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The Graduate School
2005
The Artillery Lane Site: Archaeological
Analysis from Late First Spanish Period St.
Augustine
Elizabeth Jo Chambless
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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY
COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
THE ARTILLERY LANE SITE:
ARCHAEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS FROM
LATE FIRST SPANISH PERIOD ST. AUGUSTINE
By
ELIZABETH JO CHAMBLESS
A Thesis submitted to the
Department of Anthropology
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Science
Degree Awarded:
Fall Semester, 2005
The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Elizabeth Jo Chambless
defended on November 1, 2005.
Rochelle A. Marrinan
Professor Directing Thesis
Glen H. Doran
Committee Member
Bonnie G. McEwan
Committee Member
Approved:
Dean Falk, Chair, Department of Anthropology
Joseph Travis, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences
The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named
committee members.
ii
For Max Thomasson
Papa, our family’s original archaeologist
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. Rochelle Marrinan for her guidance and
friendship during my time at Florida State University. I also thank Dr. Glen Doran
and Dr. Bonnie McEwan for their insights and input regarding my thesis study.
Carl Halbirt, Archaeologist for the City of St. Augustine, deserves great thanks for
providing the study sample.
I gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Dr. Rochelle Marrinan and Brian Worthington
in the identification of faunal remains. The expertise of Dr. David Steadman of the
Ornithology Range at the Florida Museum of Natural History was likewise greatly
appreciated.
My graduate career would have been a great deal bleaker without the friendship and
commiseration of my study-buddy and roommate Meredith Marten. Thank you for all the
songs, pep talks, and mutual meltdowns.
I could not have completed this effort without the love and encouragement of my
parents, Bill and Sally Chambless, and my sister and brother-in-law, Susan and Marcus
Kolmetz. Finally, my humble thanks be to God, from Whom all blessings flow.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables
....................................................................................
List of Figures ....................................................................................
Abstract
..........................................................................................
vii
ix
xi
1. Introduction
....................................................................................
1
2. Environmental Setting .......................................................................
5
Physical Setting..............................................................................
Climate
....................................................................................
Ecosystem and Natural Resources ................................................
5
6
7
3. Background and Problem Orientation ...............................................
10
First Spanish Period St. Augustine.................................................
The Menéndez Marquéz House ....................................................
10
19
4. Methodology and Results..................................................................
24
Analysis Methodology ....................................................................
Results
....................................................................................
Summary ....................................................................................
24
25
55
5. Discussion
....................................................................................
57
Comparative Assemblages ............................................................
Interpretation ..................................................................................
The Closing Days of the First Spanish Period................................
57
61
66
6. Summary and Conclusions ...............................................................
73
v
APPENDICES
....................................................................................
75
Dating the Artillery Lane Trash Pit: Ceramic Data ....................
Dating the Artillery Lane Trash Pit: Pipe Stem Data .................
Artillery Lane Material Culture...................................................
Artillery Lane Faunal Material ...................................................
75
76
77
82
REFERENCES ....................................................................................
84
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ....................................................................
90
A
B
C
D
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1: Artillery Lane glass by type and count ...................................
25
Table 4.2: Artillery Lane glass by type and weight .................................
25
Table 4.3: Artillery Lane spirit bottle sherds types by weight..................
28
Table 4.4: Artillery Lane ceramics by type and count .............................
35
Table 4.5: Artillery Lane ceramics by type and weight ...........................
35
Table 4.6: Artillery Lane porcelain by type and count.............................
36
Table 4.7: Artillery Lane porcelain by type and weight ...........................
36
Table 4.8: Artillery Lane stoneware by type and count...........................
38
Table 4.9: Artillery Lane stoneware by type and weight .........................
38
Table 4.10: Artillery Lane slipwares by type and count ..........................
40
Table 4.11: Artillery Lane slipwares by type and weight.........................
40
Table 4.12: Artillery Lane refined earthenwares by type and count........
40
Table 4.13: Artillery Lane refined earthenwares by type and weight ......
40
Table 4.14: Artillery Lane coarse earthenwares by type and count ........
43
Table 4.15: Artillery Lane coarse earthenwares by type and weight ......
43
Table 4.16: Artillery Lane tin-enameled earthenwares by type and count
47
Table 4.17: Artillery Lane tin-enameled earthenwares by type and weight
47
Table 4.18: Artillery Lane creamware by type and count........................
48
Table 4.19: Artillery Lane creamware by type and weight ......................
48
Table 4.20: Artillery Lane aboriginal ceramics by type and count ..........
48
vii
Table 4.21: Artillery Lane aboriginal ceramics by type and weight .........
49
Table 4.22: Artillery Lane mammal species............................................
49
Table 4.23: Dominant species combined with UID Mammal categories.
50
Table 4.24: Artillery Lane avian species.................................................
50
Table 4.25: Artillery Lane reptilian species.............................................
51
Table 4.26: Artillery Lane fish species....................................................
52
Table 4.27: Artillery Lane invertebrate species ......................................
52
Table 4.28: South’s (1977) Artifact Class/Group designations ...............
55
Table 4.29: Artillery Lane Site Profile .....................................................
56
Table 5.1: Datable ceramics by count and century of manufacture........
61
Table 5.2: Datable ceramics by weight and century of manufacture ......
61
Table 5.3: All datable artifacts by count and century of manufacture .....
62
Table 5.4: All datable artifacts by weight and century of manufacture ...
62
Table 5.5: Derivation of the Status Artifact Index ...................................
67
Table 5.6: Ceramic categories by site and percentage ..........................
68
Table 5.7: Faunal data from Artillery Lane and comparative assemblages
70
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1: Site map by Carl Halbirt indicating the locations of the
coquina wall remnant, the shell concentration, and the circular trash
pit feature on Artillery Lane ....................................................................
2
Figure 2.1: 1763 map of St. Augustine ...................................................
6
Figure 2.2: Salt marsh near Fort Mose, north of St. Augustine .............
7
Figure 2.3: St. Augustine and surrounding landmarks and water bodies
8
Figure 3.1: Pedro Menéndez de Avilés .................................................
11
Figure 3.2: The Castillo de San Marcos ................................................
13
Figure 3.3: 1777 map of St. Augustine demonstrating Spanish grid plan
14
Figure 3.4: Franciscan mission chain circa 1606 ..................................
18
Figure 3.5: Elevation of Menéndez Marquéz house circa 1770 by E.
Gordon after sketch by English Engineer Moncrief ...............................
21
Figure 4.1: Close-up image of wire bail on spirit bottle mouth ...............
26
Figure 4.2: Basic spirit bottle anatomy ..................................................
27
Figure 4.3: Spanish blue-green glass, late seventeenth century ...........
30
Figure 4.4: English cordial glass, circa 1750 .........................................
31
Figure 4.5: Wrought spike suggestive of a mouth harp .........................
32
Figure 4.6: Lock-shaped iron object of unknown function .....................
33
Figure 4.7: Mid-eighteenth century brass coach hinge ..........................
34
Figure 4.8: Brass finial from Artillery Lane .............................................
34
Figure 4.9: Rhenish stoneware from Artillery Lane ...............................
37
ix
Figure 4.10: American trailed slipware in the Moravian tradition ...........
39
Figure 4.11: Detail of Elers ware vessel ................................................
41
Figure 4.12: Worked bone varilla fragment ...........................................
53
Figure 5.1: Map of St. Augustine indicating the locations of the Artillery
Lane site and comparative sites ............................................................
58
Figure 5.2: Bos taurus humeri exhibiting consistent saw marks ............
64
Figure 5.3: Odocoileus virginianus tibia exhibiting hack marks .............
65
x
ABSTRACT
Archaeological material recovered from a trash pit feature located on Artillery Lane in
St. Augustine is compared to archaeological assemblages from other sites from the
colonial city. Detailed analysis and interpretation of the material culture and faunal
material recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit test the excavator’s proposition that
the feature represents an elite residential midden. The results of the present study
indicate that this is not the case; instead, the feature is associated with a Spanish
military hospital.
xi
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Archaeological remains associated with the First Spanish period of St. Augustine have
been investigated by a number of researchers (Deagan 1983, 1987, 1990, 2002; Fairbanks 1976a,
1975b; Gaske 1980; Koch 1981; Reitz and Cumbaa 1984; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Smith 1963;
Skowronek 1982). Kathleen Deagan (1991:281), in “The Archaeology of Sixteenth Century St.
Augustine” in America’s Ancient City: Spanish St. Augustine 1565-1763, considers the role of
the colony in its early years to be that of a sentinel protecting valuable trade routes and shipping
lanes as well as acting “to function as a northern outpost and buffer between the Spanish empire
and the English colonies” established in the Southeastern United States during the first decades
of the seventeenth century. In addition to these military functions, St. Augustine also served as
headquarters for the mission chain in north Florida, with the Convento de San Francisco just to
the south of the city (Hoffman 1993:62) and the mission of Nombre de Dios less than a mile
north of the Castillo de San Marcos (Deagan 1991:281).
The presidio and mission aspects of colonial St. Augustine are perhaps the best
documented, through both archaeological and documentary means. In 1976 Charles Fairbanks
published an article on the “Changing Culture of Eighteenth-Century St. Augustine,” in which he
described the utility of excavating middens, the refuse of everyday life. Work in St. Augustine up
to that point had concentrated on the architecture of the city where “the purpose of digging was
to discover specific materials about specific houses” (Fairbanks 1976b:89). As Fairbanks
(1976b:90) pointed out, work of this sort could not answer an important question regarding the
lives of the Spanish colonists; as he asked, “What did these people do when they were not
building forts, converting the natives, repulsing the English, or waiting for the situado?” By
excavating the backyards rather than the houses themselves (the floors of which would have been
regularly swept and would thus contribute little to the archaeological record), information could
be recovered that would shed light on the mundane activities of the colonists, those activities that
were perhaps not considered worthy of contemporary documentation. It is this sort of
archaeological data, this type of “backyard archaeology,” that is the focus of this thesis.
While mitigating the installation of a water line near the intersection of Artillery Lane
and Aviles Street in St. Augustine on July 4, 2004, City Archaeologist Carl Halbirt encountered
1
three archaeological features. Along the northern edge of present-day Artillery Lane were
located the remains of a coquina wall, a shell concentration (possibly a structural foundation),
and a trash pit (Figure 1.1). Historical documentation and property records link this feature with
a structure built in the 1730s that served first as the residence of an elite St. Augustine family,
and later as an annex of the Spanish military hospital (Gordon 2002:110). The structure burned
in 1818. The terminus post quem (TPQ) of the trash pit occurs circa 1750, although it is possible
that the pit had lain open for an unknown length of time.
Figure 1.1. Site map indicating the locations of the coquina wall remnant, the shell concentration,
and the circular trash pit feature on Artillery Lane (after Halbirt 2004a).
Halbirt (2004a) believes the coquina wall identified during the July 4 investigation
represents the compound wall surrounding the eighteenth-century Menéndez Marquéz property.
Since the trash pit is located just to the north of this wall remnant, Halbirt (2004a:5) considered
the deposit to be a residential midden associated with the Menéndez Marquéz family. The
location of this feature just north of the wall at the present intersection of Artillery Lane and
Aviles Street would have placed the trash pit on the south side of the Menéndez Marquéz house,
at the southeastern corner of the lot. The materials recovered from this midden feature belong to
five broad categories: glass, metal, ceramics, fauna, and “other” (construction materials, etc.).
Since no stratigraphy was visible in the trash pit during excavation, all material recovered from
the deposit was assigned a single provenience and is assumed to be the result of a single fill
episode of unknown duration (Halbirt 2004a).
2
The Artillery Lane archaeological assemblage presents the opportunity to examine a
transitional period in the history of St. Augustine, the so-called “middle period” (extending from
the late sixteenth century through the early eighteenth century) that followed the initial
foundation of European colonies in the New World (Ruhl and Hoffman 1997). Deagan (1997:6)
suggests that “rather than representing a time of transformation or invention, the middle period is
seen…as a time of solidification and elaboration of the social and institutional patterns
introduced during the initial experimental phase of encounter and contact.” This time in Spanish
Florida has often been portrayed as a period of “lethargy and stagnation,” although Bushnell
(1997:20) suggests that this view may be due more to the lack of “middle period” studies than to
an understanding of the actual conditions of the time.
This thesis focuses on the question of determining the socioeconomic class of the people
with whom the trash pit is associated, by testing the proposition that the materials recovered are
representative of an elite criollo family (Halbirt 2004a). In order to answer this question, the
cultural material recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit is subjected to detailed analysis.
Ceramics and glass materials are analyzed according to type, quantity, and country of
manufacture. The faunal remains will indicate whether the occupants’ diet depended
substantially on the wild resources available to the colonists or on less accessible domesticated or
even imported goods.
In addition to the status issue, the relatively tight dating of the sample allows for
discussion of late First Spanish Period St. Augustine as it compares with the time periods that
both preceded and followed. In order to examine questions of both status and temporal
adaptation, the Artillery Lane sample is compared to archaeological assemblages from St.
Augustine that have been the subject of studies by other scholars. These assemblages include
those from the Ximenez-Fatio house, a site that was first occupied during the sixteenth century,
and, based on historical records and colonial settlement patterns, is hypothesized to have been an
elite residence (Beidelman 1976; Gaske 1982:18). The Spanish colonial hospital site, Nuestra
Senora de la Soledad, is also examined (Koch 1980). Kathleen Deagan’s (1974) study of the
Maria de la Cruz house site offers an example of material culture associated with an eighteenthcentury mestizo-Spanish residence. Assemblages from the de Leon and de Hita home sites
provide samples of First Spanish Period criollo households. A study of sixteenth-century
subsistence by Elizabeth Reitz and Margaret Scarry (1985) provides valuable information
3
regarding the diet of St. Augustine residents during the First Spanish Period. By analyzing the
Artillery Lane assemblage, despite the small sample size in comparison to those of the
comparative assemblages, further understanding will be gained of the diet and material culture
typical of the late First Spanish Period. By comparing this assemblage with others from various
contexts in the city, understanding of the St. Augustine colony as a whole will be likewise
furthered.
Chapter Two describes the environment and ecosystems of the St. Augustine area to gain
an understanding of those conditions to which the Spanish colonists adapted. The third chapter
focuses on the history of the colony in general and the history of the Menéndez Marquéz house
site and its various inhabitants in particular. Chapter Four reports in detail the material culture
and faunal material recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit feature. This information is
interpreted and discussed in Chapter Five such that the social and temporal conditions
surrounding the deposit of the Artillery Lane feature may be confidently ascertained. Chapter Six
provides a summary of the Artillery Lane study and conclusions regarding archaeological
determinations of status in late First Spanish Period St. Augustine.
4
CHAPTER TWO
ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING
Physical Setting
St. Augustine is located on the east coast of the Floridan plateau, a plateau that was
roughly two times larger in area during the height of the Wisconsinan glaciation around 20,000
BP than it is today (Webb 1990:93). Beginning around the time of the Plio-Pleistocene transition,
barrier islands and lagoons formed along Florida’s east coast: “the resulting landscape consists of
broad expanses of flatwoods with prairies, ridges, and a variety of coastal features” (Brown, et
al. 1990:40). Soils in the St. Augustine area are primarily Spodosols, poorly drained sandy soils
that are described as “good to poor for homesites and urban development” (Brown, et al.
1990:45). The immediate coastline is dominated by Entisols (well drained thick sands) and
Histosols (“very poorly drained organic soils underlain by marl and/or limestone”) (Brown et al.
1990:45).
The city of St. Augustine is effectively surrounded by water on three sides. The city is
bounded to the east, south, and west by the St. Sebastian and Matanzas Rivers, with Anastasia
Island providing a barrier to the Atlantic Ocean (Figure 2.1). Although an excellent defensive
position from which the Spaniards could guard La Florida, the location and climate of the city
presented some significant challenges to the Iberian colonists.
Reitz and Scarry (1985:39) give a description of the water resources surrounding St.
Augustine:
The Matanzas River is not actually a river, but an arm of the sea extending behind
Anastasia Island from Matanzas Inlet at the south end of the island north to St. Augustine
Inlet, a distance of 9 km. The North River parallels the Atlantic coast for 8 km and did
not originally have a northern outlet. Before channelization its waters were fresh in the
upper reaches. To the west, about 800 m beyond tiny Maria Sanchez creek, lies the San
Sebastian River. Although subject to tidal action in its lower reaches, the waters of the
San Sebastian are fresh upstream. Inland from the coast, the land slowly rises to a broad
coastal plain interrupted by freshwater streams, swamps, and ponds. Anastasia Island,
backed by a deep lagoon, forms one of the few protected harbors on Florida Atlantic
coast. Before channel modification, a sandbar prohibited entry of vessels over 100 tons…
5
Figure 2.1. 1763 map of St. Augustine (Roberts [1763]1976:25).
Climate
In general, the climate of Florida is subtropical and humid due to the influences of the
surrounding bodies of water: the Caribbean Sea, Gulf of Mexico, and Atlantic Ocean (Chen and
Gerber 1990:11). The yearly climate pattern is that of winter’s cool dry season and summer’s
warm rainy season. It has been noted, however, that “the threat of dry spells and agricultural
droughts is a major climatic characteristic of the Florida spring” (Chen and Gerber 1990:14).
Conditions such as these would have posed a significant threat to the survival of the early
colonists in Florida. The oppressive heat that Florida experiences during the summer is
somewhat mitigated in coastal areas by sea breezes. For the same reason, coastal areas such as
St. Augustine receive more summer rain than inland areas (Chen and Gerber 1990:20-21).
