovery is that higher profits and lower labor costs will not translate into hiring the way they did in the past. In the near term, the U.S. economy can grow on the basis of government spending, and end to the inventory drawdown, and small rebounds in housing starts and motor vehicle sales; no contribution from non-auto consumer spending is needed. However, by the middle of next year, government spending starts to decline and fiscal stimulus turns to fiscal drag. With the U.S. dollar weakening and emerging markets growing rapidly, exports could pick up much of the slack, but if consumer spending does not accelerate to a healthy pace (albeit slower than in past recoveries) by that time, the recovery will be at risk. Consumer spending is unlikely to accelerate significantly unless employment starts growing again and the unemployment rate begins to decline. The U.S. economic recovery continues for now, but the lack of employment growth may already be holding back its pace. Retail sales excluding autos and gasoline rose for a third consecutive month in October, but the increases have been small. U.S. industrial production rose just 0.1% in October, and production in manufacturing actually fell 0.1% after three months of strong increases. Housing starts plunged in October, presumably reflecting the since-delayed expiration of the first-time homeowners’ tax credit. Recovery has begun in much of the Euro-zone, but it is slow there as well. Real GDP for the Euro-zone was up 0.4% (1.5% annual rate) in the third quarter after five consecutive quarterly declines. Among the four largest economies in the Euro-zone, export-driven Germany and Italy posted healthy increases (albeit after big declines), consumer-driven France a smaller increase (after a smaller decline), and housing-bubble-affected Spain another Industrial Production decline. Recovery is much stronger in Asia. Seasonally Adjusted, 2007-2008 Peak = 100 130 Real GDP in Japan rose a surprisingly strong 130 Total industrial production in China, manufacturing elsewhere. 120 1.2% (4.8% annual rate) in the third quarter. 120 *Data seasonally adjusted by this office. Exports, particularly exports to China, China* 110 110 India* contributed heavily to Japanese growth. Korea 100 China, along with many other Asian countries, 100 is growing rapidly again. Industrial production 90 90 was up 16.1% from year-earlier levels in US October. Real GDP in South Korea, one of the EU 80 80 Japan few countries in the region that publishes seasonally adjusted data, rose at a 12.3% 70 70 annualized rate in the third quarter; Korea has Taiwan* already fully recovered from the recession in ip2005 60 60 terms of both GDP and industrial production. 2008 2009 If U.S. businesses react to productivity-driven increases in profits and reductions in unit labor costs the way they have in most past recoveries, employment could begin to grow sooner than many forecasters expect, and at a faster pace. This could promote a virtuous cycle where rising employment and labor income boost consumer spending, which leads to increased production and ultimately to more hiring and higher incomes. However, if businesses remain reluctant to hire for too long, either because of earnings pressures or because deficits, healthcare reform, and climate change legislation raise the specter of future tax/cost increases, the recovery could fade in the middle of next year. In particular, uncertainty about the impact of healthcare reform will cause employers to hold off on hiring until the debate reaches a conclusion. What is certain is that a recovery cannot remain “jobless” forever; either job growth will resume or the recovery will come to an end. The DuPont Oval Logo and The miracles of science™ are registered trademarks of E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company.