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Discussing the Treaty of St. Germain, Historian Frank Herbert Simonds declared, “No
single change following the war can have more far­reaching effects for the future in Europe than
the total liquidation of that Empire which only a few brief months ago was, next to Russia, the
largest in area on the continent, and next to Russia and Germany the largest in population.”1
Indeed, the 1919 Treaty of St. Germain­en­Laye, the treaty that dissolved the Austro­Hungarian
Empire after the Great War, was a major geographical and international turning point for Europe.
The history of Austria­Hungary speaks volumes about its tremendous importance.
Originally fierce rivals, Austria and Hungary reconciled under the Treaty of Szatmar in 1711. Then
in 1724 the aging Austrian monarch Charles VI wrote the Pragmatic Sanction. Since Charles VI had
no male heirs, the document empowered his daughter, Maria Theresa, to occupy the Austrian and
Hungarian thrones simultaneously, uniting the dynasties while maintaining the countries’
independence. Under Maria Theresa’s rule, the Empire flourished. More excellent leaders
improved Austria’s power, increasing its status amongst other major European nations.2, 3 However,
Austria was humbled by wars in the 1860s, attempting to maintain influence in Germany and control
over Italy. In 1867 the Emperor of Austria found a way to relieve the problems brought by these
events. Geoffrey Drage illustrates this in his book Austria­Hungary: “A new and peculiar relation —
a sort of Confederation — was established between Austria and Hungary… . The dualism which had
been steadily evolving…was now definitely set up.”4 Thus began the creation of the second­largest
empire in Europe.
Another important player in the events leading to the treaty was Serbia. The recent Balkan
Wars prompted Serbia’s desires of a “window to the sea” and of creating a giant Pan­Slavic nation,
1
and the Balkan Wars reminded other Slavic peoples of that dream as well. As Turkish influence in
the Balkans declined, Russia and Austria both attempted to fill the power vacuum. In this stage, the
two powers would inevitably clash.5
Within itself, Austria also faced problems; half of her population was Slav, but the ruling
races were German and Magyar (Hungarian). As Austria bullied Serbia to gain influence in the
Balkans, Austria’s large Slav population was roused, provoking protests and disorder. Meanwhile,
Austrian Archduke Francis Ferdinand, the heir to the Austrian throne, was on tour in Sarajevo, the
Bosnian capital. There, he was assassinated by a member of the Black Hand, a Serbian
extremist­nationalist group, on June 28, 1914. Austria blamed the Serbian government for the
attack. On July 23, Austria sent an ultimatum to Serbia, the demands of which amounted to Serbia
surrendering her sovereignty. When Serbia replied that she would agree to the ultimatum except for
the terms threatening her sovereignty, Austria deemed the response unacceptable and declared war
on July 28.6
The war proved to be more than Austria­Hungary was prepared for. The chain of alliances
in Europe soon forced Russia, Germany, France, Britain and Turkey into the war. However, the
Allies — Britain, France, and Russia — desperately needed more troops, so they convinced Italy to
join them. In 1915 Italy declared war on Austria­Hungary.7 Despite these new obstacles,
Austria­Hungary did well in nearly all of its military endeavors, and in January of 1918 their military
seemed to be at the brink of triumph.8
These successes continued until the Second Battle of the Piave in June of 1918, which pitted
the Austrian army against Italian troops. Germany, at war in France, had called on Austria to force
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Italy to withdraw troops from France. This battle took place on the Piave River in Italy at a crucial
moment for Germany. If the Austrian troops won, not only would they cripple the Italian military,
but they could also continue to France and aid the German troops fighting there. However, a series
of misfortunes wrecked Austrian efforts. A heavy rain in the mountains flooded the Piave River,
washing away Austrian bridges as the Austrians retreated from advancing Italians, drowning several
thousand Austrian troops. According to Simonds, this disaster resulted in “a loss exceeding 100,000
in killed and drowned alone, the final destruction of morale, and of the hope of victory or the
willingness to continue, in the Habsburg Monarchy.”9 Thus, the Austrian military effort was
demolished.