Summer rain usually takes the form of afternoon rain and thundershowers. The summer and fall
seasons also bring the threat of tropical storms and hurricanes. Although the highest risk for
these dangerous storms, and their concomitant threats of damaging winds, flooding, and the
highly destructive ‘storm surge,’ is along the Gulf Coast, St. Augustine could expect just “one
hurricane per twelve to seventeen years” (Chen and Gerber 1990:23). Autumn in Florida marks
the beginning of a drop in precipitation and high temperatures. By the end of November, day
6
length shortens, a pattern of repeated slight frosts begins, and nighttime temperatures drop
significantly (Chen and Gerber 1990:23-24). This pattern continues to its peak during winter.
Ecosystem and Natural Resources
The first European residents of the St. Augustine area despaired of the local
environment’s seeming bleakness (Fig. 2.2). Elizabeth Reitz (1992:79) has written “if we are to
believe the official correspondence, sixteenth-century St. Augustinians had very little to eat and
subsisted on scum and vermin.” The reality of the environmental conditions in the St. Augustine
area is not so harsh, however. Located near the coast, colonial residents would have had access
to a variety of ecosystems and the food resources available therein, in addition to the European
domesticates imported and raised in the New World. The arrival of the Spaniards likely strained
the exploitable environment, which was already sustaining a sizable indigenous population at the
time of colonization.
Figure 2.2. Salt marsh near Fort Mose, north of St. Augustine.
7
Perhaps the most obvious resource to which the St. Augustinians had access is the marine
ecosystem (Figure 2.3). Located on the Matanzas River and separated from the Atlantic Ocean
by a barrier island (Anastasia Island), the reliance of St. Augustine’s residents on saltwater fishes
and other creatures (crab, sea turtle, etc.) may be expected. In addition to the marine ecosystem
so readily at hand, ecologists Montague and Wiegert (1990:483) identify the area of Florida in
which St. Augustine is located as the Northeast Florida Salt Marsh. The salt marsh environment
is characterized by the mingling of terrestrial and marine species and “contain[s] abundant food
and cover for a variety of resident and transient animals” (Montague and Wiegert 1990:495).
Figure 2.3. St. Augustine and surrounding landmarks and water bodies (Reitz 2004:65).
These freshwater and marine ecosystems each sustain varied fisheries. Common species
include various catfishes [freshwater (Ictaluridae) and saltwater (Ariidae) species], sheepshead
(i.e., Archosargus probatocephalus), drum (Sciaenidae), seatrout (Cynoscion sp.), and the
ubiquitous mullet (Mugil spp.) (Reitz and Scarry 1985:44). Invertebrate species include crabs,
oysters, clams, mussels, and shrimp.
8
A variety of indigenous cultigens was being grown in Florida at the time of colonization
and had continuing importance to the establishment and subsistence of the garrison and town. As
is the case in many parts of North and Central America, maize imported from Cuba and Mexico
constituted a large part of both the aboriginal and colonial diets (Reitz and Scarry 1985:58).
Three important indigenous crops were grown in addition to maize: common beans (Phaseolus
vulgaris), squash (Curcurbita pepo), and gourds (Lagenaria vulgaris) (Reitz and Scarry
1985:63).
When the Spaniards first arrived in Florida, the nature and availability of the New
World’s natural subsistence resources were completely unknown. As a result, Pedro Menéndez
de Avilés, as a condition of his adelantamiento, was required to introduce to La Florida within
three years of the establishment of a colony “100 horses, 200 calves, 400 hogs, 400 sheep, and
other livestock” but it is unclear to what extent this order was implemented (Bushnell 1994:36).
In 1985, Reitz and Scarry (1985:55) identified nine Old World cultigens from sixteenth-century
Spanish archaeological contexts in Florida: hazelnut (Corylus avellana), fig (Ficus carica),
watermelon (Citrullus vulgaris), cantaloupe (Cucumis melo), peach (Prunus persica), common
pea (Pisum sativum), grape (Vitus vinifera), olive (Olea europa), and wheat (Triticum sp.). This
is not to say, however, that the Spaniards had any great success in the cultivation of these crops.
Rather, Reitz and Scarry (1985:55) suggest that this species list “reflects the settlers’ inability to
raise some Old World crops and the scarcity of imported foodstuffs.” In any case, Old World
domesticates were common to the diet of these Spanish colonists, uncertain of their new
environment and unwilling to detach themselves completely from the Iberian way of life.
9
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Spain’s imperial expansion into the 16th-century Americas was simultaneously
an invasion, a colonization effort, a social experiment, a religious crusade,
and a highly structured economic enterprise. Deagan 2003:3.
First Spanish Period St. Augustine
The presidio of St. Augustine was established in 1565 by Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, last
of several failed attempts to colonize North America’s Atlantic Coast (Lyon 1976:17) (Figure
3.1). King Philip II and his Council of the Indies sought to counter the threat posed by the French
occupation at Fort Caroline (just to the north of present-day Jacksonville) by establishing a
permanent colony in the New World (Lyon 1976). Menéndez was thus granted an
adelantamiento requiring him to establish such a colony and to work toward eliminating the
French presence in La Florida (Lyon 1976:43). Menéndez’ mission proved successful on both
counts and the adelantado was on his way back to Spain by 1567 leaving the fledgling St.
Augustine in the hands of his brother Bartolomé (Lyon 1976:181).
John Reps (1980:34) described Spain’s first permanent colony in North America as three
cities in one:
The city was, first of all, a military post with its fort and military garrison. Secondly, it
was designed as a civil settlement for trade, farming, and handicraft industry. And,
finally, it was also intended as a center from which religious orders would begin the work
of converting Indians to Christianity.
Later in the sixteenth century, Spanish policy directed that these three functions should be served
from three distinct settlement types rather than the conglomerate that St. Augustine had become.
These three settlement types are the presidio, pueblo (or villa), and the mission. Each of these
facets of life in St. Augustine will be discussed in turn, although it should be noted that “the
distinction between the three types of communities, clear enough in theory, often disappeared in
practice” (Reps 1980:34).
10
Figure 3.1. Pedro Menéndez de Avilés (http://dhr.dos.state.fl.us/kids/history.cfm).
The Presidio
Amy T. Bushnell (1994:36) writes that “unlike either the sixteenth-century presidios of
northern New Spain or the eighteenth-century presidios of the ‘Provincias Internas,’ the Florida
presidio was large, centralized, and unmistakably maritime.” This Bushnell gives as the reason
for the omission of the Spanish presidios of Florida in discussions of New World Spanish
military garrisons (e.g., Moorhead 1975). In fact, the garrison at St. Augustine functioned as
Spanish North America’s first line of defense against pirate attacks and the center of operations
for military actions aimed at putting an end to non-Spanish colonization of La Florida.
While under the administration of Menéndez de Avilés, Florida was a “privately financed
and privately governed adelantamiento” (Bushnell 1994:43). When the original 1565 contract
came up for renewal in 1568, King Phillip II agreed to provide St. Augustine with its own
situado in the form of supplies and salaries to provision the 150 soldiers garrisoned there
(Bushnell 1994:43). This situado, or subsidy, was “the annual subvention from the Royal
11
Treasury in Mexico City,” a fund deducted from the surplus generated by Spain’s ventures in the
New World (Bushnell 1997:18). In 1571, the Crown saw fit to assign permanent titles to those
officials appointed to financial offices. The newly established colonial branch of the Spanish
Royal Treasury consisted of the factor y veedor, the contador, and the tesorero (factor/overseer,
accountant, and treasurer, respectively) (Bushnell 1994:43).
Spain’s involvement in a series of wars in Europe meant that “by 1640, New Spain’s
royal treasuries [in Mexico City, Vera Cruz, Panama, and St. Augustine] were spending a third
or more of their combined revenues on defense” (Bushnell 1994:43). Florida’s situado
subsequently suffered further:
The amounts disbursed by the treasuries to satisfy this obligation were not as constant as
the obligation itself. Intervals between disbursements were irregular. Sometimes the
situado was calculated on the basis of authorized strength and sometimes on actual. Even
had the sums been steady and the intervals even, the situado would still have faced the
hazards of transportation. Storms caused losses of specie and supplies that could not
always be replaced immediately. Pirates and privateers might pick off a supply ship en
route, bringing further losses and delays…The Crown itself, under the financial stress of
the wars that the Spanish Hapsburgs waged in Europe between 1621 and 1659, was apt to
cancel all or part of the Caribbean situados or to sequester them en route to the presidios
(Bushnell 1994:45).
By the mid-seventeenth century the situation had deteriorated to the point that the Duke of
Albuquerque, upon visiting St. Augustine, remarked that he “‘found it dying for lack of funds’”
(Chatelain 1941:59).
The need for a strong military garrison at St. Augustine was illustrated to devastating
effect in 1668 when the town was attacked by at least two groups of pirates. This need was
reinforced by the founding of Charles Towne in 1670 (Halbirt 2004b:35). Construction on the
Castillo de San Marcos, the coquina fortification which is undoubtedly St. Augustine’s most
recognized landmark, was begun in 1672 in response to a royal decree wherein Queen Regent
Mariana ordered that any supplies and funds not supplied by the perpetually overdue situado be
reconciled, more soldiers be sent to the garrison, and an additional 10,000 pesos be sent to the
Florida treasury to fund the construction of a stone fort (Bushnell 1994:209) (Figure 3.2).
Construction of the Castillo was completed 24 years and 138,000 pesos later (Bushnell
1994:209). Historian Verne E. Chatelain (1941:59) wrote
The effect of the construction of this great stone fortress was indeed revolutionary,
especially when viewed in relation to the extensive system of outlying auxiliary forts,
12
redoubts, and defense lines built in the eighteenth century, for these works transformed
the hitherto isolated and neglected capital of Spanish Florida into one of the strongest
military positions in the Western Hemisphere.
Regardless of the physical strength of the town’s fortifications, absenteeism and mutinies
among the soldiers garrisoned in St. Augustine were not uncommon (Bushnell 1994:48). In
1702, Governor Zúñiga petitioned the King to strengthen the presidio by 100 men. At the time of
this request, St. Augustine had just been attacked by Colonel James Moore. For fifty days, the
residents of the town gathered in the Castillo and withstood the siege only for the entire town to
be burned upon the British retreat (Bushnell 1994:89). Nevertheless, the Crown did not address
the need for more soldiers at the garrison until the late 1730s, when foreign threats to the colony
became too strong to ignore (Bushnell 1994:48).
Figure 3.2. The Castillo de San Marcos (http://www.math.feld.cvut.cz/habala/pics/trip13g.jpg).
The Pueblo
As a civil community, the pueblo of St. Augustine was subject to Spain’s Laws of the
Indies. Phillip II regularized these Laws in 1573 in order to codify the standards by which
Spanish colonial towns should be planned (Reps 1980:27). While the codification of these laws
13
in 1573 marked the first formalization of Spanish city planning, the basic regulations had been in
place since the fifteenth century, when the settlement of Santo Domingo was established on
Hispaniola (Deagan 1990:232). These regulations specified what locations were suitable for the
establishment of a pueblo (“on an elevation surrounded by good farming land, possessing an
ample supply of water, and with fuel and timber available”), how the town should be laid out
(“‘the plan of the place, with its squares, streets and building lots is to be outlined by means of
measuring by cord and ruler’”), the size of the town’s central plaza (“‘it shall not be smaller than
two hundred feet wide and three hundred feet long nor larger than eight hundred feet long and
three hundred feet wide’”), even the orientation of said plaza (aligned to the cardinal directions
in order to avoid “much inconvenience”) (Reps 1980:28) (Figure 3.3).
Figure 3.3. 1777 map of St. Augustine, demonstrating Spanish grid plan. Map courtesy of the
Special Collections Department, University of South Florida.
14
Once these details had been arranged, colonists were to draw straws for house lots (Reps
1980:29). The settlers were then instructed to raise tents on their appointed house sites and join
the communal effort to construct a palisade around the pueblo to defend it from Indian attacks.
Construction of individual houses would wait until this task was completed (Reps 1980:29). The
Laws of the Indies encouraged the settlers “‘to make all structures uniform, for the sake of the
beauty of the town’” (Reps 1980:29). Beyond the palisade were the agricultural lands as well as
common land onto which the town could grow as time passed (Reps 1980:29). No Indians were
to enter the pueblo until its completion
‘so that when the Indians see them [the houses and fortifications] they will be filled with
wonder and will realize that the Spaniards are settling there permanently and not
temporarily. They will consequently fear the Spaniards so much that they will not dare to
offend them and will respect them and desire their friendship’ (Reps 1980:30).
The 1568 revision of Menéndez’s adelantamiento marked the beginning of the Crown’s
increasing subsidy and government of the colony. However, this solution to the colony’s need for
supplies and capital was an unreliable one. Wars in Europe during the seventeenth century
compromised the Crown’s attention and fiscal ability to finance St. Augustine (Bushnell 1994).
By the mid-eighteenth century, the situado system had become very unstable, commonly
disrupted for years at a time (Bushnell 1978, 1994). Accounts of life in St. Augustine during this
time portray a rather grim situation. A friar had the following opinion of conditions in the city
circa 1640. The land in Florida was “‘so destitute of the things necessary for human life that it
did not produce wheat or another kind of bread, nothing but maize’” (Bushnell 1994:78). Indeed,
Jerald Milanich (1999:40) has stated that “without Indian corn there would have been no
colony.” By the end of the seventeenth century, however, the colonists and friars were producing
(with native labor) not only maize, but wheat, cattle, pigs, ambergris, wine, flax, and animal
skins (Bushnell 1994:79; Milanich 1999:40). Archaeological excavations at mission sites have
revealed evidence of Old World cultigens such as watermelon, peach, fig, hazelnut, and
garbanzo bean (Milanich 1999:145). Concomitantly, the population of St. Augustine rose with
food production to 1,500 people in 1700, triple the city’s 1625 population (Milanich 1999:175).
The population doubled again to 3,000 people by 1760 (Deagan 1973:60).
The composition of this population is interesting in light of the inevitable integration of
two disparate societies, each wholly alien to the other. Kathleen Deagan (1974, 1983, 1990,
15
1991, etc.) has extensively examined the issue of mestizaje, the intermating and intermarriage of
Spaniards and American Indian populations. In Mexico this process was so widespread that
modern populations consist “almost totally of mestizos” (Deagan 1974:56). Mestizaje in Florida,
although quite common during the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries, did not produce such
tangible present-day effects. Deagan (1974:56) suggests that the total lack of mestizos in presentday Florida may be due to two factors: the semi-sedentary lifeway of the Florida Indians, and the
fact that mestizaje only operated until 1763, when the Spanish colonists were removed from
Florida.
As a result of continual harassment by the English out of the Carolinas and Georiga (e.g.,
the 1702-1704 attacks by Colonel James Moore and attacks led by Oglethorpe in the 1740s) and
by enemy Indian groups, St. Augustine’s Indian population gradually moved closer to the city
proper and its presidio during the eighteenth century (Deagan 1974:57). Deagan (1974:57) posits
that these Indians “undoubtedly provided a labor pool and a farming segment for the Spanish
population of St. Augustine, increasing the exchange of cultural elements and the incidence of
mestizaje.” A trend had been developed early in St. Augustine’s history of the garrisoned
soldiers and settlers marrying women native to St. Augustine, whether they be white, Indian, or
mestizo (Deagan 1974:57). This intermixing of the two cultures has been demonstrated
archaeologically by the combination in a single context of both distinctly Spanish and distinctly
Indian material cultures.
The Mission
The Papal Bulls of Donation had decreed in 1492 that Spain had a title to the lands of the
New World and therefore an obligation to convert any native peoples to Christianity: “officially,
this was the sole authority and justification for the Spanish empire in America” (Deagan 2003:5).
A document called the Requerimiento was thus included in any adelantamiento contract and was
to read to any native peoples encountered in the New World. This document was meant to
demonstrate the right of Spain to colonize and convert, as well as the consequences of
noncompliance. Part of the Requerimiento is translated as follows:
One of the last Popes who succeeded Saint Peter…gave these islands and mainlands of
the Ocean Sea [Atlantic Ocean] to the said King and Queen [of Spain]…with everything
that there is in them, as is set forth in certain documents…We beseech and demand…that
you accept the Church…and that you acknowledge the King and Queen…as the lords and
16
superior authorities of these islands and mainlands…If you do not do this…we warn you
that, with the aid of God, we will enter your land against you with force and will make
wars in every place and by every means we can and are able, and we will then subject
you to the yoke and authority of the Church and Their Highnesses. We will take you and
your wives and children and make them slaves…and we will take your property and will
do to you all the harm and evil we can (Milanich 1999: foreword).
Historian Eugene Lyon (1969:162) has dubbed the missionaries arriving to evangelize the
New World “the shock troops of the Counter-Reformation.” The colony at St. Augustine was just
a year old when the ship Pantecras arrived in Florida carrying the first of these “troops”: two
priests of the Society of Jesus and their interpreter (Lyon 1969:162). This first shipment of three
Jesuits did not have the intended effect as one of these priests was killed in an Indian attack
before they had even arrived in St. Augustine (Lyon 1969:170). Nevertheless, the first baptism of
Florida Indians occurred on January 1, 1568, the fruit of the efforts of a second group of Jesuits
sent to Florida (Lyon 1969:197, Milanich 1999:95).
The success of the Jesuit order in Florida was short-lived. By 1572, nine of the friars sent
to Florida had been killed in Indian attacks (Milanich 1999:99). The Jesuits consequently left La
Florida the same year (Milanich 1999:99). The Crown responded the following year by ordering
18 Franciscan friars to Florida (Milanich 1999:104). This number would grow to more than 270
by 1695 (1999:106). The secular priests who arrived in the New World with Menéndez had
established Florida’s first mission, Nombre de Dios (trans: Name of God), in St. Augustine in
1565 (Gannon 1993:10). The Convento de San Francisco was constructed in 1588 and included a
chapel and a chapterhouse to board the missionaries (Hoffman 1993:62). Eventually, the mission
chain extended from San Antonio de Enecape, south of St. Augustine, to Santa Catalina de Guale
on present-day Amelia Island (Milanich 1993:110-116) (Figure 3.4).
