Download The Crusades: The War for the Holy Land

ThomasAsbridgeisSenior LecturerinMedievalHistory atQueenMary,Universityof London,andan internationallyrenowned expertonthehistoryofthe Crusades.HisacclaimedThe FirstCrusadeisalso availablefromSimon& Schuster. FurtherpraiseforThe Crusades ‘Asbridgetakescare,inthis scholarlysurveyofmedieval crusadingactivityfromthe 11thtothe13thcenturies,to givetheMuslimperspective asmuchweightasthe Christian.Hecan’thelpbut tellarippingyarn,often breezilydramatic,whipping thenarrativealong’Iain Finlayson,TheTimes ‘Stuffedwiththekindof splendidlycolourful anecdotesthatonlythe medievaleracansupply. Asbridgedepartsradically– andsuccessfully–from tradition[and]brilliantly exposesMuslimstrategies andmotivations’James McConnachie,SundayTimes ‘Acompellingnarrativethat resonatesinescapablywith contemporaryevents... Masterful’MaliseRuthven, Observer ‘Atrulycomprehensive historyofholywarinthe HolyLand.Emphasizingthe dramaticThirdCrusadeand itsheroicantagonists, RichardtheLionheartand Saladin,thenarrativereads likeanadventurestory,albeit onethatisbothfactualand instructive’Publishers Weekly ‘Todaythecrusadesareall tootopical,thoughmostly, Asbridgeobserves,forthe wrongreasons:interestingas theyare,hesays,theirplace isinthepast.Thatdoesn’t stopthembeingexciting, stirring,moving,horrificand awholelotofotherthingsas wellthough:thisbookgives usnarrativehistoryatitsbest’ Scotsman ‘ThomasAsbridgebringsall thecolouranddramaofthis violenteraresolutelyalivein TheCrusades,presentingthis clashofcivilisationsfrom boththeChristianandIslamic viewpoints’OxfordTimes ‘Thereismoreherethana historicalaccount...The Crusadestellsanew,noless interesting,storyaswell:how thememoryoftheCrusades wasformedinmoderntimes’ WallStreetJournal ‘Asbridgewidenshisvistato theentire1195–1291duration ofthecrusadingera.With perceptivecommentaryabout spiritualmotivationsbehind crusadingandperspectives fromcontemporaryIslamic sources,Asbridgeconstructs acomprehensive, sophisticated,andarresting analyticalnarrativerewarding toanylevelofhistorical interest,whetherrecreational orscholarly’Booklist AlsobyThomasAsbridge THEFIRSTCRUSADE FirstpublishedinGreatBritainin2010 bySimon&SchusterUKLtdThis editionpublishedbySimon&Schuster UKLtd,2012 AnimprintofSimon&SchusterUK LtdACBSCOMPANY Copyright©2010,2012byThomas AsbridgeThisbookiscopyrightunder theBerneConvention. Noreproductionwithoutpermission. Allrightsreserved. TherightofThomasAsbridgetobe identifiedastheauthorofthisworkhas beenassertedbyhiminaccordance withsections77and78ofthe Copyright,DesignsandPatentsAct, 1988. Simon&SchusterUKLtd1stFloor 222Gray’sInnRoad London WC1X8HB www.simonandschuster.co.uk Simon&SchusterAustralia,Sydney Simon&SchusterIndia,NewDelhi Maps©ReginaldPiggottEvery reasonableefforthasbeenmadeto contactcopyrightholdersofmaterial reproducedinthisbook.Ifanyhave inadvertentlybeenoverlooked,the publisherswouldbegladtohearfrom themandmakegoodinfutureeditions anyerrorsoromissionsbroughttotheir attention. ACIPcataloguerecordforthisbookis availablefromtheBritishLibrary. ISBN:978-1-84983-688-3 eBookISBN:978-184983-770-5 TypesetbyMRules PrintedandboundbyCPIGroupUK, CroydonCR04YY Formyfather GeraldAsbridge CONTENTS ListofMaps ListofPlates Forewordtothepaperback edition Introduction PARTI:THE COMINGOFTHE CRUSADES 1HolyWar,HolyLand 2SyrianOrdeals 3TheSacredCity 4CreatingtheCrusader States 5Outremer 6CrusadingReborn PARTII:THE RESPONSEOF ISLAM 7MuslimRevival 8TheLightofFaith 9TheWealthofEgypt 10HeirorUsurper 11TheSultanofIslam 12HolyWarrior PARTIII:THE TRIALOF CHAMPIONS 13CalledtoCrusade 14TheConqueror Challenged 15TheComingofKings 16Lionheart 17Jerusalem 18Resolution PARTIV:THE STRUGGLEFOR SURVIVAL 19Rejuvenation 20NewPaths 21ASaintatWar PARTV:VICTORY INTHEEAST 22LionofEgypt 23TheHolyLandReclaimed CONCLUSION TheLegacyoftheCrusades Acknowledgements Chronology Notes Index LISTOFMAPS 1.WesternEuropeandthe Mediterranean 2.TheNearandMiddleEast 3.NorthernSyria 4.PalestineandSouthern Lebanon 5.Egypt 6.TheFirstCrusaders’Route totheHolyLand 7.TheCityofAntioch 8.TheCityofJerusalem 9.TheCrusaderStatesinthe EarlyTwelfthCentury 10.Saladin’sHattin Campaign 11.TheSiegeofAcreduring theThirdCrusade 12.RichardtheLionheart’s MarchfromAcretoJaffa 13.TheThirdCrusade:Paths toJerusalem 14.TheCrusaderStatesinthe EarlyThirteenthCentury 15.TheNileDelta 16.MamluksandMongolsin 1260 WesternEuropeandtheMediterranean TheNearandMiddleEast NorthernSyria PalestineandSouthernLebanon Egypt LISTOFPLATES IntheMiddleAges,justasit istoday,Jerusalemwas reveredasasiteofprofound spiritualsignificanceby Christians,Muslimsand Jews,andthefateofthis HolyCitywasbound inextricablytothehistoryof thecrusades.Thislatetwelfth centurymapdepictsthe walledmetropolisandits mostsacredshrines–the DomeoftheRock,theAqsa mosqueandtheHoly Sepulchre. PopeUrbanIIlaunchedthe FirstCrusadein1095. Around100,000people joinedthecrusade,among themDukeGodfreyof BouillonandAdhémarofLe Puy,shownheresettingout fortheHolyLand. ThegreatcityofAntioch, builtatthefootofMount Silpius,wasenclosedbya three-mile-longcircuitof toweringwalls. Oncetheybrokeintothecity neardawnon3June1098, theFirstCrusaderscarried outanindiscriminate massacre,depictedhereina thirteenth-centurymanuscript illumination. TheDomeoftheRock,lying withintheHaramas-Sharifor TempleMountcomplex. TheHolySepulchre,whichis thoughttoenclosethesiteof JesusChrist’sdeathand resurrection.Itwasherethat theFirstCrusadersgave thanksaftersacking Jerusalemon15July1099. Jerusalem’scitadel,the TowerofDavid. TheLatinChristiansofthe kingdomofJerusalem conqueredthecityofTyre– hometooneoftheLevant’s bestharbours–in1124with theaidofVenetiansailors (seenhereontheright).The navalsupportofferedbythe likesofVenice,Pisaand Genoaprovedcrucialtothe foundationofthecrusader states.Thisillumination comesfromamanuscriptof WilliamofTyre’sHistoryof Outremerthatwasproduced inthesecondhalfofthe thirteenthcentury. Theimposingcitadelof Aleppo. TheGrandUmayyadMosque ofDamascus. Oneoftwoivorycoversof theMelisendePsalter,the smallbutlavishlydecorated prayerbookthoughttohave beengivenbyKingFulkof JerusalemtohiswifeQueen Melisendearound1135.Here aking,clothedinGreek imperialraiment,enacts worksofcharity:clothingthe poor;tendingtothesick. StBernardofClairvaux:one oftheforemostspiritual figuresofthetwelfthcentury, supporteroftheTemplarsand preacheroftheSecond Crusade. Theornatelycarvedpulpit commissionedbyNural-Din andinstalledinJerusalem’s AqsamosquebySaladinin 1187.Itwasdestroyedina firestartedbyanAustralian fanaticin1969. Alatemedievaldepictionof Saladin,founderofthe Ayyubiddynastyand championofIslam. TherockyoutcropinGalilee knownastheHornsofHattin, whereSaladinconfrontedthe Latinson4July1187. Thenineteenth-century FrenchartistGustaveDoré imaginesthemomentwhen theMuslimsenvelopedtheir quarryatHattin. ThecityofAcre–the remainsoftheTowerofFlies canbeseentowardsthe bottomofthisaerial photograph. TheeffigyofRichardthe Lionheart,kingofEngland (1189–99).DuringtheThird CrusadeRichardconfronted Saladin’sforces,butproved unabletoreconquer Jerusalem. ThemagnificentHospitaller castleofKrakdesChevaliers. ThedefencesoftheSyrian ‘crusader’fortressofSaone werebolsteredbyadeep trench,hewnthroughsolid rock,withasinglepillarleft standingtosupportabridge. ThedesertcastleofKerak helpedtodefendJerusalem andtocontrolpassage throughTransjordan. PopeInnocentIII–anardent andenthusiasticadvocateof thecrusadingcause. EmperorFrederickIIof Germany,themostpowerful secularrulerinEurope, cultivatedaninterestin learningandcourtlypursuits likefalconry. TheFifthCrusadersattacking DamiettausedOliverof Paderborn’sfloatingsiege towertocapturetheTowerof theChain. KingLouisIXofFrance,clad inroyalblueandgolden fleur-de-lys,leadinghis troopsattheBattleof Mansourah. Mamlukwarriors–Islam’s militaryeliteinthethirteenth century–intraining. Thelionemblemfromthe TowerofBaybarsinCairo– animageusedtomarkthe sultan’spublicworksacross theNearEast.Baybars defeatedtheMongolsand unleashedaseriesofscouring attacksonthecrusaderstates. Acre,thethirteenth-century capitalofFrankishPalestine, felltotheMamluksin1291. Thetitanicbattleforthecity wasrecalledinthis nineteenth-centurypainting fromtheSallesdesCroisades, Versailles. Themonumentalstatueof SaladinerectedbySyria’s PresidentHafezAsadin1992 outsidethecitadelof Damascus. ThesatiricalperiodicalPunch soughttoevokeechoesofthe crusadingpastafterGeneral AllenbyenteredJerusalemin 1917. GeorgeW.Bush’sdecisionto describethe‘WaronTerror’ asa‘crusade’after9/11 playedintothehandsof IslamicextremistslikeOsama binLaden. FOREWORD Inrecentmonths,Ihavehad thegoodfortunetotravel acrosstheNearandMiddle East,andEurope,filminga documentaryseriesforthe BBCbasedonthisbook. Althoughafewofthe locationsIvisitedwerenew tome,mostwerefamiliar fromprevioustripsconnected tomydecades-longresearch intocrusadinghistory.Yetin everyplace,Ihadapowerful sensethatIwasengagedin somethingthat,forme,was novel,challengingand profoundlyilluminating.I wasseekingtoconveymy abidingpassionforthe crusades–totellthestoryof theseholywars–inthevery placesinwhichthedrama (andsometimeshorror)of theseeventsplayedout. Overtheyears,Ihave soughtincountlesslectures andclassestocommunicate thefebrileamalgamoffaith andviolencethatpoweredthe FirstCrusade,butitis somethingelseentirelyto standinJerusalem’sHoly Sepulchreitselfanddescribe thepiousjoyexperiencedby blood-splatteredcrusadersas theyfinallyenteredthismost sacredChristianshrinein 1099.AndIfeltthesame electrifyingsenseof connectionwithintheAqsa Mosque,speakingofhowthe greatSultanSaladinweptas heledFridayprayerinthat verybuildingon3July1192, grief-strickenthathewould havetoabandonJerusalem. Iwouldnotclaimthat theseexperienceshave somehowaffordedmeunique orgroundbreakinginsights intothecrusadingera,orthat suddenlyIamnowbetter placedtoachievean empatheticunderstandingof theprotagonistsinvolved.In theend,alocationalone (oftenalteredfromits medievalstate)canonlytake yousofar,andonehasto turnbacktothehistorical sources,betheytextualor material.Butmyimagination hasbeensparked,andmy enthusiasmforcrusading history–alreadyanobsession forconsiderablymorethan halfmylife–re-energised.In particular,Ihavebeenmoved toponderthewaysinwhich weremember,andsometimes forget,events. Afewweeksago,Iwalked intoSainte-Chapelle–the toweringshrinebuiltbyKing LouisIXofFranceinthe heartofParis–anhour beforedawn.Thisstructure wasatechnologicalmiracle initsday;builttohouse Louis’prizedcollectionof Passionrelics(amongthem Christ’sCrownofThorns),its delicatestonecolumnsand loftyvaultssupport seeminglyimpossible expansesofvibrantstained glass.Normallythronging withvisitors,alltransfixedby itsbeautyandhigh-Gothic splendour,thechapelnow stooddarkanddeserted.As thesunroseandlightslowly begantopourinthroughthe dazzlingwindows,Iwas struckbytherarecertainty thatKingLouis–amanwho dedicatedhislifetothewar fortheHolyLandmorethan 700yearsago–hadwalked throughthisself-samespace. Sainte-Chapellesurvivesasa talismanofLouis’memory, evokinghisunswerving religiousdedication;itisa celebratediconofFrench historyandnationalidentity. Butthereareotherplaces, justasintimatelyassociated withthiscrusadermonarch’s life,whichhavebeenallbut forgotten. Mansourah,ontheNile Delta,whereKingLouis wagedanepicstrugglefor controlofEgyptinthe thirteenthcentury,isnowa sprawling,industrialisedcity. Ratherimprobably,thesiteof Louis’crusadercampbeside theNileremainsasan isolatedandforlornpocketof agriculturalland,overlooked bythreechimneyspumping outcloudsofnoxiousyellow smoke.Noonecomeshereto see–letalonefilm–this place,wheretheChristian armywascrushedbythe emergingmightofthe Mamluks,andwheretheking himselfwaseventually unmannedbysuchan extremecaseofdysentery thathehadtocutaholeinhis breeches.Itwasapeculiarly jarring,yetaffecting, experiencetostandinthis spotanddescribeoncamera how,atduskon4April1250, woundedandabandoned crusadersdesperatelytriedto crawltothefewvesselsstill mooredontheriverbankonce theMuslimsbrokeintotheir camp,onlytobehunted downandslaughteredwithout mercy. Iexperiencedasimilar feeling–oneofbriefly resurrectingaforgotten momentfromthedistantpast –whenrecountingthestory ofanothermassacre,thistime enactedbycrusaders,upon thesandyplainsbeyondthe northernIsraelicityofAcre. Havingspentanumberof yearscarryingoutan especiallyclosestudyofall thefirsthandaccountsforthis particularevent,Iamperhaps justalittletoofamiliarwith theappallingandgrisly detailsofhow,inthemidstof theThirdCrusade,Richard theLionheartmarchedsome 2,700Muslimcaptivesoutof thecityandthenhadthem butcheredincoldblood.For me,atleast,itproved impossiblenottoponderthe terriblesenseoffearand confusionthatmusthave beenrifeamongstthese prisonersinthemoments beforetheirdeaths;beforethe crusaderssetuponthem‘with stabbingsandblowsof swords’,asonewitnessputit. Ofcourse,oneofthe primaryaimsofmyworkhas beentostressthatthe crusadeswerenotsimplya catalogueofceaselessbattles andcampaigns.Itisonlytoo easy,throughselected presentationoftheevidence, toconceiveofthisasanage of‘totalwar’betweenIslam andtheWest;aneraof embitteredconflict,fuelled byingrainedhatredand cyclesofreciprocalviolence. Thiscertainlyisthevisionof thecrusadesusedtopromote thenotionofaninevitable clashofcivilisationsbetween EuropeandtheMuslim world.Butinthecourseof thewarfortheHolyLand, pragmaticrealityand political,militaryand commercialexpediency meantthat‘crusader’settlers wereactuallybroughtinto frequentcontactwiththe nativepeoplesoftheLevant, includingMuslims.Assuch, thecrusadescreatedoneof thefrontierenvironmentsin whichEuropeanswereableto interactwithandabsorb ‘eastern’culture.Thiswas notacosyenvironmentof harmoniousconcord,but giventheprevailingrealities ofthewiderworld,this shouldbenosurprise.The medievalWestitselfwas wrackedbyinter-Christian rivalryandinterminable martialstrife;endemicsocial andreligiousintolerancewere alsoontherise.Bythese standards,theuneasymixture ofcontactandsimmering conflictvisibleinthe ‘crusader’Levantwasnot thatremarkable. Oneofthegreatestbenefits ofworkingonthistelevision seriesisthatithasbrought privilegedaccesstothe physicalremnants–or materialculture–ofthe medievalcrusadingage, manyofwhichspeaktothis notionofinter-cultural contact.Asascholarusedto seeingthepastchiefly throughtextualevidence,itis enormouslyexcitingto actuallyhandleobjectsthat survivefromthisera, especiallythosedrawnfrom everydaylife.InIsrael,I foundmyselfexaminingan arrayof‘crusader’coins mintedbywesternChristian settlersintheNearEast, rangingfromfairlycrude coppers–oneofwhichmight haveboughtafewloavesof bread–topreciousgold issues.Themostfascinating ofthesewereaseriesthat,at firstglance,looklikeIslamic coins,repletewithArabic inscriptionsandpurportingto beissuedbytheEgyptian Caliphal-Amirwhoruled between1101and1130.In reality,theyare‘fakes’, producedbyChristianrulers asimitationMuslimgold coins(ofslightlydebased weight)inorordertoallow settlerstomorereadilyand rapidlyincorporate themselvesintothe commercialfabricofthe Levant.Thefactthat–inthe midstofthecrusadingage– westernsettlerswereminting coinsmarkedwithIslamic text(andsomethatevenbore thenameoftheProphet Muhammad)speaksvolumes abouttheimportanceoftransculturaltradeandthecapacity fornecessitytotrump ideology. Ialsohavebeengranted accessbytheBritishLibrary tooneoftheirgreatest treasures:theMelisende Psalter.Thissmall,finely wroughtprayerbookwas probablycraftedinthe1130s asagiftforQueenMelisende ofJerusalemfromher husband,KingFulk.Indeed, itmaywellhavebeenapeace offering,designedtohelp calmthewatersafterthe couplehadbecomeembroiled inamatrimonialspatthat almostendedinfullcivilwar. Thisexceptionallybeautiful artefactstandstestamentto thecapacityforcultural fusioninthecrusaderstates. Producedbyatleastseven differentartisans,itexhibits elementsofEnglish,French, Byzantine,easternChristian andevenIslamicinfluence. Perhapsmostspectacularof allareitsivorycovers,which arenowkeptseparatelyfrom therestoftheprayerbook. Carvedinminutedetailand insetwithsemi-precious stones,theydepictscenesof kingshipandChristianpiety: ontheonecovermoments fromthelifeofKingDavid himself,includingthebattle againstGoliath;ontheother, amonarch(likelyFulk himself)deckedoutin Byzantineimperialgarbsoas toappearmoremagisterial, carryingoutdiverseactsof devotionandcharity,from clothingthepoortotending thesick.Anexcellent reproductionofthislatter coverappearsintheplate sectionwithinthisbook. Whatmakesthisobjectso captivatingisthatitconnects ustothepersonalstoryof Melisende’sandFulk’sjoint reign,butitalsoreveals somethingaboutthewider worldinwhichtheylived. Oneoftheaimsofthe BBCserieshasbeento answerthatmostfundamental ofquestions:howdowe knowthat?Todoso,Ihave gonebacktoarangeof medievalmanuscripts–often totheearliestsurvivingcopy anywhereintheworld–to revealthehistoricalsources weusetoreconstructthe crusadingera.Perhapsthe greatestcoupwasgaining entrytotheAqsaMosque ArchiveinJerusalemtoview anearlythirteenth-century copyofBahaal-Din’s biographyofSaladin.Thisis afantasticallyinformative document,throwingunique lightontoSaladin’s personalityandthecourseof hisconfrontationwith RichardtheLionheartduring theThirdCrusade,writtenby amanwhoknewthesultan wellandwitnessedmuchof whathedescribed.Andwhat makestheAqsamanuscript sospecialisthatitwas almostcertainlynolater copy,likemostmedieval texts,butanoriginal,actually pennedbyBahaal-Din himself.Toholditandrealise