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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
Development Of Sociology: Sociological Traditions - Charles Crothers
THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIOLOGY:
SOCIOLOGICAL TRADITIONS
Charles Crothers
Social Sciences, Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand
Keywords: Social Life, Social groups, Societies, Institutions, Sociology, Social
Sciences, Theory, Social research methodology, Social research
Contents
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1. Introduction
2. The “Sociological Imagination”: popular faces of Sociology
3. Classifications of Social Reality
4. ‘Lay’ and Disciplinary Sociologies
5. The Nature and Scope of Sociology
6. Types of Tradition and their roles:
7. Pre-disciplinary Traditions of Social Theory:
8. ‘Mainstream’ National traditions of Sociology
9. Contemporary Sociological Traditions
10. Non-theoretical Sociological Traditions
11. Non-Western traditions and non-Western Sociologies
12. Integration of Traditions
13. The Dynamics of traditions: a sociology of sociology/ical change
14. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
Glossary
Bibliography
Biographical Sketch
Summary
Sociology in part attempts to provide a ‘scientific’ study of all forms of human social
life. As such it sees social life as organised across several levels and social domains
(forever changing and subject to being changed) and involves:
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People with various social (and biological) characteristics;
Acting (and in particular interacting) with each other across a wide variety of ways
and involving different types of relationship;
In and through groups;
Within various spatial or physical locations and time-frames;
Which are shaped by;
An array of institutions;
Set within societal-level entities and ‘world systems’.
More particularly, Sociology arose alongside the development of ‘modernity’ in order
to understand modernity and is particularly locked in to the study of modern societies
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
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and tracking their changing characteristics.
Sociology is one of several social science disciplines and smaller bodies of knowledge
which seeks to understand the patterns in social life. There is a broad congruence
between the objective configurations of social life and the components of the disciplines
studying them, the body of sociological knowledge is socially constructed and the
pathways to its gaining of knowledge influenced by a variety of factors. Moreover,
since social life is ever-changing, sociology often has to scramble to catch-up with the
changing social world.
The chapter introduces the theme and shows how social reality and its study interact.
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1. Introduction
In this section, the organisation of this theme is reviewed and a theoretical rationale for
this way of organising it developed.
This theme essay provides an overview of the history and development of Sociology
and also a context within which the other contributions to this theme can sit. Detail
provided in the various chapter is not repeated here though. Attention is drawn to the
many sources which are available for further consideration of the topics raised here.
Although this theme is concerned with the development of sociology it also covers the
current content of sociology. After all, as has been observed: “Sociology was born with
a ready-made history” with Comte being simultaneously father of the discipline and
father of the history of the discipline. Writing the history of sociology has often been
central in its development. More than other social sciences, Sociology has a very strong
interest in and orientation towards its own history and developments in sociology often
take the form of commentary on earlier sociological work. On the other hand, the depth
of historical attention in Sociology is not as great as in other disciplines and usually
reaches back no more than a century and a half, whereas historians of political thought –
in contrast – study much earlier writers.
Where this Theme differs to some degree from other published histories of the
development of Sociology in that it endeavours to avoid being too Euro-centric, and
therefore it draws more attention to the global framework within which sociologies have
developed. Where possible, too, Sociology is here portrayed as ‘sociology-in-use’ rather
than sociology merely as focused on theory and absorbed in academic reflection.
Sociology spreads across many sub-disciplines and fields, and shares overlap areas with
other social science disciplines. Where relevant to telling the more general story of
sociology these have been referred to, but the somewhat different contents and
trajectories of the changing set of subdivisions of sociology is not systematically
addressed in this Theme, let alone in this introduction to it. Subject-matter based
specialties are not addressed. Rather, the constituent chapters in this theme provide a
range of analytical tools for studying various components of society across a variety of
subject-matter areas - or in providing wider frameworks within which such analytical
tools can sit.
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
Development Of Sociology: Sociological Traditions - Charles Crothers
This introductory essay has two thrusts:
− Developing a picture of social worlds as seen by sociology and then
− Presenting the structure and dynamics of the various theoretical and research
traditions developed by sociologists in understanding this social world.