Milanich (1993:130) writes that the initial generation of Indian converts was the most
difficult. Children of Indians who had converted to Catholicism grew up in the mission, learning
Christian beliefs and religious practices rather those of any native ideology: “when older
generations faded away, so did many native religious beliefs that the Franciscan friars viewed as
superstitions, pagan, or the work of the devil. As a consequence, much of the old and traditional
was forgotten” (Milanich 1993:130).
Jerald Milanch (1999:xiv) has argued that “the missions of Spanish Florida should be
viewed not as a benign offshoot of colonialism, but as colonialism itself.” Once the Pope had
17
determined in 1500 that the native populations of the New World were, in fact, human beings in
possession of souls, slavery of these peoples was not permitted by the Laws of Burgos (Deagan
2003:5). Nevertheless, Milanich holds that “religious education [of the Indians] was a calculated
way to save souls while converting a potentially hostile population into a labor force that toiled
in support of the colony and its colonial overlords” (Milanich 1999:xiv). The process of
reducción (literally, “reduction”) conveniently allowed for the regular relocation of Indians to
central locations for the purpose of labor exploitation and conversion (Deagan 2003:5).
Figure 3.4. Franciscan mission chain circa 1606 (Milanich 1993:116).
Early on, the Spaniards had recognized that, carefully managed, the native population
could prove useful to their colonizing efforts in the form of cheap labor. The Spaniards were not
above using their knowledge of Indian languages and customs to play native groups against one
another to gain captive slaves for Spanish townspeople (Milanich 1993:107). Spanish-Indian
18
alliances were forged through a long-standing custom of minor chiefs pledging allegiance to
greater chiefs in order to win their favor. In the case of Spanish Florida, the colonial governer
played the part of the paramount chief, to whom “vassal” chiefs pledged loyalty (and converted
to Christianity) to gain the governor’s consideration (Milanich 1993:107). This consideration
often consisted of gifts of exotic European goods including wheat flour, iron tools, and, the most
valued and visible gift, Spanish clothing (Milanich 1993:107). Indian chiefs would reciprocate
by sending laborers to St. Augustine or other villages to work for the Spanish (Milanich
1993:117).
The Menéndez Marquéz House
The Menéndez Marquéz Family
The Menéndez Marquéz family’s presence in St. Augustine began with the nephew of the
city’s founder, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés. Pedro Menéndez Marquéz was the son of Maria
Alonso de Arango, sister of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés; and Alonso Marquéz (Lyon 1976).
When assembling the officers and crew who would join him in his expedition to found a colony
in the New World, Menéndez chose his nephew as his second-in-command, citing Marquéz’
experience of “twenty years in the armadas of my charge as captain of armada ships, and…one
of the most expert mariners which your Majesty [Felipe II] has in his kingdoms” (Lyon
1976:73).
Following the Spanish victory over Jean Ribault and the French occupation at Fort
Caroline, Pedro Menéndez named Marquéz as the commander of the new Florida trade fleet “and
prepared to send him to Spain with dispatches and to seek supplies to put into the Indies trade for
the provision of Florida” (Lyon 1976:137). In addition, Menéndez petitioned the King to appoint
Marquéz to the position of royal accountant in Florida (Lyon 1976:137).
Amy Turner Bushnell (1978:411) has summarized the origin of the Menéndez Marquéz
family in St. Augustine: the sister of Pedro Menéndez Marquéz had a daughter, Maria Menéndez
y Posada, by her second husband, the Royal Treasurer Juan de Posada. Maria was betrothed to
and eventually married Juan Menéndez Marquéz, a man who claimed to be the cousin of Pedro
Menéndez Marquéz but may have been his illegitimate son and “it is from this family that the
Menéndez Marquéz family of Florida descended” (Bushnell 1978:411).
19
The royal treasury office was the dowry of Maria Menéndez y Posada (Bushnell
1978:414). Thus Juan Menéndez Marquéz became Royal Treasurer upon his marriage to Maria
and eventually passed it on to his son Francisco. Francisco’s sons increased the inheritance by
purchasing the office of Royal Accountant as well as the right to succeed each other, rather than
the office passing to offspring (Bushnell 1978:413). It was Francisco’s grandson and namesake
who held that office from 1706 until his death in 1743: by “the year of Francisco II’s death, the
family had held one of the two offices of the royal treasury for a total of 135 years” (Bushnell
1978:413).
Firmly established among the gentry of St. Augustine by virtue of royal appointment and
family ties, the Menéndez Marquéz family did not hesitate to become involved in the financial
enterprises available to the colonists. By 1646, the family had established “the most important of
the seventeenth-century cattle ranches,” the hacienda de la chua, from which the present-day
town and county of Alachua get their name (Bushnell 1978:408). This land, roughly two-thirds
of all land west of the St. Johns River that had been granted for ranching, the family claimed to
have inherited from Pedro Menéndez de Avilés himself. Bushnell (1978:411) offers the
following caveat: “If this [claim] were true, it would demonstrate an amazing continuity of
landholding in Spanish Florida.”
The inheritance to which the Menéndez Marquéz family referred was an inclusion in
Pedro Menéndez’s adelantado contract from the King, promising “a marquisate over a large tract
of land, twenty-five leagues squared, or close to 4,000 square miles” (Bushnell 1978:411).
However, due to the entangled, and in some cases, uncertain, bloodlines through which such an
inheritance was passed, the claim by the Menéndez Marquéz family upon the reward of the
adelantado was tenuous at best. Nevertheless, the family came to own not only the la Chua
ranch, but four others in addition: Tococruz, Abosaya, Acuitasigue, and la Rosa del Diablo
(Bushnell 1978:411).
The will of Francisco Menéndez Marquéz (II) reasserted his ancestral claim to these
ranching lands. Reports from the colonial governor to the king indicate that Don Francisco may
have been involved in enterprises of even more questionable legitimacy:
Francisco Menéndez Marqués [sic], royal contador, was married to a sister of Captain
Gerónimo de León, who was the chief clerk of the contadoría; and that Captain Joseph
Sánchez de Vrisa, the treasurer of the royal hacienda, was married to a daughter of the
contador; moreover, that Manuel and Pedro Rútinez were nephews of Nicolas Ponce de
20
León, sergeant major, and that Captain Juan Mejía was an uncle of the contador. These
were all families of long-established residence in Florida, and it is evident that they had
come to have control of most of the important offices, thus creating a cabal strong enough
to blackmail even the governor himself. (Chatelaine 1941:158).
It is thus inferred that Don Francisco was the head of this political junta and possibly the leader
of a smuggling ring (Chatelain 1941:182).
Upon Don Francisco’s death in April of 1743, rather than being sold by the family in
order to pay creditors, the Menéndez Marquéz house was retained by the colonial governor
(Dupes 1990:978). This house on the corner of Artillery Lane and Aviles Street was built in the
1730s, when Aviles Street was still called the Street of the Royal Hospital (St. Augustine
Historical Society, undated MS). The Menéndez Marquéz house was a two-story stone structure
located on a large lot opposite the hospital (Gordon 2002:110-111) (Figure 3.5). After its seizure
by the Spanish Crown by order of Governor Montiano in 1743, the Menéndez Marquéz property
was converted into an annex of the Royal Hospital (Dupes 1990:978; Gordon 2002:110).
Historian Amy Bushnell (1978:431) makes the following observation regarding the turmoil of
the years that would follow: “the fortunes of the Menéndez Marquéz family were those of
Spanish Florida, and for both of them the Golden Age was over.”
Figure 3.5. Elevation of Menéndez Marquéz house circa 1770 by E. Gordon after sketch
by English Engineer Moncrief (Gordon 2002:111).
21
The Royal Hospital
The first Spanish hospital in Florida was established in St. Augustine in 1597 (Florida
Health Notes 1968:32). At this time, the hospital was attached to the Nuestra Señora de La
Soledad mission. When the Convent of San Francisco was destroyed by fire in 1599, the friars
were forced to relocate to the La Soledad mission, effectively ending that building’s tenure as a
hospital (Florida Health Notes 1968:36). The governor of St. Augustine, Gonzalo Méndez
Canzo, asked the Crown to provide for the construction of another hospital, this one in honor of
Santa Bárbara (Bushnell 1994:212; Florida Health Notes 1968:37). The Hospital of Santa
Bárbara was established in 1600, although this location would not be permanent (Florida Health
Notes 1968:39). The physical location of the hospital in St. Augustine during the seventeenth
century was by no means stable. An issue of Florida Health Notes (1968:41) makes the
following observation:
A hospital of one kind or another continued from 1605 in St. Augustine. Whether it was
the one attached to the Hermita of Neustra [sic] de Señora de La Soledad or another
Royal Hospital is not ascertained from the writing of the time. If there were more than
one at any time, and where they were located, is also not known.
In 1680, Governor Juan Marques Cabrera, appointed Sergeant Major Domingo de
Leturiondo administrator of the hospital. At the same time, two friars of the Order of San Juan de
Dios were brought to St. Augustine to oversee the both the logistical and spiritual requirements
of the hospital’s administration (Florida Health Notes 1968:46). By 1685 the hospital’s funding,
among other issues, had deteriorated to the point that Reverend Father Gerónimo de Nadales
began to care for patients in his own home (Florida Health Notes 1968:47). The next documented
location of the hospital is within the former Menéndez Marquéz residence. Father Juan Jose
Solana wrote to the Bishop of Cuba in 1759 describing the facility:
The hospital is a house which was the residence of Accountant Francisco Menéndez
Marquéz, but newly rebuilt. It has two salas (large rooms), one on the ground level, the
other upstairs, each with a capacity for twelve beds. There are two interior rooms
downstairs, reserved for elderly persons. There is a masonry kitchen, roofed with boards.
In a room in the kitchen live two convicts who care for the sick. The hospital has a lot so
spacious that medicinal herbs could be planted in it (Florida Health Notes 1968:49).
In 1763, Engineer Pablo Castelló made additional note of the materials and manner of the
construction of the house: stone pillars seven varas (19 feet) in height supported the upper
22
gallery and a stone wall enclosed the courtyard (Gordon 2002:110). Carl Halbirt (2004a:3) has
suggested that the shell concentration identified in proximity to the Artillery Lane trash pit may
represent the foundation of one of these stone support pillars.
The British Courthouse
After Spain’s defeat in the Seven Years’ War, the terms of the Treaty of Paris required
Spain to surrender either Florida or Cuba to the British. As Cuba was a reliable source of revenue
where Florida had been a losing venture for decades, the Spanish surrendered their claims in La
Florida to England (Bushnell 1994). The house, formerly an elite Spanish residence and then a
military hospital, would see yet another transformation in its function.
In 1770, English engineer Moncrief developed a floor plan and elevation in order to
convert the house into a British courthouse, “one of the best in America,” according to Governor
Grant (Gordon 2002:110-111). Moncrief’s plans
show a large house, with about 3,360 square feet excluding the detached stone kitchen
and apartment…It had a side yard entrance through the walled courtyard, which
measured 40 by 45 feet. The principal entrance was in the loggia under the gallery
(Gordon 2002:110-112).
The renovation of the house was completed in 1773 at a cost of £517 (Gordon 2002:112). The
building was destroyed by fire during the Second Spanish Period in March 1818 (Gordon
2002:112).
23
CHAPTER FOUR
METHODOLOGY AND RESULTS
Analysis Methodology
The material culture recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit comprised four separate
categories: ceramics, glass, metal, and other (building materials, etc). In addition to the materials
recovered from the trash pit feature, the small surface collection made prior to excavation is also
analyzed. Identification of all of this material was aided by the use of the comparative collection
of historical artifacts maintained by the Department of Anthropology at Florida State University.
European-derived ceramics were analyzed according to Stanley South’s (1977) ceramic
categories and type numbers. Glass and metal artifacts were analyzed according to form,
function, and material. Indigenous ceramics were classified by temper, paste, and decoration.
The bores of white clay pipes were measured using drill bits in 1/64-inch increments. Following
discussion of the artifacts in detail, a summary and site profile is provided using South’s (1977)
artifact class/group categories. A complete inventory of all material culture recovered from the
Artillery Lane trash pit is provided in Appendix C.
Faunal analysis began with rough-sorting, separating specimens according to taxonomic
group. Specimens were identified to the nearest taxon by use of the comparative faunal
collection of the Department of Anthropology at Florida State University. Those cases for which
this comparative collection proved insufficient were taken to the Florida Museum of Natural
History in Gainesville, Florida. Once identified, the specimens comprising each taxon were
counted and weighed. Heat alteration, butchering marks, and worked specimens were also
recorded. Minimum number of individuals was determined using the principle of paired elements
and gender and size, where possible (Reitz and Wing 1999). Biomass was calculated using the
Fort Matanzas spreadsheet (Hale and Marrinan 1988) based on values by Reitz and Wing (1999).
A complete inventory of the Artillery Lane faunal assemblage is given in Appendix D.
Throughout the discussion of the Artillery Lane archaeological sample, it should be kept
in mind that this material was recovered from a single trash pit feature, a small portion of what
would be the Menéndez Marquéz homesite. Chapter Five will approach the interpretation of the
Artillery Lane material by comparing this single feature to larger archaeological sites in the
colonial city.
24
Results
Glass
As Kathleen Deagan (1987:127) has noted, “glassware on Spanish colonial sites is a
distinctive assemblage, and one that is quite different from glassware found on Anglo-American
sites of the colonial period.” Following the development of the famed Murano glass of Italy by
some two hundred years, Spanish glass production began in the province of Catalonia by the
twelfth century (Deagan 1987:127-128). Although Catalonian glassware was widely considered
to exceed that of other regions in quality, glassware that arrived in the New World was more
likely produced in Andalucia to reduce expense of transporting costly and fragile Catalonian
glass (Deagan 1987:128).
The glass recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit can be divided into six categories
based on color, form, and function: window glass, case bottle, spirit bottle, green bottle glass,
blue-green bottle glass, and colorless glass. Spirit bottle glass greatly dominates this assemblage
in both count and weight (Tables 4.1 and 4.2). The significance of this observation will be
discussed in Chapter 5.
Table 4.1. Artillery Lane glass by type and count.
Glass type
Count
Percentage
Spirit bottle
214
51.69
Case bottle
24
5.8
Green bottle glass
53
12.8
Window glass
67
16.18
5
1.21
51
12.32
414
100
Blue-green glass
Colorless glass
Total
Table 4.2 Artillery Lane glass by type and weight.
Glass type
Weight (g)
Percentage
Spirit bottle
13120.3
96.17
Case bottle
76.6
0.56
Green bottle glass
104.7
0.77
Window glass
110.5
0.81
8.1
0.06
222.2
1.63
13642.4
100
Blue-green glass
Colorless glass
Total
25
Spirit Bottle
Round-sectioned spirit bottles begin to appear regularly in Spanish colonial sites in the
eighteenth century (Deagan 1987:134). These bottles may be of English, Dutch, or French origin.
Kathleen Deagan (1987:134) explains the presence of such international glassware as being due
to “the strong Germanic component in Seville’s New World trade system and to the regular
importation to Spain of bottles from France for reshipment to the New World.” Ivor Noel Hume
(1969) distinguishes between English, Dutch and French spirit bottles based on color and form:
English bottles are typically dark green in color; French spirit bottles are a similar color,
although with longer necks than English bottles and carelessly applied string rims, as compared
to the more carefully applied string rims of English bottles; Dutch bottles differ primarily in
color, being more amber-colored than green. Additionally, Dutch spirit bottle forms closely
imitated those of English bottles but at an approximately 40-year time lag (Noel Hume 1969:70).
In order to detect differences in form, it is necessary to be familiar with the basic anatomy of the
generic spirit bottle (Figure 4.2). The lip of the illustrated bottle exhibits the ‘down-tooled’ form,
as do each of the 21 complete spirit bottle necks/rims from Artillery Lane. A wire bail fastener is
still in place around the rim of one of these complete neck fragments (Figure 4.1). It is unclear
whether this fastener is associated with primary or secondary usage of the bottle.
Figure 4.1. Close-up image of wire bail on spirit bottle mouth.
26
Figure 4.2. Basic spirit bottle anatomy (Jones and Sullivan 1989:77).
Over half of the glass sherds recovered from Artillery Lane belong to blown English
spirit bottles. Perhaps more significantly, spirit bottle sherds account for over 96 percent of total
glass weight. Twenty complete bases comprise the majority of this weight (Table 4.3). Each of
these bases exhibit domed kick-ups, or push-ups. Olive Jones (1971:63) has discussed several
27
possible explanations for the presence of kick-ups in blown glass bottles: the difficulty of
creating a base flat enough to stand without wobbling could be circumvented by indenting the
base; the kick-up redistributed the mass of the glass at the base, creating a stronger bottle; the
kick-up deceptively reduced the volume of a bottle, and therefore the cost of filling it; and the
kick-up assisted in the sedimentation of wine. Whatever the motive for creating the push-up at
the base of a bottle, the curvature of the dome or cone may be useful in determining the date or
origin of a bottle. Just as there are many possible explanations for the purpose of kick-ups, so are
there several possible methods by which to produce them. Eighteen of the 20 Artillery Lane
spirit bottle bases exhibit kick-ups made by use of a mollette: a wooden pin pressed into the base
to create the pushed up dome. The base of the bottle was then rolled on the marver to correct any
distortion caused by the mollette (Jones 1971:63). Two of the bases exhibit quatrefoil push-ups,
made with an iron rod that was split into quadrants and thus left four pie-shaped impressions at
the apex of the push-up (Jones 1971:66). Olive Jones (1971:66) notes that these quatrefoil marks
“have been appearing almost exclusively in dark green glass ‘wine’ bottles manufactured in the
English shapes.” Although no complete bottles were recovered, the shape of the bases and necks
seem to correlate with mid-eighteenth century spirit bottle forms in Noel Hume’s (1969)
chronology.