thatIhadinmyhandsthe workofoneofSaladin’s closestintimateswassimply extraordinary. Thefinalstrandof evidenceincorporatedinto theserieshasbeenthatdrawn fromarchaeology.Justfour daysago,beneathascorching desertsun,Ivisitedtheruins ofal-Wu’ayracastle(known intheWestastheValleyof Moses)–asmall,twelfthcentury‘crusader’ fortificationjustoutside ancientPetra(Jordan). Duringtheearlystagesof westernsettlement,European Christianstriedtocolonise thisisolatedandinhospitable region,butadaptingtosuch anunfamiliarenvironment provedtobenosimple matter.Excavationshave uncoveredsixteenrock-cut graveswithinthefortress fromthisperiod,andanalysis ofthehumanskeletalremains theycontainedsuggestthat thesettlerswereunableto gatherenoughfreshfruitand vegetablestobalancetheir diets,andthattheirrelatively paleskinsalsoledthemto sufferfromadeficitoffolic acid.Atal-Wu’ayraI examinedfragilefragmentsof skullfromasmallbabywho, allthosecenturiesago,had diedbetweentheagesofsix toninemonths.Thebones borestarkevidenceofthe lesions(almostsponge-like deformations)associatedwith extremeVitaminC deficiency,orscurvy. Theworkofadaptingthis booktobecomea documentaryserieshasbeen enormouslyenjoyableandI feelhugelyprivilegedtohave beeninvolvedinsucha remarkableproject.The experiencehascertainly enrichedmyown understandingofthecrusades anddeepenedmyloveofthis eraofourhistory.Myhopeis that,byrevealingwhatnow survivesoftheworld inhabitedbythecrusaders andMuslimswhowagedthe medievalwarfortheHoly Land–drawinguponthe senseofplaceandevidence fromtexts,materialculture andarchaeology–a televisionserieswillemerge thatdoesjusticetothis enthrallingandthought provokingsubject. ThomasAsbridge 6November2011 WestSussex INTRODUCTION THEWORLDOF THECRUSADES Ninehundredyearsagothe ChristiansofEuropewageda seriesofholywars,or crusades,againsttheMuslim world,battlingfordominion ofaregionsacredtoboth faiths–theHolyLand.This bloodystruggleragedfortwo centuries,reshapingthe historyofIslamandtheWest. Inthecourseofthese monumentalexpeditions, hundredsofthousandsof crusaderstravelledacrossthe faceoftheknownworldto conquerandthendefendan isolatedswatheofterritory centredonthehallowedcity ofJerusalem.Theywereled bythelikesofRichardthe Lionheart,warrior-kingof England,andthesaintly monarchofFrance,LouisIX, tofightingruellingsieges andfearsomebattles;passing throughverdantforestsand ariddeserts,enduring starvationanddisease, encounteringthefabled emperorsofByzantiumand marchingbesideforbidding Templarknights.Thosewho diedwerethoughtofas martyrs,whilesurvivors believedthattheirsoulshad beenscourgedofsinbythe tempestofcombatandtrials ofpilgrimage. Theadventofthese crusadesstirredIslamto action,reawakening dedicationtothecauseof jihad(holywar).Muslims fromSyria,EgyptandIraq foughttodrivetheirChristian foesoutoftheHolyLand– championedbythemerciless warlordZangiandthemighty Saladin;empoweredbythe riseofSultanBaybarsandhis elitemamlukslavesoldiers; sometimesaidedbythe intriguesoftheimplacable Assassins.Yearsofconflict inevitablybredgreater familiarity,evenattimes grudgingrespectandpeaceful contactthroughtruceand commerce.Butasthedecades passed,thefiresofconflict burnedonandthetideslowly turnedinIslam’sfavour. Thoughthedreamof Christianvictorylivedon,the Muslimworldprevailed, securinglastingpossessionof JerusalemandtheNearEast. Thisdramaticstoryhas alwaysfiredtheimagination andfuelleddebate.And,over thecenturies,thecrusades havebeensubjectto startlinglyvaried interpretations:heldupas proofofthefollyofreligious faithandthebasesavageryof humannature,orpromotedas gloriousexpressionsof Christianchivalryand civilisingcolonialism.They havebeenpresentedasadark episodeinEurope’shistory– whenraveninghordesof greedywesternbarbarians launchedunprovoked, acquisitiveattacksuponthe culturedinnocentsofIslam– ordefendedasjustwars sparkedbyMuslim aggressionandprosecutedto recoverChristianterritory. Thecrusadersthemselves havebeendepictedasboth land-hungrybrutesand pilgrimsoldiersinspiredby ferventpiety;andtheir Muslimrivalsportrayedas viciousandtyrannical oppressors,ardentfanaticsor devoutparagonsofhonour andclemency. Themedievalcrusades havealsobeenusedasa mirrortothemodernworld, boththroughtheforgingof tenuouslinksbetweenrecent eventsandthedistantpast, andviathedubiouspractice ofhistoricalparallelism. Thus,duringthenineteenth centurytheFrenchand Englishappropriatedthe memoryofthecrusadesto affirmtheirimperialheritage; whilethetwentiethand twenty-firstcenturieshave witnessedadeepening tendencywithinsome sectionsoftheMuslimworld toequatemodernpolitical andreligiousstruggleswith holywarswitnessednine centuriesearlier. Thisbookexploresthe historyofthecrusadesfrom boththeChristianand Muslimperspectives– focusing,inparticular,upon thecontestforcontrolofthe HolyLand–andexamines howmedievalcontemporaries experiencedandremembered thecrusades.1Itdrawsupon thewonderfullyrichmineof availablewrittenevidence(or primarysources)fromthe MiddleAges:thelikesof chronicles,lettersandlegal documents,poemsandsongs; recordedinlanguagesas diverseasLatin,OldFrench, Arabic,Hebrew,Armenian, SyriacandGreek.Beyond thesetexts,thestudyof materialremains–from imposingcastlestodelicate manuscriptartandminuscule coins–hasthrownnewlight onthecrusadingera. Throughout,originalresearch hasbeeninformedbythe greatoutpouringofmodern scholarshipinthefield witnessedoverthepastfifty years.1 Containingthehistoryof thecrusadestotheHolyLand between1095and1291ina single,accessiblevolumeisa massivechallenge.Butit doesofferenormous opportunities.Thechanceto tracethegrandsweepof events,uncoveringthe visceralrealityofhuman experience–throughagony andexultation,horrorand triumph;tocharttheshifting fortunesandperceptionsof IslamandChristendom.It alsomakesitpossibletoaska seriesofcrucial,interlocking andoverarchingquestions abouttheseepochalholy wars. Issueslinkedtotheorigins andcausesofthewarforthe HolyLandareof fundamentalimportance. Howdidtwooftheworld’s greatreligionscometo advocateviolenceinthe nameofGod,convincing theirfollowersthatfighting fortheirfaithwouldopenthe gatestoHeavenorParadise? Andwhydidendless thousandsofChristiansand Muslimsanswerthecallto crusadeandjihad,knowing fullwellthattheymightface intensesufferingandeven death?Itisalsoimperativeto considerwhethertheFirst Crusade,launchedattheend oftheeleventhcentury,was anactofChristian aggression,andwhat perpetuatedthecycleof religiousviolenceintheNear Eastforthetwohundred yearsthatfollowed. Theoutcomesandimpact oftheseholywarsareequally significant.Wasthe crusadingeraaperiodof unqualifieddiscord–the productofaninevitable ‘clashofcivilisations’–or onethatrevealedacapacity forcoexistenceand constructivecross-cultural contactbetweenChristendom andIslam?Wemustaskwho, intheend,wonthewarfor theHolyLandandwhy,but morepressingstillisthe questionofhowthisageof conflictaffectedhistory,and whytheseancientstruggles stillseemtocastashadow overtheworldtothisday. MEDIEVAL EUROPE Intheyear1000,thecounty ofAnjou(inwest-central France)wasruledbyFulk Nerra(987–1040),abrutal andrapaciouswarlord.Fulk spentmostofhisfifty-three yearsinpowerlockedin near-constantstruggle: fightingoneveryfrontto retaincontrolofhisunruly county;schemingtopreserve hisindependencefromthe feebleFrenchmonarchy;and preyinguponhisneighbours insearchoflandandplunder. Hewasamanaccustomedto violence,bothonandoffthe battlefield–capableof burninghiswifeatthestake foradulteryandof orchestratingtheruthless murderofaroyalcourtier. Butforallthebloodonhis hands,Fulkwasalsoa committedChristian–one whorecognisedthathis brutishwayswere,bythe tenetsofhisfaith,inherently sinful,andthusmightleadto hiseternaldamnation.The counthimselfadmittedina letterthathehad‘causeda greatdealofbloodshedin variousbattles’andwas therefore‘terrifiedbythefear ofHell’.Inthehopeof purifyinghissoul,hemade threepilgrimagesto Jerusalem,morethan2,000 milesaway.Onthelastof thesejourneys,nowanold man,Fulkwassaidtohave beenlednakedtotheHoly Sepulchre–thesiteofJesus’ deathandresurrection–with aleasharoundhisneck,being beatenbyhisservantwhilehe beggedChristfor forgiveness.2 WhatdroveFulkNerrato makesuchdrasticgesturesof repentance,andwhywashis storyfilledwithsuchferal turmoil?Evenpeopleinthe eleventhcenturywere shockedbythecount’s unbridledsadismand outlandishactsofdevotion, sohiscareerevidentlywasan extremeexampleofmedieval life.Buthisexperiencesand mindsetwerereflectiveofthe forcesthatshapedtheMiddle Agesandgavebirthtothe crusades.Anditwouldbe peoplelikeFulk–including manyofhisowndescendants –whostoodinthefrontline oftheseholywars. WesternEuropeinthe eleventhcentury Manyofthosewholivedin thesameearlyeleventhcenturyworldasFulkNerra fearedthattheywere witnessingthelastdarkand desperatedaysofhumanity. Apocalypticdreadreachedits heightintheearly1030s, whenitwasthoughtthe millennialanniversaryof Jesus’deathwouldpresage theLastJudgement.One chroniclerwroteofthistime: ‘Thoseruleswhichgoverned theworldwerereplacedby chaos.Theyknewthenthat the[EndofDays]had arrived.’Thispalpable anxietyalonehelpstoexplain Fulk’spenitentmentality.But asfarasthecountandhis contemporarieswere concerned,ithadnotalways beenso.Theyharboureda collectivememoryofamore peacefulandprosperouspast; agoldenagewhenChristian emperorsruledinGod’s name,bringingordertothe worldinaccordancewithHis divinewill.Thisratherhazily imaginedidealwasbyno meansaperfectrecollection ofEurope’shistory,butitdid encapsulatesomeshardsof truth. Romanimperialrulehad providedstabilityand affluenceintheWestuntilthe latefourthcenturyCE (CommonEra).IntheEast theRomanEmpirelivedon until1453,ruledfromthe greatcityofConstantinople, foundedin324by ConstantinetheGreat–the firstemperortoconvertto Christianity.Today, historiansrefertothis enduringrealmasByzantium. IntheWestbetweenthefifth andtheseventhcenturies powerdevolvedontoa bewilderingarrayof ‘barbarian’tribes,butaround theyear500oneofthese groups,theFranks, establishedcontrolover north-easternGaul,giving risetoakingdomknownas Francia(fromwhichthe modernnationofFrancetook itsname).2By800,a descendantoftheseFranks, Charlemagne(768–814),had unitedsuchahugeswatheof territory–encompassing muchofmodernFrance, Germany,ItalyandtheLow Countries–thathecouldlay claimtothelong-dormant titleofemperoroftheWest. Charlemagneandhis successors,theCarolingians, presidedoverashort-lived periodofrenewedsecurity, buttheirempirecrumbled undertheweightof successiondisputesand repeatedinvasionsby ScandinavianVikingsand easternEuropeanMagyars. Fromthe850sonwards, Europewasagainripped apartbypolitical fragmentation,warfareand unrest.Theembattledkings ofGermanystillsoughtto claimtheimperialtitleanda royalhouseinFrance survivedinadesperately emasculatedstate.Bythe eleventhcenturyConstantine andCharlemagnehadpassed intolegend,theembodiments ofadistantera.Inthecourse ofmedievalEuropean history,manyaChristian kingsoughttoemulateand imitatetheirsupposed achievements–amongthem somewhowouldfightinthe crusades. BythetimeofFulkNerra, theWestwasgradually emergingfromthispostCarolingianageofdecline (despitethepredictionsof Armageddon),butintermsof politicalandmilitarypower, andsocialandeconomic organisation,mostregions werestillhighlyfragmented. Europewasnotpartitioned intonationstatesinthe modernsenseoftheword. Instead,thelikesofGermany, Spain,ItalyandFrancewere dividedintomanysmaller polities,ruledoverby warrior-lords,mostofwhom wereboundbyonlylooseties ofassociationandloyaltytoa crownmonarch.LikeFulk, thesemenboretitlessuchas duxandcomes(dukeand count)thatharkenedbackto RomanandCarolingian times,andweredrawnfrom theranksofanascentmilitary aristocracy–theincreasingly dominantclassofwellequipped,semi-professional fightingmenwhocametobe knownasknights. Eleventh-centuryEurope wasnotinastateoffully fledgedanarchy,butthe raveningviolenceoffeudand vendettawascommonplace, andlawlessnessendemic. Societywashighlylocalised. Nature’sgripovertheWest hadyettobeloosened,with vastswathesoflandstill blanketedinforestorleft openanduncultivated,and mostmajorroadsystems datedbacktoimperialRome. Itwascommon,insucha world,togothroughlife withouttravellingmorethan fiftymilesfromone’s birthplace–afactthatmade FulkNerra’srepeated journeystoJerusalem,and thelaterpopularityof crusadinginthedistantHoly Land,allthemore extraordinary.Mass communicationalsodidnot existasitwouldbe understoodtoday,because mostpeoplewereilliterate andprintinghadnotyetbeen invented. Nevertheless,inthecourse ofthecentralMiddleAges (between1000and1300), westerncivilisationbeganto showsuresignsof developmentandexpansion. Urbanisationslowlygathered pace,andgrowthinthe populationoftownsandcities helpedtostimulateeconomic recoveryandtherevivalofa monetary-basedeconomy. Amongthosecommunities whospearheadeda resurgenceinlong-distance tradeweretheseaborne merchantsofItaly,basedin citieslikeAmalfi,Pisa, GenoaandVenice.Other groupsdemonstrateda markedpropensityfor militaryconquest.The NormansofnorthernFrance (descendantsofViking settlers)wereespecially energeticinthemid-eleventh century:colonisingAngloSaxonEngland;andseizing southernItalyandSicilyfrom theByzantinesandNorth AfricanArabs.Meanwhile,in Iberia,anumberofChristian realmsbegantopushtheir borderssouth,reconquering territoryfromtheMuslimsof Spain. AswesternEuropeans begantolookbeyondtheir earlymedievalhorizons,the forcesofcommerceand conquestbroughttheminto closercontactwiththewider world,andwiththegreat civilisationsofthe Mediterranean:theancient ‘easternRoman’Byzantine Empireandthesprawling Arab-Islamicworld.These long-established ‘superpowers’werehistoric centresofwealth,cultureand militarymight.Assuch,they tendedtoregardtheWestas littlemorethanabarbarian backwater–thedismal homelandofsavage tribesmenwhomightbe fiercefighters,butwere essentiallyjustan uncontrollablerabble,and thusposednorealthreat.The comingofthecrusadeswould helptooverturnthisdynamic, evenasitconfirmedmanyof theseprejudices.3 LatinChristendom AncientRomanrule undoubtedlyhadaprofound effectuponallaspectsof westernhistory,butthe empire’smostimportantand enduringlegacywasthe ChristianisationofEurope. ConstantinetheGreat’s decisiontoembrace Christianity–thenaminor easternsect–after experiencinga‘vision’in312 CE,catapultedthisfaithonto theworldstage.Withinless thanacenturyChristianity haddisplacedpaganismas theempire’sofficialreligion, andthroughtheagencyof Romaninfluence‘Christ’s message’spreadacross Europe.Evenasthepolitical statethathadgivenitimpetus faltered,theChristianfaith gainedinstrength.Europe’s new‘barbarian’chieftains convertedandsoonbeganto claimthattheyhadadivinely ordainedrighttoruleover theirtribesaskings.The mightyunifierCharlemagne styledhimselfasa‘sacral’,or sacred,ruler–onewhoheld therightandresponsibilityto defendandupholdthefaith. Bytheeleventhcentury, LatinChristianity(so-called becauseofthelanguageofits scriptureandritual)had penetratedtoalmostevery corneroftheWest.3 Acentralfigureinthis processwasthepopein Rome.Christiantradition maintainedthattherewere fivegreatfathers–or patriarchs–oftheChurch spreadacrossthe Mediterraneanworldat Rome,Constantinople, Antioch,Jerusalemand Alexandria.Butthebishopof Rome–whocametocall himself‘papa’(father)or pope–soughttoclaimpreeminenceamongallthese. ThroughouttheMiddleAges, thepapacystrugglednotonly toassertitsecumenical (worldwide)‘rights’,butalso towieldmeaningfulauthority overtheecclesiastical hierarchyoftheLatinWest. ThedeclineoftheRomanand CarolingianEmpires disruptedframeworksof powerwithintheChurch,just asithaddonewithinthe secularsphere.Across Europe,bishopsenjoyed centuriesofindependence andautonomyfrompapal control,withmostprelates owingtheirfirstallegianceto localpoliticalrulersandthe ‘sacral’kingsoftheWest.By theearlyeleventhcentury, popeswerestrainingsimply tomaketheirwillfeltin centralItaly,andinthe decadesthatfollowedthey wouldsometimesevenfind themselvesexiledfromRome itself. Nonetheless,itwouldbea Romanpopewholaunched thecrusades,promptingtens ofthousandsofLatinstotake uparmsandfightinthename ofChristianity.This remarkablefeat,inandof itself,servedtoextendand strengthenpapalpower,but thepreachingoftheseholy warsshouldnotberegarded asapurelycynical,selfservingact.Thepapacy’srole astheprogenitorofcrusading didhelptoconsolidate Romanecclesiastical authorityinregionslike Franceand,tobeginwithat least,crusaderforceslooked asthoughtheymightfollow thepope’scommands, functioningalmostaspapal armies.Evenso,more altruisticimpulsesprobably alsowereatwork.Many medievalpopesseem earnestlytohavebelieved thattheyhadawiderdutyto protectChristendom.They alsoexpected,upondeath,to answertoGodforthefateof everysoulonceintheircare. Byconstructinganidealof Christianholywar–inwhich actsofsanctifiedviolence wouldactuallyhelpto cleanseawarrior’ssoulofsin –thepapacywasopeningup anewpathtosalvationforits Latin‘flock’. Infact,thecrusadeswere justoneexpressionofamuch widerdrivetorejuvenate westernChristendom, championedbyRomefrom themid-eleventhcentury onwardsintheso-called ‘Reformmovement’.Asfar asthepapacywasconcerned, anyfailingswithinthe Churchwerejustthe symptomsofadeeper malaise:thecorrupting influenceofthesecular world,longenshrinedbythe linksbetweenclergymenand layrulers.Andtheonlyway tobreakthestranglehold enjoyedbyemperorsand kingsovertheChurchwasfor thePopefinallytorealisehis God-givenrighttosupreme authority.Themostvocaland extremeproponentofthese viewswasPopeGregoryVII (1073–85).Gregoryardently believedthathehadbeenset