The portrait of the ‘sociological landscape’ or ‘socioscape’ serves as a brief overview of
the theme as a whole. The second part indicates the ways in which sociological
knowledge about ‘society’ has been constructed and points to issues taken up in more
detail in the various constituent chapters of this Theme. But first, some tasters about
popular presentation of sociology will be given.
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2. The “Sociological Imagination”: Popular Faces of Sociology
At various times sociology has presented itself in quite exciting ways which have had
particular resonances with the intellectual public. Key ‘publics’ to which Sociology
needs to ‘sell’ itself include the public generally, and especially the more intellectual
sectors of it, students (in a market where there are competing disciplines clamouring to
attract students) and perhaps policy makers of a wide range of types who might be
interested in supporting sociology. To provide a taster of sociology’s promises some of
these will be briefly sketched.
Perhaps the most famous is C Wright Mills’s term the 'Sociological Imagination' to
describe the type of insight which ought to be offered by the discipline of sociology.
The sociological imagination is the capacity to discern the relationship between largescale social forces and the actions of individuals and includes both the capacity to see
relationships between individual biographies and historical change, and the capacity to
see how social causation operates in societies.
Another famous discussion of Sociology has been Peter Berger’s Invitation to Sociology
which casts an image of a more whimsical and humanistic curiosity. Berger tasks
sociologists to “unmask the pretensions and the propaganda by which men cloak their
actions with each other." An example would be: observing how a family really interacts
with each other, responds to their environment, etc., behind closed doors without them
knowing so that they cannot fake the way they really live, behave and act as a family
unit. He denigrates alternative visions of sociologists as
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Social workers (i.e. The practice of helping people)
As a theoretician for social work
As a social reformer
As a gatherer of statistics (and especially as a purveyor of social surveys)
As a scientist (especially as jargon-ridden law-promulgator)
Instead, he suggests that what drives someone to be a sociologist is that they:
− Are interested in the "doings of men" (especially the commonplace everyday stuff of
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
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life)
− Are excited in the discovery of new social worlds
− Are intrigued to find the "familiar transformed" into more patterned meaning.
A more measured approach is taken by Zygmunt Bauman’s view of Sociology as a
subversive and liberating discipline. He suggests there are four ways in which sociology
can be distinguished from common sense thinking:
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− “Sociology … makes an effort to subordinate itself to the rigours rules of
responsible speech”
− The size of the field from which sociological thinking is drawn has a much wider
horizon
− “Sociology stands in opposition to the particularity of worldviews as it they can
unproblematically speak in the name of a general state of affairs” whereas common
sense depends on its self-evident character sociology requires defamiliarization.
He also suggests there are benefits from studying sociology in that it can render us more
sensitive to and tolerant of social diversity.
Finally, in this short listing of examples, Gordon Marshall provided a more study-based
introduction, introducing sociology by exploring ten classic empirical studies of British
society: on social mobility, poverty, race and the inner city, the Affluent Worker
project, sectarianism, education and the working class, clinical depression among
women, deviance, families and social networks, and management and new technology.
The way Sociology is first presented to introductory classes has been studied and it is
found that claims of scientific status are often made. Another appeal is to the somewhat
prurient interest of somewhat innocent (and middle class?) students who are attracted by
the vicarious cognitive pleasures of learning about ‘nuts, sluts and perverts’ which is
traditionally offered in Sociology ‘social problems’ classes. But above all, Sociology
can appeal for his revelation of the large-scale structures which work above the limited
immediate horizon of people and which show the massive effects on people’s lives of
large-scale social systems such as social classes and the world systems. Even the more
straightforward aggregate effects of demographic structures - such as the worldwide
tendency for aging societies – can be revelatory.
But the promise of a sociological perspective is often challenged. Sociology has to
compete in the marketplace of ideas. Governments and ruling classes and a range of
professional interests may well have competing views on social reality. Cultural and
religious and ideological social knowledges may offer other alternatives. Sociologists
do not always win such struggles although tendencies towards a ‘Knowledge Society’
and an increasing call for ‘evidence-based’ (or at least ‘evidence-informed’ policy
making) provide reassuring support.