As the Austrian army retreated, continuing to suffer heavy losses, it disintegrated until there
simply was no army left, leaving millions of dollars worth of materials behind. On October 29,
Vienna pleaded desperately for an armistice. The next day, the Austrian diplomats and generals met
the Italians and the process of making an armistice began. The Austrian Empire’s armistice would be
one of unconditional surrender.10
The collapse of the army had a significant impact on the Austrian Empire, as Joe C. Dixon
describes in his book Defeat and Disarmament. “…A nation had collapsed behind its army; had more
than collapsed, it had resolved into its component racial elements.”11 All of the rival races that had
been subdued within the Austrian Monarchy were now unchained. This state of confusion played a
significant role in the attempt to salvage the Austrian Empire because it was increasingly difficult for
the Austrians to reorganize themselves and restore order. Thus, Austria would be subjected to
disintegration through the war which she started in order to avoid such a fate, leaving her suspended
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in a state of chaos.
The Austrians seem to have a history of revolutions, and the war set the stage for another.
John Bach McMaster notes in his book The United States in the World War, 1918­1920,
“Austria­Hungary now seemed to be fast going to pieces. Discontent, war weariness, demands for
peace, signs of revolution were everywhere.”12 The new Austro­Hungarian Emperor Charles saw
what unfolded before him. Finally, he abdicated, declaring that he recognized the actions his people
were taking to form a separate nation and that he would not stop these attempts.13 However, as
Simonds comments, “Austria­Hungary, its emperor gone, ha[d] become a confusion of racial
entities.”14 Unfortunately for the Austrians, they were not out of the storm; the worst had yet to
come.
With the war over, the Supreme Council became the main force of the Paris Peace
Conference, where treaty terms were decided. The Supreme Council started as the Council of Ten,
which had two representatives from each of the Great Powers. However, it soon became clear that
this council was too inefficient to function. Nina Almond and Ralph Lutz state in The Treaty of St.
Germain, “The demands for a speedy conclusion of peace terms, driven by the growing menace of
starvation and anarchy, penetrated within the doors of the Peace Conference.”15 Consequently, the
governmental heads became the Council of Four, and the foreign ministers became the Council of
Five. After the signing of the German treaty, both the Council of Five and Four were replaced by
the Council of Heads of Delegations, which oversaw later treaty negotiations and the signing.
However, the speed and effectiveness of the peacemaking process depended on the
representatives’ cooperation, and each delegate had his own perspective, which sometimes clashed
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with others’ ideas. President Wilson was a steadfast believer in his Fourteen Points, the principles that
he believed were absolutely necessary to use in the treaty negotiations. These points stated of
Austria, “The peoples of Austria­Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see
safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development."16
That became increasingly difficult as the racial entities quarrelled over territorial claims, and the
chaos of the old Austrian Empire made territory difficult to organize.
Mr. Lansing, ambassador in the Council for America, thought that the military terms and
other terms of peace should all be presented at the same time and suggested that each treaty follow
the same outline. This proposal was generally accepted by the other representatives. Mr. Balfour,
the British representative, suggested that the German question should be solved first and afterwards
Allied demobilization could occur.17
Baron Sonnino, representing Italy, had much to worry about. Almond and Lutz point out,
“For Italy, the Austrian question was more complicated in that the former Austrian Empire was now
divided into various states, some of whom were friendly, others semi­friendly and others hostile. The
Austrian question was, therefore, a delicate and awkward one to settle. … Italy [had an] enemy,
Austria, and in fighting her she had borne the full burden of the war.”18 Since Italy had borne this
heavy burden, she wished to see the fruits of her labors and gain something from the treaty with
Austria. Thus, Italy felt very strongly about the treaty. Italy was also very worried about Mr.
Balfour’s proposal because once the German treaty was completed and signed, the Allies would
demobilize that area, leaving Italy without help or backup, even though important questions would
remain. Italy felt she would be left alone to deal with a dangerous enemy.19
5
M. Tardieu, representing France, understood Baron Sonnino’s point that after the German
question was settled, the other questions regarding separate enemy nations would still remain.
Despite this, he firmly believed that once Germany was taken care of, other pressing issues would be
easier to overcome. For example, once the German frontiers were fixed, the question of German
Austria would be simpler to settle. Also, the German armistice, which was only in effect for a limited
amount of time, made the speedy conclusion of the German treaty necessary.20
After four months of negotiation, the Austrian treaty, at 381 articles, or 181 pages long, was
signed at St. Germain­en­Laye, a Paris suburb, on September 10, 1919. Part I was the covenant of
the League of Nations, identical to the German treaty. Part II defined the official borders of the
new Austrian Republic.21 The grand Austro­Hungarian Empire, which had boasted nearly 241,500
square miles, second in Europe only to Russia, was slashed to a mere 39,000 miles, and from its old
territories came eight republics. Its population was likewise cut from 50,000,000, third largest in
population after Russia and Germany, to just over 7,500,000.22 Part III limited Austria’s
interactions with Italy. Section II of Part III created the Serb­Croat­Slovene state, or Jugo­Slavia.