onEarthtotransform Christendombyseizing absolutecontrolofLatin ecclesiasticalaffairs.In pursuitofthisambition,he waswillingtoembrace almostanyavailablemeans– eventhepotentialuseof violence,enactedbypapal servantswhomhecalled ‘soldiersofChrist’.Although Gregorywenttoofar,toofast andendedhispontificatein ignominiousexileinsouthern Italy,hisboldstridesdid muchtoadvancethetwinned causesofreformandpapal empowerment,establishinga platformfromwhichoneof hissuccessors(andformer adviser),PopeUrbanII (1088–99),couldinstigatethe FirstCrusade.4 Urban’scallforaholywar foundawillingaudience acrossEurope,inlargepart becauseoftheprevailing religiousatmosphereinthe Latinworld.AcrosstheWest, Christianitywasanalmost universallyacceptedfaith and,incontrasttomodern secularisedEuropeansociety, theeleventhcenturywasa profoundlyspiritualera.This wasasettinginwhich Christiandoctrineimpinged uponvirtuallyeveryfacetof humanlife–frombirthand death,tosleepingandeating, marriageandhealth–andthe signsofGod’somnipotence wereclearforalltosee,made manifestthroughactsof ‘miraculous’healing,divine revelationandearthlyand celestialportents.Concepts suchaslove,charity, obligationandtraditionall helpedtoshapemedieval attitudestodevotion,but perhapsthemostpowerful conditioninginfluencewas fear;thesamefearthatmade FulkNerrabelievethathis soulwasinperil.TheLatin Churchoftheeleventh centurytaughtthatevery humanwouldfaceamoment ofjudgement–theso-called ‘weighingofsouls’.Purity wouldbringtheeverlasting rewardofheavenlysalvation, butsinwouldresultin damnationandaneternityof hellishtorment.Forthe faithfuloftheday,the visceralrealityofthedangers involvedwasdrivenhomeby graphicimagesinreligious artandsculptureofthe punishmentstobesufferedby thosedeemedimpure: wretchedsinnersstrangledby demons;thedamnedherded intothefiresofthe underworldbyhideous devils. Underthesecircumstances, itwashardlysurprisingthat mostmedievalLatin Christianswereobsessedwith sinfulness,contaminationand theimpendingafterlife.One extremeexpressionofthe pressingdesiretopursuean unsulliedandperfected Christianlifewas monasticism–inwhich monksornunsmadevowsof poverty,chastityand obedience,andlivedin orderedcommunities, dedicatingthemselvesto God.Bytheeleventhcentury, oneofthemostpopularforms ofmonasticlifewasthat advocatedbytheBurgundian monasteryofCluny,in easternFrance.TheCluniac movementgrewtohavesome 2,000dependenthousesfrom EnglandtoItalyandenjoyed far-reachinginfluence,not leastinhelpingtodevelop andadvancetheidealsofthe Reformmovement.Itspower wasreachinganapexinthe 1090s,whenUrbanII, himselfaformerCluniac monk,heldthepapaloffice. Ofcourse,thedemandsof monasticismwerebeyondthe meansofmostmedieval Christians.Andforordinary laymenandwomen,thepath toGodwasstrewnwiththe dangersoftransgression, becausemanyseemingly unavoidableaspectsofhuman existence–likepride,hunger, lustandviolence–were deemedsinful.Butanumber ofinterconnectedsalvific ‘remedies’wereavailable (eventhoughtheirtheoretical andtheologicalfoundations hadyetfullytoberefined). Latinswereencouragedto confesstheiroffencestoa priest,whowouldthenallot themasuitablepenance,the performanceofwhich supposedlycancelledoutthe taintofsin.Themost commonofallpenitential actswasprayer,butthe givingofalmstothepooror donationstoreligioushouses andtheperformanceofa purgativedevotionaljourney (orpilgrimage)werealso popular.Thesemeritorious deedsmightalsobe undertakenoutsidetheformal frameworkofpenance,either asasortofspiritualdown payment,orinorderto entreatGod,oroneofhis saints,foraid. FulkNerrawasoperating withinthisestablishedbelief structurewhenhesought salvationintheearlyeleventh century.Oneremedyhe pursuedwasthefoundation ofanewmonasterywithinhis countyofAnjou,atBeaulieu. AccordingtoFulk’sown testimony,hedidthis‘sothat monkswouldbejoined togetherthereandprayday andnightfortheredemption of[my]soul’.Thisideaof tappingintothespiritual energyproducedin monasteriesthroughlay patronagewasstillatworkin 1091,whenthesouthern FrenchnobleGastonIVof Béarndecidedtodonatesome propertytotheCluniachouse ofStFoi,Morlaàs,in Gascony.Gastonwasan avowedsupporterofthe Reformpapacy,had campaignedagainstthe MoorsofIberiain1087and wouldgoontobecomea crusader.Thelegaldocument recordinghisgifttoStFoi statedthatheactedforthe benefitofhisownsoul,that ofhiswifeandchildren,and inthehopethat‘Godmay helpusinthisworldinallour needs,andinthefuturegrant useternallife’.Infact,by Gaston’sdaymostofwestern Christendom’slaynobility enjoyedsimilarwellestablishedconnectionswith monasteries,andthishada markedeffectuponthespeed atwhichcrusadeenthusiasm spreadacrossEuropeafter 1095.Partly,thiswasbecause thevowundertakenby knightscommittingtothe holywarmirroredthattaken bymonks–asimilaritythat seemedtoconfirmthe efficacyoffightingforGod. Moreimportantstillwasthe factthatthepapacy,withits linkstoreligioushouseslike Cluny,relieduponthe monasteriesoftheLatinWest tohelpspreadandsupportthe calltocrusade. Thesecondpathto salvationembracedbyFulk Nerrawaspilgrimage,and, givenhismultiplejourneysto Jerusalem,heevidentlyfound thisparticularformof penitentialdevotion especiallycompelling–later writingthatthecleansing forceofhisexperiencesleft himin‘highspirits[and] exultant’.Latinpilgrimsoften travelledtolessdistant locations–includingmajor centreslikeRomeand SantiagodeCompostela(in north-eastSpain),andeven localshrinesandchurches– buttheHolyCitywasfast emergingasthemostrevered destination.Jerusalem’s unrivalledsanctitywasalso reflectedinthecommon medievalpracticeofplacing thecityatthecentreofmaps depictingtheworld.Allof thishadadirectbearingupon theexultantreactionto crusadepreachingbecause theholywarwaspresentedas aformofarmedpilgrimage, onethathadJerusalemasits ultimateobjective.5 WarfareandviolenceinLatin Europe Inlaunchingthecrusadesthe papacysoughttorecruit membersofonesocial groupingaboveallothers:the knightsofLatinEurope.This militaryclasswasstillatan earlystageofdevelopmentin theeleventhcentury.The fundamentalcharacteristicof medievalknighthoodwasthe abilitytofightasamounted warrior.4Knightswerealmost alwaysaccompaniedbyat leastfourorfivefollowers whocouldactasservants– tendingtotheirmaster’s mount,weaponryandwelfare –butwhoalsowerecapable offightingasfootsoldiers. Whenthecrusadesbegan, thesemenwerenotmembers offull-timestandingarmies. Mostknightswerewarriors, butalsolordsorvassals, landholdersandfarmers– whowouldexpecttogive overnomorethanafew monthsinanyoneyearto warfare,andeventhendid notusuallyfightin established,well-drilled groups. Thestandardformsof warfareineleventh-century Europe,familiartoalmostall knights,involvedamixtureof short-distanceraiding, skirmishing–whichwas usuallyaraggedaffair, characterisedbychaotic close-quartercombat–and siegesofthemanywood-or stone-basedcastleslittered throughouttheWest.Few Latinsoldiershadexperience oflarge-scalepitchedbattles, becausethisformofconflict wasincrediblyunpredictable andthereforegenerally avoided.Virtuallynone wouldhavefoughtina protracted,long-range campaignofthesortinvolved incrusading.Assuch,the holywarsintheEastwould requirethewarriorsofLatin Christendomtoadaptand improvesomeoftheirmartial skills.6 Beforethepreachingofthe FirstCrusade,mostLatin knightsstillregardedactsof bloodshedasinherently sinful,buttheyalreadywere accustomedtotheideathat, intheeyesofGod,certain formsofwarfareweremore justifiablethanothers.There alsowassomesensethatthe papacyevenmightbecapable ofsanctioningviolence. Atfirstsight,Christianity doesappeartobeapacifistic faith.TheNewTestament Gospelsrecordmany occasionswhenJesusseemed torejectorprohibitviolence: fromhiswarningthathewho livedbyviolencewoulddie byviolence,totheSermonon theMount’sexhortationto turntheothercheekin responsetoablow.TheOld Testamentalsoappearsto offerclearguidanceonthe questionofviolence,withthe MosaicCommandment: ‘Thoushallnotkill.’Inthe courseofthefirstmillennium CE,however,Christian theologiansponderingthe unionbetweentheirfaithand themilitaryempireofRome begantoquestionwhether scripturereallydidoffersuch adecisivecondemnationof warfare.TheOldTestament certainlyseemedequivocal, becauseasahistoryofthe Hebrews’desperatestruggle forsurvival,itdescribeda seriesofholywarssanctioned byGod.Thissuggestedthat, undertherightcircumstances, evenvengefuloraggressive warfaremightbepermissible; andintheNewTestament, Jesushadsaidthathecameto bringnotpeacebutasword, andhadusedawhipofcords tobeatmoneylendersoutof theTemple. Themostinfluentialearly Christianthinkertowrestle withtheseissueswasthe NorthAfricanbishopSt AugustineofHippo(354–430 CE).Hisworklaidthe foundationuponwhichthe papacyeventuallybuiltthe notionofcrusading.St Augustinearguedthatawar couldbebothlawfuland justifiableiffoughtunder strictconditions.Hiscomplex theorieswerelatersimplified toproducejustthree prerequisitesofaJustWar: proclamationbya‘legitimate authority’,suchasakingor bishop;a‘justcause’,like defenceagainstenemyattack ortherecoveryoflost territory;andprosecution with‘rightintention’,thatis, withtheleastpossible violence.Thesethree Augustinianprinciples underpinnedthecrusading ideal,buttheyfellfarshortof advocatingthesanctification ofwar. Inthecourseoftheearly MiddleAges,Augustine’s workwasjudgedto demonstratethatcertain, unavoidable,formsof militaryconflictmightbe ‘justified’andthusacceptable intheeyesofGod.But fightingundertheseterms wasstillsinful.Bycontrast,a Christianholywar,suchasa crusade,wasbelievedtobe onethatGodactively supported,capableof bringingspiritualbenefitto itsparticipants.Thechasm separatingthesetwoformsof violencewasonlybridged aftercenturiesofsporadic andincrementaltheological experimentation.Thisprocess wasacceleratedbythemartial enthusiasmofthepostRoman‘barbarian’rulersof Europe.Their Christianisationinjecteda new‘Germanic’acceptance ofwarfareandwarriorlife intotheLatinfaith.Underthe Carolingians,forexample, bishopsbegansponsoringand evendirectingbrutal campaignsofconquestand conversionagainstthepagans ofeasternEurope.Andbythe turnofthemillenniumithad becomerelativelycommon forChristianclergytobless weaponsandarmour,andthe livesofvarious‘warrior saints’werebeingcelebrated. Duringthesecondhalfof theeleventhcentury,Latin Christianitybegantoedge everclosertowardsthe acceptanceofholywar.Inthe earlystagesoftheReform movement,thepapacybegan toperceivetheneedfora militaryarmwithwhichto reinforceitsagendaand manifestitswill.This promptedasuccessionof popestoexperimentwiththe sponsoringofwarfare,calling uponChristiansupportersto defendtheChurchinreturn forvaguelyexpressedforms ofspiritualreward.Itwas undertheforcefulguidance ofPopeGregoryVIIthatthe doctrineandapplicationof sacredviolencejumped ahead.Intentuponrecruiting apapalarmythatowedits allegiancetoRome,heset aboutreinterpretingChristian tradition.Forcenturies theologianshadcharacterised theinternal,spiritualbattle thatdevotedChristianswaged againstsinasthe‘warfareof Christ’,andmonkswere sometimesdescribedasthe ‘soldiersofChrist’.Gregory twistedthisideatosuithis purpose,proclaimingthatall laysocietyhadone overridingobligation:to defendtheLatinChurchas ‘soldiersofChrist’through actualphysicalwarfare. Earlyinhispontificate, Gregorylaidplansforagrand militaryenterprisethatcanbe regardedasthefirstreal prototypeforacrusade.In 1074hetriedtolaunchaholy warintheeastern Mediterraneaninaidofthe GreekOrthodoxChristiansof Byzantium,whowere,he claimed,‘dailybeing butcheredlikecattle’bythe MuslimsofAsiaMinor. Latinsfightinginthis campaignwerepromiseda ‘heavenlyreward’.His grandioseprojectfellflat, elicitingverylimited recruitment,perhapsbecause Gregoryhadboldly pronouncedhisintentionto leadthecampaigninperson. Thepope’s1074formulation ofthelinkbetweenmilitary servicetoGodandthe resultantspiritualrecompense stilllackedspecificity.Butin theearly1080s,withthe conflictwiththeGerman emperorinfullflow,Gregory tookacriticalsteptowards clarification.Hewrotethat hissupportersshouldfight theemperorandface‘the dangerofthecomingbattle fortheremissionofalltheir sins’.Thisseemedtoindicate thatparticipationinthisholy strugglehadthesamepower topurifythesoulasother formsofpenancebecauseit promised,justlikea pilgrimage,tobeboth difficultandperilous.Asyet, thismorelogicalexplanation fortheredemptivequalityof sanctifiedviolencedidnot takehold,butitsetan importantprecedentforlater popes.Infact,thevery noveltyofGregory’sradical approachtothemilitarisation ofLatinChristendomcaused condemnationamongsome contemporaries,andhewas accusedinecclesiastical circlesofdabblingin practices‘newandunheardof throughoutthecenturies’.His visionwassoextremethat, whenhissuccessorPope UrbanIIofferedamore measuredandcarefully constructedideal,he appearedalmostconservative incomparisonandthus promptedlesscriticism.7 GregoryVIIhadtaken Latintheologytothebrinkof holywar,arguingthatthe Popehadtheclearrightto summonarmiestofightfor GodandtheLatinChurch. Healsowentsome considerablewayto groundingtheconceptof sanctifiedviolencewithina penitentialframework–an ideathatwouldbepartofthe essenceofcrusading. Nonetheless,Gregorycannot beregardedastheprime architectofthecrusades becausehemanifestlyfailed toconstructacompellingand convincingnotionofholy warthatresonatedwiththe ChristiansofEurope.That wouldbetheworkofPope UrbanII. THEMUSLIM WORLD Fromtheendoftheeleventh centuryonwards,thecrusades pittedwesternEuropean FranksagainsttheMuslims oftheeasternMediterranean. Thiswasnotbecausethese holywarswerelaunched,first andforemost,toeradicate Islam,oreventoconvert MuslimstotheChristian faith.Rather,itwasa consequenceofIslam’s dominionovertheHolyLand andthesacredcityof Jerusalem. TheearlyhistoryofIslam AccordingtoMuslim tradition,Islamwasborninc. 610CEwhenMuhammad– anilliterate,forty-year-old ArabnativeofMecca(in modernSaudiArabia)– begantoexperienceaseries of‘revelations’fromAllah (God),relayedbythe ArchangelGabriel.These ‘revelations’,regardedasthe sacredandimmutablewords ofGod,werelatersetdown inwrittenformtobecomethe Koran.Duringhislifetime, Muhammadsetouttoconvert thepaganpolytheistArabsof Meccaandthesurrounding Hijazregion(ontheArabian Peninsula’swesterncoast)to themonotheisticfaithof Islam.Thisprovedtobeno easytask.In622theProphet wasforcedtofleetothe nearbycityofMedina,a journeywhichservedasthe startingdatefortheMuslim calendar,andhethenwageda bloodyandprolongedwarof religionagainstMecca, finallyconqueringthecity shortlybeforehisdeathin 632. Thereligionfoundedby Muhammad–Islam,meaning submissiontothewillofGod –hadcommonrootswith JudaismandChristianity. Duringhislife,theProphet cameintocontactwith adherentsofthesetwofaiths inArabiaandtheeastern RomanEmpireandhis ‘revelations’werepresented astheperfectingrefinement oftheseearlierreligions.For thisreason,Muhammad acknowledgedthelikesof Moses,Abrahamandeven Jesusasprophets,anda wholesura(orchapter)ofthe Koranwasdedicatedtothe VirginMary. DuringMuhammad’sown life,andinthefewyears immediatelyfollowinghis death,thewarringtribesof theArabianPeninsulawere unitedunderthebannerof Islam.Overthenextfew decades,undertheguidance ofaseriesofableand ambitiouscaliphs(the Prophet’ssuccessors)these MuslimArabsprovedtobe analmostunstoppableforce. Theirincrediblemartial dynamismwasmarriedtoa seeminglyinsatiableappetite forconquest–ahunger sustainedbytheKoran’s explicitdemandforthe Muslimfaithandtheruleof Islamiclawtobespread unceasinglyacrosstheworld. TheArab-Islamicapproachto thesubjugationofnew territoriesalsoeasedthepath toexponentialgrowth.Rather thanrequiringtotal submissionandimmediate conversiontoIslam,the Muslimsallowed‘Peoplesof theBook’,suchasJewsand Christians,tocontinuein theirfaithsinreturnforthe paymentofapolltax. Inthemid-630sferocious armiesofhighlymobile, mountedArabtribesmen begantopouroutofthe ArabianPeninsula.By650 theyhadachievedstartling success.Withmercurial speed,Palestine,Syria,Iraq, IranandEgyptwereabsorbed intothenewArab-Islamic state.Overthenextcentury thepaceofexpansionslowed fromthisbreakneckpace,but inexorablegainscontinued, suchthatinthemid-eighth centurytheMuslimworld stretchedfromtheIndus Riverandthebordersof Chinaintheeast,across NorthAfricatoSpainand southernFranceinthewest. Inthecontextofcrusading history,acriticalstageinthis wholeprocesswasthe captureofJerusalemin638 fromtheGreekChristiansof Byzantium.Thisancientcity cametobereveredasIslam’s third-holiestsite,afterMecca andMedina.Inpartthiswas duetoIslam’sAbrahamic heritage,butitwasalso dependentuponthebelief thatMuhammadhad ascendedtoHeavenfrom Jerusalemduringhis‘Night Journey’,andtheassociated traditionidentifyingtheHoly Cityasthefocusforthe impendingEndofDays. Itwasoncepopularto suggestthattheIslamicworld mighthavesweptacrossall Europe,hadnottheMuslims beentwicethwartedintheir attemptstocapture Constantinople(in673and 718)andthendefeatedin732 atPoitiersbyCharlemagne’s FrankishgrandfatherCharles theHammer.Infact, importantasthesereversals were,afundamentaland profoundlylimitingweakness withinIslamhadalready shownitsface:intractable andembitteredreligiousand politicaldivision.Attheir core,theseissuesrelatedto disputesoverthelegitimacy ofMuhammad’scaliphal successorsandthe interpretationofhis ‘revelations’. Problemswereapparentas earlyas661,whenthe establishedlineof‘Rightly GuidedCaliphs’endedwith thedeathof‘Ali(the Prophet’scousinandson-inlaw)andtheriseofarival Arabclan–theUmayyad dynasty.TheUmayyads movedthecapitalofthe Muslimworldbeyondthe confinesofArabiaforthe firsttime,settlinginthegreat