3. Classifications of Social Reality
Knowledge about societies is socially constructed and the way it has been developed
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
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over time has differed along several dimensions. Moreover, the object (or subjects) of
its study has also changed over time and to some extent social changes have shaped the
development of sociological knowledge. Yet to some extent social reality does have an
objective structure and the organisation of knowledge about it to a considerable extent
reflects that structure. It might seem surprising that these two stories are not the same:
that the characteristics of sociology can be ‘read’ from the characteristics of social
reality and vice verse. They are definitely related but are better thought of as two
parallel lines. This section, then, attempts an overview sketch of the delineations of
social landscape (the ‘socio-scape’) as usually conceived by sociologists.
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In the 1930s in particular, but going back at least to Herbert Spencer’s sociology of the
middle of the previous century, there had been a sociological fascination with the
classification of different sorts of social groups and some interesting classifications had
been devised. The high point of social classification came with the schemes of German
sociologist Leopold von Wiese’s Systematic Sociology (translated and augmented by
Howard Becker) in the 1930s and Russian/French sociologist Georges Gurvitch in the
1950s. However, one of the effects of American sociologist Talcott Parsons’s drive
(from the 1930s) to develop (or reconstruct) a solid intellectual foundation for sociology
was to scuttle this rather too static classificatory approach. No longer would sociologists
attempt to identify new types of social form or play with different classificatory schema
in the way that amateur naturalists still observe different forms of flora and fauna.
Instead the emphasis has been on examining the social processes – that give rise to such
groups. Little sociological attention has returned to the question of whether refined
typologies could now be developed based on our (presumably) better knowledge about
social processes. But some classifications will be reviewed in this section.
A framework for describing the main features of social life needs to give separate
attention to each of the following (which are separately addressed in the following
sections):
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Social action and interaction
Levels, situations, fields, systems
Domains, Institutional areas
Social forms – institutions, resources
Social groups (instantiations of social forms)
Social categories
Boundary Conditions
Societies: a more detailed consideration of this particular level of group
Social Action or Social Interaction:
Sociologists converge in believing that social analysis must be grounded in examination
of micro-level situations, although they differ in how they construct these. Certainly
these are arenas in which there is meaningful action or behaviour and also interaction
amongst social players. Sometimes this is seen in terms of a decision-making model (at
the extreme a rational choice model) but other elements are also included such as
knowledge, information, beliefs, values etc.) and often analysis is focused on
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
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unintended consequences which go on “behind the actor’s back” (that is, without them
being particularly aware of it). A pragmatist position is that much ‘action’ is entirely
habitual and even Giddens allows that while there is some 'knowledgeable performance’
much action is somewhat unconscious.
Social Levels and Social Domains:
Social life seems to be lived at each of 3 broad levels:
Micro- level (everyday life, situations etc.),
Meso- level (e.g. Organisations, communities, social movements etc.) And
Macro-level (societies as wholes, the world system).
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Amongst the founding fathers of Sociology Georges Simmel drew attention to the
micro-arenas in which social life was lived, and Max Weber emphasised this level in his
more theoretical writings (while abandoning it in more substantive writing in
comparative/ historical sociology). This level is more uniquely focused on by
sociologists than other social scientists. As sociology developed through the century,
especially in its American form, attention became directed towards those social forms
which operated at a more meso-level and people were seen as participants in
organisations, communities and social categories which are aggregates with less firm
social shape.
This set of three levels is used to group the various chapters on different areas of
sociology covered in this Theme.
Social life is lived across each of several domains (their number and nature varying by
society) including family, work, religion, education, leisure etc. At the broader levels of
social organisation these are each institutional areas with their own set of organisations
that service them (e.g. churches in relation to religion). Each of these domains (more
often sociologists refer to them as ‘institutional areas’) has its own values and rules and
tends to operate as a semi-autonomous field. For example, in most cultures ‘sacred’
areas and scenes require respectful attitudes and behaviour.
Social Groups:
Social Groups concern the way humans relate to each other and are a collective social
form shared amongst those who are members of them. More permanent groups of two
or more people interact regularly over time; have a sense of identity or belonging and
have norms that non-members don’t have.
A major distinction is between temporary and more ongoing permanent groups.