Table 4.3. Artillery Lane spirit bottle sherd types by weight.
Spirit Bottle Sherd Types
Weight (g)
Percentage
Bases/kickup sherds
1419.6
10.82
Complete bases/kickups
7763.5
59.17
Body sherds
1343.6
10.24
472.9
3.6
2007.4
15.3
113.3
0.86
13120.3
100
Neck/shoulder sherds
Complete necks
Neck with wire bail intact
Total
28
Case Bottle
These square-sectioned bottles have also been called Dutch gin bottles, although this
name may be misleading in terms of place of bottle production (Noel Hume 1969:62). Noel
Hume (1969:62) has noted that while many square-bodied bottles were indeed Dutch-made, such
bottles “undoubtedly represented a very large part of the English bottle output of the first half of
the seventeenth century.” The method of case bottle production involved blowing glass into flatsided molds. The resulting flat-bottomed square form of the bottles allowed for economy of
space in packing these bottles in cases or ‘cellars,’ typically one dozen bottles to a case (Noel
Hume 1969:62). Just 24 sherds of case bottle glass were recovered from Artillery Lane.
Green Bottle Glass
This category accounts for the quantity of glass recovered from the Artillery Lane trash
pit that is brighter green than typical English spirit bottle and less aquamarine-tinted than bluegreen glass. As this category is comprised totally of body sherds of moderate thickness (1.8 cm),
form and function are unclear. However, one possibility is that this glass represents the cheaplymade Andalusian glass imported from the mother country to the colonies in the New World. The
description of this glass provided by Deagan (1987:128), however, indicates a thinness and
bubbled metal that the Artillery Lane green glass does not exhibit. It is more likely that this green
glass represents seventeenth-century Dutch spirit bottles, as it is of a similar thickness and
brighter green color than English spirit bottles, both characteristics of early Dutch bottles (Noel
Hume 1969:70).
Window Glass
As Ivor Noel Hume (1969:233) has noted, window glass, although common to colonial
archaeological contexts, is impossible to date with any accuracy. Noel Hume (1969:234)
provides a description of the process by which such window glass was produced:
by blowing a long, tubular bubble, cutting off both ends to create a “muff,” slicing this
down one side, and laying it on an iron plate in the furnace mouth. As the glass heated it
was encouraged to open out along the cut until it lay flat on the plate…
This glass is almost perfectly flat and of a greenish-blue or greenish-yellow color (Noel Hume
1969:233). A small quantity of small window glass sherds was recovered from the Artillery Lane
trash pit.
29
Blue-green Glass
Five sherds of blue-green glass are included in the Artillery Lane collection. Three of
these sherds are of moderate thickness (2.56 cm) and may be fragments of a utilitarian vessel
such as a pharmaceutical vial. The remaining two sherds are very thin (0.3 – 0.7 cm) and exhibit
considerable curvature and numerous bubbles in the metal. This glass is more likely the product
of Andalucia in southern Spain, an area noted for thin-walled, bubbled or striated green or bluegreen glass (Deagan 1987:128). Figure 4.3 illustrates a possible form for glass of this type.
Figure 4.3. Spanish blue-green glass, late seventeenth century (Deagan 1987:132).
Colorless Glass
Several examples of colorless glass were recovered from Artillery Lane, including one
complete clear glass base with a shallow domed kick-up, likely the base of a pharmaceutical vial.
Deagan (1987:137) notes that “vials from Hispanic sources are in fact quite distinct from those
found on the contemporaneous English colonial sites.” Where sixteenth-century Hispanic vials
were commonly green in color, vials were typically of colorless glass by the eighteenth century
(Deagan 1987:139). No molding or decoration is present on the complete vial base from Artillery
Lane.
30
Glass drinking vessels are likely represented by the remainder of the clear glass from
Artillery Lane. Five sherds reconstruct the complete base of a soda glass tumbler, a type best
known from other eighteenth-century archaeological contexts (Deagan 1987:145). While many
of the recorded examples of soda glass tumblers display intricate molded or engraved
decorations, the Artillery Lane tumbler is undecorated. Also recovered from the trash pit was a
single wine glass stem 7.18 cm in length, missing the bowl and base of the glass. The stem is
undecorated, most closely resembling a mid-eighteenth century English cordial glass (Elville
1951:66) (Figure 4.4). Three sherds of molded glass were recovered, although each is so small
that the motif of the decoration is impossible to determine. Forty-one undecorated rim and body
sherds account for the remainder of the colorless glass in the Artillery Lane collection.
Figure 4.4. English cordial glass, circa 1750 (Eville 1951:66).
31
Metal
Iron
Iron artifacts include nails of several varieties. The dominant variety is the simple
wrought iron nail (n = 104). Eleven of these are clinched; that is, the exposed point of the nail
was hammered flat against the wooden surface through which it had been nailed in order to
prevent the nail from coming loose (Wells 1998:96). Other wrought nails not included in the
general category are spikes (n = 6; distinguished by a length greater than 10 cm) and one short
and wide wrought nail of unknown function. There is one additional spike that has been bent into
a shape suggestive of a mouth harp (Figure 4.5). Four iron tacks were also recovered, similar in
form to a typical brass tack although not as large in the diameter of the head. Several pieces of
iron strapping included in the assemblage were likely associated with a storage vessel of some
kind, a wooden barrel or chest.
Figure 4.5. Wrought spike suggestive of a mouth harp.
One iron object is particularly puzzling. This is a large (13 cm in length) iron
accoutrement that is vaguely lock-shaped (Fig 4.6). Although the item appears to be complete,
the function is unknown.
32
Figure 4.6. Lock-shaped iron object of unknown function.
Brass
A small brass finial measuring approximately 3 cm in length was recovered from the
Artillery Lane trash pit. Noel Hume (1969:232) describes just such a finial in his A Guide to
Artifacts of Colonial America, “there is an eighteenth-century brass hinge form too heavy to be
correctly associated with furniture but which is often so described when found in
excavations…These offset butt hinges with elaborately cast exterior finials were intended for
carriage doors” (Figures 4.7 and 4.8). One small flat-headed brass tack was also identified.
33
Figure 4.7. Mid-eighteenth century brass coach hinge (Noel Hume 1969:231).
Figure 4.8. Brass finial from Artillery Lane.
In addition to the finial and tack, one other identifiable brass artifact is included in the
Artillery Lane collection: a straight pin with a wound head, 2.14 cm in length. Kathleen Deagan
(2002:194) notes that “straight pins are not particularly useful for dating, since their materials
and construction methods changed little from medieval to modern times, and pin sizes varied
widely throughout this period according to their intended uses.” A pin such as the Artillery Lane
straight pin was likely used in dressmaking or tailoring (Deagan 2002:194).
The remaining brass artifact is a flat, triangular piece of brass scrap, unidentifiable as to
form or function.
34
Ceramics
Following Stanley South (1977), ceramic artifacts will be discussed by the broad
categories of Porcelain, Stoneware, and Earthenware. A category of Aboriginal Ceramics has
been added to South’s scheme in order to account for every type of ceramic recovered from the
Artillery Lane trash pit. As would be expected in a late First Spanish Period Hispanic household,
European-manufactured ceramics dominate this assemblage; Native American ceramics account
for only 10 percent of all ceramic sherds recovered and less than three percent of total ceramic
weight (Tables 4.4 and 4.5). Following Stanley South’s (1977) formula, the calculated Mean
Ceramic Date of the Artillery Lane assemblage is 1735.66 (Appendix A).
Table 4.4. Artillery Lane ceramics by type and count.
Ceramic Type
Count
Percentage
Porcelain
29
14.95
Stoneware
35
18.04
9
4.64
Refined Earthenware
15
7.73
Coarse Earthenware
36
18.56
Tin-enameled earthenware
40
20.62
Creamware
4
2.06
Sand-tempered aboriginal ceramics
8
4.12
Shell-tempered aboriginal ceramics
18
9.28
194
100
Slipware
Total
Table 4.5. Artillery Lane ceramics by type and weight.
Ceramic Type
Weight (g)
Percentage
Porcelain
156.5
5.51
Stoneware
797.8
28.07
536
18.86
Refined Earthenware
112.4
3.96
Coarse Earthenware
909.3
32
Tin-enameled earthenware
233.3
8.21
4.6
0.16
Sand-tempered aboriginal ceramics
28.9
1.02
Shell-tempered aboriginal ceramics
63
2.22
2841.8
100
Slipware
Creamware
Total
35
Porcelain
Prior to the establishment of the India Trade, Chinese porcelain came to western North
America aboard Spanish sailing vessels arriving in the Spanish-held areas of present-day Mexico
and California (Noel Hume 1969:257). Kathleen Deagan (1987:96) suspects that “some
porcelain probably reached the Spanish colonies in the Caribbean during the decades of the
1550s to the 1570s through illicit trade with Portuguese corsairs and traders.” The Manila
galleon trade began in 1573 and through it, large quantities of Chinese trade goods, including
large shipments of porcelain, reached the Spanish New World (Deagan 1987:96). According to
Deagan (1987:97), porcelain recovered from Spanish colonial sites in the New World is the
product of either the Ming (1368-1644) or Ch’ing (1644-1912) dynasties.
China, although the first to produce such highly vitrified fine ceramics, was not the only
area that manufactured porcelain goods. Japan began production of a unique variety of porcelain
in 1610, exporting these goods by 1640 (Deagan 1987:101). While the majority of Chinese
export porcelain was white and blue, Japanese “Old Imari” exhibits red and gold enamel
decorations (commonly imitations of Chinese motifs) on a blue and white underglazed porcelain
(Deagan 1987:102).
Twenty-nine sherds of porcelain were recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit (Tables
4.6 and 4.7). Of these, just two sherds are Japanese Imari, the rest being Chinese porcelain, likely
of the Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1912) (Hume 1969:263). In total, porcelain accounts for just over
15 percent of all ceramics in the Artillery Lane assemblage.
Table 4.6. Artillery Lane porcelain by type and count.
Porcelain Type
Count
Imari
Chinese porcelain (B/W)
Chinese porcelain (polychrome)
Total
2
25
2
29
Percentage
6.9
86.21
6.9
100
Table 4.7. Artillery Lane porcelain by type and weight.
Porcelain Type
Weight (g)
4.9
150.5
1.1
156.5
Imari
Chinese porcelain (B/W)
Chinese porcelain (polychrome)
Total
36
Percentage
3.13
96.17
0.7
100
Stoneware
The term “stoneware” refers to “a type of pottery midway between earthenware and
porcelain, being made of clay and a fusible stone...fired to a point where partial vitrification
renders it impervious to liquids” (Savage and Newman 1985:275). This ceramic type was first
manufactured in England by John Dwight in the late seventeenth century and was extremely
popular during the eighteenth century until it was supplanted by the innovation of creamware and
the dropping price of Chinese trade porcelain (Noel Hume 1969:257; Savage and Newman
1985:275).
The 35 sherds of stoneware recovered at Artillery Lane represent two types of stoneware,
both of them a salt-glazed variety: English white salt-glazed stoneware and Rhenish stoneware
(Figure 4.9). Savage and Newman (1985:253) describe the process of applying a salt glaze to a
ceramic vessel:
Most stoneware was glazed by throwing common salt into the kiln when the furnace had
reached its maximum temperature of about 1000°C. The salt split into its component
elements: chlorine, which passed out of the kiln-chimney, and sodium, which combined
with the silicates in the body of the ware to form a thin, glass-like glaze.
Of the 35 stoneware sherds recovered, 34 of these are English white salt-glazed
stoneware, produced between 1740 and 1775 (Smith 1990) (Tables 4.8 and 4.9). The majority of
these represent plain undecorated plates or shallow bowls. Eight sherds exhibit the molded
‘barley’ pattern on the marli of the vessel while three other rim sherds demonstrate molded ‘bead
and reel,’ banded, or scalloped patterns.
Figure 4.9. Rhenish stoneware from Artillery Lane.
37
Rhenish stoneware is represented by a single sherd. This ware was developed and
manufactured in the Rhineland of Germany in the “latter part of the Middle Ages, but principally
in the 16th and 17th centuries” (Savage and Newman 1985:245). English potters adopted the
technique from German potters who had moved to England: “Rhenish found in St. Augustine is
from England” (Smith 1990).
Table 4.8. Artillery Lane stoneware by type and count.
Stoneware Type
Count
Percentage
Rhenish
White salt-glazed
Total
1
2.86
34
97.14
35
100
Table 4.9. Artillery Lane stoneware by type and weight.
Stoneware Type
Weight (g)
Rhenish
White salt-glazed
Total
Percentage
4.6
0.58
793.2
99.42
797.8
100
Earthenware
Stanley South (1977) organized his discussion of the very broad category of earthenware
into six smaller divisions: slipware, refined, coarse, tin-enameled, creamware, and pearlware. As
pearlware was developed and manufactured in years subsequent to the deposition of the Artillery
Lane trash pit, only the first five of these will be used in the discussion of earthenwares from this
site.
‘Slipware’ refers in general to any earthenware decorated with a slip, a slip being
“potter’s clay mixed with water to a semi-liquid, creamy state” (Savage and Newman 1985:265).
The slip, in contrasting colors to the fabric of the vessel, would be applied to, or ‘trailed’ in lines
or swirls, across the entire (exterior) surface as decoration. Staffordshire slipwares were
manufactured in England from the late seventeenth century through the late eighteenth century
38
(Smith 1990). These vessels were formed of a cream-colored paste, with a yellow background
slip. Over this background were applied brown and clear (white) slips which may be dotted,
combed, trailed, or marbled (Smith 1990). American slipwares were manufactured by essentially
the same process, but were decorated in a different fashion:
German immigrants in Pennsylvania manufactured traditional slipwares of excellent
quality, sometimes sgraffito-decorated through a white slip onto a red body, or
marbleized in the manner of Staffordshire but with the addition of splashes of copper
green (Noel Hume 1969:99).
Figure 4.10. American trailed slipware in the Moravian tradition.
The Artillery Lane sample includes both English and American slipwares (Table 4.10 and
4.11). Of the nine total sherds of slipware, four are English: two sherds each of trailed/combed
and marbled. The remaining five sherds of American slipware are reconstructable, forming
nearly one-half of a Moravian-style marbled and splashed shallow dish (Figure 4.10).
39
Table 4.10. Artillery Lane slipwares by type and count.
Slipware Type
Count
Percentage
English
4
44.44
American
5
55.56
9
100
Total
Table 4.11. Artillery Lane slipwares by type and weight.
Slipware Type
Weight (g)
Percentage
English
108.7
20.28
American
427.3
79.72
536
100
Total
Kathleen Deagan (1987:30) defines refined earthenware as “a ware with a low or zero
porosity, fired at about 1200° or 1300°C, with a glaze applied and matured in a second firing.”
Four types of refined earthenware were recovered at Artillery Lane: Elersware, Whieldonware,
and Yellow Ware in addition to one sherd of an unidentified refined earthenware (Tables 4.12
and 4.13).
Table 4.12. Artillery Lane refined earthenware by type and count.
Refined Earthenware Type
Count
Percentage
Elersware
3
20
Whieldonware
1
6.67
10
66.67
UID refined earthenware
1
6.67
Total
15
100
Yellow ware
Table 4.13. Artillery Lane refined earthenware by type and weight.
Refined Earthenware Type
Weight (g)
Elersware
Percentage
82.2
73.13
0.6
0.53
28.8
25.62
UID refined earthenware
0.8
0.71
Total
112.4
100
Whieldonware
Yellow ware
40
Elers ware, or Elers redware, was first manufactured by the Elers brothers of
Staffordshire, England at the end of the seventeenth century (Savage and Newman 1985:107).
The Elers’ finely-made “red porcelain” was just one variety in a string of redware productions
that had their start in China (Noel Hume 1969:120). Chinese redware was imitated by a Dutch
ware, then by the English potter John Dwight, who later sued the Elers brothers “for stealing his
secrets and workmen” (Noel Hume 1969:102). Josiah Wedgwood would develop his own
version of redware (“rosso antico”) later in the eighteenth century. Noel Hume (1969:120) notes
that the most common form of Elers ware and other redwares is the teapot, usually “adorned with
very thin and cleanly molded sprigged ornament in rococo motifs.” The three sherds of Elers
ware from Artillery Lane may be from a teapot of this type: two of the sherds form a complete
round base (diameter 10 cm) while the other sherd is a handle. Around the base is a molded
hunting motif, stag and forest clearly portrayed (Figure 4.11). The date range for Elers ware is
1670-1800 (Smith 1990).
Figure 4.11. Detail of Elers ware vessel demonstrating hunting motif.
Whieldon ware is alternatively referred to as “clouded ware” or “tortoise-shell ware”
(Noel Hume 1969:123, Savage and Newman 1985:314). This is a refined earthenware formed of
a cream-colored paste. Manganese, copper, cobalt, iron, or antimony glazes were applied to the
41
body of the vessel by sponge followed by a clear lead glaze. When the vessel was fired, the heat
caused the various colors to intermingle, resulting in the mottled glaze from which the ware
derives its name (Savage and Newman 1985:314). A single piece of yellow and brown mottled
Whieldon ware was recovered at Artillery Lane. The date range for Whieldon ware is 1740 to
1770 (South 1977:211).