Syrianmetropolisof Damascus,andtheyheld swayoverIslamuntilthe mid-eighthcentury.However, thissameperiodwitnessed theemergenceoftheShi‘a (literallythe‘party’or ‘faction’),aMuslimsectwho arguedthatonlydescendants of‘AliandhiswifeFatima (Muhammad’sdaughter) couldlawfullyholdthetitle ofcaliph.Shi‘iteMuslims initiallysetouttocontestthe politicalauthorityofthe mainstreamSunniformof Islam,butovertimethe schismbetweenthesetwo branchesofthefaithtookon adoctrinaldimension,as Shi‘itesdevelopeddistinct approachestotheology, religiousritualandlaw.8 Thefragmentationofthe Muslimworld Overthenextfourcenturies, thedivisionswithinthe Muslimworlddeepenedand proliferated.In750abloody coupbroughtUmayyadrule toanend,propellinganother Arabdynasty–theAbbasids –topower.Theyshiftedthe centreofSunniIslameven furtherfromtheArabian homelands,foundinga spectacularnewcapitalin Iraq:thepurpose-builtcityof Baghdad.Thisvisionary measurehadprofoundand far-reachingconsequences.It heraldedacomprehensive political,culturaland economicreorientationonthe partoftheSunnirulingelite, awayfromtheLevantine NearEasttoMesopotamia– thecradleofancient civilisationbetweenthe mightyEuphratesandTigris Rivers,sometimesknownas theFertileCrescent–and furthereastintoPersianIran andbeyond.Abbasid patronagealsotransformed Baghdadintooneofthe world’sgreatcentresof scientificandphilosophical learning.Forthenextfive hundredyearstheheartof SunniIslamlay,notinSyria ortheHolyLand,butinIraq andIran. However,Abbasid ascendancycoincidedwith thegradualdismemberment andfragmentationofthe monolithicIslamicstate.The MuslimrulersofIberia (sometimesknownasthe Moors)brokeawayto establishanindependent realmintheeighthcentury; and,overthedecades,therift betweentheSunniandShi‘a strandsofIslamgradually intensified.Communitiesof Shi‘iteMuslimscontinuedto live,largelyinpeace, alongsideandamongSunnis acrosstheNearandMiddle East.Butin969aparticularly assertiveShi‘itefaction seizedcontrolofNorth Africa.Championedbya dynastyknownasthe Fatimids(becausethey claimeddescentfromFatima, Muhammad’sdaughter),they setuptheirownrivalShi‘ite caliph,rejectingSunni Baghdad’sauthority.The Fatimidssoonproved themselvestobepotent adversaries–conquering largeswathesoftheNear EastfromtheAbbasids, includingJerusalem, Damascusandsectionsofthe easternMediterranean coastline.Bythelateeleventh century,theAbbasidsand Fatimidsregardedeachother asavowedfoes.Thus,bythe timeofthecrusades,Islam wasrivenbyanelemental schism–onethatprevented theMuslimrulersofEgypt andIraqfromofferingany formofcoordinatedor concertedresistanceto Christianinvasion. Evenastheenmity betweentheSunnisand Shi‘iteshardened,thedegree ofinfluenceexercisedby boththeAbbasidandFatimid caliphsdwindled.They remainedasnominal figureheads–intheory retainingabsolutecontrol overreligiousandpolitical affairs–butinpractice executivepowercametobe wieldedbytheirsecular lieutenants:inBaghdad,the sultan;inCairo,thevizier. Afurther,dramaticchange transformedtheworldof Islamintheeleventhcentury –thecomingoftheTurks. Fromaround1040,these nomadictribesmenfrom CentralAsia–notedfortheir warlikecharacterandagile skillasmountedarchers– begantoseepintotheMiddle East.Oneparticularclan,the Seljuqs(fromthesteppesof Russia,beyondtheAralSea), spearheadedtheTurkish migration.Havingadopted thereligionofSunniIslam, thesefearsomeSeljuqs declaredtheirunswerving allegiancetotheAbbasid caliphandreadilysupplanted thenowsedentaryAraband PersianaristocracyofIran andIraq.By1055,theSeljuq warlordTughrulBeghad beenappointedassultanof Baghdadandcouldclaim effectiveoverlordshipof SunniIslam;arolewhich membersofhisdynasty wouldholdasahereditary rightformorethanacentury. TheadventoftheSeljuq Turksbroughtanew,vital leaseoflifeandunitytothe Abbasidworld.Theirrestless energyandmartialferocity soonbroughtsweepinggains. Tothesouth,theFatimids weredrivenbackand DamascusandJerusalem reconquered;notable victorieswerescoredagainst theByzantinesinAsiaMinor; andaSeljuqsplintergroup eventuallyfoundedtheirown independentsultanatein Anatolia. Bytheearly1090sthe Seljuqshadreshapedthe SunniMuslimworld.Tughrul Beg’sableandambitious grandsonMalikShahheldthe officeofsultanand,together withhisbrotherTutush, enjoyedrelativelysecurerule ofMesopotamiaandmostof theLevant.ThisnewTurkish empire–sometimesreferred toastheGreatSeljuq SultanateofBaghdad–was forgedthroughruthless despotismandthe presentationoftheShi‘itesas dangerous,hereticalenemies againstwhomSunnismust unite.ButwhenMalikShah diedin1092,hismighty realmquicklycollapsedamid successioncrisesandchaotic civilwar.Histwoyoungsons foughttobenamedsultan, contestingcontrolofIraqand Iran;whileinSyria,Tutush soughttoseizepowerfor himself.Whenhediedin 1095,hissonsRidwanand Duqaqlikewisesquabbled overtheirinheritance, snatchingAleppoand Damascusrespectively.At thissametime,conditionsin Shi‘iteEgyptwerelittle better.Here,too,the precipitousdeathsofthe Fatimidcaliphandhisvizier in1094and1095brought suddenchange,culminating intheriseofanewvizierof Armenianheritage,al-Afdal. Thus,intheveryyearthatthe crusadesbegan,SunniIslam wasinaturbulentstateof disarrayandanewrulerof FatimidEgyptwasjust findinghisfeet.Thereisno evidencetosuggestthat ChristiansintheWestknew ofthesemanifolddifficulties, sotheycannotberegardedas adefinitetriggerfortheholy wartocome.Evenso,the timingoftheFirstCrusade wasremarkablypropitious.9 TheNearEastattheendof theeleventhcentury Theendemicdisunity afflictingIslamattheendof theeleventhcenturywould exertaprofoundinfluence overthecourseofthe crusades.SotoodidtheNear East’sdistinctivecultural, ethnicandpoliticalmake-up. Intruth,thisregion–the battlegroundinthewarfor theHolyLand–cannotbe spokenofasaMuslimworld. Therelativelytolerant approachtosubjugation adoptedduringtheearly Arab-Islamicconquests meantthat,evencenturies later,theLevantstill containedaveryhigh proportionofindigenous Christians–fromGreeksand ArmenianstoSyriansand Copts–aswellaspocketsof Jewishpopulation.Nomadic communitiesofBedouins alsocontinuedtorange widelyacrosstheEast– migrantArabic-speaking Muslims,whohadfewfixed allegiances.Thislongestablishedpatternof settlementwasoverlaidbya numericallyinferiorMuslim rulingelite,itselfmadeupof Arabs,somePersiansandthe newlyarrivedTurks.The NearEast,therefore,was littlemorethanafractured patchworkofdisparatesocial anddevotionalgroupings, andnotapurebredIslamic stronghold. Asfarasthemainpowers withintheMuslimworld wereconcerned,theLevant wasalsosomethingofa backwater–notwithstanding thepoliticalandspiritual significanceattachedtocities likeJerusalemandDamascus. ForSunniSeljuqsandShi‘ite Fatimids,therealcentresof governmentalauthority, economicwealthandcultural identitywereMesopotamia andEgypt.TheNearEast wasessentiallytheborder zonebetweenthesetwo dominantspheresof influence,aworldsometimes tobecontested,butalmost alwaystobetreatedasa secondaryconcern.Even duringthereignofMalik Shah,nofullydetermined effortwasmadetosubdue andintegrateSyriaintothe sultanate,andmuchofthe regionwasleftinthehands ofpower-hungry,semi- independentwarlords. Thus,whenLatin crusadingarmiesarrivedin theNearEasttowagewhat essentiallywerefrontierwars, theywerenotactually invadingtheheartlandsof Islam.Instead,theywere fightingforcontrolofaland that,insomerespects,was alsoaMuslimfrontier,one peopledbyanassortmentof Christians,JewsandMuslims who,overthecenturies,had becomeacculturatedtothe experienceofconquestbyan externalforce,beitatthe handsofByzantinesand Persians,orArabsandTurks. Islamicwarfareandjihad Inthelateeleventhcentury, thestyleandpracticeof Muslimwarfarewereina stateofflux.Thetraditional mainstayofanyTurkish fightingforcewasthelightly armouredmountedwarrior, astrideafleet-footedpony, armedwithapowerful compositebowthatenabled himtoloosestreamsof arrowsfromhorseback.He mightalsobeequippedwitha lightlance,single-edged sword,axeordagger.These troopsrelieduponspeedof movementandrapid manoeuvrabilitytoovercome opponents. TheTurksclassically employedtwomaintactics: encirclement–wherebyan enemywassurroundedfrom allsidesbyafast-moving, swirlingmassofmounted warriors,andbombardedwith ceaselessvolleysofarrows; andfeignedretreat–the techniqueofturningtailin battleinthehopeof promptinganopponentto givefeveredchase,the indisciplineofwhichwould breaktheirformationand leavethemvulnerableto suddencounter-attack.This styleofcombatwasstill favouredbytheSeljuqsof AsiaMinor,buttheTurksof SyriaandPalestinehadbegun toadoptawiderarrayof PersianandArabmilitary practices,adjustingtotheuse ofmoreheavilyarmoured mountedlancersandlarger infantryforces,andtothe needsofsiegewarfare.Byfar andawaythemostcommon formsofwarfareintheNear Eastwereraiding, skirmishingandpetty internecinestrugglesover power,landandwealth.10In theory,however,Muslim troopscouldbecalleduponto fightforasupposedlyhigher cause–thatofholywar. Islamhad,fromitsearliest days,embracedwarfare. Muhammadhimself prosecutedaseriesofmilitary campaignswhilesubjugating Mecca,andtheexplosive expansionoftheMuslim worldduringtheseventhand eighthcenturieswasfuelled byanavoweddevotional obligationtospreadIslamic rule.Theunionoffaithand violencewithintheMuslim religion,therefore,wasmore rapidandnaturalthanthat whichgraduallydevelopedin LatinChristianity. Inanattempttodefinethe roleofwarfarewithinIslam, Muslimscholarsturnedtothe Koranandthehadith,the ‘traditions’orsayings associatedwithMuhammad. Thesetextsprovided numerousexamplesofthe Prophetadvocating‘struggle inthepathofGod’.Inthe earlyIslamicperiodtherewas discussionaboutwhatthis ‘struggle’orjihad(literally ‘striving’)actuallyinvolved– andthedebatecontinuesto thisday.Some,likethe Muslimmystics,orSufis, arguedthatthemost importantor‘Greaterjihad’ wastheinternalstruggle wagedagainstsinanderror. Butbythelateeighth century,SunniMuslimjurists hadbeguntodevelopa formaltheoryadvocating whatissometimestermedthe ‘Lesserjihad’:‘risingupin arms’towagephysical warfareagainsttheinfidel.To justifythistheycited canonicalevidence,suchas versesfromtheninthsuraof theKoran,including:‘Fight thepolytheiststotallyasthey fightyoutotally’,andhadith, suchasMuhammad’s declarationthat:‘Amorning oraneveningexpeditionin God’spathisbetterthanthe worldandwhatitcontains, andforoneofyoutoremain inthelineofbattleisbetter thanhisprayersforsixty years.’ Legaltreatisesfromthis earlyperioddeclaredthat jihadwasanobligation incumbentuponallablebodiedMuslims,althoughthe dutywasprimarilyseenas beingcommunal,ratherthan individual,andthe responsibilityforleadership ultimatelyrestedwiththe caliph.Makingreferenceto thelikesofthehadith‘The gatesofParadiseareunder theshadowoftheswords’, thesetreatisesalsoaffirmed thatthosefightinginthejihad wouldbegrantedentrytothe heavenlyParadise.Jurists positedaformaldivisionof theworldintotwospheres– theDaral-Islam,or‘House ofPeace’(theareawithin whichMuslimruleandlaw prevailed);andtheDaralharb,or‘HouseofWar’(the restoftheworld).The expresspurposeofthejihad wastowagearelentlessholy warintheDaral-harb,until suchtimeasallmankindhad acceptedIslam,orsubmitted toMuslimrule.No permanentpeacetreatieswith non-Muslimenemieswere permissible,andany temporarytrucescouldlast nomorethantenyears. Asthecenturiespassed,the drivingimpulsetowards expansionencodedinthis classicaltheoryofjihadwas graduallyeroded.Arab tribesmenbegantosettleinto moresedentarylifestylesand totradewithnon-Muslims, suchastheByzantines.Holy warsagainstthelikesof Christianscontinued,butthey becamefarmoresporadicand oftenwerepromotedand prosecutedbyMuslimemirs, withoutcaliphalendorsement. Bytheeleventhcentury,the rulersofSunniBaghdadwere farmoreinterestedinusing jihadtopromoteIslamic orthodoxybybattling ‘heretic’Shi‘itesthanthey wereinlaunchingholywars againstChristendom.The suggestionthatIslamshould engageinanunending struggletoenlargeitsborders andsubjugatenon-Muslims heldlittlecurrency;sotoodid theideaofunifyingin defenceoftheIslamicfaith anditsterritories.Whenthe Christiancrusadesbegan,the ideologicalimpulseof devotionalwarfarethuslay dormantwithinthebodyof Islam,buttheessential frameworkremainedin place.11 IslamandChristianEurope ontheeveofthecrusades Achargedandvexatious questionremains:didthe Muslimworldprovokethe crusades,orweretheseLatin holywarsactsofaggression? Thisfundamentalenquiry requiresanassessmentofthe overalldegreeofthreatposed totheChristianWestby Islamintheeleventhcentury. Inonesense,Muslimswere pressingonthebordersof Europe.Totheeast,Asia Minorhadservedfor generationsasabattleground betweenIslamandthe ByzantineEmpire;and Muslimarmieshadmade repeatedattemptstoconquer Christendom’sgreatest metropolis–Constantinople. Tothesouth-west,Muslims continuedtorulevasttracts oftheIberianPeninsulaand mightonedaypushnorth again,beyondthePyrenees. Inreality,however,Europe wasbynomeansengagedin anurgentstrugglefor survivalontheeveofthe crusades.Nocoherent,panMediterraneanonslaught threatened,because,although theMoorsinIberiaandthe TurksinAsiaMinorshareda commonreligiousheritage, theywereneverunitedinone purpose. Infact,afterthefirst forcefulsurgeofIslamic expansion,theinteraction betweenneighbouring ChristianandMuslimpolities hadbeenrelatively unremarkable;characterised, likethatbetweenany potentialrivals,byperiodsof conflictandothersof coexistence.Thereislittleor noevidencetosuggestthat thesetwoworldreligions weresomehowlockedinan inevitableandperpetual ‘clashofcivilisations’.From thetenthcenturyonwards,for example,Islamand Byzantiumdevelopedatense, sometimesquarrelsome respectforoneanother,but theirrelationshipwasno morefraughtwithconflict thanthatbetweentheGreeks andtheirSlavicorLatin neighbourstothewest. Thisisnottosuggestthat theworldwasfilledwith utopianpeaceandharmony. TheByzantineswereonlytoo happytoexploitanysignsof Muslimweakness.Thus,in 969,whiletheAbbasidworld fragmented,Greektroops pushedeastwards,recapturing muchofAsiaMinorand recoveringthestrategically significantcityofAntioch. Andwiththeadventofthe SeljuqTurks,Byzantium facedrenewedmilitary pressure.In1071,theSeljuqs crushedanimperialarmyat theBattleofManzikert(in easternAsiaMinor),and thoughhistoriansnolonger considerthistohavebeenan utterlycataclysmicreversal fortheGreeks,itstillwasa stingingsetbackthatpresaged notableTurkishgainsin Anatolia.Fifteenyearslater, theSeljuqsalsorecovered Antioch. Meanwhile,inSpainand Portugal,Christianshad beguntoreconquerterritory fromtheMoors,andin1085 theIberianLatinsachieveda deeplysymbolicvictory, seizingcontrolofToledo,the ancientChristiancapitalof Spain.Nevertheless,atthis stage,theLatins’gradual southwardexpansionseems tohavebeendrivenby politicalandeconomic stimuliandnotreligious ideology.Theconflictin Iberiadidbecomemore heatedafter1086,whena fanaticalIslamicsectknown astheAlmoravidsinvaded SpainfromNorthAfrica, supplantingsurviving indigenousMoorishpowerin thepeninsula.Thisnew regimereinvigoratedMuslim resistance,scoringanumber ofnotablemilitaryvictories againsttheChristiansofthe north.ButAlmoravid aggressioncannotreallybe saidtohavesparkedthe crusades,becausetheLatin holywarslaunchedattheend oftheeleventhcenturywere directedtowardstheLevant, notIberia. Sowhatdidignitethewar betweenChristiansand MuslimsintheHolyLand?In onesensethecrusadeswerea reactiontoanactofIslamic aggression–theMuslim conquestofsacredJerusalem –butthishadtakenplacein 638,andthuswashardlya freshoffence.Atthestartof theeleventhcentury,the ChurchoftheHoly Sepulchre,thoughttoenclose thesiteofChrist’scrucifixion andresurrection,hadbeen partiallydemolishedbythe volatileFatimidrulerknown tohistoryastheMadCaliph Hakim.Hissubsequent persecutionofthelocal Christianpopulationlasted formorethanadecade, endingonlywhenhedeclared himselfalivingGodand turnedonhisownMuslim subjects.Tensionsalsoseem tohavebeenrunninghighin 1027,whenMuslims reportedlythrewstonesinto thecompoundoftheHoly Sepulchre.Morerecently, LatinChristiansattemptingto makedevotionalpilgrimages totheLevant,ofwhomthere continuedtobemany, reportedsomedifficultiesin visitingtheHolyPlaces,and spreadstoriesofeastern Christianrepressionin MuslimPalestine. TwoArabicaccountsoffer importantbutdivergent insightsintotheseissues.Ibn al-‘Arabi,aSpanishMuslim pilgrimwhosetoutforthe HolyLandin1092,described Jerusalemasathrivingcentre ofreligiousdevotionfor Muslims,ChristiansandJews alike.Henotedthat Christianswerepermittedto keeptheirchurchesinagood stateofrepair,andgaveno hintthatpilgrims–bethey GreekorLatin–were sufferingabuseor interference.Bycontrast,the mid-twelfth-centuryAleppan chronicleral-‘Azimiwrote that:‘Thepeopleofthe Syrianportsprevented FrankishandByzantine pilgrimsfromcrossingto Jerusalem.Thoseofthem whosurvivedspreadthenews aboutthattotheircountry.So theypreparedthemselvesfor militaryinvasion.’Clearly, al-‘Azimiatleastbelieved thatMuslimattackstriggered thecrusades.12 Infact,onthebasisofall thesurvivingevidence,the casecouldbearguedineither direction.By1095Muslims andChristianshadbeen wagingwaragainstone anotherforcenturies;no matterhowfaritwasinthe past,Islamundoubtedlyhad seizedChristianterritory, includingJerusalem;and Christianslivinginand visitingtheHolyLandmay havebeensubjectedto persecution.Ontheother hand,theimmediatecontext inwhichthecrusadeswere launchedgavenoobvious cluethatatitanic transnationalwarofreligion waseitherimminentor inevitable.Islamwasnot abouttoinitiateagrand offensiveagainsttheWest. NorweretheMuslimrulers oftheNearEastengagingin actsakintoethniccleansing, orsubjectingreligious