Temporary groups are those which almost spontaneously emerge from situations and
are referred to as ‘collective behaviour’. In public settings (such as streets, gathering
places) people usually act as an undifferentiated aggregate broadly governed by
collective norms of polite public behaviour. However, temporary gatherings can form
and sometimes act collectively. Indeed, there can be a fascination with, and fear of,
collective behaviour events. Some sociologists have suggested that there are three forms
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of the crowd (corresponding to key forms of emotion):
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The panic (an expression of fear),
The craze (an expression of joy), and
The hostile outburst (an expression of anger).
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Crowds can be either compact or diffuse. Some diffuse crowds are held together by
interaction but others only by the common receipt by its ‘members’ of messages from
the media, and these are sometimes termed ‘publics’ or ‘masses’. A public comes into
being when discussion of an issue begins, and ceases to be when it reaches a decision on
it, although many are loosely on-going. Through attitude measurements of surveys
something of the dynamics of publics can be glimpsed. Collective behaviour often
involves events sponsored by more formally established organisations, including social
movements; for example a protest gathering designed to create publicity for a particular
cause.
There are fairly stable forms of social relationships which are below the threshold of
stability required to be seen as a group: e.g. quasi-groups such as social networks.
Social networks link various people with varying degrees of intensity and ranges of
subject-matters, and often have an on-going albeit very flexible structure.
A primary group meets face to face and builds up a high degree of social integration
(although severe tensions may simmer beneath the surface): a classic example is a
weekly-meeting ‘coffee circle’ of housewives.
Secondary groups are less face to face. There are many types. Formal organisations
(sometimes taking the form of bureaucracies) tend to be planned, to be orientated
towards the achievement of specified goals, to be organised in a formalised hierarchy of
positions and perhaps to be resistant to the changes necessary to adapt their procedures
to changing circumstances. A more relaxed type of social structure is a community,
where there may be a widely-encompassing community spirit and commitment but with
a more limited form of social solidarity underpinning this.
Social movements are concerned to propel change although themselves may be
quite ossified structurally: an active movement tries to change society; an expressive
one tries to change its own members.
Institutions:
Providing the templates and ideas around which groups and social activities are built are
institutions and more generally culture. One distinction which is important is between
an institution and any particular organisation (a distinction often blurred in everyday
discussions): the former provides the template for the latter - which in turn can reshuffle
the template as its own foundational imagery. Moreover, several organisations (indeed
many: take the case of families or business enterprises) can share a single institutional
template. Institutions provide values, rules, knowledges and even acceptable emotions
to those guided by them.
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Social Categories:
People participate in these various social forms as individuals, members of social
categories and in more active groupings.
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Social categories are socially recognised features of humans that they share with some
others and which can be mobilised in interactions with others. Some are biologically
‘given’ (or available to be built on by being socially recognised): sex/ gender, age,
‘race’, and other physical appearances and capabilities. Other social category features
arise from family backgrounds and also various groups and settings people have been
involved with. Perhaps the most important in modern societies are ‘social class’ and
‘ethnicity’. In any society (or its component settings) there is a roster of social
background characteristics which are available for people to attach themselves to – in
conjunction with the ways other people classify them (e.g. gender, age, ethnicity,
nationality, marital status, occupation, employment status, educational qualifications,
group memberships etc.) How people behave and the attitudes they hold will (to some
degree) be shaped by the social categories they are members of. Social categories may
remain as aggregates of people with similar characteristics, but they can also be drawn
on more actively in shaping social activities. In turn, these have been built into social
research measurements and, for example, sociologically-informed surveys will include
an extensive battery of social characteristics they have (including many which derive
from the household they are part of and their family background). Apart from the
chapter on feminist sociology, these sociologies based around the analysis of particular
social characteristics have not been accorded their own chapters in this Theme.
Boundary Conditions of the Social
There are several areas of phenomena which intrude into the social without themselves
normally being seen as entirely ‘social’:
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Minds/ Personalities
Bodies
Physical/Biological Environments (including built environments, technology etc.)
Assets, Resources etc.