Another English-made refined earthenware found at Artillery Lane is Yellow ware. This
ware is made of a cream-colored paste and dipped in a yellow glaze such that both the interior
and exterior of the vessel are entirely yellow (Savage and Newman 1985:318). Some vessels are
undecorated solid yellow, while others were decorated by “transfer-printing, stenciling, enamel
hand painting, and applied relief ornament, or a combination of these processes” (Savage and
Newman 1985:318). Yellow ware recovered at Artillery Lane numbers 10 plain sherds, three of
which are handle fragments. This may indicate a jug or pitcher form, a common Yellow ware
vessel type (Savage and Newman 1985:318).
The Artillery Lane sample includes one sherd of an unidentified refined earthenware.
This sherd is a body fragment with a cream-colored paste, glazed yellow on one side and white
on the other.
Coarse earthenware accounts for 32 percent of the weight, but just under 19 percent of
the sherd count, of all non-aboriginal ceramics recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit
(Tables 4.14 and 4.15). According to Deagan’s (1987:30) definition, coarse earthenware is a
soft-paste ceramic fired at about 1100° to 1200°C. The coarse earthenwares category includes
majolica: “a distinctively Hispanic category of glazed, wheel-thrown ceramics, distinguished by
its soft earthenware paste covered by an opaque vitreous enamel or glaze” (Deagan 1987:53).
Most other coarse earthenwares are utilitarian (non-tableware) ceramics such as olive jar and
bacin (Deagan 1987:30).
Deagan (1987:30) describes Olive Jars as “the most distinctively Spanish of the coarse
earthenwares.” These storage vessels were manufactured in Spain from 1500 through 1850
(Smith 1990). As indicated by the shape of theses vessels (typically amphorae-shaped, more
rarely globular-shaped), Spanish olive jars are “lineal descendants of a tradition of pottery
making which had its origins in the early civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean” (Goggin
1960:5). John Goggin (1960:3) in his seminal 1960 study of Spanish olive jar forms notes that
although “it is uncertain whether the term [olive jar] was developed on the assumption that olives
42
were shipped in such jars…or whether it was a contraction of ‘olive oil jar’…data indicate that
the vessels were used for both purposes.” The primary use of the jars was in shipping liquid,
semi-liquid, or solid materials from Spain to her colonies in the New World. The jars “were used
secondarily as water containers, masonry components, and architectural finial” (Goggin
1960:30).
Table 4.14. Artillery Lane coarse earthenware by type and count.
Coarse Earthenware Type
Olive Jar
Bacín
Mexican Red-painted
Black Lead-glazed
El Morro
Reyware
Melado
Majolica
UID coarse earthenware
Total
Count
13
1
2
7
1
2
1
7
2
36
Percentage
36.11
2.78
5.56
19.44
2.78
5.56
2.78
19.44
5.56
100
Table 4.15. Artillery Lane coarse earthenware by type and weight.
Coarse Earthenware Type
Olive Jar
Weight (g)
Percentage
665.5
73.19
30.3
3.33
3.4
0.37
84.5
9.29
El Morro
2.3
0.25
Reyware
3.7
0.41
Melado
11.8
1.3
Majolica
9.8
1.08
UID coarse earthenware
98
10.78
909.3
100
Bacín
Mexican Red-painted
Black Lead-glazed
Total
Olive jars may be separated into temporal categories as indicated by subtle changes in
form over time. An early style olive jar may be distinguished by its round, globular body “with a
small flaring, or collared, mouth, having a loop handle on either side” (Goggin 1960:8). Goggin
(1960:11) describes a middle style olive jar as “an elongated or a compressed egg-shaped vessel
43
with a ring mouth.” Since middle style olive jars were produced for a much greater length of
time (from 1570 until 1800) than the preceding early style jars or the subsequent late style
vessels, Goggin (1960:12) found it necessary to further distinguish between the three vessel
shapes that occur during this period:
Type A is the most common. It can be described as a large, elongated egg-shaped vessel.
Type B is next most common and can be described as a medium-sized, compressed eggshaped vessel.
Type C is rare and can be described as a small, pointed, egg-shaped vessel.
Late style olive jars were produced from 1800 until 1850 and demonstrate “major variations in
shape, paste, and surface filming” (Goggin 1960:18). These late style jars Goggin (1960:18) also
divided by shape type: types A and B (similar to the middle style shape types), type C (“an
attenuated egg-shaped vessel”) and type D (“a top-shaped form”).
Not surprisingly, the ubiquitous middle style olive jar dominates the Artillery Lane
coarse earthenware sample by both count (n = 36) and weight (909.3 g). Unglazed body sherds
account for the majority of this weight (528.4 grams). The balance comprises olive jar body and
neck sherds that exhibit a green interior glaze.
A utilitarian coarse earthenware type is bacín, or, basin (Goggin 1968, Deagan 1987).
Goggin (1968:225) defines this earthenware as “a deep, flat-bottomed, straight-sided vessel with
a flat rim.” Deagan (1987:187) specifies that the chief function for this earthenware type was as a
chamberpot. The most common type is blue-green basin. This vessel type is of the typical bacíntype form, cream colored in both paste and tin enamel. This cream-colored tin glaze was
decorated in blue, green, and black designs. Based on the paste color (orange) of the single sherd
of basin from Artillery Lane, this sherd does not represent blue-green basin, but rather some
other bacín-type vessel. Some faint smudges of blue paint are visible on the exterior of this
single rim sherd.
Mexican Red Painted earthenware is an unglazed ceramic that is “distinguished by a
cream, buff, or occasionally terra-cotta-colored paste with a smooth burnished or painted red
surface” (Deagan 1987:44). Deagan (1987:43) cautions that the term “Mexican” in the name
“Mexican Red Painted” is misleading in that the place of manufacture for this ware has not been
conclusively demonstrated and thus may have been produced in locales other than Mexico. Two
sherds of Mexican Red Painted earthenware were recovered from Artillery Lane.
44
Lead-glazed earthenwares, produced in both the New and Old Worlds, are common to
Spanish colonial archaeological contexts (Deagan 1987:47). Melado ware is one of the earliest
types of lead-glazed earthenwares and was produced in the Old World from 1490 until 1550
(Deagan 1987:47-48). This ware has a cream or terra cotta paste and a honey-colored lead glaze
derived from iron oxide (Deagan 1987:48). El Morro ware has a tan to reddish buff paste and a
transparent lead-glaze in a variety of colors, most commonly orange or olive green (Deagan
1987:51). Deagan notes that El Morro has been dated from 1600 through 1770 in archaeological
contexts in St. Augustine. Melado and El Morro are represented by one sherd each in the
Artillery Lane sample.
Black Lead-glazed coarse earthenware, “occurs in eighteenth-century contexts [in St.
Augustine] as a minority type” (Deagan 1987:52). This ware is characterized by a cream or buff
paste in addition to an opaque lead glaze on both interior and exterior surfaces. Black lead-glazed
ware dates from 1700 to 1770 (Deagan 1987:52). Another lead-glazed coarse earthenware, Rey
ware is “distinguished from El Morro and other Spanish lead-glazed wares by its compact, finetextured paste, its well-smoothed surface, and its even, highly reflective lead glaze on both
interior and exterior vessel surfaces” (Deagan 1987:51). Black lead-glazed coarse earthenware
and Rey ware are represented in the Artillery Lane sample by seven and two sherds, respectively.
An important ceramic category for any Spanish colonial site is that of majolica. Deagan
(1987:53) describes majolica as “a distinctively Hispanic category of glazed, wheel-thrown
ceramics, distinguished by its soft earthenware paste covered by an opaque vitreous enamel or
glaze.” Following Deagan (1987) majolica has been grouped with coarse earthenwares.
The most complete examination of New World Spanish majolica was made by Goggin
(1968). The present discussion will be restricted to only those majolica types recovered at
Artillery Lane. The origin of the majolica that is seen in colonial contexts can be traced back to
two sources: the tin-enameled pottery developed in the eastern Mediterranean prior to “the
Christian era” and the later sixteenth-century tin-glazes wares influenced by the Italian
Renaissance (Goggin 1968:6). Goggin (1968:6) thus concludes that “at least two major styles,
Renaissance and Moorish, were available to influence the developing ceramic industry in the
New World.”
45
Only seven sherds of majolica were recovered from Artillery Lane. Of these, it was possible to
assign specific types to five sherds. Four sherds of Yayal Blue-on-White majolica were likely
manufactured in Spain and have a date range (for manufacture) of 1550 until 1565 (Goggin
1968:129-130). Goggin (1968:130) notes that this type may have continued to be produced until
the early seventeenth-century, although in very small quantities. Only one other majolica sherd
was identifiable to specific type: Aucilla Polychrome. This majolica was likely manufactured in
Mexico “but [the] specific center is unclear” (Goggin 1968:162). This ceramic was decorated
with green, yellow, and black designs and reached its peak importance from 1650-1685 (Goggin
1968:163-163). The remaining two sherds are unidentifiable blue-on-white and polychrome
(yellow, green, and black) majolica.
It was not possible to determine the specific type of two coarse earthenware sherds
recovered at Artillery Lane. One sherd is a discoidal measuring 4.5 cm in diameter and 1.6 cm in
thickness, possibly formed from a sherd of olive jar. The remaining specimen is extremely thick
(2 cm) and represents a variety of coarse utilitarian earthenware.
Tin-enameled earthenware accounts for the highest number of sherds per any one
category (n=40), although the weight of these sherds is less than nine percent of the total weight
of ceramics recovered at Artillery Lane. Savage and Newman (1985:291) describe the process
used to manufacture tin-enameled earthenware as follows:
A common formula [for the glaze] includes 3 parts sand to 1 part of potash, with 3 parts
of lead oxide to 1 part of tin oxide; sometimes a small quantity of cobalt is added to
counteract a tendency to yellow, or to confer a bluish tone, and also some alumina to
prevent the glaze from running.
The resulting white glaze is opaque, with a tendency to chip or flake. The tin-enameled
earthenwares from Artillery Lane include three types: majolica, English delftware, and faience
(Tables 4.16 and 4.17).
English delftware is so named in order to differentiate this ware from that which it
imitated: the primarily blue on white tin-enameled ware manufactured in Delft, Holland and
simply referred to as Delft. The English version of this ware was produced “at or near Bristol,
and in London and Liverpool” and is primarily decorated in blue, or more rarely, polychrome
schemes of blue and red (Savage and Newman 1985:109). Thirty-eight of the 40 delftware
sherds are examples of the more common blue on white type; only one is polychrome.
46
The term “faience” refers to a most commonly French-made tin-enameled ware that is
distinguishable from Delft or English delftware in the color of the paste. Where Delft/delftware
has a light cream paste, that of faience is usually pink to salmon-colored (Smith 1990). The
Artillery Lane sample includes a single sherd of plain white faience with a molded rim.
Table 4.16. Artillery Lane tin-enameled earthenwares by type and count.
Tin-enameled Earthenware Type
English delftware (B/W)
Count
Percentage
38
95
English delftware (polychrome)
1
2.5
Plain white faience
1
2.5
40
100
Total
Table 4.17. Artillery Lane tin-enameled earthenwares by type and weight.
Tin-enameled Earthenware Type
English delftware (B/W)
Weight (g)
Percentage
228.5
97.94
English delftware (polychrome)
1.7
0.73
Plain white faience
3.1
1.33
233.3
100
Total
The latest-occurring ceramic type from Artillery Lane is creamware. South’s (1977) time
range for this ware is calculated as 1762-1800. The work of Kathleen Deagan (1975) has pushed
the TPQ of creamware in St. Augustine contexts back to 1755. This ware was developed by
Josiah Wedgwood to compete with the popularity and quality of porcelain, although its
immediate success was as a substitute for delftware rather than porcelain (Savage and Newman
1985:88). Decoration of this creamy-white ware is by over- and underglaze painting as well as
transfer-printing or molded designs (primarily on the marli). This ware may be further
distinguished by the yellow or green pooling that may occur at the base of the vessel (Smith
1990). Three sherds of creamware were recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit: three
undecorated and one hand-painted blue on white.
47
Table 4.18. Artillery Lane creamware by type and count.
Creamware Type
Plain white creamware
B/W creamware
Total
Count
3
1
4
Percentage
75
25
100
Table 4.19. Artillery Lane creamware by type and weight.
Creamware Type
Plain white creamware
B/W creamware
Total
Weight (g)
4.3
0.3
4.6
Percentage
93.48
6.52
100
Aboriginal Ceramics
Aboriginal ceramics from Artillery Lane may be broadly divided into just three
categories based on temper: sponge, sand, and shell. Six unidentifiable sand-tempered sherds and
18 unidentifiable shell-tempered sherds were recovered. Only the two sponge-tempered sherds
were identifiable to type, both St. Johns series ceramics. By using sponge spicules as a temper
for their ceramics, the Timucua of eastern Florida produced a light, chalky, smooth-textured
ware (Milanich 1994:257). St. Johns plain ceramics are associated with the St. Johns I culture
that emerged from the Archaic period, although plain St. Johns ceramics continued to be made in
the following centuries (Milanich 1994:254). St. Johns check-stamped pottery appeared with the
St. Johns II culture around AD 750 (Milanich 1994:262). One sherd of each of these types was
recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit (Tables 4.20 and 4.21). It is likely that at least a
portion of the unidentified shell-tempered sherds represent San Marcos ceramics, a ware that
began to replace St. Johns ceramics during the seventeenth century, although the small size of
the sherds prevented conclusive identification of this type (Otto and Lewis 1974).
Table 4.20. Artillery Lane aboriginal ceramics by type and count.
Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Count
Percentage
St. Johns Ware, plain
1
3.85
St. Johns Ware, simple stamp
1
3.85
UID Sand-tempered
6
23.08
UID Shell-tempered
18
69.23
26
100
Total
48
Table 4.21. Artillery Lane aboriginal ceramics by weight and count.
Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Weight (g)
Percentage
St. Johns Ware, plain
8.9
9.68
St. Johns Ware, simple stamp
3.5
3.81
UID Sand-tempered
16.5
17.95
UID Shell-tempered
63
68.55
91.9
100
Total
Faunal Material
Mammals
Mammal remains greatly dominate the Artillery Lane faunal sample, almost 93 percent of
the biomass for the total sample. A limited variety of wild and domestic mammals are present in
the sample, resulting in a species list of just seven mammals (Table 4.22). The most numerous
taxon by far is domestic cattle (Bos taurus), comprising 68 percent of weight and biomass of the
entire sample. The dominance of Bos taurus is again seen when considering the quantity of
butchered specimens present in the sample. Close to 90 percent of all identified butchered
specimens are mammalian, with butchered cattle bones accounting for 65.71 percent of this
number (interpretation of these butchering marks will be approached in Chapter 5).
Table 4.22. Artillery Lane mammal species.
Scientific Name
Mammalia, Very
large
Taxonomic Name NISP Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample
MNI
Probably horse or
89
817.3
24.86 10993.6865
27.66
cattle
Probably deer or
92
212.7
6.47 3273.3372
8.24
Mammalia, Large
bear
Probably rabbit or
Mammalia, Small
3
1.0
0.03
26.3027
0.07
fox squirrel
Unidentified
Mammalia
10
10.5
0.32
218.3084
0.55
mammal
Sciurus niger
Fox squirrel
1
1.0
0.03
26.3027
0.07
1
Felis domesticus
Domestic cat
2
4.5
0.14
101.8336
0.26
1
Artiodactyla
Probably deer
16
42.3
1.29
765.0791
1.92
1
Sus scrofa
Domestic pig
16
205.2
6.24
3169.2728
7.97
1
Odocoileus
virginianus
White tail deer
3
89.2
2.71
1497.3674
3.77
1
Ovis/Capra
sheep/goat
4
45.0
1.37
808.8933
2.04
1
Bos taurus
Domestic cattle
52
2222.4
67.61 27048.3019
68.05
4
199
2833.8
86.21 36934.9990
92.93
10
All Mammals
49
Those specimens for which it was impossible to conclusively determine a taxon were
divided by size into the categories of Very Large, Large, Medium, and Small Mammalia. Very
Large Mammalia includes those specimens likely representing horse or cattle; Large Mammalia
are likely deer, Medium Mammalia are likely dog or raccoon, and Small Mammalia are likely
rabbit or fox squirrel. With these categories in mind, and considering the striking dominance of
domestic cattle (Bos taurus) in the sample, it may be useful to combine the qualitative
information for Very Large Mammalia with that for domestic cattle. The same may be done for
the deer, lumping Odocoileus virginianus with Large Mammalia and Artiodactyla (Table 4.23).
Table 4.23. Dominant species combined with UID Mammal categories.
Scientific Name
NISP
Odocoileus virginianus (including
Artiodactyla and Large Mammalia)
Bos taurus (including V. Large
Mammalia)
Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample
111
344.2
8.39
5048.1213
10.50
141
3039.7
74.06
35854.8286
74.60
Birds
Unlike the mammalian portion of the Artillery Lane sample, the class of Aves is not
dominated by a single species. A total NISP of 109 is distributed among 10 taxa including
domesticated chickens and geese in addition to wild ducks and shorebirds (Table 4.24). The
domesticated birds (Anser sp. and Gallus gallus) account for the largest contributions to biomass
while the common snipe (Gallinago gallinago, NISP = 9) is the most numerous bird taxon.
Evidence of butchering among these bird remains is scarce. Less than four percent of all bird
specimens exhibited any type of butchering mark.
Table 4.24. Artillery Lane avian species.
Scientific Name
Taxonomic Name NISP Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample MNI
Aves
Unidentified birds
Anser sp.
76
29.1
0.89
438.6747
1.10
Domestic goose
4
13.8
0.42
222.4795
0.56
1
Branta canadensis
Canada goose
2
4.6
0.14
81.8671
0.21
1
Anas sp.
Unidentified duck
2
0.5
0.02
10.8658
0.03
1
50
Table 4.24, continued.