minoritygroupsto widespreadandsustained oppression.Theremayat timeshavebeenlittlelove lostbetweenChristianand Muslimneighbours,and perhapstherewereoutbreaks ofintoleranceintheLevant, buttherewas,intruth,little todistinguishallthisfromthe endemicpolitical,military andsocialstrugglesofthe age. I THECOMINGOF THECRUSADES 1 HOLYWAR,HOLY LAND OnalateNovembermorning intheyear1095,PopeUrban IIdeliveredasermonthat wouldtransformthehistory ofEurope.Hisrousingwords transfixedthecrowdthathad gatheredinasmallfield outsidethesouthernFrench townofClermont,andinthe monthsthatfollowedhis messagereverberatedacross theWest,ignitingan embitteredholywarthat wouldendureforcenturiesto come. Urbandeclaredthat Christianitywasindireperil, threatenedbyinvasionand appallingoppression.The HolyCityofJerusalemwas nowinthehandsofMuslims –‘apeople...alientoGod’, bentuponritualtortureand unspeakabledesecration.He calleduponLatinEuropeto riseupagainstthis supposedlysavagefoeas ‘soldiersofChrist’, reclaimingtheHolyLandand releasingeasternChristians from‘servitude’.Enticedby thepromisethatthis righteousstrugglewould purgetheirsoulsofsin,tens ofthousandsofmen,women andchildrenmarchedoutof theWesttowagewaragainst theMuslimworldintheFirst Crusade.1 POPEURBANANDTHE IDEAOFCRUSADING UrbanIIwasperhapssixty yearsoldwhenhelaunched theFirstCrusadein1095. ThesonofnorthernFrench nobility,andaformercleric andCluniacmonk,hebecame popein1088,atatimewhen thepapacy,reelingfroma rancorousandprotracted powerstrugglewiththe emperorofGermany,stood onthebrinkofoverthrow.So parlouswasUrban’sposition thatittookhimsixyearsto reassertcontroloverRome’s LateranPalace,thetraditional seatofpapalauthority.Yet, throughcautiousdiplomacy andtheadoptionofmeasured, ratherthanconfrontational, policiesofreform,thenew popeoversawagradual renaissanceintheprestige andinfluenceofhisoffice. By1095thisslow rejuvenationhadbegun,but thepapacy’snotionalrightto actasheadoftheLatin Churchandspiritualoverlord toeveryChristianinwestern Europewasstillfarfrom realised. Itwasagainstthis backgroundofpartial recoverythattheideaofthe FirstCrusadewasborn.In March1095Urbanwas presidingoveran ecclesiasticalcouncilinthe northernItaliancityof Piacenzawhenambassadors fromByzantiumarrived. Theyboreanappealfromthe GreekChristianEmperor AlexiusIComnenus,aruler whoseastuteandassertive governancehadarrested decadesofinternaldecline withinthegreateastern empire.Exorbitant programmesoftaxationhad refilledtheimperialtreasury inConstantinople,restoring Byzantium’sauraofauthority andmunificence,butAlexius stillfacedanarrayofforeign enemies,includingthe MuslimTurksofAsiaMinor. Hethusdispatchedapetition formilitaryaidtothecouncil inPiacenza,urgingUrbanto sendadetachmentofLatin troopstohelprepelthethreat posedbyIslam.Alexius probablyhopedforlittlemore thanatokenforceofFrankish mercenaries,asmallarmy thatcouldbereadilyshaped anddirected.Infact,overthe nexttwoyears,hisempire wouldbepracticallyoverrun byatideofhumankind. TheGreekemperor’s requestappearstohave chimedwithnotionsalready fermentinginUrbanII’s mind,andthroughthespring andsummerthatfollowedthe poperefinedanddeveloped theseideas,envisagingan endeavourthatmightfulfila broaderarrayofambitions:a formofarmedpilgrimageto theEast,whatisnowcalleda ‘crusade’.Historianshave sometimescharacterised Urbanastheunwitting instigatorofthismomentous venture,suggestingthathe expectedonlyafewhundred knightstoanswerhiscallto arms.Butinrealityheseems tohavehadafairlyshrewd senseofthepotentialscale andscopeofthisenterprise andtohavelaidthe foundationsofwidespread recruitmentwithsome assiduity. Urbanrecognisedthat developingtheideaofan expeditiontoaidByzantium offeredachancenotonlyto defendeasternChristendom andimproverelationswith theGreekChurch,butalsoto reaffirmandexpandRome’s authorityandtoharnessand redirectthedestructive bellicosityofChristians livingintheLatinWest.This grandschemewouldbe launchedaspartofabroader campaigntoextendthereach ofpapalinfluencebeyondthe confinesofcentralItaly,into Urban’sbirthplaceand homeland,France.FromJuly 1095onwardshebegana lengthypreachingtournorth oftheAlps–thefirstsuch visitbyapopeforcloseto halfacentury–and announcedthatamajor Churchcouncilwouldbeheld inNovemberatClermont,in theAuvergneregionof centralFrance.Throughthe summerandearlyautumn Urbanvisitedasuccessionof prominentmonasteries, includinghisownformer houseofCluny,cultivating supportforRomeand preparingthegroundforthe unveilingofhis‘crusading’ idea.Healsoprimedtwomen whowouldplaycentralroles inthecomingexpedition: Adhémar,bishopofLePuy,a leadingProvençalchurchman andanardentsupporterofthe papacy;andCountRaymond ofToulouse,southern France’srichestandmost powerfulsecularlord. ByNovemberthepope wasreadytorevealhisplans. Twelvearchbishops,eighty bishopsandninetyabbots congregatedinClermontfor thelargestclericalassembly ofUrban’spontificate.Then, afterninedaysofgeneral ecclesiasticaldebate,thepope announcedhisintentionto deliveraspecialsermon.On 27November,hundredsof spectatorscrowdedintoa fieldoutsidethecitytohear himspeak.2 ThesermonatClermont AtClermontUrbancalled upontheLatinWesttotake uparmsinpursuitoftwo linkedgoals.First,he proclaimedtheneedto protectChristendom’seastern bordersinByzantium, emphasisingthebondof Christianfraternityshared withtheGreeksandthe supposedlyimminentthreat ofMusliminvasion. Accordingtooneaccount,he urgedhisaudience‘torunas quicklyasyoucantotheaid ofyourbrotherslivingonthe easternshore’because‘the Turks...haveoverrunthem rightuptotheMediterranean Sea’.Buttheepicendeavour ofwhichUrbanspokedidnot endwiththeprovisionof militaryaidto Constantinople.Instead,ina visionarymasterstroke,he broadenedhisappealto includeanadditionaltarget, oneguaranteedtostir Frankishhearts.Fusingthe idealsofwarfareand pilgrimage,heunveiledan expeditionthatwouldforgea pathtotheHolyLanditself, theretowinbackpossession ofJerusalem,themost hallowedsiteintheChristian cosmos.Urbanevokedthe unparalleledsanctityofthis city,this‘naveloftheworld’, statingthatitwas‘the [fountain]ofallChristian teaching’,theplace‘inwhich Christlivedandsuffered’.3 Inspiteoftheundoubted resonanceofthesetwinned objectives,likeanyruler recruitingforwarthepope stillneededtolendhiscause anauraoflegitimate justificationandburning urgency,andherehefaceda problem.Recenthistory offerednoobviouseventthat mightservetofocusand inspireavengefultideof enthusiasm.Yes,Jerusalem wasruledbyMuslims,but thishadbeenthecasesince theseventhcentury.And, whileByzantiummayhave beenfacingadeepening threatofTurkishaggression, westernChristendomwasnot onthebrinkofinvasionor annihilationatthehandsof NearEasternIslam.Withno appallingatrocityor immediatethreattodraw upon,Urbanchoseto cultivateasenseof immediacyandincitea wrathfulhungerfor retributionbydemonisingthe enemyofhisproposed ‘crusade’. Muslimsthereforewere portrayedassubhuman savages,bentuponthe barbaricabuseof Christendom.Urban describedhowTurks‘were slaughteringandcapturing many[Greeks],destroying churchesandlayingwasteto thekingdomofGod’.Healso assertedthatChristian pilgrimstotheHolyLand werebeingabusedand exploitedbyMuslims,with therichbeingstrippedof theirwealthbyillegaltaxes, andthepoorsubjectedto torture: Thecrueltyoftheseimpiousmengoes eventothelengththat,thinkingthe wretcheshaveeatengoldorsilver,they eitherputscammonyintheirdrinkand forcethemtovomitorvoidtheirvitals, or–andthisisunspeakable–they stretchasunderthecoveringsofallthe intestinesafterrippingopentheir stomachswithabladeandrevealwith horriblemutilationwhatevernature keepssecret. Christianslivingunder MuslimruleintheLevant weresaidtohavebeen reducedtoastateof‘slavery’ by‘sword,rapineandflame’. Preytoconstantpersecution, theseunfortunatesmight sufferforcedcircumcision, protracteddisembowelment orritualisedimmolation.‘Of theappallingviolationof women’,thepopereportedly reflected,itwouldbe‘more eviltospeakthantokeep silent’.Urbanappearstohave madeextensiveuseofthis formofgraphicand incendiaryimagery,akinto thatwhich,inamodern-day setting,mightbeassociated withwarcrimesorgenocide. Hisaccusationsborelittleor norelationtotherealityof MuslimruleintheNearEast, butitisimpossibletogauge whetherthepopebelievedhis ownpropagandaorentered intoaconsciouscampaignof manipulationanddistortion. Eitherway,hisexplicit dehumanisationofthe Muslimworldservedasa vitalcatalysttothe ‘crusading’cause,andfurther enabledhimtoarguethat fightingagainstan‘alien’ otherwaspreferabletowar betweenChristiansand withinEurope.4 PopeUrban’sdecisionto condemnIslamwouldhave darkandenduring consequencesintheyearsto come.Butitisimportantto recognisethat,inreality,the notionofconflictwiththe Muslimworldwasnot writtenintotheDNAof crusading.Urban’svision wasofadevotional expeditionsanctionedby Rome,focusedfirstand foremostuponthedefenceor reconquestofsacredterritory. Insomewayshischoiceof Islamasanenemywas almostincidental,andthereis littletosuggestthattheLatins ortheirGreekalliestrulysaw theMuslimworldasan avowedenemybefore1095.5 Thepulse-quickening notionofavengingthe ‘execrableabuses’enactedby demonisedMuslimsmay havecaptivatedUrban’s audienceatClermont,buthis ‘crusading’message containedafurther,even morepowerful,lure;onethat addressedtheverynatureof medievalChristianexistence. Breduponavisionof religiousfaiththat emphasisedtheoverbearing threatofsinanddamnation, theLatinsoftheWestwere enmeshedinadesperate, lifelongspiritualstruggleto purgethetaintofcorruption fromtheirsouls.Primedto seekredemption,theywere thusenthralledwhenthepope declaredthatthisexpedition totheEastwouldbeasacred venture,participationin whichwouldleadto‘the remissionofalltheirsins’.In thepast,even‘justwar’(that is,violencethatGodaccepted asnecessary)hadstillbeen regardedasinnatelysinful. ButnowUrbanspokeofa conflictthattranscended thesetraditionalboundaries. Hiscausewastopossessa sanctifiedquality–tobea holywar,notsimply condonedby‘theLord’,but activelypromotedand endorsed.Accordingtoone eyewitness,thepopeeven averredthat‘Christ commands’thefaithfulto enlist. Urban’sgeniuswasto constructtheideaof ‘crusading’withinthe frameworkofexisting religiouspractice,thus ensuringthat,ineleventhcenturytermsatleast,the connectionheestablished betweenwarfareand salvationmadeclear,rational sense.In1095,Latin Christianswereaccustomed totheideathatpunishment owedthroughsinfulness mightbecancelledoutby confessionandthe performanceofpenitential activities,likeprayer,fasting orpilgrimage.AtClermont, Urbanfusedthefamiliar notionofasalvificexpedition withthemoreaudacious conceptoffightingforGod, urging‘everyoneofnomatter whatclass...knightorfootsoldier,richorpoor’tojoin whatwastobe,inessence,an armedpilgrimage.This monumentalendeavour,laden withdangerandthethreatof intensesuffering,wouldtake itsparticipantstothevery gatesofJerusalem, Christendom’spremier pilgrimagedestination.As such,itpromisedtobean experienceimbuedwith overwhelmingredemptive potency;functioningasa ‘super’penance,capableof scouringthespiritofany transgression. FromtherapeoftheHoly Citybyanalienenemytothe promiseofanewpathto redemption,thepope conjuredapersuasiveand emotiveblendofimagesand ideasinsupportofhiscallto arms.Theeffectonhis audienceappearstohave beenelectric,leaving‘the eyesofsomebathedwith tears,[whileothers] trembled’.Inwhatmusthave beenapre-plannedmove, Adhémar,bishopofLePuy, wasthefirsttostepforward tocommittothecause.On thefollowingdaythebishop wasproclaimedpapallegate (Urban’sofficial representative)forthecoming expedition.Asitsspiritual leader,hewasexpectedto promotethepope’sagenda, notleastthepolicyofdétente withtheGreekChurchof Byzantium.Atthesametime, messengersarrivedfrom RaymondofToulouse proclaimingthecount’sown supportforthecause.Urban’s sermonhadbeena resoundingsuccess,andover thenextsevenmonthshe followeditupwithan extendedpreachingtour, whichsawhismessage crisscrossFrance.5 Andyet,inspiteofthefact thatClermontmustbe regardedastheFirst Crusade’smomentofgenesis, itwouldbewrongtoregard UrbanIIasthesolearchitect ofthe‘crusadingideal’. Previoushistorianshave rightlyemphasisedhisdebtto thepast,notleastinrelation toPopeGregoryVII’s pioneeringexplorationof holywartheory.Butitis equallyimportantto recognisethattheideaofthe FirstCrusade–itsnature, intentionsandrewards– underwentongoing,largely organicdevelopment throughouttheexpedition. Indeed,thisprocesseven continuedaftertheevent,as theworldsoughttointerpret andunderstandsuchan epochalepisode.Itisalltoo easytoimaginetheFirst Crusadeasasingle,wellorderedhost,drivenonto JerusalembyUrban’s impassionedpreaching.In reality,themonthsandyears thatfollowedNovember1095 sawdisjointedwavesof departure.Evenwhatwe commonlytermthe‘main armies’ofthecrusadebegan thefirstphaseoftheirjourney notasasingleforce,but ratherasarough conglomerationofsmaller contingents,graduallyfeeling theirwaytowardsshared goalsandsystemsof governance. Withinamonthofthe pope’sfirstsermon,popular (andoftenunsanctioned) preachershadbegunto proclaimthecalltocrusade acrossEurope.Intheir demagogichandssomeofthe subtletiessurroundingthe spiritualrewardsassociated withtheexpedition–what wouldcometobeknownas thecrusading‘indulgence’– seemtohavebeeneroded. Urbanhadlikelyintended thattheremissionoffered wouldonlyapplytothe temporalpunishmentfor confessedsins;arather complexformula,butonethat adheredtothenicetiesof Churchlaw.Laterevents suggestthatmanycrusaders thoughttheyhadbeengiven assuredguaranteesof heavenlysalvationandthus believedthatthosewhodied duringthecampaignbecame sacredmartyrs.Suchnotions continuedtoinformthinking aboutthecrusading experienceforcenturiesto come,establishingagnawing riftbetweenofficialand popularconceptionsofthese holywars. Notably,PopeUrbanIIdid notinventtheterm‘crusade’. Theexpeditionhelaunchedat Clermontwassonovel,and insomewaysstillso embryonicinitsconception, thattherewasnowordwith whichitcouldbedescribed. Contemporariesgenerally termedthis‘crusade’simply aniter(journey)or peregrinatio(pilgrimage).It wasnotuntilthecloseofthe twelfthcenturythatmore specificterminology developed,intheformofthe wordcrucesignatus(one signedwiththecross)fora ‘crusader’,andtheeventual adoptionoftheFrenchterm croisade,whichroughly translatesas‘thewayofthe cross’.Forthesakeof conventionandclarity, historianshaveadoptedthe term‘crusade’forthe Christianholywarslaunched from1095onwards,butwe shouldbeawarethatthis lendsasomewhatmisleading auraofcoherenceand conformitytotheearly ‘crusades’.6 Thecallofthecross Inthemonthsthatfollowed theCouncilofClermont,the crusadingmessagespread throughoutwesternEurope, evokinganunprecedented reaction.WhilePopeUrban broadcasthismessage throughoutFrance,bishops fromacrosstheLatinworld whohadattendedhisoriginal sermontookthecallbackto theirowndioceses. Thecausewasalsotaken upbypopular,rabble-rousing preachers,largely unsanctionedandunregulated bytheChurch.Mostfamous andremarkableofthesewas PetertheHermit.Probably originatingfromapoor backgroundinAmiens (north-easternFrance),he becamerenownedforhis austere,itinerantlifestyle, repellentappearanceand unusualeatinghabits–one contemporarynotedthat‘he livedonwineandfish;he hardlyever,ornever,ate bread’.Bymodernstandards hemightbedeemeda vagabond,butamongthe poorerclassesofeleventhcenturyFrancehewas reveredasaprophet.Such washissanctitythathis followersevencollectedthe hairsofhismuleasrelics.A Greekcontemporarynoted: ‘Asifhehadsoundeda divinevoiceintheheartsof all,PetertheHermitinspired theFranksfromeverywhere togathertogetherwiththeir weapons,horsesandother militaryequipment.’Hemust havebeenatruly inspirationalorator–within sixmonthsofClermonthe hadgatheredanarmy,largely madeupofpoorrabble, numberinginexcessof 15,000.Inhistorythisforce, alongsideanumberofother contingentsfromGermany, hasbecomeknownasthe ‘People’sCrusade’.Spurred onbycrusadingfervour,its variouselementssetofffor theHolyLandinspring1096, monthsbeforeanyother army,makingill-disciplined progresstowards Constantinople.Alongthe way,someofthese ‘crusaders’concludedthat theymightaswellcombatthe ‘enemiesofChrist’closerto home,andthuscarriedout terriblemassacresof RhinelandJews.Almostas soonasthePeople’sCrusade crossedintoMuslimterritory theywereannihilated, althoughPetertheHermit survived.7 Thisfirstwaveofthe crusademayhaveendedin failure,but,backintheWest, largerarmiesweregathering. Publicrallies,inwhich massedaudienceswere bombardedwithemotive rhetoric,promptedfevered recruitment,andcrusading enthusiasmalsoseemsto havebeenpropagatedmore informallythroughkinship groups,networksofpapal supportersandthelinks betweenmonastic communitiesandthenobility. Historianscontinuetodispute thenumbersinvolved, primarilybecauseofthe unreliabilityofwildlyinflated contemporaryestimates (someofwhichexceedhalfa millionpeople).Ourbest guessisthatsomewhere between60,000and100,000 LatinChristianssetoffonthe FirstCrusade,ofwhich7,000 to10,000wereknights, perhaps35,000to50,000 infantrytroopsandthe remainingtensofthousands non-combatants,womenand children.Whatiscertainis thatthecalltocrusade elicitedanextraordinary response,thescaleofwhich stunnedthemedievalworld. Notsincethedistantglories ofRomehadmilitaryforces ofthissizebeenassembled.8 Attheheartofthesearmies werearistocraticknights,the emergingmartialeliteofthe MiddleAges.6PopeUrban knewonlytoowellthe anxietyoftheseChristian warriors,trappedinaworldly professionimbuedwith violence,buttaughtbythe Churchthatsinfulwarfare wouldleadtodamnation.One