Social life is carried by socially-orientated minds set within biological bodies operating
within a physical environment (itself partly natural and partly human-modified). These
all impose barriers to social activity at least to some extent and also open up
possibilities. For example, interaction in a classroom is partly shaped by the physical
shape of the room itself and the degree of alertness of students and teachers affected by
the temperature and humidity in the classroom. Sociology is attending more and more to
these boundary conditions and is more inclined than before to conceptualise them as
part of the social rather than as distinctly apart from it.
Another rather different ‘boundary condition’ relates to ‘animal societies’. Although
social relations among humans are more sophisticated as we possess culture and
language, nevertheless some animal societies share common features with human
societies: for example rank orders (‘pecking orders’) are common and different species
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES IN SOCIOLOGY – Vol. I - The Historical
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vary in their life-time mating arrangements. The study of animal social forms is a useful
contrast against which to set studies of human societies.
Putting the Analyses to Work
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Sociological description (sometimes termed ‘sociography’) must not be confined to
‘setting the scene’, but needs to identify the capacities for action of different groupings
and how these are affected. At the heart of any social analysis the sociologist needs to
identify who the stakeholders are (and these may include categories of people not at all
obvious) and what the relationships are amongst these stake-holders, especially in
relation to rights accorded one group by another and therefore the pattern of property
ownerships, and what the ‘interests’ of each of these stakeholder categories is.
Theories of Society
Much sociology is concerned with tracking changes in societies and in identifying the
emergent characteristics of new features. Often such attempts are blatantly
‘commercial’ and speculative, snatching trends from mere whiffs of fashion, with the
flimsiest verification in terms of factual support. On the other hand the debate over such
speculations is important and clearly changes have happened. This is such an important
area of sociology that it is worth focusing in on societies as a particularly important type
of social group. Theoretically, a society is seen as a group which is (at least potentially)
self-sustaining since it includes within it the capacity to meet all the requirements
necessary for continued survival as a society. (On the other hand, some recent theorists
have drawn attention to an over-fixation - termed ‘methodological nationalism’amongst many sociologists at the cost of paying insufficient attention to social
phenomena above and below this level of analysis.)
Gerhard Lenski differentiated societies based on their level of technology,
communication and economy:
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Hunters and gatherers,
Simple agricultural,
Advanced agricultural,
Industrial, and
Special (e.g. Fishing societies or maritime societies).
A somewhat similar earlier system developed by Morton H. Fried and Elman Service
was based on the evolution of social inequality and the role of the state:
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Hunter-gatherer bands (categorization on duties and responsibilities.)
Tribal societies in which there are some limited instances of social rank and
prestige.
Stratified structures led by chieftains.
Civilizations, with complex social hierarchies and organized, institutional
governments.
In simplified accounts a sequence was often posited: such that Hunter-gatherer tribes
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settled around seasonal food stocks to become agrarian villages, and these in turn grew
to become towns and cities, and then cities turned into city-states and expanded their
territories to become nation-states. However, complexities can emerge along other
dimensions than those used in the above typologies, the realities of changes have been
more complex and the value judgements involved in suggesting an unproblematic
‘progress’ have been widespreadly rejected. Higher levels of social organisation can be
fragile, susceptible to internal disorder and environmental degradation. Over the course
of history, many civilisations have risen and then fallen.
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Much sociological attention has been directed at detecting the key features of
modernity compared to earlier modes of social organisation and there is also much
interest in how it might have arisen. Modernity is usually seen as a type or phase of
society, initially confined to the last few centuries of the West European countries from
the Renaissance and characterized by a larger-scale integration of formerly isolated
local communities and a departure from the cultural limitations imposed by ‘tradition’
and religion toward individualism, rational or scientific organization of society, and
egalitarianism.
A particular concern of sociology, the point of many of the contributions of leading
theorists, is to identify the key features (or key emerging features) of contemporary
society. This is often quite speculative and often empirical research fails to detect
anything like the impact claimed by theorists. (It seems that theorists often see the
identification of a postulated key change as a crucial game in which there are high
stakes for the winner). However, there is some balancing as counter-theories concerning
continuities have also been promulgated and there is much debate in sociology about
these characteristics.