Scientific Name
Taxonomic Name NISP Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample MNI
Bucephala albeola
Bufflehead
1
0.4
0.01
8.8690
0.02
1
Anas fulvigula
Mottled duck
4
3.2
0.10
58.8419
0.15
1
Anas crecca
Common teal
1
0.1
0.00
2.5119
0.01
1
Gallus gallus
Domestic chicken
9
11.8
0.36
192.9357
0.49
3
Gallinago gallinago Common snipe
8
0.7
0.02
14.7584
0.04
2
Larus delawarensis
Ring-billed gull
1
1.4
0.04
27.7317
0.07
1
Columba livia
Feral pigeon
1
0.2
0.01
4.7199
0.01
1
109
65.8
2.00
1064.2557
2.68
13
All Birds
Reptiles
Only three reptilian species appear in the Artillery Lane sample, all three turtles (Table
4.25). Although gopher tortoises (Gopherus polyphemus) are clearly the most numerous reptilian
species (NISP = 16), this taxon’s contribution to total biomass is on par with that of the pond
slider turtle (Trachemys sp., NISP = 1). Only two turtle specimens (one Trachemys sp.
zyphiplastron and one Gopherus polyphemus carapace fragment) showed evidence of butchering.
Table 4.25. Artillery Lane reptilian species.
Taxonomic
Name
Trachemys sp.
Pond slider
Gopherus polyphemus Gopher tortoise
Cheloniidae
Sea turtles
All Turtles
Scientific Name
NISP
Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample MNI
2
16
1
19
59.4
58.0
32.1
149.5
1.81
1.76
0.98
4.55
488.0192
480.2825
323.1159
1291.4176
1.23
1.21
0.81
3.25
Fish
Eight fish taxa (total NISP = 92) are present in the Artillery Lane faunal sample. Mullet
(Mugil spp.) account for the most identified specimens (Table 4.26). The contribution of mullet
to total biomass is far outweighed by the much less numerous black drum (Pogonias cromis).
51
1
1
1
3
Interestingly, cod (Gadus sp.), a species native to the northern Atlantic Ocean from Cape
Hatteras to Ungava Bay, Quebec, is also represented by one specimen (Cohen et al. 1990).
Table 4.26. Artillery Lane fish species.
Scientific Name
Osteichthyes
Siluriformes
Ariidae
Cynoscion sp.
Pogonias cromis
Sciaenops
ocellatus
Mugil spp.
Bothidae
Gadus sp.
All Bony Fish
Taxonomic Name NISP Weight (g) % total sample Biomass (g) % total sample
All Bony Fish
fragments
Catfishes
Marine catfishes
Seatrout
Black drum
Redfish
Mullet
Flounder family
Cod
MNI
70
10.7
0.33
201.2801
0.51
1
2
3
2
0.1
0.2
0.9
5.5
0.00
0.01
0.03
0.17
3.3884
4.3249
35.9865
137.3626
0.01
0.01
0.09
0.35
1
1
1
1
3
0.7
0.02
29.8794
0.08
1
10
1
1
92
1.4
0.1
0.4
19.6
0.04
0.00
0.01
0.60
38.7582
3.3884
11.6368
454.3686
0.10
0.01
0.03
1.14
1
1
1
7
Invertebrates
Only three shell fragments are present in the Artillery Lane sample (Table 4.27). Most
notable is one nearly complete lightning whelk (Busycon carica). The spire of the shell has been
removed, possibly representing the ‘kill-hole’ by which the animal was removed from the shell.
Table 4.27. Artillery Lane invertebrate species.
Scientific Name
Busycon carica
Busycon sp.
Geukensia demissa
All Mollusks
Taxonomic Name
NISP Weight (g) % mollusks Biomass (g)
% mollusks MNI
Lightning whelk
1
841.0
99.12
319.0219
45.34
1
Whelks
1
4.8
0.57
9.2349
1.31
1
Atlantic ribbed mussel
1
2.7
0.32
375.4128
53.35
1
3
848.5
100.00
703.6696
100.00
3
Other Material
Worked Bone
Two specimens of worked bone were recovered from Artillery Lane. One of these is a
plain, single-holed flat button. The other is identified as a fragment of a fanstick, or varilla
(Deagan 2002:215) (Figure 4.12). This varilla may have been a component of either a brisé or a
52
pleated fan, the primary difference being that the varillas of a pleated fan are covered partially by
some pliable material (leather, fabric, lace, etc.) while the varillas of a brisé fan are bare (Deagan
2002:217). Deagan (2002:218) observes that “hand-held fans were used in Spain by the upperstatus women at the end of the fifteenth century and continued in use through the nineteenth
century” although “it was during the eighteenth century, however, that fans reached their peak of
popularity and accessibility for all social classes throughout Spain.” Fans were less
commonplace in the Spanish colonies, however. All archaeological evidence of fansticks that has
been recovered in New World contexts dates to the eighteenth century (Deagan 2002:219).
Additionally, all of this evidence was recovered from either shipwreck sites or “well-documented
upper-status terrestrial sites in St. Augustine” (Deagan 2002:219).
Figure 4.12. Worked bone varilla fragment.
Clay Pipes
Ivor Noel Hume (1969:296) notes that the practice of smoking tobacco by use of a pipe,
in the Indian fashion, became popular in England by 1570. Eighteen fragments of kaolin clay
tobacco pipes were recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit. Of these fragments, only one is
from the bowl of the pipe and is too small and lacking in distinguishing features to reveal the
style or age of the pipe. Upon application of Binford’s pipe stem dating formula to the
53
measurements taken from the Artillery Lane pipe stem fragments, a date of 1756.24 is reached
(Appendix B). It should be noted that the minimum statistically valid sample size for this dating
method is 100 pipe stems (Deagan 1974:171).
Masonry
This category includes several types of construction materials including concrete, plaster,
coquina, and brick. As Noel Hume (1969:80) states, “While bricks are not the most collectable of
artifacts, they are among the most common relics of early [colonial] American domesticity.” The
Artillery Lane bricks vary in their dimensions and are of unknown length due to their fragmented
condition. Five chunks of coquina stone were also recovered and may be associated with the
coquina wall remnant archaeologist Carl Halbirt identified just to the west of the trash pit feature.
A quantity (1109.7 g) of concrete was also recovered; one piece still exhibits a bit of red painted
plaster. Other pieces are embedded with glass, and may have functioned atop the coquina wall as
a security measure.
Chert
Six pieces of chert weighing a total of 20.3 grams were also identified. Although chert is
the most common type of stone to be used in gunflints or spalls, or by aboriginal peoples in the
manufacture of spear and arrow points, not one of the six pieces from Artillery Lane exhibits any
identifiable form, inclusions, or retouching.
Basalt
One piece of basalt (42.5 g) was recovered from the trash pit. Basalt is an igneous rock
and as such is not native to Florida (Press and Siever 1994:82). Instead, this rock likely arrived in
St. Augustine from either Mexico or one of the Carribbean Islands. The function of this rock is
not clear, although one side is smooth and domed, as would be a grinding tool. The underside is
flat; this may be due to the natural cleavage of the rock rather than intentional modification of
the rock. The size of the rock (less than 6 cm in length and approximately 4 cm at its widest
point) suggests that, if it functioned as a tool such as a mano or pestle used for grinding minerals
or grains, it is incomplete.
54
Surface Collection
A visual survey of the Artillery Lane street surface prior to excavation of the trash pit and
associated features yielded a small surface collection (total weight = 29 g). Ceramics in this
collection include creamware, porcelain, and coarse earthenware. One fragment each was
collected of spirit bottle glass and clear glass. In addition to these artifacts, a very small quantity
of bone, shell, and charcoal fragments was collected.
Summary
Stanley South’s (1977) Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology provides a
framework for the organization and discussion of material culture. Following this framework, it
is possible to assign Artifact Class and Group designations to a total of 1,739 artifacts from the
Artillery Lane sample (Table 4.28). Those objects for which form and function was not possible
to discern are thus not included in this summary.
Table 4.28. South’s (1977) Artifact Class/Group designations.
Class No.
Count
Kitchen Artifact Group
1
Ceramics
148
2
Wine Bottle
267
3
Case Bottle
24
4
Tumbler
5
5
Pharmaceutical Type Bottle
1
6
Glassware
42
Bone Group
9
Bone fragments
1049
Architectural Group
10
Window Glass
67
11
Nails
104
12
Spikes
6
Furniture Group
15
Furniture Hardware
1
55
Table 4.28, continued.
Clothing Group
21
Buttons
1
23
Straight Pins
1
Personal Group
29
Personal Items
1
Tobacco Pipe Group
30
Tobacco Pipes
19
Activities
37
Storage Items
6
Total
1739
South (1977:96-97) cautions that because the Bone, Furniture, and Tobacco Pipe groups
each account for a single artifact class, these groups are “not entirely comparable to the more
generalized groups made up of a number of classes.” Furthermore, the Bone group is a category
of archaeological remains that is distinct from material culture. By removing the Bone group
from the Artillery Lane site profile, it is possible to compare this site to South’s Carolina and
Frontier Artifact Patterns or indeed to any site for which a site profile has been generated
following South’s (1977) model (Table 4.29). The significance of such comparisons will be
discussed in Chapter 5.
Table 4.29. Artillery Lane Site Profile.
Group
Count
Kitchen Artifact Group
487
70.27
Architectural Group
177
25.54
Furniture Group
1
0.14
Clothing Group
2
0.29
Personal Group
1
0.14
Tobacco Pipe Group
19
2.74
Activities Group
6
0.87
693
100
Total
56
Percentage
CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
The data presented in Chapter 4 are compared to other archaeological assemblages from
various contexts in St. Augustine to gain an understanding of status and cultural adaptation
through time (i.e., sixteenth-century St. Augustine as compared to eighteenth-century St.
Augustine). Faunal and ceramic data in particular are used to address the issue of status as
reflected by diet and material culture (i.e., the belongings of a family/individual, etc.). Faunal
data are also used to examine the issues of seasonality and technology. As Charles Fairbanks
(1976b:90) wrote, the examination and interpretation of midden deposits from St. Augustine can
help to answer the question “‘What did these people do when they were not building forts,
converting the natives, repulsing the English, or waiting for the situado?’”
The Artillery Lane analysis is a study in “backyard archaeology” as Fairbanks presented
the concept to the Conference on Historic Site Archaeology in 1976. Regarding Spanish colonial
households in particular, Fairbanks (1976a:135) suggested that since the small size of colonial
houses prohibited a great deal of indoor activity, excavation of house yards would be most
revealing of household activities. As with any historical archaeology, although documentary
sources may be available to supplement excavated data, these sources may be of questionable
veracity depending on the chronicler and the surrounding social and political climate. In these
cases, backyard archaeology may be especially useful. As Fairbanks (1976a:137) notes, “I doubt
that any early inhabitant ever thought it worthwhile to falsify the record of his trash deposit
either to evade taxes or to impress the neighbors.”
It should be kept in mind, however, that the Artillery Lane sample represents the
archaeological data recovered from a single feature, while the comparative samples are the result
of site-wide excavations and therefore more completely represent the historical contexts with
which they are associated.
Comparative Assemblages
The Ximenez-Fatio House
Occupation of the Ximenez-Fatio House site (SA-42; 8SJ71) on Aviles Street in St.
Augustine began in the First Spanish Period, although the record of property ownership is not
57
clear until the mid-eighteenth century when Cristoval Contreras owned the lot. Contreras left
Florida upon its transfer to the British in 1763 (Gaske 1982:18). Although the property passed
through the hands of several owners during the British occupation of the town, once Florida
reverted back to Spanish ownership in 1783, the property was not reclaimed by any individual
and thus became the property of the Crown (Gaske 1982:20). In 1797 the property was
purchased during an auction of Crown holdings by Andres Ximenez who proceeded to construct
the buildings now present on the lot (Gaske 1982:21). The property is located on Aviles Street in
the center of the original sixteenth century settlement and is considered to have been a high
status area of St. Augustine during that century at least (Gaske 1982:18) (Figure 5.1).
34-2
Ximenez-Fatio house
28-1
Nuestra Señora de la Soledad
16-23
Maria de la Cruz
7-4
de Hita home site
26-1
de Leon site
Figure 5.1. Map of St. Augustine indicating the locations of the Artillery Lane site and
comparative sites (after Deagan 1983:52).
The first archaeological investigations of the Ximenez-Fatio House took place in 1963
under the direction of Robert Steinbach of the St. Augustine Historical Restoration and
Preservation Commission. Charles Fairbanks directed excavations at the site in 1972-1974. In
1979 through 1983 further investigations were undertaken by Florida State University field
58
schools under the direction of Kathleen Deagan. Data to be compared with the Artillery Lane
assemblage includes ceramic and faunal data recovered from eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
contexts (the Antebellum Period, 1821-1863) and faunal data recovered from sixteenth-century
contexts at the Ximenez-Fatio house.
Nuestra Señora de la Soledad
The Nuestra Señora de la Soledad (Our Lady of Solitude) hospital was established in
1587 in response to a royal decree indicating that the St. Augustine settlement must provide
facilities to care for the health of the poor (Koch 1980:14). The first hospital in North America,
Soledad’s operation as a hospital was cut short when a fire destroyed much of the southern part
of St. Augustine. The Franciscan parish church and convent were destroyed and the friars moved
into the Soledad building (Koch 1980:15). By 1605, however, the friars were able to move to a
newly constructed church and convent and Soledad was renovated for renewed use as a hospital
(Koch 1980:22-23). Although Soledad was constantly in need of funds and adequate medical
personnel, the hospital managed to function into the eighteenth century. In 1702 the building was
badly damaged when the British set fire to the city after failing to starve the Spaniards into
surrender. As a result, yet another renovation took place in the 1730s, although the building
continued to function as a church while the hospital was removed to another facility (Koch
1980:42).
Archaeological investigations at Soledad began in 1976 by a Florida State University
Field School under the direction of Kathleen Deagan and continued the next field season. The
excavations at Soledad identified 28 Spanish and British burials associated with the site’s
function as a parish church (Koch 1980:92). A great deal of material culture and faunal remains
were also recovered, which were believed to be associated with both the religious and hospital
activities that took place at the site in both the First Spanish and British Periods (Koch
1980:264). These will be examined alongside those recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit.
The Maria de la Cruz House
The Maria de la Cruz house (SA-16-23) is located at 17 Spanish Street in St. Augustine.
Although the site has been almost continually occupied since the First Spanish Period, property
ownership is recorded for the first time in the eighteenth-century as belonging to the descendants
59
of the mestizo woman Maria de la Cruz (Deagan 1974). The property was sold upon the transfer
of Florida to the British in 1763 only to revert to the ownership of the Spanish Crown upon the
British departure from St. Augustine in1784 (Deagan 1974:46).
Charles Fairbanks directed the first archaeological investigations at the Maria de la Cruz
site in 1972 as part of the University of Florida’s field school. The doctoral dissertation of
Kathleen Deagan (1974) examined the site as a representation of Indian-Spanish acculturation, or
mestizaje. The Maria de la Cruz assemblage provides an example of a mixed (mestizo/Spanish)
household’s diet and material culture with which to compare the Artillery Lane sample.
The de Hita Homesite
Gerónimo José de Hita y Salazar was born in 1706, the grandson of Pedro de Hita y
Salazar, a former governor of Florida (Shephard 1983:69). The family’s history of service to the
colony ensured it a prominent position in St. Augustine society although it did not ensure
monetary wealth. As a cavalryman in the garrison, Gerónimo’s salary was just 264 pesos,
placing “the de Hita household in the lower 60 percent of the colony’s income distribution”
(Shephard 1983:69). The de Hita homesite, SA-7-4, is located on St. George Street in St.
Augustine.
The de Leon Site
Francisco Ponce de Leon was the patriarch of prominent criollo family in St. Augustine
(Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:162). As sergeant major of the garrison, Francisco earned nearly twice
the salary of Gerónimo José de Hita y Salazar, placing the de Leon family in the upper 5 percent
of the colony’s eighteenth-century income distribution (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:162). Data from
First Spanish Period contexts at the de Leon site are used in the present study.
Reitz & Scarry’s Sixteenth-century Subsistence Model
A 1985 Special Publication issue published by the Society for Historical Archaeology by
Elizabeth Reitz and Margaret Scarry examines faunal and floral materials from a variety of
archaeological contexts in St. Augustine. This discussion of sixteenth century subsistence
illustrates the ways in which the Spaniards involved in the initial establishment of the colony
adapted to the alien environments and resources of the New World. By comparing this early First
60
Spanish Period subsistence data to those recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit, it may be
possible to gain an understanding of how adaptations developed and changed through time.
Intepretation
Methodological Concerns
The presence of such early ceramic types as Yayal Blue-on-white majolica, Melado, and
St. Johns plain and check-stamped wares raises some concern regarding the possibility of the
trash pit representing a mixed deposit. Because the trash pit feature was excavated as one
provenience rather than by arbitrary levels, it is not possible to know the vertical relationship
between the ceramics recovered (i.e., it cannot be known whether the earliest ceramics were
recovered from the bottom of the pit, as would be predicted by Steno’s Law of Superposition).
This methodological decision was likely dictated by the conditions under which the St.
Augustine City Archaeologist is obliged to operate: with an insufficient budget, inexperienced
volunteer excavators, and insufficient time in which to carry out an investigation. The ceramic
assemblage from Artillery Lane was thus divided according to sixteeth-, seventeenth-, and
eighteenth-century manufacture in order to determine the significance of early ceramics in the
deposit (Tables 5.1 and 5.2). Century of manufacture was based on the median manufacture date
for each type.
Table 5.1. Datable ceramics by count and century of manufacture.