contemporaryobserved: Godhasinstitutedinourtimeholy wars,sothattheorderofknightsand thecrowdrunningintheirwake... mightfindanewwayofgaining salvation.Andsotheyarenotforcedto abandonsecularaffairscompletelyby choosingthemonasticlifeorany religiousprofession,asusedtobethe custom,butcanattainsomemeasureof God’sgracewhilepursuingtheirown careers,withlibertyandinthedressto whichtheyareaccustomed. Thepopehadconstructedthe ideaofanarmedpilgrimage atleastinparttoaddressthe spiritualdilemmathreatening theknightlyaristocracy,and healsoknewthat,withthe nobilityonboard,retinuesof knightsandinfantrywould follow,foreventhoughthe crusaderequiredavoluntary commitment,theintricate weboffamilialtiesand feudalobligationbound socialgroupsinacommon cause.Ineffect,thepopeset offachainreaction,whereby everynoblewhotookthe crossstoodattheepicentreof anexpandingwaveof recruitment. Althoughnokingsjoined theexpedition–mostbeing tooembroiledintheirown politicalmachinations–the crèmeofwestern Christendom’snobilitywas drawntotheventure. Membersofthehigh aristocracyofFrance,western Germany,theLowCountries andItaly,fromtheclass directlybelowthatofroyalty, thesemenoftenborethetitles ofcountordukeandcould challengeor,insomecases, eveneclipsethepowerof kings.Certainlytheywielded asignificantdegreeof independentauthorityand thus,asagroup,canmost readilybetermed‘princes’. Eachoftheseleadingfigures commandedtheirown militarycontingents,butalso attractedmuchlooser,more fluidbandsoffollowers, basedonthebondsof lordshipandfamilyand perpetuatedbycommon ethnicorlinguisticroots. CountRaymondof Toulouse,themostpowerful secularlordinsouth-eastern France,wasthefirstprinceto committothecrusade.An avowedsupporterofthe Reformpapacyandallyof AdhémarofLePuy,the countalmostcertainlyhad beenprimedbyUrbanIIeven beforethesermonat Clermont.Inhismid-fifties, Raymondwasthe expedition’selderstatesman; proudandobdurate,boasting wealthandfar-reaching powerandinfluence,he assumedcommandofthe Provençal-southernFrench armies.Laterlegend suggestedthathehadalready campaignedagainstthe MoorsofIberia,eventhathe hadmadeapilgrimageto Jerusalem,duringwhichone ofhiseyeshadbeenpulled outofhisheadaspunishment forrefusingtopayan exorbitantMuslimtaxon Latinpilgrims.Indeed,the countwassaidtohave returnedtotheWestcarrying hiseyeballinhispocketasa talismanofhishatredfor Islam.Fancifulasthesetales mayhavebeen,Raymond nonethelesshadthe experienceand,more importantly,theresourcesto vieforoverallsecular commandofthecrusade.9 Thecount’smostobvious rivalforthatpositionwasa forty-year-oldsouthern ItalianNorman,Bohemondof Taranto.AsthesonofRobert ‘Guiscard’(Robert‘the Wily’),oneoftheNorman adventurerswhoconquered southernItalyduringthe eleventhcentury,Bohemond gainedaninvaluablemilitary education.Fightingalongside hisfatherduringthe1080sin afour-yearBalkancampaign againsttheGreeks, Bohemondlearnedthe realitiesofbattlefield commandandsiegewarfare. BythetimeoftheFirst Crusadehehadanunequalled martialpedigree,prompting onenear-contemporaryto describehimas‘secondto noneinprowessandin knowledgeoftheartofwar’. EvenhisByzantineenemies concededthathehadan arrestingphysicalpresence: Bohemond’sappearancewas,toputit briefly,unlikethatofanyotherman seeninthosedaysintheRomanworld, whetherGreekorbarbarian.Thesight ofhiminspiredadmiration,themention ofhisnameterror...Hisstaturewas suchthathetoweredalmostafullcubit overthetallestmen.Hewasslenderof waistandflanks,withbroadshoulders andchest,stronginthearms...The skinalloverhisbodywasverywhite, exceptforhisfacewhichwasboth whiteandred.Hishairwaslightishbrownandnotaslongasthatofother barbarians(thatisitdidnothangonhis shoulders)...Hiseyeswerelight-blue andgavesomehintoftheman’sspirit anddignity...Therewasacertain charmabouthim[butalso]ahard, savagequalityinhiswholeaspect,due, Isuppose,tohisgreatheightandhis eyes;evenhislaughsoundedlikea threattoothers. Butforallhislion-like stature,Bohemondlacked wealth,havingbeen disinheritedbyhisacquisitive half-brotherin1085.Driven byrapaciousambition,he thustookthecrossinthe summerof1096withatleast oneeyeuponpersonal advancement,nursingdreams ofanewLevantinelordship tocallhisown.Bohemond wasaccompaniedoncrusade byhisnephew,Tancredof Hauteville.Barelytwenty, withlittlerealexperienceof war,thisyoungprinceling nonethelesshadan unquenchabledynamism(and couldapparentlyspeak Arabic),andhequickly assumedthepositionof secondincommandofthe relativelysmallbut redoubtablearmyofsouthern ItalianNormansthatfollowed BohemondintotheEast.In timeTancredwouldbecome oneoftheforemost championsofthecrusading cause.10 Theleadingsouthern FrenchandItalianNorman crusaderswereallalliesof theReformpapacy,butafter 1095evensomeofthepope’s mostembitteredenemies joinedtheexpeditionto Jerusalem.Onesuchwas GodfreyofBouillon,fromthe regionofLorraine.Born around1060,thesecondson tothecountofBoulogne,he couldtracehislineageback toCharlemagne(laterlegend evenhaditthathewasborn ofaswan)andwassaidto havebeen‘tallerthanthe averageman...strong beyondcompare,withsolidly builtlimbsandstalwartchest, [with]pleasingfeatures[and] beardandhairofmedium blond’.Godfreyheldthetitle ofdukeofLowerLorraine, butprovedunabletoassert realauthorityoverthis notoriouslyvolatileregion andprobablytookthecross withsomethoughtofstarting anewlifeintheHolyLand. Despitehisreputationfor despoilingChurchproperty andhislimitedmilitary background,intheyearsto comeGodfreywould demonstrateanunswerving dedicationtothecrusading idealandagiftforclearheadedcommand. Godfreystoodatthe forefrontofaloose conglomerateoftroopsfrom Lorraine,Lotharingiaand Germanyandwasjoinedby hisbrother,Baldwinof Boulogne.Reportedlydarkerhairedbutpaler-skinnedthan Godfrey,Baldwinwassaidto haveapiercinggaze.Like Tancred,hewouldemerge fromrelativeobscurityduring thecourseofthecrusade, demonstratingabullish tenacityinbattleandan almostinsatiableappetitefor advancement. Thesefiveprinces– RaymondofToulouse, BohemondofTaranto, GodfreyofBouillon,Tancred ofHautevilleandBaldwinof Boulogne–playedpivotal rolesintheexpeditionto reclaimJerusalem,leading threeofthemainFrankish armiesandshapingtheearly historyofthecrusades.A fourthandfinalcontingent, madeupofthenorthern French,alsojoinedthe campaign.Thisarmywas dominatedbyatight-knit kinshipgroupofthreeleading nobles:thewell-connected Robert,dukeofNormandy, eldestsonofWilliamthe Conquerorandbrotherto WilliamRufus,kingof England;Robert’sbrother-inlawStephen,countofBlois; andhisnamesakeandcousin, RobertII,countofFlanders. Forthesepotentates,their followersandperhapseven thepoorerclasses,theprocess ofjoiningthecrusade involvedadramaticandoften emotionalceremony.Each individualmadeacrusading vowtojourneytoJerusalem, similartothatfora pilgrimage,andthenmarked theirstatusbysewinga representationofthecrosson totheirclothing.When BohemondofTarantoheard thecalltoarms,hisreaction wasapparentlyimmediate: ‘InspiredbytheHolyGhost, [he]orderedthemost valuablecloakwhichhehad tobecutupforthwithand madeintocrosses,andmost oftheknightswhowere [there]begantojoinhimat once,fortheywerefullof enthusiasm.’Elsewhere, sometookthisritualto extremes,brandingtheirflesh withthesignofthecross,or inscribingtheirbodiesor clothingwithblood. Theprocessof identificationthrougha visiblesymbolmusthave servedtoseparateanddefine thecrusadersasagroup,and thepilgrimvowinvolved certainlybroughtcrusadersan arrayoflegalprotectionsfor theirpropertyandpersons. Thecontemporary descriptionsofthese momentsofdedicationtend tostressspiritualmotivation. Wemightdoubtthis evidence,giventhatitis almostalwaysprovidedby churchmen,exceptforthe factthatitissupportedbya wealthoflegaldocuments, producedeitherby,oratthe behestof,menplacingtheir affairsinorderbefore departingforJerusalem.This materialseemstoconfirm thatmanycrusadersdid indeedseetheiractionsina devotionalcontext.One crusader,Bertrandof Moncontour,wassoinspired thathedecidedtogiveup landswhichhewas withholdingillegallyfroma monasteryinVendôme because‘hebelievedthatthe WayofGod[thecrusade] couldinnowaybenefithim whileheheldtheseproceeds oftheft’. Thedocumentaryevidence alsoreflectsanatmosphereof fearandself-sacrifice. Prospectivecrusadersseemto havebeendeeply apprehensiveaboutthelong anddangerousjourneythey wereundertaking,butwereat thesametimewillingtosell virtuallyalltheirpossessions tofundtheirparticipation. EvenRobertofNormandy wasforcedtomortgagehis duchytohisbrother.The oncefashionablemyththat crusaderswereself-serving, disinherited,land-hungry youngersonsmustbe discarded.Crusadingwas insteadanactivitythatcould bringspiritualandmaterial rewards,butwasinthefirst instancebothanintimidating andextremelycostlyactivity. DevotioninspiredEuropeto crusade,andinthelongyears tocometheFirstCrusaders provedtimeandagainthat theirmostpowerfulweapon wasasharedsenseofpurpose andindestructiblespiritual resolution.11 BYZANTIUM FromNovember1096 onwardsthemainarmiesof theFirstCrusadebeganto arriveatthegreatcityof Constantinople(Istanbul), ancientgatewaytotheOrient andcapitaloftheByzantine Empire.Forthenextsix monthsthevarious contingentsoftheexpedition passedthroughByzantiumon theirwaytoAsiaMinorand thefrontierwithIslam. Constantinoplewasanatural locationforthediverseforces ofthecrusadetogather, giventhatitstoodonthe traditionalpilgrimrouteto theHolyLandandthatthe Frankshadtravelledeastwith theexpressintentionof aidingtheirGreekbrethren. TheambitionsofAlexius TheByzantineEmperor AlexiusIComnenushad alreadywitnessedthe disorderedcollapseofthe People’sCrusade,andit usuallyisarguedthathe viewedtheadventofthemain crusadewithequaldisdain andsuspicion.Hisdaughter andbiographerAnna ComnenawrotethatAlexius had‘dreaded[thearrivalof theFranks],knowingashe didtheiruncontrollable passion,theirerraticcharacter andtheirirresolution,notto mentiontheirgreed’. Elsewhereshedescribedthe crusadersas‘allthe barbariansoftheWest’and wasparticularlyscathingin herdescriptionsofBohemond as‘ahabitualrogue’whowas ‘bynaturealiar’.Drawing uponhervituperative rhetoric,historianshaveoften depictedtheearlyGrecoLatinencountersof1096–7 asbeingstainedbydeep- seatedmistrustandingrained hostility.Infact,Anna Comnena’saccount,written decadesaftertheevent,was heavilycolouredby hindsight.Tobesure, currentsofwary circumspection,evenof antipathy,pulsedbeneaththe surfaceofcrusader– Byzantinerelations.There wereevenoccasional outbreaksofill-tempered infighting.Buttobeginwith, atleast,thesewereeclipsed byinstancesofconstructive cooperation.12 Totrulyunderstandthe FirstCrusaders’journey throughByzantiumand beyond,thepreconceptions andprejudicesofboththe FranksandtheGreeksmust bereconstructed.Many imaginethatintermsof wealth,powerandculture Europeanhistoryhasalways beendominatedbytheWest. Butintheeleventhcentury thefocalpointofcivilisation laytotheeast,inByzantium, inheritorofGreco-Roman mightandglory;continuator oftheknownworld’smost enduringempire.Alexius couldtracehisimperial heritagebacktothelikesof AugustusCaesarand ConstantinetheGreat,andfor theFranksthisimbuedthe emperorandhisrealmwitha near-mysticalauraof majesty. Thecrusaders’arrivalat Constantinopleservedonlyto reinforcethisimpression. Standingbeforeitscolossal outerwalls–fourmileslong, uptofifteenfeetthickand sixtyfeettall–therecouldbe nodoubtthattheybeheldthe heartofChristianEurope’s greatsuperpower.Forthose fortunateenoughtobe grantedentrytothecapital itself,thewondersonly multiplied.Hometoperhaps halfamillioncitizens,this metropolisdwarfedthe largestcityinLatinEurope tenfold.Visitorscouldmarvel atthedomedBasilicaofSt Sophia,Christendom’smost spectacularchurch,andgaze atthegianttriumphalstatues ofAlexius’legendary forebears.Constantinople alsowashometoan unrivalledcollectionof sacredrelics,including Christ’scrownofthorns, locksoftheVirginMary’s hair,atleasttwoheadsof JohntheBaptistandthe bonesofvirtuallyallthe Apostles. Itislittlewonderthatmost crusadersexpected,quite naturally,thattheir expeditionwouldbegininthe serviceoftheemperor.For hispart,Alexiusofferedthe Frankisharmiesacautious welcome,shepherdingthem fromthebordersofhis empiretohiscapital,ever underawatchfuleye.He viewedthecrusadeasa militarytooltobeusedinthe defenceofhisrealm.Having requestedaidfromPope Urbanin1095,hewasnow confrontedbyaswarmof Latincrusaders.Butforall theirsupposedunruly savagery,herecognisedthat theFranks’brutishvitality mightbeharnessedinthe interestsoftheempire. Wieldedwithcareand control,thecrusademight provetobethedecisive weaponinhisstruggleto reconquerAsiaMinorfrom theSeljuqTurks.Both GreeksandLatinswerethus primedforcollaboration,but theseedsofdiscordwere presentnonetheless.Most Franksexpectedtheemperor toassumepersonalcommand oftheirarmies,leadingthem aspartofagrandcoalitionto thegatesofJerusalemitself. Alexiushadnosuchplans. Forhimtheneedsof Byzantium,notthoseofthe crusade,wouldalwaysbe paramount.Hewouldfurnish theLatinswithaidand happilycapitaliseonany successestheyenjoyed,not leastiftheyenabledhimto repulsethethreatfromIslam andperhapsevenreclaimthe strategicallyvitalSyriancity ofAntioch.Buthewould neverexposehisdynastyto overthrow,orhisempireto invasion,byconductinga protractedcampaigninthe distantHolyLand.This disjunctureofaimsand expectationswould,intime, provetohavetragic consequences. Inserviceoftheemperor Determinedtostamphis authorityontheFranks, Alexiustookfulladvantage ofthecrusaderhost’s fragmentednature,dealing witheachprinceindividually astheyarrivedat Constantinople.Healso playeduponhisgreat capital’simposing magnificencetointimidate theLatins.On20January 1097oneofthefirstprinces toarrive,Godfreyof Bouillon,wasinvitedinthe companyofhisleading noblestoanaudiencewith Alexiusattheopulent imperialPalaceofthe Blachernae.Godfrey apparentlyfoundtheemperor ‘seated,aswashiscustom, lookingpowerfulonthe throneofhissovereignty,not gettinguptoofferkisses[of greeting]tothedukenorto anyone’.Maintainingthisair ofregalmajesty,Alexius requiredGodfreysolemnlyto promisethat‘whatevercities, countriesorfortshemightin futuresubdue,whichhadin thefirstplacebelongedtothe RomanEmpire,hewould handovertotheofficer appointedbytheemperor’. Thismeantthatanyterritory capturedinAsiaMinorand evenbeyondwouldbe handedovertothe Byzantines.Thedukethen offeredtheemperoranoath ofvassalage,creatinga reciprocalbondofallegiance whichconfirmedAlexius’ righttodirectthecrusade,but alsoentitledGodfreyto expectimperialaidand counsel.Inacharacteristic showofByzantine munificence,theemperor sweetenedthisactof capitulationbyshoweringthe Frankishprincewithgiftsof goldandsilver,alongwith preciouspurplefabricsand valuablehorses.Withthedeal done,Alexiuspromptly whiskedGodfreyandhis armyacrosstheBosphorus Strait–thenarrowfingerof waterconnectingthe MediterraneanwiththeBlack Seaandseparatingthe EuropeanandAsian continents–inordertoavoid thepotentiallydestabilising build-upofLatintroops outsideConstantinopleitself. Inthesucceedingmonths virtuallyalltheleading crusadersfollowedDuke Godfrey’sexample.InApril 1097BohemondofTaranto appearedtomakepeacewith hisformerGreekenemy, willinglyaccedingtothe oath.Hewaslavishly rewardedwithanentireroom packedwithtreasure,which, accordingtoAnnaComnena, practicallymadehiseyeballs popfromhishead.Three Frankishnoblessoughtto evadeAlexius’net.The ambitiouslesserprinces, TancredofHautevilleand BaldwinofBologne,each madeanimmediatecrossing oftheBosphorustoavoidthe oath,butwerelaterpersuaded tosubmit.Raymond,countof Toulouse,alonestubbornly resistedtheemperor’s overtures,finallyagreeing onlytoamodifiedpactwhich sawhimvownottothreaten Alexius’poweror possessions.13 TheFirstCrusaders’RoutetotheHoly Land ThesiegeofNicaea ThemainarmiesoftheFirst Crusadestartedtogatheron theshoreofAsiaMinorin February1097,andoverthe followingmonthstheir numbersgraduallybuiltupto perhaps75,000,including some7,500fullyarmed, mountedknightsandafurther 35,000lightlyequipped infantry.Thetimingoftheir arrivalonthedoorstepofthe Muslimworldprovedtobe mostpropitious.Months earlierKilijArslan,theSeljuq Turkishsultanoftheregion, hadannihilatedthePeople’s Crusadewithrelativeease. Thinkingthatthissecond waveofFrankswouldposea similarlylimiteddanger,he setofftodealwithaminor territorialdisputefartothe east.Thisblunderleftthe Christiansfreetocrossthe Bosphorusandestablisha beachheadwithouthindrance throughoutthatspring. TheLatins’firstMuslim targetwasdefinedbytheir alliancewiththeGreeks,and Alexius’primaryobjective wasNicaea,thecityjust inlandfromtheBosphorus whichKilijArslanhad brazenlydeclaredhiscapital. ThisTurkishfootholdin westernAsiaMinor threatenedthesecurityof Constantinopleitself,butit hadstubbornlyresistedthe emperor’sbesteffortsat reconquest.NowAlexius deployedhisnewweapon: the‘barbarian’Franks.They arrivedatNicaeaon6Mayto findanimposingstronghold. OneLatineyewitness describedhow‘skilfulmen hadenclosedthecitywith suchloftywallsthatitfeared neithertheattackofenemies northeforceofany machine’.Thesethirty-foothighbattlements,nearlythree milesincircumference, incorporatedmorethanone hundredtowers.More troublingstillwasthefact thatthewesternedgeofthe citywasbuiltagainstthe shoresofthemassive AskanianLake,thusallowing theTurkishgarrison,which probablynumberednomore thanafewthousand,to receivesuppliesand reinforcementsevenifthey wereencircledonland. TheChristianscameclose tosufferingadamaging reversalinthefirststageof theirsiege.Havingnow recognisedthethreattohis capital,KilijArslanreturned fromeasternAsiaMinorin latespring.On16Mayhe