There are a range of candidates, including:
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Post-fordist industry
Globalised/ westernised/ europeanised/ americanised
Global finance capital
World society
Consumer society
Space/time disembedded
Turbo-capitalism/ speed capitalism
Mobilities, time-space compression
Knowledge/ information economy/ society
Reflexive modernisation
Risk society/ expert society
Intimate society
Network society
Multicultural society
Digital culture/ virtual culture/ postmodern
Secularisation v resurgence of ethnicity and religion; ‘clash of civilisations’
Aging demographies/ extended life-spans
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Neoliberal/ third way/ evidence-based ideologies
Environmentally susceptible (peak oil/ environmental degradation/global warming
etc.)
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There is also some debate over whether there is an appropriate label for the current
phase of modern society (if indeed it is possible to apply just one label): late/high
capitalism is widely preferred (synonyms include liquid modernity, second modernity,
re-modernity, etc.). Modern societies are seen as having previously been organised in a
successive range of modes: early capitalism was pre-industrial, and later stages have
included industrialised and urbanised societies (organised around ‘steam’ technology)
and more recently ‘fordist’ modes of production which feature highly organised
assembly lines and the congruent residential form of suburbia.
Another debate focuses on ‘varieties of capitalism’ (another variant debate concerns
‘different worlds of welfare states’) within this increasingly inter-connected broad
late/high modern society – as opposed to the more usual assumption of a broad
convergence. This literature in particular contrasts the Anglo-Saxon countries (US,
Canada, UK and sometimes Australasia) with less neo-liberal Continental Europe (itself
often seen as split along Northern Europe v Southern Europe dimensions) and then with
forms of ‘Asian’ capitalism.
An overlapping set of theories focuses on the key characteristics of societies in relation
to other types. Post-WW2 theorising saw ex-colonies as striving for modernisation,
although other theorists saw them being held back by their dependencies on core
economies. More recently Immanuel Wallerstein partially combined these viewpoints in
his still hotly-debated ‘world systems theory’.
Finally, there is the wider task of classifying (and exploring the linkages amongst) the
various (some 200) nation-states across the world. Few particularly sociological
versions of more widely accepted (and often economic based) classifications have been
developed, and so the typologies adopted vary from a broad global north/global south
contrast to versions usefully noting the differences between first, second, third and
fourth worlds to various classifications of developed through developing to
underdeveloped countries (often using categories employed in the UN system, World
Bank etc.). Many such countries are societies only by courtesy, since the capacity and
impact of their States is weak and they are diversified across many groupings - often
arbitrarily sliced-up historically by imperial powers over a century before.
One debate is often termed ‘methodological nationalism’ and problematises the extent
to which many macro-sociologists unthinkingly assume that societies are coterminous
with countries without sufficient recognition of the impact of wider more globalised
structures and of the many multi-connections across societies at lower levels.
Evolution of Social Forms
Any particular social organisation changes constantly – at least in small details such as
turnover of personnel and adaptation to changing external circumstances. On top of this
over time the range of different social forms rises and falls. The pace of social change
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seems to have speeded up in particular because there are more technological innovations
driving it, although some underlying social realities remain the same.
One consequence of shifting social realities is that sociology may well need to
continuously retool itself theoretically and in terms of research methods in order to be
‘up to speed’ in its ability to investigate current circumstances. This is an issue which is
hard to adjudicate on, as the whole conundrum is complex. Certainly, continuing
adaptation in both needs to be considered (and there is evidence from the development
of sociology that appropriate adaptation to changing social realities has taken place).
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Biographical Sketch
Charles Crothers is Professor of Sociology in the Department of Social Sciences at AUT, after
previously serving as a Professor of Sociology at the University of Natal, Durban, South Africa. Prior to
this position Charles had lectured in the Departments of Sociology at the University of Auckland, and
©Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS)
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Victoria University and had been President of the New Zealand Sociological Association and held office
in the History of Sociology Research. Committee of the International Sociological Association. His
interests span: Sociological/ Social Theory (with books on the work of Robert K Merton, and the
conceptualisation of Social Structure); Social Research Methodology/methods; sociology of Science and
Social Science: and studies of New Zealand (Auckland in particular) and South Africa.
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