Section III created the Czecho­Slovak state, and Section IV forced Austria to cede territory to
Rumania. Section V discussed minority protection. With precise clauses, the treaty instructed Austria
to run her institutions with liberty and justice and allow minority population protection to be under
the jurisdiction of the League of Nations, a difficult task for a nation that was literally being divided
by races. Section VI examined the territory given to Italy and the citizenship of its inhabitants.
Section VII required Austria to recognize terms pertaining to Schleswig, Turkey, Belgium,
Luxembourg, the Russian States, and Bulgaria.
6
Section VIII was very controversial among Austrian political parties because it declared
Austria’s independence to be inalienable, and a large portion of Pan­German part of the population
fiercely believed that union with Germany was absolutely necessary to maintain economic progress.
Part IV analyzed “Austrian interests outside Europe.”
The military and naval clauses were painstakingly concise. Part of these clauses were in
Article 119: “Universal compulsory military service shall be abolished in Austria. The Austrian
Army shall in future only be constituted and recruited by means of voluntary enlistment.” Besides
this, Austria was banned from maintaining any sort of air force, and her navy was extremely limited.
All of Austria’s demobilization was under Allied supervision.23
The reparations clauses appeared in Part VII. Important terms in this part included Article
177, in which the Allies forced Austria to accept responsibility for causing “loss and damage to which
the Allied and associated governments and their nationals ha[d] been subjected as a consequence of
the war imposed upon them by the aggression of Austria­Hungary and her allies.”24 Furthermore,
Austria assured that “she will make compensation as hereinafter determined for damage done to the
civilian population.” This compensation was determined by a Reparations Commission that would
have the final say, though Austria’s perspective would be heard.25
When the Austrian peace delegation met with the Allied delegations to receive the treaty,
Dr. Karl Renner, the Austrian Chancellor and head of the Austrian delegation, was very courteous,
unlike the German delegation, which arrogantly attempted to blame the Allied Powers for the war.
The New York Times noted, “[Dr. Renner] caused considerable surprise by choosing French as the
medium for his remarks. M. Clemenceau and Marshal Foch … were obviously pleased at the choice
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of the language.”26 He also took time to praise the relief effort of the Allies, as the New York Times
stated:
“He asked only that the full weight of the punishment should not fall on
the little republic, which was all that was left of the once mighty Austria, but that it
be regarded as only one of eight new republics into which the old monarchy had
been divided, and that it be made to pay no more of the penalty than it could bear.
… ‘Our State rests in your hands,’ said Dr. Renner at one point in his speech, ‘and we
hope that before the conscience of the world that the Allies will not abuse this
power.’ ”27
The Austrian public and officials were outraged to read the harsh terms. As noted by the
Atlanta Constitution, “The peace terms presented to Austria are impossible and mean the death of
the country by starvation, President Seitz declared in his address opening the extraordinary session
of the national assembly.”28 During that session, Foreign Minister Bauer proclaimed that the treaty
was a peace founded on prejudice and bias and that the loss of German Bohemia was an offense not
only because 3,500,000 Germans would be under foreign rule, but also because the loss of German
Bohemia meant the loss of the most industrially and culturally valuable parts of German­Austria.29
Austrian newspapers echoed this sentiment. The paper Neues Abendblatt reported: “The
Austrian Government has decided unanimously that the peace terms … are unacceptable.”30
American news pointed out that the Austrian public and newspapers believed that their country
would not lose so much territory and that they would be treated better than Germany. As this was not
the case, Austrian papers responded indignantly to the terms of the treaty. For example, The Reichs
Post wrote, “ ‘The conditions could not have been worse.’ ”31 Another newspaper, Der Tag, “carried
a cartoon showing the Council of Four crucifying peace with French soldiers cheering in the
background.”32
8
Austria did suffer horribly as a result of the treaty. The New York Times reported, “Serious
conditions in Vienna because of lack of food … are reported … Starving mothers in the Austrian
capital are unable to obtain milk for their children, and the babies are dying by hundreds … The
mothers are also without swaddling clothes for their infants and are obliged to wrap them in rags or
even newspapers.”33 The conditions in the diminished new republic were worse than any other nation
in Europe, and Austria was in serious need of aid, as the Los Angeles Times announced: “The famine
in Vienna is growing more painful daily. Further meatless weeks will be announced tomorrow. …
The only salvation is hoped for from American food supplies, which, so far, are wholly
insufficient.”34 The government under Dr. Renner labored to restore order, but that was almost
impossible. There was nearly no coal for heating, so temperatures in hospitals were so low that
newborn babies and their mothers died from cold. Food was scarce and expensive, and over 80% of
children were suffering from rickets due to malnutrition. Austria desperately needed help, as stated
in New York Times Current History. “Only the charity of the world … enabled the beggared State to
get through the most miserable Winter its people had ever known.”35 Newly vulnerable and needy,
Austria searched for a source of strength and power to lift her from the most dismal hardships her
people had ever known, hardships she suffered as a direct result of the treaty.