triedtolaunchasurprise attackuponthearmiesranged beforeNicaea,pouringout fromthesteep,woodedhills tothesouthofthecity. LuckilyfortheFranks,a Turkishspycaughtintheir campbetrayedtheSeljuqs’ planswhenthreatenedwith tortureanddeath.Whenthe Muslimassaultbeganthe Latinswerereadyand, throughsheerweightof numbers,soonforcedKilij Arslantoretreat.Heescaped withmostofhisarmyintact, buthismilitaryprestigeand themoraleofNicaea’s garrisonsufferedgrave damage.Hopingto accentuateenemy desperation,thecrusaders decapitatedhundredsof Turkishdead,paradingthe headsuponspikesbeforethe cityandeventhrowingsome overthewalls‘inorderto causemoreterror’.Thissort ofbarbarouspsychological warfarewascommonin medievalsiegesandcertainly notthepreserveofthe Christians.Inthecoming weekstheNicaeanTurks retaliatedwithmacabre tenacity,usingironhooks attachedtoropestohaulup anyFrankishcorpsesleftnear thewallsafterskirmishesand thenhangingthesecadavers fromthewallstorot,soas‘to offendtheChristians’.14 HavingrepulsedKilij Arslan’sattack,thecrusaders adoptedacombinedsiege strategytoovercome Nicaea’sdefences,employing twostylesofsiegewarfare simultaneously.Ononehand, theyestablishedaclose blockadeofthecity’s landwardwallstothenorth, eastandsouth,hopingtocut offNicaeafromtheoutside world,graduallygrindingits garrisonintosubmission throughphysicaland psychologicalisolation.As yet,however,theFrankshad nomeansofsevering westwardlinesof communicationviathelake, sotheyalsoactivelypursued themoreaggressivestrategy ofanassaultsiege.Early attemptstostormthecity withscalingladdersfailed,so effortscentreduponcreating aphysicalbreachinthewalls. Thecrusadersbuiltsome stone-throwingmachines,or mangonels,butthesewereof limitedpower,incapableof propellingmissilesof sufficientsizetoinflict significantdamagetorobust battlements.Instead,the Latinsusedlight bombardmenttoharassthe Turksand,undercoverofthis fire,attemptedtoundermine Nicaea’swallsbyhand. Thiswaspotentiallylethal work.Toreachthefootofthe rampartstroopshadto negotiateadeadlyrainof Muslimarrowsandstone missiles,and,oncethere,they wereexposedtoattackfrom abovebyburningpitchand oil.TheFranksexperimented witharangeofportable bombardmentscreensto counterthesedangers,with varyingdegreesofsuccess. Onesuchcontraption, proudlychristened‘thefox’ andfashionedfromoak beams,promptlycollapsed, killingtwentycrusaders.The southernFrenchhadmore luck,constructingasturdier, sloping-roofedscreenwhich allowedthemtoreachthe wallsandbeginasiegemine. Sappersdugatunnelbeneath thesouthernbattlements, carefullybuttressingthe excavationwithtimber supportsastheywent,before packingthevoidwith branchesandkindling.At duskaround1June1097they setthiswoodalight,leaving thewholestructureto collapse,bringingdowna smallsectionofthedefences above.Unfortunatelyforthe Franks,theTurkishgarrison managedtorepairthedamage overnightandnofurther progresswasmade. Bymid-June,withthe crusadersenjoyingno noteworthyprogress,itfellto theByzantinestotipthe balance.Stationedaday’s journeytothenorth,Alexius hadmaintainedadiscreetbut watchfuldistancefromthe siege,whiledispatching troopsandmilitaryadvisers toassisttheLatins.Most notableamongthesewas Taticius,acool-headed veteranoftheimperial householdbornofhalf-Arab, half-Greekparentage,known forhisloyaltytothe emperor.7Itwasnotuntil mid-JunethatAlexiusmade thedefiningcontributionto Nicaea’sinvestment.In responsetorequestsfromthe crusaderprinces,heportaged asmallfleetofGreekships twentymilesoverlandtothe AskanianLake.Atdawnon 18Junethisflotillasailed towardsNicaea’swestern walls,trumpetsanddrums blaring,astheFranks launchedacoordinatedlandbasedassault.Utterly horrified,withthenoose closingaroundthem,the Seljuqtroopswithinwere saidtohavebeen‘afraid almosttodeath,andbeganto wailandlament’.Within hourstheysuedforpeaceand TaticiusandtheByzantines tookpossessionofthecity. ThecaptureofNicaea markedthehighpointof Greco-Frankishcooperation duringtheFirstCrusade. Thereweresomeinitial grumblesamongtheLatin rank-and-fileaboutthelack ofplunder,butthesewere soonsilencedbyAlexius’ decisiontorewardhisallies withlavishquantitiesofhard cash.Laterwestern chroniclesplayedupthe degreeoftensionpresent afterNicaea’sfall,butaletter writtenhomebytheleading crusaderStephenofBlois laterthatsamesummermade itclearthatanatmosphereof friendshipandcooperation endured.Theemperornow heldanaudiencewiththe Frankishprincestodiscuss thenextstageofthe campaign.Thecrusaders’ routeacrossAsiaMinorwas likelyagreedandthecityof Antiochidentifiedasan objective.Alexius’planwas tofollowintheexpedition’s wake,moppingupany territoryitconqueredand,in thehopeofmaintaining controloverevents,he directedTaticiusto accompanytheLatinsashis officialrepresentative,along withasmallforceof Byzantinetroops. Throughoutthatspringand summerAlexiusfurnishedthe Latinswithinvaluableadvice andintelligence.Anna ComnenanotedthatAlexius ‘warned[them]aboutthe thingslikelytohappenon theirjourney[and]gavethem profitableadvice.Theywere instructedinthemethods normallyusedbytheTurksin battle;toldhowtheyshould drawupabattle-line,howto layambushes;advisednotto pursuefarwhentheenemy ranawayinflight.’Healso counselledthecrusade leadershiptotemperblunt aggressiontowardsIslam withanelementofpragmatic diplomacy.Theyfollowedhis advice,seekingtoexploit Muslimpoliticalandreligious disunitybydispatching envoysbyshiptotheFatimid caliphateinEgypttodiscuss apotentialtreaty.15 Asthecrusadersleft Nicaeainthelastweekof June1097,Alexiuscould lookbackoverthepreceding monthswithsome satisfaction.TheFrankish hordehadbeenchannelled throughhisempirewithout majorincidentandagrave blowstruckagainsttheSeljuq KilijArslan.Inspiteof occasionalmomentsof friction,withthemagisterial presenceoftheemperorclose athand,theLatinshad provedthemselvestobeboth cooperativeandsubservient. Thequestionwashowlong thespellwouldholdnowthat thecrusadewasmarchingon totheHolyLandandaway fromtheheartofByzantine authority. ACROSSASIA MINOR WithoutAlexius’leadership theFrankshadtowrestlewith theissuesofcommandand organisation.Essentiallytheir armywasacompositeforce, onemassmadeupofmany smallerparts,unitedbya commonfaith–Latin Catholicism–butdrawnfrom acrosswesternEurope.Many hadbeenenemiesbeforethe expeditionbegan.Theyeven facedaprofound communicationbarrier:the northernFrenchcrusader FulcherofChartresremarked, ‘Whoeverheardsucha mixtureoflanguagesinone army?’ Thisdisparatemassneeded tobeguidedbyaresolute hand.Indeed,thedictatesof militarylogicsuggestedthat withoutaclear,individual commanderthecrusade surelywouldbedoomedto disintegrationandcollapse. Butfromthesummerof1097 onwards,theexpeditionhad nosingleleader.Thepapal legate,AdhémarofLePuy, couldclaimspiritualprimacy, andtheGreekTaticius certainlyofferedguidance, butinpracticeneither wieldedtotalpower.Infact, thecrusadershadtofeeltheir waytowardsan organisationalstructure throughaprocessof experimentationand innovation,relyingheavily upontheunifyinginfluence oftheirshareddevotional goal.Againstallexpectations, theyachievedsignificant success.Theirmostvaluable decision-makingtoolproved tobegroupdiscussion, normallyanathemato militaryenterprise.Fromnow onacouncil,madeupofthe leadingFrankishprinces– mensuchasRaymondof ToulouseandBohemondof Taranto–mettodiscussand agreepolicy.Earlyonthey createdacommonfund throughwhichallplunder couldbechannelledand redistributed.Theyalsohad todecidehowbestto negotiatethecrossingofAsia Minor. Becauseofitsvastsize,the crusadecouldnotrealistically moveforwardasasingle army.Stretchedoutalongthe Romanroadsandpilgrim routesthatlayahead,asingle columnof70,000people mighttakedaystopassa givenpoint.Foragingfor foodandsuppliesasthey went,theywouldalso scourgethesurrounding countrysidelikeaplagueof locusts.ButtheChristians couldillaffordtobreakinto smallercontingents, travellingseparatelyasthey hadenrouteto Constantinople,becauseKilij ArslanandtheSeljuqTurks stillposedaveryrealthreat. Theprinceseventuallychose todividetheirforcesintwo, whilemaintainingrelatively closecontactduringthe march.16 TheBattleofDorylaeum On29June1097, Bohemond’ssouthernItalian NormansandRobertof Normandy’sarmysetoff, trailedatsomedistanceby GodfreyofBouillon,Robert ofFlandersandthesouthern French.Theplanwasto rendezvoussomefourdays’ marchtothesouth-east,at Dorylaeum,anabandoned Byzantinemilitarycamp. KilijArslan,however,had otherideas.Afterhis humiliationatNicaeahehad amassedafull-strengtharmy andwasnowhopingto ambushthecrusadersasthey crossedhislands.Their divisionintotwoarmiesgave himanopportunitytostrike. Onthemorningof1Julyhe attackedBohemond’sand Robert’sleadingforceinan areaofopengroundatthe junctionoftwovalleysnear Dorylaeum.Onememberof Bohemond’sarmyrecalled thehorrorofthemomentas theTurkssuddenlycameinto sightand‘beganallatonceto howlandgabbleandshout, sayingwithloudvoicesin theirownlanguagesome devilishwordwhichIdonot understand...screaminglike demons’.KilijArslanhad comewithathrongoflightly armedbutagileSeljuq horsemen,hopingtowreak havocamongtheslowermovingcrusaderranks, encirclinglikeawhirlwind andshatteringtheirformation withanunceasinghailof missiles.TheLatinswere certainlyshockedbytheir opponents’tactics.One eyewitnessinthethickofthe fightingwrote:‘TheTurks werehowlinglikewolvesand furiouslyshootingacloudof arrows.Wewerestunnedby this.Sincewefaceddeath andsincemanyofuswere wounded,wesoontook flight;noristhisremarkable, becausetoallofussuch warfarewasunknown.’ Somemayhavefled,but, astonishingly,Bohemondand Robertwereabletorallytheir troopsandsetupamakeshift campbesideamarsh.Instead ofchaoticretreat,theychose toholdtheirground,establish adefensiveformationand waitforreinforcement.For halfadaytheyreliedupon weightofnumbersand superiorarmourtoresistthe continuingTurkishassault. Tostrengthentheirresolvein thefaceofthisswarm,the crusaderspassedamoraleboastingphrasedownthe line:‘Standfasttogether, trustinginChristandthe victoryoftheHolyCross. Todaymayweallgainmuch booty.’Occasionally, however,enemytroopsdid breakthrough: TheTurksburstintothecampin strength,strikingwitharrowsfromtheir hornbows,killingpilgrimfoot-soldiers, girls,women,infantsandoldpeople, sparingnooneongroundsofage. Stunnedandterrifiedbythecrueltyof thismosthideouskilling,girlswho weredelicateandverynoblybornwere hasteningtogetthemselvesdressedup, offeringthemselvestotheTurks,sothat atleast,rousedandappeasedbyloveof theirbeauty,theTurksmightlearnto pitytheirprisoners. Evenso,thecrusaderline heldfirm.Inthemedievalage effectivegeneralshipwas heavilydependentuponforce ofpersonality,thepowerto inspireobedience,anditis muchtoBohemond’sand Robert’screditthattheywere abletocontroltheirtroopsin thefaceofsuchaggression. Afterfiveappallinghours,the maincrusadingforcearrived andKilijArslanwasforcedto retreat.Casualtieswerehigh, withperhapsasmanyas 4,000Christiansand3,000 Muslimskilled,butthe attempttoterrifythe crusadersintoroutinghad failed.Fromthispointon KilijArslanavoidedthem. ThenomadicSeljuqsofAsia Minorhadnotbeendefeated, buttheirresistancewas broken,openingtheroute acrossAnatolia.17 Contactsandconquests AfterDorylaeumthe crusadersfacedadifferent kindofenemyduringtheir three-monthmarchto Antioch.Thirst,starvation anddiseaseplaguedthem throughoutthesummerof 1097astheypassedaseries ofsettlementsabandonedby theTurks.Accordingtoone chronicler,atonepointthe lackofwaterbecamesoacute that: Overwhelmedbytheanguishofthirst asmanyas500peopledied.Inaddition horses,donkeys,camels,mules,oxen andmanyanimalssufferedthesame deathfromverypainfulthirst.Many men,growingweakfromtheexertion andtheheat,gapingwithopenmouths andthroats,weretryingtocatchthe thinnestmisttocuretheirthirst.Now, whileeveryonewasthussufferingwith thisplague,[a]rivertheyhadlonged andsearchedforwasdiscovered.As theyhurriedtowardsiteachwaskeen becauseofexcessivelongingtoarrive firstamongstthegreatthrong.Theyset nolimittotheirdrinking,untilvery manywhohadbeenweakened,asmany menasbeastsofburden,diedfrom drinkingtoomuch. Itmayseemremarkablethat thedeathsofanimalswere describedinalmostequal detailtothoseofmen,butall thecontemporarysources sharethisobsessionwith horsesandpackanimals.The armyrelieduponthelatterto transportequipmentand supplies,whileknights dependedupontheirmounts inbattle.Inthepasthistorians emphasisedthemilitary advantageenjoyedby crusaderknightsbecauseof theirlarger,stronger, Europeanhorses,but,intruth, mostofthesediedeven beforeSyriawasreached.A Frankisheyewitnesslater notedthatbecauseofthis ‘manyofourknightshadto goasfoot-soldiers,andfor lackofhorseswehadtouse oxenasmounts’.18 Crusadersoccasionallyfell foulofmoreunusualdangers. GodfreyofBouillon,forone, wasattackedandseverely woundedbyasavagebear whilehunting.Hewaslucky tosurvive.Theseperilsand hardshipsseemtohave promptedmorecareful planningofthejourney’snext leg.Uponreachingthefertile south-easterncornerofAsia Minorthecrusadersbegan forgingallianceswiththe localArmenianChristian population,whountilthen hadbeenlivingunderTurkish rule.AtHeraclea,Tancred andBaldwinofBoulogne weresentsouthintoCilicia, whilethemainarmytookthe northernrouteviaCoxonand Marash.Bothgroupsmade contactwithindigenous ArmenianChristians,but TancredandBaldwinwent further,establishinganallied resourcecentrethathelpedto supplytheentirecrusadein themonthstocome,and securingamoredirectroute intoSyriaforthearmiesof reinforcementsthatthe Frankswereexpectingtojoin thematAntioch. Intheaftermathofthis CilicianexpeditionBaldwin decidedtobreakofffromthe maincrusadetoseekhis fortuneintheeastern borderlandsbetweenSyria andMesopotamia.Hesawan opportunitytoestablishhis ownindependentLevantine lordshipand,leavingwitha smallcompanyofjustone hundredknights,begana campaignofbrutalconquest andunceasingselfadvancementthatrevealedhis skillsbothasamilitary commanderandasawily politicaloperator.Styling himselfasthe‘liberator’of ArmenianChristiansfromthe yokeofoppressiveTurkish rule,Baldwinswiftly establishedcontrolovera swatheofterritoryrunning easttotheRiverEuphrates. Hisburgeoningreputation thenearnedhimaninvitation toallywithThoros,the ageingArmenianrulerof Edessa,acityintheFertile Crescent,beyondthe Euphrates.Thetwowere actuallyjoinedasadoptive fatherandsonbyacurious publicritual:bothmen strippedtothewaist,and then,asThorosembraced Baldwin,‘bindinghimtohis nakedchest’,alongshirtwas placedoverthemtosealtheir union.Unfortunatelyfor Thoros,thisceremonydid littletotemperBaldwin’s ruthlessambition.Withina fewmonthshisArmenian ‘father’hadbeenmurdered, probablywithBaldwin’stacit approval.TheFrankthen seizedcontrolofthecityand surroundingregiontocreate thefirstcrusaderstateinthe NearEast–thecountyof Edessa.19 Meanwhile,thearmiesof theFirstCrusaderegrouped onthebordersofnorthern SyriainearlyOctober1097; theyhadsurvivedthe crossingofAsiaMinor,albeit withmajorlosses.Theevents ofthefollowingcentury wouldprovethatthisinitself wasanextraordinary achievement,assuccessive crusadesfounderedinthis region.Butagargantuantask thatwouldeclipseeventhese trialsnowstoodbeforethem: thesiegeofAntioch. SYRIANORDEALS Inearlyautumn1097the FirstCrusaderscrossedinto northernSyria,arrivingatone ofthegreatcitiesofthe Orient,thefortified metropolisofAntioch.They hadatlastreachedthe bordersoftheHolyLand,and now,tothesouth,perhaps justthreeweeks’march away,Jerusalemitself beckoned.Butthemostdirect routetotheHolyCity,the ancientpilgrimroad,ran throughAntiochbefore tracingthecoastlineofthe MediterraneanintoLebanon andPalestine,pasta successionofpotentially hostileMuslim-heldcities andfortresses. Historianshavealways maintainedthattheFranks hadnochoicebuttocapture Antiochbeforecontinuing theirjourneysouth–thatthe citystoodasanimmutable barriertotheprogressoftheir expedition.Thisisnot entirelytrue.Laterevents suggestthatthecrusaders couldintheoryhave bypassedthecity.Hadthey beensolelyfocusedupon reachingJerusalemwith maximumspeed,theymight havenegotiatedatemporary trucetoneutralisethethreat posedbyAntioch’sMuslim garrison,leavingthemfreeto advancewithminimum disruption.Thefactthatthe Latinschoseinsteadto besiegeAntiochsaysmuch abouttheirplanning,strategy andmotivation.20 ThecityofAntioch Firstandforemost,Antioch appearstohavebeenthecore targetofthecrusaderByzantinealliance.Founded intheyear300BCEby Antiochus,oneofAlexander theGreat’sgenerals,thecity wasideallyplacedtotapinto trans-Mediterraneantrade. Famedasavibrantcrossroads betweenEastandWest, Antiochbecamethethirdcity oftheRomanworld,acentre ofcommerceandculture.But duringthefirstexplosionof Islamicexpansioninthe seventhcenturyCE,this bastionoftheeasternempire waslosttotheArabs.A resurgentByzantiumsecured Antioch’sreconquestin969, buttheadventofthe rampagingSeljuqTurkssaw thecityonceagainslipoutof Christiancontrolin1085. Onlytooawareofthis complexhistory,AlexiusI ComnenuscovetedAntioch, dreamingofthedaywhen thiscitywouldbethe cornerstoneofaneweraof GreekdominionoverAsia Minor.Itwasforthisreason thathecontinuedtosupport theFranksthroughthe summerof1097andbeyond, hopingtoharnessthe unprecedentedinfluxof crusadingmanpowerand reclaimtheprizeofAntioch. Thedecisiontotargetthe citywasthusanexpressionof ongoingGreco-Latin cooperation;however,the crusaderswerenotsimply doingthebiddingoftheir allies.Antioch,like Jerusalem,hadadeeply rooteddevotional significance.Traditionheld thatitwasthesiteofthefirst Christianchurchfoundedby StPeter,chiefofthe Apostles,andthecitystill containedamagnificent basilicadedicatedtothesaint. Itwasalsohometooneofthe