Number
Percentage
16th C
7
4.38
17th C
19
11.88
18th C
134
83.75
Total
160
100
Table 5.2. Datable ceramics by weight and century of manufacture.
Weight (kg)
Percentage
16th C
0.32
1.44
17th C
7.7
35.11
18th C
13.92
63.45
Total
21.94
100
61
It is thus seen that less that five percent by count and less than two percent by weight of
the total ceramics are of sixteenth-century origin. Eighteenth-century ceramics comprise the
majority of the assemblage by either calculation. The dominance of eighteenth-century goods is
demonstrated even more strongly when the calculations are expanded to include all datable
artifacts from Artillery Lane, including ceramics, glass, and metal artifact (Tables 5.3 and 5.4).
Table 5.3. All datable artifacts by count and century of manufacture.
Number
Percentage
16th C
7
1.52
17th C
96
20.87
18th C
357
77.61
Total
460
100
Table 5.4. All datable artifacts by weight and century of manufacture.
Weight
Percentage
16th C
0.32
0.2
17th C
9.52
6.07
18th C
147.03
93.73
Total
156.87
100
When glass (bottles and glassware) and metal (cut nails) artifacts are taken into account,
eighteenth-century goods comprise almost 80 percent of the datable assemblage by count and
almost 94 percent by weight. How then, can the presence of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
ceramics in the deposit be explained? The chronic poverty of the colony likely explains the
presence of the seventeenth-century goods as the results of what William Adams (2003:50) terms
the Hand-Me-Down and Curation Effects. Case bottle and green bottle glass comprise the
majority of seventeenth-century goods and, by virtue of the lasting utility of glass storage
containers, were likely handed down or curated through the years. The small amount of
sixteenth-century goods is less readily explained as a result of these effects. Instead, it is more
likely that these very early ceramics were either present in the fill used to close the trash pit in
the eighteenth-century. Alternatively, the presence of the seven sixteenth-century ceramic sherds
may be the result of a methodological issue (i.e., these sherds were on the surface prior to
excavation or came from the sides of the pit as it was dug).
62
Dating of the Sample
Stanley South’s (1977) Mean Ceramic Date formula was applied to the dateable ceramics
from the Artillery Lane trash pit, resulting in a date of 1736.39 (Appendix A). It should be noted
however, that this date is indicative of the mean manufacturing date of a given assemblage of
ceramics. The Terminus Post Quem (TPQ), the “date after which an object must have found its
way into the ground, and which is usually readily known,” may be a more useful dating tool
(Bonath 1978:83). The TPQ for Artillery Lane is yielded by the manufacture dates for
creamware, which was first documented in North America by a newspaper article advertising
cream-colored earthenware in 1751 (Deagan 1974:128). Although South’s (1977:212) ceramic
inventory lists creamware as having a date range in North America of 1762-1800, work by
Kathleen Deagan (1974) has pushed the TPQ of creamware in New World Hispanic contexts
back to 1755.
In 1954 J. C. Harrington published a method for dating pipe stem fragments based on the
diameter of the bore of the pipe, observing that this diameter decreased through time. Lewis
Binford (1978) expanded on this observation by developing a straight line regression formula for
the dating of pipe stems based on bore diameter. It is interesting to note that the date reached by
Binford’s (1978) pipe stem dating formula is 1756.24, although it is statistically invalid due to
exceedingly small sample size (n = 17). In any case, the TPQ derived from the presence of
creamware in the sample indicates that the trash pit deposit dates from the 1750s, when the
former Menéndez Marquéz house was being used as a military hospital.
Seasonality
It is known from historical records that after moving from Anastasia Island to its present
location in 1571, the town of St. Augustine has been continuously occupied (Lyon 1997:144). It
is also known that residents inhabited the city year-round. In a historical context, when written
records are available, it may not be necessary to employ zooarchaeological analyses to determine
sedentism. However, it may be useful to estimate the time of year during which the Artillery
Lane material was deposited by considering the avian species present in the sample. Of the ten
avian taxa present, four (Branta canadensis, Larus delawarensis, Bucephala albeola, and Anas
crecca) are present in northeast Florida only during the winter months. Thus it is reasonable to
63
assume that at least a portion of the Artillery Lane remains was deposited during the winter,
although the trash pit may have lain open for a considerable length of time.
Technology and Modifications
Butchering implements (saws, axes, knives, etc.) used by mid-eighteenth century Spanish
colonists may be inferred based on the butchering marks present on faunal remains (Reitz and
Wing 1999:269). Nearly 69 percent of all mammalian specimens from the Artillery Lane sample
exhibited some form of butchering mark (Figures 5.2 and 5.3). Similar saw marks on the
proximal epiphyses of three Bos taurus humeri indicate a consistent butchering practice (Figure
5.2); indeed, butchering marks were present on nearly half of all cattle specimens in the sample.
The humerus cut marks may indicate a preference (or availability) of cuts of beef such as the
foreshank or brisket (American Angus Association 2005). The presence of femora and tibias
represents the portion of the cow now referred to as the round, from which roasts are cut
(American Angus Association 2005).
Figure 5.2. Bos taurus humeri exhibiting consistent saw marks.
64
Figure 5.3. Odocoileus virginianus tibia exhibiting hack marks.
Cod in St. Augustine
The Artillery Lane faunal assemblage included a single fish vertebra from the genus
Gadus. The species distribution for the Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) extends along the North
Atlantic coast from Cape Hatteras to Ungava Bay, Quebec, and in Europe from the Bay of
Biscay to the Barents Sea (Cohen et al. 1990). It is therefore likely that, rather than being caught
in the waters near St. Augustine, cod arrived in the colony in the form of salted fish, packed and
shipped in barrels. As the situado arrived in St. Augustine from southern ports in the Caribbean
and Gulf of Mexico, this coldwater fish would not likely have been included in such a shipment.
A more probable explanation for the presence of cod in such a southern context is that it arrived
in St. Augustine on a British ship. This may have occurred in one of two ways, the first of which
is the illicit trade (rescate) that took place between Spanish St. Augustine and the British
colonies to the north along the Atlantic coast. This trade thrived during the eighteenth century; at
least fifteen English ships from Charleston alone were involved in trade with St. Augustine
(Harman 2004:15). Alternatively, the provisions may have been taken by a Spanish privateer, a
government-mandated pirate ship licensed by the Spanish government to attack and seize enemy
ships and goods. The summer of 1741, for example, saw no less than 13 English prize ships in
the harbor at St. Augustine (Harman 2004:36).
65
The Closing Days of the First Spanish Period
Status Artifact Index Model
The study of archaeology is based on the premise that a relationship exists between the
behaviors and activities of people and the material objects they leave behind. In turn, the
behaviors and activities of any group of people are linked to the “driving forces within any
cultural system,” including trade, religious zeal, economic prowess, or the exploitation of natural
resources (South 1989:6). In 1943, Leslie White (2004:259) presented a theory correlating
cultural development with the expenditure of energy, proposing that “culture develops…as the
efficiency of the technological means of putting this energy to work is increased; or, as both
factors are simultaneously increased.” Stanley South (1989:7) applied this theory to historical
archaeology when he suggested that “control of energy resources is control of wealth, measured
in labor and money.” In effect, energy, and thus wealth, is controlled or exploited more
efficiently by some individuals than others and it is this power that dictates social status (South
1989).
Using data from sixteenth-century Santa Elena, South (1989:8) developed a mathematic
Status Artifact Index Model based on the assumption that high-status individuals would have had
access to both high- and low-cost items where low-status individuals would have had access to
low-cost items only. By comparing the number of low-cost fragments to high-cost fragments in
archaeological contexts, South (1989:8) suggests that the status of the individual or group
associated with the deposit may be estimated:
What I have done is to create a scale from 1 to 10 by dividing low-cost fragments by
high-cost fragments. If the quantity in each of the categories is equal, a Status Artifact
Index near 1 will result, whereas if the number of low-cost fragments is in the
neighborhood of 10 times that of the high-cost items, the Status Artifact Index number
will be 10. The higher the number, the lower the socioeconomic status level…
This model may be applied to the Artillery Lane assemblage. South’s (1989) high-cost
categories include Ming porcelain, decorated majolica, gold braid, furniture hardware, personal
items, and glassware; only the latter two of these categories appear in the Artillery Lane
assemblage. Low-cost items include Columbia plain majolica and coarse earthenware; again,
only the latter appears in the present sample. For the purposes of this study, aboriginal ceramics
are considered low-cost items, as this was certainly the case in First Spanish Period St.
66
Augustine. The application of the Status Artifact Index Model in the case of Artillery Lane is
presented in Table 5.5.
Table 5.5. Derivation of the Status Artifact Index.
High Cost Fragments
Personal items
1
Glassware
42
Total
43
Low Cost Fragments
Coarse earthenware
29
Aboriginal ceramics
26
Total
55
By dividing the number of low-cost fragments by the number of high-cost fragments, a
Status Artifact Index of 1.1 is given. According to South’s (1989) model, this places the Artillery
Lane deposit at the upper end of the socioeconomic scale. It is important to note, however, that
the artifacts used to derive the Index represent just 3.2% of all artifacts from the Artillery Lane
deposit for which it was possible to assign South’s (1977) Artifact Class and Group designations
(see Table 4.26). Furthermore, South based this model on data from the sixteenth-century
Spanish context at Santa Elena, Pedro Menéndez’s intended capital. It seems likely that those
social and economic factors that dictated the patterns seen in the Santa Elena Status Artifact
Model were quite different from those in effect by the mid-eighteenth century. The availability
of goods (regardless of cost) at the initial state of colonization was very limited compared to later
centuries. The first colonists relied on either those items brought with them from Spain or those
provided by the situado. In contrast, by the end of the First Spanish Period, goods (again,
regardless of cost) were available from a variety of additional sources (e.g., local manufacture of
items previously made in Europe or illegal trade with the English colonies on the mid-Atlantic
coast). It may be more useful to approach the issue of status from a more focused perspective by
considering the composition of both the ceramic and faunal assemblages from Artillery Lane.
67
Ceramic Data
To understand the significance of Artillery Lane assemblage and what it may reveal
about status and the state of St. Augustine during the terminal First Spanish Period, it is
necessary to view it alongside other archaeological samples from the city. Thus the ceramic data
from Artillery Lane, the Maria da la Cruz house, Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, antebellum
(1821-1863) contexts from the Ximenez-Fatio house, and the de Hita homesite are summarized
(Table 5.6). In this table, majolica is considered as a separate category in order to avoid
obscuring this important and uniquely Hispanic ware within either ‘Coarse earthenware’ or ‘Tinenameled earthenware.’
Table 5.6. Ceramic categories by site and percentage.
Ceramic Type
Artillery Lane Maria de la Cruz
Nuestra Senora
Ximenez-Fatio
De Hita (1st
de la Soledad
(18th C)
Spanish Period)
Porcelain
14.95
0.61
0.2
1.45
0.37
Stoneware
18.04
0.55
0.7
4.64
0.97
Slipware
4.64
3.28
0
1.3
2.87
Refined Earthenware
7.73
1.39
0.5
27.1
2.41
Coarse Earthenware
14.95
2.17
15.3
8.7
10.14
3.61
2.85
7.4
5.51
12.34
20.62
3.98
1.4
0.72
3.8
Creamware
2.06
3.98
1.9
6.96
0.06
Aboriginal ceramics
13.4
81.19
72.6
43.62
67.05
Total
100
100
100
100
100
Majolica
Tin-enameled earthenware
Bonnie McEwan (1992:99) noted that in Spanish Florida, the relationship between
tableware types and socioeconomic class is unclear. She (McEwan 1992:99) does suggest that
during the sixteenth century at least, “Spaniards placed a high value on imported ceramics, as
well as those which were good imitations of exotic wares.” More locally-produced ceramics, that
is, majolica and aboriginal pottery, comprised the less expensive, and less prestigious, wares.
68
Perhaps the most obvious contrast between the Artillery Lane assemblage and the
comparative samples involves these less expensive wares. Of the four samples, Artillery Lane is
the only assemblage for which aboriginal ceramics is not the most numerous category. Instead,
English-made ceramics account for roughly one-half of the Artillery Lane ceramic assemblage.
This observation is particularly interesting in light of the hostilities between Spain and Great
Britain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the resulting prohibitions on trade
between the two nations.
As Joyce Harman (2004:2) has noted, the failure of the situado and the inability of the St.
Augustine colonists to achieve self-sufficiency put them in such a position that they “found it
necessary to ignore the strict royal trade restrictions and to import supplies from the nearby
English colonies.” This practice of rescate, or illicit trade, became widespread in the eighteenth
century, when ships of both nationalities, sailing under white flags of truce under the pretense of
exchanging prisoners of war, became “convenient instruments” for the trafficking of illegal
British goods (Harman 2004:33). The pervasiveness of rescate reached the point that illegal
trading rings (the leader of one of which was Don Francisco Menéndez Marquéz) came to have
considerable influence over the Spanish colonial government (Chatelaine 1941:182).
Regarding goods supplied by the situado, Katherine Beidleman (1976:89) suggests that
“in the harsh environment [of 18th century Spanish Florida], with the situado frequently late and
insufficient, social position was probably extremely important in determining the distribution of
supplies.” In other words, the greater influence in St. Augustine society a given family or
institution enjoyed, the greater the likelihood of receiving desirable goods from the situado
shipments. It may be reasonable to extend this idea to those goods acquired through privateering
and rescate. This observation may have some utility in explaining the overwhelming dominance
of European (non-Spanish) ceramics in the Artillery Lane sample.
Faunal Data
The Artillery Lane faunal remains are compared with those recovered during two field
seasons at the Ximenez-Fatio house as well as data from the de Leon site. The data from the
1980 excavation at the Ximenez-Fatio house includes sixteenth-century and antebellum (18211863) contexts while the 1983 data pertains to sixteenth-century contexts only. The de Leon
69
material was recovered from eighteenth-century contexts. These data are summarized in Table
5.7.
Table 5.7. Faunal data from Artillery Lane and comparative assemblages.
Artillery
Lane
Ximenez-Fatio
16th C (1983)
Ximenez-Fatio
16th C (1980)
Ximenez-Fatio
de Leon site
18th C
Percentage MNI
Domestic mammals
21.21
4.7
3
12.72
14.61
Domestic birds
12.12
4.7
0
9.25
4.57
Wild terrestrials
9.09
9.3
9.1
10.4
9.59
Wild birds
27.27
11.6
9.1
9.25
10.96
Aquatic reptiles
9.09
2.3
3
8.67
3.65
Fishes
21.21
58.1
60.6
49.71
56.62
Commensal species
-
9.3
15.2
-
-
Percentage Biomass
Domestic mammals
87.47
47.8
25.2
56.83
77.3
Domestic birds
1.17
1.3
0
6.48
0.84
Wild terrestrials
6.43
23.7
24.4
9.57
15.05
Wild birds
0.59
3.4
3.2
5.74
0.83
Aquatic reptiles
3.63
0.9
10.9
5.72
0.72
Fishes
0.71
21.3
33.8
15.66
5.26
Commensal species
-
1.9
2.5
-
-
In each of these examples, domestic mammals contribute the most biomass of any
category, although none so dramatically as the Artillery Lane and de Leon samples. This follows
Elizabeth Reitz’s (1992:84) observation that from the seventeenth to the early eighteenth century
in St. Augustine, beef’s contribution to biomass more than doubled. At the same time, the
reliance of the colonists on wild terrestrial animals decreased (Reitz 1992:84). As the cattleraising ranches and missions in inland Florida had been dissolved by the eighteenth century, “the
source of this meat [beef] must have been the lands near St. Augustine” (Reitz 1992:93).
During the seventeenth century, cattle ranches were established in inland Florida west of
St. Augustine and south to the area of present-day Gainesville (Reitz 1992:80-81). The
Menéndez Marquéz family owned one such ranch, the “hacienda a la chua” (Bushnell 1978:418).
As by 1756 “raids of Heathen Indians destroyed the many [cattle] plantations formerly in the
70
provinces,” it is not likely that the cattle remains recovered from the Artillery Lane deposit are
associated with the Menéndez Marquéz cattle holdings (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979:10).
Surprisingly, despite St. Augustine’s proximity to a prolific marine fishery, fishes
contribute only a negligible amount to the total biomass calculated for the Artillery Lane site.
Reitz (2004:70) has observed a trend in which fish biomass declines through time from the
sixteenth to the eighteenth century. She suggests that “the lower percentage of fish biomass in St.
Augustine assemblages…may reflect an increase in European-introduced domestic animals in
the town by the end of the First Spanish period” (Reitz 2004:70). Another factor in the decrease
of fish biomass is the possibility of a fishery collapse during the first half of the eighteenth
century, possibly due to over-fishing after the arrival of the Spanish colonists (Reitz 2004:78).
Reitz (2004:79) suggests that the fishery recovers after 1821, and fish biomass subsequently
increases. This hypothesis is borne out by the data presented here from the sixteenth through
nineteenth centuries in St. Augustine (Table 5.7).
In the case of the Artillery Lane feature, however, it is not appropriate to link the trash
pit’s small amount of fish with such a large-scale phenomenon as a fisheries collapse. Rather, it
is more likely that the food remains from Artillery Lane correspond with those foods considered
to be efficacious in the treatment of the sick. Thus, the calculated biomass from the trash pit may
indicate that beef was regarded as more healthful than fish in the treatment of patients at the
hospital. In one 1756 report, a royal official who had lived in St. Augustine for several years
described Florida beef as “very tasty and nutritious” (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979:10).