Not only did the Treaty of St. Germain have such a massive regional impact, as Professor J.
M. Cornwall stated, “but also a much wider impact across Europe since it allowed Hitler's Germany
and then Stalin's Russia to invade a weakened region. In both cases Austria tried to preserve a special
identity ­ and therefore in 1955 managed to go neutral and stay clear of the Soviet bloc.”36 The
Treaty of St. Germain was destined to change Europe, but its intended consequences had
9
unpredicted catastrophic effects on the future of Europe. “The biggest impact of this dissolution for
Europe as a whole was that there was now no major power in this region, but a mass of weaker states.
This left a vacuum which was effectively filled by Nazi Germany and then Soviet Russia over the
next 70 years,”37 Cornwall states. Though the treaty was intended to restore peace and
independence to war­ravaged Austria, Hungary, and the Balkan states, they were not given time or
the opportunity to develop themselves, and, vulnerable, they became victims of oppressive powers
once again. If the treaty had not demanded so much from Austria, Hungary, and the Balkan states,
these new, weak countries would have been better prepared to resist Nazi and Soviet rule.
This map illustrates the drastic territorial difference between the old Austria­Hungary and the new Republic of Austria.38
In addition, the balance of political power in Europe dramatically shifted. According to
Cornwall, “In the 19th century, the Habsburg Empire was viewed as vital for European balance and
10
stability (e.g. by Britain), and … that balance between the Great Powers was removed in 1918 with
catastrophic effect.”39 All the races within old Austria were fierce rivals, but they had been subdued
by the imperial monarchy. Now, these races were released into their own sovereign nations, and this
unstable area was widely viewed as a possible breeding ground for another major war. According to
Simonds, “It has been said of Austria in the olden times that if there were no such state, it would be
necessary to create one to preserve the peace of Europe.”40 Now that Austria was not capable of
maintaining any sort of peace, Europe tilted precariously on the edge of another war. Germany
reorganized herself first, and she gained the trust of the suffering Austrians by appealing to the
growing political faction in Austria that favored union with Germany. The Treaty of St. Germain
fed that political faction in Austria, fostering its growth through resentment of the cruel punishments
forced upon her by the treaty from the Allies. In this manner, Austria succumbed to the Nazi
idealism and to the consequences it brought. The Treaty of St. Germain­en­Laye dramatically
shifted Europe’s future and left a mark plainly visible in history.
11
Endnotes
1
Simonds, Frank Herbert. “Dissolution of Austria­Hungary." St. Louis Post­Dispatch [St. Louis] 1
June 1919: n. pag. ProQuest Historical Newspapers. Web. 6 Oct. 2012.
2 3
Drage, Geoffrey. Austria­Hungary. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1909. Print. pp. 16­31
Leger, Louis. Austria­Hungary. Vol. XVII. New York: P. F. Collier & Son, 1913. Print.
4
Drage, 28.
5
Simonds, Frank Herbert. The Great War. New York: M. Kennerley, 1914. Print. pp. 9­20
6
Simonds, Great War. p. 20.
7 Dixon, Joe C. Defeat and Disarmament. Cranbury: Associated UP, 1986. Print.
8 Simonds, Frank Herbert. History of the World War. Vol. 5. Garden City: Doubleday, Page, 1920.
Print. pp. 355­356
9
Simonds, History of the World War, Vol. 5. p. 359
12
10 New York Times Current History: The European War. Vol. XVII. New York: New York Times,
1919. Print. p. 392
11
Dixon.
