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The Pagan Christ: Recovering the Lost Light by Tom Harpur. Toronto: Thomas Allen Publishers, 2004. pp. 244. $34.95. The title hints at the enormous task that Mr. Harpur has undertaken, which is nothing less than the radical transformation of Christianity as we know it. His thesis is that there is nothing original in Christianity, since it was copied or plagiarized from the ancient Egyptian religion. He adduces an impressive list of parallels between the life and teachings of Jesus and the primordial mystery religion, that if true would silence most skeptics. The gospels were originally intended to be mythological, expressing deep spiritual truths flowing from the ancient religion. A combination of the machinations of fanatical ecclesiastics and colossal blunders resulted in the gospels being interpreted in a historical fashion, thereby robbing Christianity of much of its spiritual power. In a fraud unparalleled in history, the evidence of this deceit was destroyed or covered up in the early centuries of the Christian era, and the pagan roots of Christianity repudiated. The historical Jesus never existed; he is a mythological expression of the god in every person. The events related in the gospel stories describe archetypal interior experiences common to all humanity, and the Jesus story is a spiritual allegory of the soul. These are serious charges with enormous consequences, requiring a meticulous assemblage of evidence. This is where the problems with the book begin. There is virtually no dialogue with current mainstream scholarship. Much of the book draws on outdated or fringe work. It is questionable whether Madame Blavatsky, the founder of Theosophy, should be considered a suitable source for a work of this nature (page 165). The bibliography is weighted very strongly in favor of esoteric and theosophical works, and relies very heavily on the works of Gerald Massey (1828-1908) and Alvin Kuhn (1881-1963), two orientalists who wrote extensively on esoteric religion. Their works, however, are idiosyncratic, and not accepted within the field of Egyptology. One can see why: both of them work from the narrowest range of sources, making tortured and questionable word etymologies and esoteric interpretations of hieroglyphics and Egyptian art. We are asked to accept their interpretations at face value with little or no supporting evidence or proof. Harpur repeats these interpretations with little further supporting evidence. It would be expected that one could confront and cross-examine the statements offered as evidence; in fact, it is very difficult and in same cases nearly impossible. For example, on page 77, he states that Massey has found 180 correlations between the lives of Horus and Jesus, proving the identity between the two. Neither the name of the work nor the page numbers are given to us. In numerous instances, bold and sweeping statements are made with little or no supporting references, and there is often the same problem with extended quotations. The startling statement by Meister Eckhart on page 41 begs for a reference, but in vain. Over the last fifty years, a tremendous amount of research has been generated on both the historical Jesus, Second Temple Judaism, and the social and economic conditions of the first-century Roman empire. Mainstream scholarship has situated Jesus securely in the context of Second Temple Judaism, Greco-Roman society, and the structure of empire. Additionally, it has revealed the social and economic impact of the early Christian proclamation and the religious currents that nourished the life and message of Jesus. With the exception of references to the work of the Jesus Seminar, most of this research is absent from this work. Ironically, even the work of the Jesus Seminar is dismissed by Harpur, because they still mistakenly believe that Jesus was an historical person. A failure to anchor the argument in sound historical research leads to assertions such as on page 5 that there was a ‘Jesus’ in Egyptian lore as early as 18,000 BCE – astounding when one considers the fact that the earliest pre-historic sites in Egypt date to about the 6th millennium BCE with the familiar Egyptian civilization beginning about 3500 BCE. Several striking quotations from the Church Fathers admit that Christianity is not new. The statement by St. Augustine on page 27 is a fine example: the true religion has always existed among the ancients, and began to be called Christianity with the coming of Jesus Christ in the flesh. This line of argument was quite common during the patristic era, for one of the most uncomfortable accusations against Christianity was that it was new – the peoples of the ancient world, unlike modern people, revered old and venerable traditions rather than innovations, especially in the area of religion. Apologists had to prove that Christianity was not new, but had an ancient and respectable pedigree. These quotations do not imply that Jesus did not exist or that Christianity was a myth. But the question of historicity is one of the most contentious. Throughout the book, ‘historical’ is treated as almost a pejorative term, for according to Harpur’s definition of mythology, historical events represent truth of a lesser order than the mythological. He flatly denies the historical nature of Jesus, and of course those who accept the historical existence of Jesus are literalists. Much is made of the fact that in the first century, there is little in the way of historical corroboration of Jesus outside of Christian sources. But why should there have been? Jesus was insignificant in the eyes of most and the Christian movement miniscule. He makes the puzzling claim that the very first Christians knew that the gospels were mythological rather than historical; in fact, never would have dreamed of interpreting them in a literal fashion. But the ancients knew full well what myths were, and in several places in NT the authors go out of their way to distinguish the Christian revelation from myths (1 Tim 1:4; 4:7; 2 Tim 4:4; Tit 1:14; 2 Pet 1:16). Luke takes great pains to anchor both the lives of Jesus and those of his followers within an historical framework, a fact that Harpur dismisses as merely part of the script. Finally, the mythological interpretation fails to explain the phenomenon of persecution and suffering. Why were people willing to suffer both social dislocation and physical suffering for a mythological truth? How does one explain the explicit apocalyptic expectations of the Pauline communities? Harpur’s interpretation raises far more questions than it answers. In a sense, Harpur presents us with a choice that is a caricature. On the one hand, there is a primordial spiritual tradition containing profound spiritual truths, which witnesses to the divine within all human beings and seeks their transformation. Christianity in its original form was a mythological representation of this tradition, and belief in the historical nature of Jesus the Christ is both unnecessary and undesirable. On the other hand, we can choose a Christianity that is historical, literalist, fundamentalist, exclusivist, and spiritually anemic; in fact, ‘historical’ is practically equated with the other adjectives. But there are other ways of presenting the choices besides the caricatures above. Belief in the presence of the divine within all humanity and our capacity to actualize this can be acquired through reading the New Testament and the Church Fathers. It is simply not necessary to foreswear the historical Jesus. I would fully expect that Christianity would receive and pass along the spiritual heritage of humankind; indeed, I would expect nothing less. Christianity has drawn from many sources, which should not be at all disturbing. And to be sure, much spiritual wisdom has been inadvertently or deliberately lost over the centuries, which should surprise no one. But it is a quantum leap of logic to assume that Jesus never existed and that the entire Christian revelation is mythological. The historical nature of Christianity and its role in the struggle for a just world is a precious heritage, and not to be lightly tossed aside in favor of a mythology detached from human history. I had hoped for a real dialogue between history, myth, and spiritual tradition. For instance, why must myth and history be mutually exclusive? Can something be both historical and mythological in the sense that Harpur so well explains in chapter 2? What role does the sacred imagination play in the interpretation of history? What is the relationship between the spiritual gifts of various religions? But the polemical tone of this book, coupled with the extreme nature of its claims and the lack of both nuance and hard supporting evidence, is both disappointing and unconvincing. Scott M. Lewis S.J.