Reitz (1983) has also examined Iberian foodways as they existed in Spain and as they
were translated in Spanish Florida. In Spain, the dominant grains were wheat and barley while
the most important meat source was sheep (Reitz 1983:155). Thus, mutton was moderately
priced, but pork was the most expensive meat (Reitz 1983:155). Cattle in Spain were raised
primarily as “draft and dairy animals, becoming a source of meat only after many years of
service” (Reitz 1983:155). Consequently, beef and domestic fowl were less expensive meat
sources, while fish cost even less (Reitz 1983:155).
Due to the unavailability of traditional Iberian foods, the colonists of Spanish Florida
were obliged to develop new subsistence strategies which can be examined zooarchaeologically:
“European faunal collections from St. Augustine should reflect the use of a variety of resources,
in a pattern similar to that of Florida aboriginals, compensating for the vagaries of the situado
71
and trade with the British colonies” (Reitz 1983:159). For the same reason, the social value
attached to particular foods would also shift. Reitz (1983:159) suggests that while adherence to
an Iberian-style diet may be an indicator of high status, “another indicator would be a diet that is
more expensive to maintain in the local situation, even if not a traditional Iberian type.” Thus,
the inverse relationship of availability to status appears again. In the case of diet, highly
accessible foods such as corn and fish may be associated with low prestige, while high-status
families may have used more beef and deer (Reitz 1983:159). In the case of the Artillery Lane
assemblage it is more likely that the preponderance of beef is indicative not of high status, but of
provisions allotted to the hospital. A letter from city officials to the Crown in 1713 mentions the
issuance of a certain quantity of “meat or pork and salt” to the Royal Hospital (Florida Health
Notes 1968:31). In addition, the regularity of butchering marks on Bos taurus humerii is
suggestive of standardized cuts.
72
CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Where the first stage of colonial activity is distinguished by dramatic encounters and
desperate adaptations, the final stage is marked by a firmly established social and economic
system. The “Middle Period” of Colonial Spanish America, however, is “a time of solidification
and elaboration of the social and institutional patterns” brought from the Old World to the New
(Deagan 1997:6). As is generally agreed that these social and institutional patterns are in place in
St. Augustine by 1700 (Ruhl and Hoffman 1997), the Artillery Lane assemblage may be viewed
as a result of the formative Middle Period. The assemblage demonstrates considerable diversity
in terms of national origin of the materials, diversity that is a legacy of the second half of the
Middle Period (Hoffman 1997:31). Kathleen Hoffman (1997:34) writes that such diversity is an
indication of the colony’s “internal development and separation from Europe.” By the middle of
the eighteenth century, the time of the Artillery Lane feature, such separation is clearly
demonstrated by St. Augustine’s decreasing dependence on Spain for monetary and dietary
essentials. Indeed, by this time, the colony is at the brink of complete detachment from the
mother country as the First Spanish Period came to an abrupt end in 1763.
Upon initial consideration of the Artillery Lane assemblage, the presence of a large
quantity of porcelain and glass tableware, the dominance of beef in the calculated biomass, and
the physical association with a residence known to have belonged to a prestigious family, the
immediate impulse may be to label the sample as an elite residential midden. However, dating of
the sample (by ceramic TPQ) associates the deposit of the feature with the military hospital that
operated within the former Menéndez Marquéz residence. In this light, and with other data from
various contexts in St. Augustine in hand, the significance of the Artillery Lane assemblage is
seen: the dominance of beef may be due to the failure of the marine fishery that had up until the
eighteenth century provided a significant portion of the biomass required for the survival of the
colony; the abundance of English spirit bottles may represent the only anesthesia available to
colonial doctors and their patients at the Royal Hospital; the observation that one-half of all
ceramic material recovered from the Artillery Lane trash pit is English-made points perhaps not
to the owner’s influence and wealth, but to the pervasive illegal trade of the eighteenth century.
Even the presence of porcelain in the assemblage is understood in this context considering how
73
readily available and cheaply sold Chinese trade porcelain had become by the mid-eighteenth
century. Noel Hume (1969:257) writes that by this time “it had become one of the most common
ceramic types, though the quality had declined quite appallingly.”
By comparing the Artillery Lane assemblage with others from various social and
temporal contexts in St. Augustine, an attempt was made to understand the significance of this
deposit against the broader backdrop of Spain’s first permanent New World colony. Emphasis
was placed on the material results of activities undertaken by a group of individuals. This is in
contrast to early (prior to 1970) studies of the city that tended to focus on either the architectural
merits of the pueblo or the military prowess of the presidio.
Charles Fairbanks was one of the first archaeologists interested in St. Augustine to
express a concern with the daily life of the colonists rather than the architectural and military
aspects of the city. Analysis of the Artillery Lane sample represents a small example of
Fairbanks’ “backyard archaeology.” In his words, “If the archeologist has the skills, he can glean
a great deal of information from these refuse deposits for the unraveling of the cultural events
and processes, not only of the past but that apply to the present and future as well” (1976a:137).
Although the Artillery Lane trash pit is but a tiny fragment of St. Augustine’s archaeological
record, it is by the piecing together of such fragments from other areas and ages of the city that
an understanding of colonial cultural processes may begin to be understood.
74
APPENDIX A
DATING THE ARTILLERY LANE ASSEMBLAGE: CERAMIC DATA
Dateable Ceramics
Count (fi)
Mean manufacture date (xi)
Product [(fi)(xi)]
Blue and White Chinese porcelain
29
1730
50170
White Saltglazed stoneware, plain
9
1758
15822
White Saltglazed stoneware, util.
2
1763
3526
12
1753
21036
Slipware
6
1733
10398
Elers ware
3
1735
5205
Whieldon ware
1
1755
1755
Mexican red-painted ware
2
1650
3300
Olive jar
13
1685
21905
El Morro
1
1660
1660
Bacin
1
1685
1685
Reyware
2
1775
3550
39
1750
68250
Plain white delftware
1
1675
1675
Creamware
4
1755
7020
White Saltglazed stoneware, molded
English delftware
TOTAL
125
217049
Mean Ceramic Date = Σ (xi,fi) / Σfi
Artillery Lane Date Mean Ceramic Date = 1736.39
75
APPENDIX B
DATING THE ARTILLERY LANE ASSEMBLAGE: PIPE STEM DATA
Diameter
Count
4/64
7
5/64
10
Total
17
Application of Binford’s formula:
Mean diameter (x) = 4.59
Y = 1931.85 – 38.26x
Y = 1756.24
It should be kept in mind that the minimum statistically valid sample size is 100 pipe
stems (Deagan 1974:171). As the Artillery Lane pipe stem sample size is just 17, the value of the
date given by this dating technique is somewhat tenuous.
76
APPENDIX C
ARTILLERY LANE MATERIAL CULTURE
Ceramics
Common name
Sub-type / pattern
Date Range
Median Date
Count
Weight (g)
2
4.9
1730
2
1.1
1730
25
150.5
1712
1
4.6
11
127.6
1758
9
520.1
1763
2
91.5
1753
1
2
1753
8
29.4
1753
1
17.4
1753
1
1.4
1753
1
3.8
1733
2
64.4
1733
2
44.3
1733 (Deagan
1974)
5
427.3
1735
3
82.2
1755
1
0.6
10
1
28.8
0.8
PORCELAIN
Imari
Chinese porcelain
Hand-painted
1660-1800 (South
1977)
1660-1800 (South
1977)
STONEWARE
1650-1775 (Smith
1990)
Rhenish Stoneware
White salt-glazed stoneware Hand-painted
Plain, reconstructed
Plain, v. thick
Body design
Barley
Rim design 1
Rim design 2
Rim design 3
1740-1775 (South
1977)
1720-1805 (South
1977)
1740-1765 (South
1977)
1740-1765 (South
1977)
1740-1765 (South
1977)
1740-1765 (South
1977)
1740-1765 (South
1977)
EARTHENWARE
Slipware
English slipware
Trailed (curvy)
Trailed and combed
American slipware
1670-1795 (South
1977)
1670-1795 (South
1977)
Trailed
Refined
Elersware
Whieldonware
1670-1800 (Smith
1990)
1740-1770 (South
1977)
Yellow ware
UID refined earthenware
77
Coarse
Mexican red-painted ware
Olive jar
1550-1750 (Smith
1990)
1570-1800 (Smith
1990)
1570-1800 (Smith
1990)
1650
2
3.4
1685
8
528.4
1685
5
137.1
7
84.5
1
2.3
1
30.3
1775
2
3.7
1557
4
7.5
1675
1
1
1
0.4
1
0.9
1
11.8
1685
1
78.2
1685
1
19.8
1750
38
228.5
1750
1
1.7
1720
1
3.1
1755 (Deagan
1974)
3
4.3
B/W
1
0.3
Plain
Simple stamp
1
1
8.9
3.5
6
16.5
18
63
Unglazed
1 side glazed
Black Lead-glazed
1550-1770 (Smith
1990)
El Morro
1660
Bacin
Reyware
Majolica
Yayal B/W
Aucilla Polychrome
1725-1825 (Smith
1990)
1490-1625 (Smith
1990)
1650-1700 (Smith
1990)
UID B/W Majolica
UID Polychrome
majolica
Melado
UID coarse earthenware
V. thick
Discoidal
1570-1800 (Smith
1990)
1570-1800 (Smith
1990)
Tin-enameled
English delftware
B/W
Polychrome
Plain white delftware
1600-1802 (South
1977)
1600-1802 (South
1977)
1640-1800 (South
1977)
Creamware
Creamware
ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
Sponge-tempered
St. Johns
1755-1800
Sand-tempered
UID Sand-tempered ceramic
Shell-tempered
UID Shell-tempered ceramic
78
Glass
Type
Sub-Type
Window glass
Plain
Case bottle
Case bottle, w/ nail
Fragment ct Weight (g)
67
1
Body sherds
19
Corner sherds
Spirit bottle
4
110.5 g Translucent green
33.7 g Translucent brown
14.5
28.4 g Golden cross-section
Bases/kickup sherds
38
1419.6
Complete bases/kickups
20
7763.5
107
1343.6
Neck/shoulder sherds
28
472.9
Necks
20
2007.4
1
113.3
Body sherds
Neck with wire fastener intact
53
Green bottle glass
Body sherds
Colorless glass
Vial base
1
19.3
Wine stem w/o base or bowl
1
37.7
Tumbler base
5
106
Body sherds
39
43.5
Body sherds w/ molded designs
2
4.2
Rim sherds
1
2.6
Base sherds
2
8.9
Blue-green glass (v. thin) Body sherds
2
0.9
Blue-green glass
3
7.2
Body sherds
79
Color
104.7 Translucent green
Metal
Sub-type
Type
Iron
Count
Wrought nails
104
425.9
Square-head cut nail
1
5
Hat-head cut nail
9
41.4
11
69.1
Possible Jew's harp
1
19.1
Wide nail
1
27.4
Spikes
6
487.2
Strapping
6
232.2
Lock-type object
1
159.7
Iron tacks
4
5.1
UID flat objects
5
12.9
Scrap
-
534.6
Finial
1
10.7
Tack
1
8.5
Scrap
1
3.4
Straight pin
1
<0.1
Clinched nails
Brass
Weight (g)
Other
Sub-type
Type
Worked bone
Count
Weight (g)
Button
1
0.3
Fan spoke
1
1.1
Bowl fragments
1
0.8
17
23
Concrete
6
1109.7
Brick
6
2473.7
Coquina
5
595.7
Chert
6
20.3
Basalt
1
42.5
Clay pipe
Stems
Masonry
80
Surface Collection
Common name
Sub-type /
pattern
Count
Weight (g)
Color
Décor
Vessel
shape
Frag form
Colorless glass
1
2.2
Body
Spirit bottle
1
3.7
Body
UID vertebrate
bone
3
1
Charcoal
1
0.1
UID shell
1
0.1
Polychrome
1
0.5 White
Monochrome
2
2.7 White
Body
Creamware
3
3.8 White
Body, rim
Porcelain
2
0.7 Blue / white
Aboriginal ceramic Sand-temper
3
6.2
Coarse earthenware Shell-temper
2
8
Tin-enamel
ceramic
Tin-enamel
ceramic
81
Blue
handpainting
Blue
handpainting
Orange
paste
Body
Body
Red painted
Rim
APPENDIX D
ARTILLERY LANE FAUNAL MATERIAL
Scientific
Name
Taxonomic
NISP %
Weight %
Name
Probably
Mammalia,
horse or
89 8.48 817.3 24.86
Very large
cattle
Mammalia, Probably
92 8.77 212.7 6.47
Large
deer or bear
Probably
Mammalia,
3 0.29
1.0 0.03
rabbit or
Small
squirrel
Unidentified
Mammalia
10 0.95 10.5 0.32
mammal
Sciurus
Fox squirrel
1 0.10
1.0 0.03
niger
Felis
Domestic
2 0.19
4.5 0.14
domesticus cat
Probably
Artiodactyla
16 1.53 42.3 1.29
deer
Domestic
16 1.53 205.2 6.24
Sus scrofa
pig
Odocoileus White tail
3 0.29 89.2 2.71
virginianus deer
Ovis/Capra sheep/goat
Bos taurus
Domestic
cattle
All
Mammals
Aves
Anser sp.
Branta
canadensis
Anas sp.
Bucephala
albeola
Anas
fulvigula
Unidentified
birds
Domestic
goose
Canada
goose
Unidentified
duck
Bufflehead
Mottled
duck
Common
Anas crecca
teal
Gallus
Domestic
gallus
chicken
Biomass
%
Burnt %
10993.6865 27.66
Butchered %
MNI %
0.00
4
7.41
0.00
5
9.26
0.00
3273.3372
8.24
0.00
26.3027
0.07
0.00
0.00
0.00
218.3084
0.55
0.00
0.00
0.00
26.3027
0.07
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
101.8336
0.26
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
765.0791
1.92
4 30.77
3
5.56
1
3.03
3169.2728
7.97
0.00
2
3.70
1
3.03
1497.3674
3.77
4 30.77
1
1.85
1
3.03
808.8933
2.04
0.00
1
1.85
1
3.03
4.96 2222.4 67.61 27048.3019 68.05
0.00
23 42.59
4 12.12
199 18.97 2833.8 86.21 36934.9990 92.93
8 61.54
35 64.81
10 30.30
4
52
0.38
45.0
1.37
76
7.24
29.1
0.89
438.6747
1.10
4
0.38
13.8
0.42
222.4795
0.56
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
2
0.19
4.6
0.14
81.8671
0.21
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
2
0.19
0.5
0.02
10.8658
0.03
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
1
0.10
0.4
0.01
8.8690
0.02
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
4
0.38
3.2
0.10
58.8419
0.15
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
1
0.10
0.1
0.00
2.5119
0.01
0.00
2
3.70
1
3.03
9
0.86
11.8
0.36
192.9357
0.49
0.00
1
1.85
3
9.09
82
1
7.69
1
1.85
0.00
Gallinago
Common
gallinago
snipe
Larus
Ring-billed
delawarensis gull
Columba
Feral pigeon
livia
All Birds
Trachemys
Pond slider
sp.
Gopherus
Gopher
polyphemus tortoise
Cheloniidae Sea turtles
8
0.76
0.7
0.02
14.7584
0.04
0.00
0.00
2
6.06
1
0.10
1.4
0.04
27.7317
0.07
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
1
0.10
0.2
0.01
4.7199
0.01
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
109 10.39
65.8
2.00 1064.2557
2.68
1
7.69
4
7.41
13 39.39
2
0.19
59.4
1.81
488.0192
1.23
0.00
1
1.85
1
3.03
16
1.53
58.0
1.76
480.2825
1.21
0.00
1
1.85
1
3.03
1
0.10
32.1
0.98
323.1159
0.81
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
3.70
3
9.09
All Turtles
19
1.81 149.5
4.55 1291.4176
3.25
All Bony
Osteichthyes Fish
fragments
70
6.67
10.7
0.33
201.2801
0.51
0.00
0.00
Siluriformes Catfishes
1
0.10
0.1
0.00
3.3884
0.01
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Marine
catfishes
2
0.19
0.2
0.01
4.3249
0.01
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Ariidae
0
0.00
2
0.00
Cynoscion
sp.
Pogonias
cromis
Sciaenops
ocellatus
Seatrout
3
0.29
0.9
0.03
35.9865
0.09
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Black drum
2
0.19
5.5
0.17
137.3626
0.35
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Redfish
3
0.29
0.7
0.02
29.8794
0.08
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Mugil spp.
Mullet
10
0.95
1.4
0.04
38.7582
0.10
0.00
1.85
1
3.03
Bothidae
Flounder
family
1
0.10
0.1
0.00
3.3884
0.01
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
Gadus sp.
Cod
1
0.10
0.4
0.01
11.6368
0.03
0.00
0.00
1
3.03
92
8.77
19.6
0.60
454.3686
1.14
0
1.85
7 21.21
All
Unidentified
Unidentified 630 60.06 218.5
Vertebrate
Fragments
6.65
0.00
4 30.77
12 22.22
0.00
All Bony
Fish
Totals
Busycon
carica
1049
Lightning
whelk
3287.2
39745.0410
1 33.33 841.0 99.12
13
319.0219 45.34
1
54
33
0.00
0.00
1 33.33
1.31
0.00
0.00
1 33.33
Busycon sp. Whelks
1 33.33
4.8
0.57
Atlantic
ribbed
mussel
1 33.33
2.7
0.32
375.4128 53.35
0.00
0.00
1 33.33
3 100.00 848.5 100.00
703.6696 100.00
0 100.00
0 100.00
3 100.00
Geukensia
demissa
All
Mollusks
9.2349
0.00
1
83
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
A native of Fort Walton Beach, Florida, the author received her Bachelor of Arts in
Anthropology from Auburn University in 2002. Beth moved to Tallahassee in 2003 to pursue a
Masters degree at Florida State University. In November 2005, Beth will begin work as a Project
Archaeologist with Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. in Gainesville, Florida.
90