12 McMaster, John Bach. The United States in the World War: 1918­1920. New York: D. Appleton,
1920. Print.
13
New York Times Current History, Vol. XVII. pp. 392­393
14
Simonds, History of the World War, Vol. 5. p. 343
15 Almond, Nina, and Ralph Haswell Lutz, eds. The Treaty of Saint Germain. California: Stanford
UP, 1935. Print. p. 5
16
McMaster, p. 447
17 ­ 20
Almond, Lutz, pp. 1­9, 25­28
21 New York Times Current History: The European War. Vol. XX. New York: New York Times,
1920. Print. p. 186.
13
22 “Summary of Treaty Terms Given Austria.” Chicago Daily Tribune [Chicago] 3 June 1919: n. pag.
ProQuest Historical Newspapers. Web. 12 Oct. 2012.
23 “Treaty of Peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Austria; Protocol, Declaration
and Special Declaration." Australian Treaty Series. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 Apr. 2003.
<http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/3.html>.
24
New York Times Current History, Vol. XX.
25
“Treaty of Peace,” Australian Treaty Series.
26 “Renner Receives Austrian Treaty; Admits Crimes." New York Times [New York] 3 June 1919: 3.
ProQuest Historical Newspapers. Web. 29 Oct. 2012.
27
“Renner Receives Austrian Treaty,” New York Times.
28 “Death to Austria in Peace Terms." Atlanta Constitution [Atlanta] 9 June 1919: 1. ProQuest
Historical Newspapers. Web. 21 Nov. 2012.
29
“Renner Receives Austrian Treaty,” New York Times.
14
30 ­ 32 “Terms Austria's Death Sentence, Says the Cabinet." St. Louis Post–Dispatch [St. Louis] 5
June 1919: 2. ProQuest. Web. 21 Nov. 2012.
33 “Vienna Mothers Starving." New York Times 21 Dec. 1918: n. pag. ProQuest Historical
Newspapers. Web. 28 Dec. 2012.
34 “Famine in Vienna Worse." Los Angeles Times [Los Angeles] 26 Feb. 1919, sec. I: 1. ProQuest
Historical Newspapers. Web. 28 Dec. 2012.
35
New York Times Current History, Vol. XX. p. 20
36 Cornwall, J. Mark. E­mail interview. 16 Jan. 2013.
37
Cornwall, interview.
38
Austria­Hungary: before the outbreak of WWI. Map/Still. Britannica Online for Kids. Web. 26 Jan.
2013. <http://kids.britannica.com/comptons/art­54539>.
39
Cornwall, interview.
15
40
Simonds, “Dissolution of Austria­Hungary.”
16
Appendix
7
New York Times Current History: The European War. Vol. XVII. New York: New York Times,
1919. Print.
The reference to the Emperor’s abdication note is from the above source, and the exact text reads:
“The proclamation announcing the abdication of Charles V. as Emperor of Austria­Hungary was
issued on Nov. 11 and read as follows:
Since my accession I have incessantly tried to rescue my peoples from this tremendous war. I have
not delayed the re­establishment of constitutional rights or the opening of a way for the people to
substantial national development. Filled with an unalterable love for my peoples I will not, with my
person, be a hindrance to their free development. I acknowledge the decision taken by German
Austria to form a separate State. The people has by its deputies taken charge of the Government. I
relinquish every participation in the administration of the State. Likewise I have released the
members of the Austrian Government from their offices. May the German Austrian people realize
harmony from the new adjustment. The happiness of my peoples was my aim from the beginning.
My warmest wishes are that an internal peace will be able to heal the wounds of this war.
(Signed) CHARLES.
(Countersigned) LAMMASCH.”
10
New York Times Current History: The European War. Vol. XX. New York: New York Times,
1920. Print. p. 186.
17
References:
“The conditions in the shrunken State immediately after the signing of the treaty were worse than in
any other country of Europe. A new Cabinet was formed under the leadership of Dr. Karl Renner,
and it strove as best it could to bring order out of chaos. But the difficulties it faced were almost
insuperable. There was practically no coal, and food was extremely scarce and at prohibitive prices.
Eighty­three per cent, of the children were suffering from rickets, due to malnutrition. The country
was on the very brink of famine, and had it not been for the aid rendered by the American and other
relief commissions thousands would have starved to death. Demobilized soldiers thronged the
thoroughfares, begging for alms. The temperature in the hospitals was so low from lack of coal that
newborn infants and their mothers died of cold. The krone, nominally 20 cents, sold for 1 cent of
American money. Conditions were made worse by the refusal of unfriendly neighboring States to
trade with the bankrupt republic and send coal and food in return for almost worthless currency. In
the very depth of Winter there were 6,000 homeless families in Vienna. The bread ration for each
person was only two pounds a week. Only the charity of the world — the American Relief
Commission alone supplied 20,000,000 meals in a four­months period — enabled the beggared
State to get through the most miserable Winter its people had ever known. Serious bread riots broke
out at various places, the desperate people plundering stores and warehouses. Conditions were
finally relieved by the inpouring of food contributed by other countries and by a loan from the
Allies of $70,000,000 to enable the Government to tide over the desperate crisis. The plight of the
children was relieved to some extent by sending them to other countries to be nourished, 28,000
being thus provided for in Holland, Italy and England. Coal was finally obtained in meagre
18
quantities from Czechoslovakia, whose failure to help more largely was due not so much to hostile
feeling as to labor and transportation troubles.”
12
“Treaty of Peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Austria; Protocol, Declaration
and Special Declaration." Australian Treaty Series. N.p., n.d. Web. 24 Apr. 2003.
<http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/dfat/treaties/1920/3.html>.
References to clauses include:
“Article 177: The Allied and Associated Governments affirm and Austria accepts the responsibility
of Austria and her Allies for causing the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated
Governments and their nationals have been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed upon
them by the aggression of Austria­Hungary and her Allies.
Article 178
The Allied and Associated Governments recognise that the resources of Austria are not adequate,
after taking into account the permanent diminutions of such resources which will result from other
provisions of the present Treaty, to make complete reparation for such loss and damage.
The Allied and Associated Governments however require, and Austria undertakes, that she will make
compensation as hereinafter determined for damage done to the civilian population of the Allied and
Associated Powers and to their property during the period of the belligerency of each as an Allied
and Associated Power against Austria, by the said aggression by land, by sea and from the air, and in
general damage as defined in Annex I hereto.
Article 179
19
The amount of such damage for which compensation is to be made by Austria shall be determined by
an Inter­Allied Commission to be called the Reparation Commission and constituted in the form
and with the powers set forth hereunder and in Annexes II­V inclusive hereto. The Commission is
the same as that provided for under Article 233 of the Treaty with Germany, subject to any
modifications resulting from the present Treaty. The Commission shall constitute a Section to
consider the special questions raised by the application of the present Treaty; this Section shall have
consultative power only, except in cases in which the Commission shall delegate to it such powers as
may be deemed convenient. The Reparation Commission shall consider the claims and give to the
Austrian Government a just opportunity to be heard. The Commission shall concurrently draw up a
schedule of payments prescribing the time and manner for securing and discharging by Austria,
within thirty years dating from 1 May 1921, that part of the debt which shall have been assigned to
her after the Commission has decided whether Germany is in a position to pay the balance of the
total amount of claims presented against Germany and her allies and approved by the Commission.
If, however, within the period mentioned, Austria fails to discharge her obligations, any balance
remaining unpaid may, within the discretion of the Commission, be postponed for settlement in
subsequent years or may be handled otherwise in such manner as the Allied and Associated
Governments acting in accordance with the procedure laid down in this Part of the present Treaty
shall determine.
Article 197: Subject to such exceptions as the Reparation Commission may make, the first charge
upon all the assets and revenues of Austria shall be the cost of reparation and all other costs arising
under the present Treaty or any treaties or agreements supplementary thereto […] Article 198:
20
There shall be paid by the Government of Austria the total cost of all armies of the Allied and
Associated Governments occupying territory within the boundaries of Austria as defined by the
present Treaty from the date of the signature of the Armistice of 3 November 1918, including the
keep of men and beasts, lodging and billeting, pay and allowances, salaries and wages, bedding,
heating, lighting, clothing, equipment, harness and saddlery, armament and rolling­stock, air
services, treatment of sick and wounded, veterinary and remount services, transport services of all
sorts, […] communications and correspondence, and, in general, the cost of all administrative or
technical services the working of which is necessary for the training of troops and for keeping their
numbers up to strength and preserving their military efficiency.”
21
Word Count: 2326
22