fivepatriarchs,theleading powersofChristendom.Its liberationthereforechimed withtheexpedition’sspiritual goals.Intime,however,it wouldalsobecomeclearthat crusadeleaderslike BohemondandRaymondof Toulouseharbouredtheirown moresecular,self-serving ambitionsforAntioch, aspirationsthatmightclash withByzantineexpectations. Beyondtheissuesof Latin–Greekrelationsand territorialconquest,the attempttoseizeAntioch revealsaprofoundtruthabout thecrusaders.Theywerenot, assomemedievaland moderncommentatorshave imagined,awildhordeof uncontrolledbarbarians, swarmingwithout forethoughttoJerusalem.The eventsof1097provethat theiractionswere,atthevery least,informedbyaveinof strategicplanning.They preparedforAntioch’s investmentwithsomecare, seizinganumberofsatellite settlementstoactascentres oflogisticalsupplyand cultivatingmaritimecontacts toensurenavalaid,someof whichappeartohavebeen organisedmonthsinadvance. TheFrankswerealsofully expectingtobereinforcedat AntiochbyGreektroops underAlexiusaswellas successivewavesofwestern crusaders,andthussecured thesafest,mostdirectroute fromAsiaMinortoSyria acrosstheBelenPass. Everythingabouttheir behaviourintheautumnof 1097indicatesthattheFranks weredeterminedtoconquer Antioch,thoughthey recognisedthatthiswouldbe nosimpletask. Evenso,whenthe crusadersmarcheduptothe city’swallsinlateOctober theyweredauntedbythe sheerscaleofitsdefences. OneFrankwroteinaletterto Europethatatfirstsightthe cityseemed‘fortifiedwith incrediblestrengthandalmost impregnable’.Antiochlay nestledbetweentheOrontes Riverandthefootoftwo mountains–Staurinand Silpius.Inthesixthcentury theRomansenhancedthese naturalfeatureswithacircle ofsomesixtytowersjoined byamassiveenclosingwall– threemileslongandupto sixtyfeetinheight-running alongthebanksofthe Orontes,andthenupand acrossStaurinandupSilpius’ precipitousslopes.Hundreds offeetabovethecityproper, nearthepeakofMount Silpius,aformidablecitadel crownedAntioch’s fortifications.Bythelate eleventhcenturythis defensivesystemhadbeen weatheredbytimeand ravagedbyearthquakes,butit stillpresentedanawesome obstacletoanyattacking force.Indeed,aFrankish eyewitnesswaspromptedto writethatthecitywould ‘dreadneithertheattackof machinenortheassaultof manevenifallmankind gatheredtobesiegeit’.21 Thecrusadersnonetheless hadoneadvantage:Muslim Syriawasinaparlousstateof disarray.Rivenbypower strugglessincethecollapseof Seljuqunityintheearly 1090s,theregion’sTurkish potentatesweremore interestedinpursuingtheir ownpettyinfightingthanin offeringanyformofrapidor concertedIslamicresponseto thisunexpectedLatin incursion.Thetwoyoung feudingbrothersRidwanand Duqaqruledthemajorcities ofAleppoandDamascus,but werelockedinacivilwar. Antiochitselfwasgoverned asasemi-autonomous frontiersettlementofthe falteringSeljuqsultanateof BaghdadbyYaghiSiyan,a conniving,white-haired Turkishwarlord.He commandedawellprovisionedgarrisonof perhaps5,000troops,enough tomanthecity’sdefencesbut notsufficienttorepelthe crusadersinopenbattle.His onlyoptionwastotrustin Antioch’sfortificationsand hopetosurvivetheadventof thecrusade.AstheFranks approachedhedispatched appealsforaidtohisMuslim neighboursinAleppoand Damascus,aswellasto Baghdaditself,inthehopeof attractingreinforcement.He alsotrainedawatchfuleyeon themanyGreek,Armenian andSyrianChristian membersofAntioch’s cosmopolitanpopulation, waryofbetrayalfromwithin. TheCityofAntioch AWAROFATTRITION Upontheirarrival,theLatins hadtodecideuponastrategy. Discouragedbythemassive scaleofAntioch’s fortificationsandlackingthe craftsmenandmaterials requiredtobuildweaponsof assaultsiegewarfare– scalingladders,mangonelsor movabletowers–they quicklyrecognisedthatthey wereinnopositiontostorm itsbattlements.But,asat Nicaea,anattritionsiege presenteddifficulties.The sheerlengthofAntioch’s walls,theruggedtopography oftheenclosingmountains andthepresenceofnofewer thansixmaingateways leadingoutofthecitymadea fullencirclementvirtually impossible.Asitwas,a councilofprincesdecided uponastrategyofpartial blockade,andinthelastdays ofOctobertheirarmiestook uppositionsbeforethecity’s threenorth-westerngates.As timewentonthecrusaders soughttopoliceaccessto Antioch’stwosouthern entrances.Atemporary bridgewasbuiltacrossthe Orontestofacilitateaccessto thesouth,andaseriesof makeshiftsiegeforts developedtotightenthe noose.Butoneentrance remained,theIronGate– perchedinarockygorge betweenStaurinandSilpius, outofthecrusaders’reach. Unguarded,itofferedYaghi Siyanandhismenacrucial lifelinetotheoutsideworld throughoutthelongmonths thatfollowed. Fromtheautumnof1097 onwardstheFranks committedthemselvestothe grindingrealityofamedieval encirclementsiege.Thedayto-daybusinessofthisform ofwarfaremightinvolve frequentsmall-scale skirmishing,butinessence dependednotuponabattleof arms,butratheruponatestof physicalandpsychological endurance.Forboththe LatinsandtheirMuslimfoes moralewascritical,andeach sidereadilyemployedan arrayofgruesometacticsto erodetheiropponent’smental resilience.Afterwinninga majorbattleinearly1098the crusadersdecapitatedmore thanonehundredMuslim dead,stucktheirheadsupon spearsandgleefullyparaded thembeforethewallsof Antioch‘toincreasethe Turks’grief’.Following anotherskirmishtheMuslims stoleoutofthecityatdawn toburytheirdead,but, accordingtooneLatin eyewitness,whenthe Christiansdiscoveredthis: Theyorderedthebodiestobedugup andthetombsdestroyed,andthedead mendraggedoutoftheirgraves.They threwallthecorpsesintoapit,andcut offtheirheadsandbroughtthemtoour tents.WhentheTurkssawthisthey wereverysadandgrievedalmostto death,theylamentedeverydayanddid nothingbutweepandhowl. Forhispart,YaghiSiyan orderedthepublic victimisationofAntioch’s indigenousChristian population.TheGreek patriarch,whohadlong residedpeacefullywithinthe city,wasnowdangledbyhis anklesfromthebattlements andbeatenwithironrods. OneLatinrecalledthat‘many Greeks,Syriansand Armenians,wholivedinthe city,wereslaughteredbythe maddenedTurks.Withthe Frankslookingon,theythrew outsidethewallstheheadsof thosekilledwiththeir catapultsandslings.This especiallygrievedour people.’Crusaderstaken prisoneroftensuffered similarmaltreatment.The archdeaconofMetzwas caught‘playingagameof dice’withayoungwomanin anorchardnearthecity.He wasbeheadedonthespot, whileshewastakenbackto Antioch,rapedandkilled. Thefollowingmorning,both oftheirheadswerecatapulted intotheLatincamp. Alongsidethesemalicious exchanges,thesiegerevolved aroundastrugglefor resources.Thisgrimwaiting game,inwhicheachside soughttooutlasttheother, dependeduponsuppliesof manpower,materialsand, mostfundamentallyofall, food.Withlogistical considerationsparamount,the crusaderswereintheweaker position.Theincomplete blockademeantthatthe Muslimgarrisoncouldstill accessexternalresourcesand aid.Thelargercrusading army,however,rapidly denudedtheirimmediate resourcesandhadtorange everfurtherafieldintohostile territoryinpursuitof provisions.Asthecampaign continued,harshwinter weathercompoundedthe situation.Inalettertohis wife,theFrankishprince StephenofBloiscomplained: ‘BeforethecityofAntioch, throughoutthewholewinter wesufferedforourLord Christfromexcessivecold andenormoustorrentsofrain. Whatsomesayaboutthe impossibilityofbearingthe heatofthesunthroughout Syriaisuntrue,forthewinter thereisverysimilartoour winterintheWest.’One contemporaryArmenian Christianlaterrecalledthat, inthedepthsofthatterrible winter,‘becauseofthe scarcityoffood,mortality andafflictionfelluponthe Frankisharmytosuchan extentthatoneoutoffive perishedandalltherestfelt themselvesabandonedandfar fromtheirhomeland’.22 Thesufferinginthe Frankishcampreachedits heightinJanuary1098. Hundreds,perhapseven thousands,perished, weakenedbymalnourishment andillness.Itwassaidthat thepoorwerereducedto eating‘dogsandrats...the skinsofbeastsandseedsof grainfoundinmanure’. Bewilderedbythisdesperate predicament,manybeganto questionwhyGodhad abandonedthecrusade,His sacredventure.Amidstan increasinglymalevolent atmosphereofsuspicionand recrimination,theLatin clergyprofferedananswer: theexpeditionhadbecome taintedbysin.Tocombatthis pollution,thepapallegate AdhémarofLePuy prescribedasuccessionof purgativerituals–fasting, prayer,almsgivingand procession.Women,the supposedrepositoriesof impurity,were simultaneouslyexpelledfrom thecamp.Inspiteofthese measures,manyChristians flednorthernSyria,preferring anuncertainjourneybackto Europeovertheappalling conditionsatthesiege.Even thedemagoguePeterthe Hermit,oncetheimpassioned mouthpieceofcrusading fervour,triedtodesert. Caughtattemptingtoescape undercoverofnight,hewas unceremoniouslydragged backbyTancred.Aroundthe sametime,thecrusaders’ GreekguideTaticiusleftthe expedition,apparentlyin searchofreinforcementsand provisionsinAsiaMinor.He neverreturned,butthe ByzantinesonCyprusdid sendsomesuppliestothe FranksoutsideAntioch. Ahardenedcoreof crusaderssurvivedthe manifoldprivationsofthat bitterwinterand,withthe arrivalofspring,thebalance ofthesiegebegantoshift slowlyintheirfavour.The systemofforagingcentres establishedbytheFranks playedapartineasingthe situationatAntioch: resourcesarrivedfromasfar afieldasCiliciaand,later, fromBaldwinofBoulogneat Edessa.Moresignificantstill wasaidtransportedacrossthe Mediterraneanandsiphoned throughthenorthernSyrian portsofLatakiaandSt Simeon,whichtheLatinshad nowoccupied.On4Marcha smallfleetofEnglishships arrivedattheharbourofSt Simeon,carryingfood, buildingmaterialsand craftsmen.Afewdayslater, BohemondandRaymondof Toulousesuccessfully escortedthisvaluablecargo backfromthecoastinthe faceofheavyoppositionfrom AntiocheneMuslimtroops. Theresultantinfluxof materialsallowedtheFranks tocloseakeyloopholein theirinvestment. UptothispointYaghi Siyan’smenhadbeenableto usethecity’sBridgeGate withrelativeimpunity,and thushadcontroloftheroads leadingtoStSimeonand Alexandretta.TheChristians nowfortifiedaderelict mosqueontheplaininfront ofthisentrance,creatinga basicsiegefortwhichthey christenedLaMahomerie (TheBlessedMary),from whichtheycouldpolicethe surroundingarea.Count Raymondofferedtoshoulder theburdenofgarrisoningthis outpostatexorbitantcostto histreasury,buthismotives maynothavebeenentirely altruistic.Atthestartofthe siege,southernItalian Normantroopshadoccupied groundinfrontoftheStPaul Gateandwerethusprimedto makeaswiftincursioninto thecity,ifandwhenitfell. ThisgaveBohemondagood chanceofstakingaclaimto thecitybecause,earlierinthe expedition,theprinceshad agreedtoabidebytherules of‘rightbyconquest’– wherebycapturedproperty belongedtothefirstclaimant oroccupier.Bypositioning hisownmeninfrontof Antioch’sothermain entrance,theBridgeGate, Raymondwasnowideally placedtochallengehisrival. WithinamonththeFranks hadimprovisedanothersiege fort,fortifyingamonastery nearAntioch’slastaccessible portal,theGateofStGeorge. Tancredagreedtomanthis post,butonlyinreturnfora heftypaymentof400silver marks.Havingbegunthe crusadeinthesecondrankof nobles,shadowedbyhis uncleBohemond’srenown, Tancredwasnowbeginning toemergeasasignificant figureinhisownright. Followinghisadventuresin Cilicia,thehonourofthis commandandthewealthit broughtservedbothto enhancehisstatusandlend himadegreeofautonomy.23 BETRAYAL ByApril1098thecrusaders hadtightenedthecordon aroundAntioch.YaghiSiyan wasstillabletobringinsome suppliesthroughtheIron Gate,buthisabilitytoharry theFrankshadbeenseverely curtailed.Itwasnowtheturn oftheMuslimgarrisonto faceisolation,dwindling resourcesandthespectreof defeat.Throughoutthesiege, however,thecrusaderswere hauntedbyagnawingfear: theprospectofaunified Muslimreliefarmymarching toAntioch’said,trapping thembetweentwoenemies. TheLatinshadalready benefitedfromthecrippling factionalismthatafflicted MuslimSyria.Unwillingto putasidetheirdifferences– andperhapsmistakingthe crusadersforByzantine mercenaries–Duqaqof DamascusandRidwanof Aleppohadrespondedto YaghiSiyan’sentreatiesby sendingseparate, uncoordinatedforcesto combattheFranksin December1097andFebruary 1098.Hadthesetwogreat citiesunitedtheirresources thatwintertheyprobably wouldhavetrouncedtheFirst Crusadebeforethewallsof Antioch.Asitwas,theLatins successfullyrepelledbothof theirarmies,althoughnot withoutsignificantloss. Thecrusadersalsoknew fullwellthatNearEastern Islamwassunderedbyan evenmoreelementalschism –thatbetweenSunnisand Shi‘ites–andontheadvice ofAlexiusComnenushad soughttoexploitthisdivision byestablishingcontactwith theShi‘iteFatimidsofNorth Africabackinthesummerof 1097.Thisapproacheliciteda responseinearlyFebruary 1098,whenanembassyfrom al-Afdal,vizierofEgypt, arrivedintheChristiancamp outsideAntiochtodiscussthe possibilityofsomeformof negotiatedsettlementwiththe FirstCrusaders.Thevisitof theseMuslimenvoyswas neitherfleeting,norsecretive. Theyremainedinthe crusaders’campforatleasta month,andtheirpresence wasreportedwidelybyLatin eyewitnesssources.Andyet thewelcomingofthis embassyseemstohave occasionedlittle,ifany, criticism.StephenofBloisfor oneshowedno embarrassmentwhenwriting tohiswifethattheFatimids had‘establishedpeaceand concordwithus’.The crusadersandEgyptians reachednodefinitive agreementatAntioch,butthe latterdidofferpromisesof ‘friendshipandfavourable treatment’,andinthe interestsofpursuingjustsuch anentente,Latinenvoyswere sentbacktoNorthAfrica, chargedwith‘enteringintoa friendlypact’. Untiltheearlysummerof 1098theFirstCrusadershad successfullyemployed diplomacyandpre-emptive militaryinterventiontostave offadirectMuslimcounterattack.InlateMay,however, adread-ladenrumourbegan tocirculate:anewenemywas abroad.Itseemedthatthe sultanofBaghdadhadfinally respondedtoAntioch’s desperateappealsforaidby raisingahugereliefforce.On 28Mayscoutsreturnedtothe Frankishcamptoconfirm thattheyhadseena ‘[Muslim]armyswarming everywherefromthe mountainsanddifferentroads likethesandsofthesea’. ThiswasthefearsomeIraqi generalKerboghaofMosul, marchingattheheadofsome 40,000Syrianand Mesopotamiantroops.He waslessthanoneweekfrom Antioch.24 ThenewsthatSunniIslam hadatlastunitedagainstthe crusadershorrifiedtheLatin princes.Seekingtoconceal thesegrimtidingsfromthe massesforfearofinciting panicanddesertion,they convenedanemergency counciltodiscussacourseof action.Althoughthe encirclementofthecityhad tightenedandYaghiSiyan’s resistancewasweakening,no swiftendtothesiegewasyet insight.TheFrankswerein nopositiontoconfront Kerboghainafull-scale battle–theywere outnumberedbyasmanyas twotooneandfacedasevere shortageofhorseswithwhich tomountacavalryoffensive. Afterallthebitterstruggles andsacrificesofthe precedingmonths,itnow appearedthattheChristian armywouldbecrushed againstAntioch’swallsby theoncomingwaveof Muslimattack. Atthismomentofcrisis, withthecrusadefacing devastation,Bohemond steppedforward.Heargued that,inlightoftheir predicament,whoevercould engineerAntioch’sfall shouldhavelegalrighttothe city,andaftermuchdebate thiswasgenerallyagreed withtheprovisothatitshould bereturnedtotheEmperor Alexiusifhecametoclaimit. Withthebargaininplace,the wilyBohemondrevealedhis hand.Hehad,ittranspired, madecontactwitharenegade insideAntioch,anArmenian towercommandernamed Firuz,whowaspreparedto betraythecity. Afewdayslater,onthe nightof2–3June,asmall groupofBohemond’smen usedanox-hideladderto climbanisolatedsectionof thecity’ssouth-easternwall, whereFiruzwaswaiting. Evenwiththetraitor’shelp, thissortiewassoriskythat Bohemondhimselfchoseto waitbelow,forhadanalarm beenraisedtheisolated advancepartywouldsurely havebeenbutchered.Asit was,theguardsofthethree nearesttowerswererapidly andsilentlydispatchedanda smallposterngateopened below.Uptothispointstealth hadbeenessential,butwith thefirstbreachmade Bohemondsoundedbuglesto initiateasecond,coordinated attackonAntioch’scitadel. Thecalmnightairwas suddenlyshatteredasthe Franksscreamedouttheir battlecry:‘Godwillsit!God willsit!’Asthegrowing tumultpuncturedthe darkness,thecity’sgarrison wasthrownintoastateof utterconfusionandsomeof theeasternChristiansstill livinginAntiochturnedon theirMuslimoverlordsand rushedtoopenthecity’s remaininggates. Withresistancecrumbling, thecrusaderspouredinto Antioch,strainingtorelease eightmonthsofpent-upanger andaggression.Amidthe gloomoftheapproaching dawn,thechaoticslaughter began.OneLatin contemporarynotedthat‘they weresparingnoMuslimon thegroundsofageorsex,the groundwascoveredwith bloodandcorpsesandsome ofthesewereChristian Greeks,Syriansand Armenians.Nowondersince (inthedarkness)theywere entirelyunawareofwhom theyshouldspareandwhom theyshouldstrike.’ Afterwards,onecrusader describedhow‘allthestreets ofthecityoneverysidewere fullofcorpses,sothatnoone couldenduretobethere becauseofthestench,nor couldanyonewalkalongthe narrowpathsofthecity exceptoverthecorpsesofthe dead’.Amongstallthis uncontrolledbloodshed,and thelootingthatfollowedit, Bohemondensuredthathis blood-redbannerwasraised abovethecity,thecustomary methodofstakingclaimto capturedproperty.Raymond ofToulouse,meanwhile, racedthroughtheBridge Gatetooccupyallthe buildingsinthearea, includingthepalaceof Antioch,establishinga significantProvençal footholdwithinthecity.Only thecitadel,perchedhigh aboveonthecrestofMount Silpius,remainedinMuslim hands,underthecommandof YaghiSiyan’sson.The governorhimselffledin terror,onlytobecaughtand decapitatedbyalocal peasant.25 Bohemond’sdeviousplan hadsucceeded,endingthe firstsiegeofAntioch,but therewaslittlechanceto celebrate.On4June,justone dayafterthecity’sfall,the vanguardofKerbogha’sarmy arrived.WithMuslimtroops floodingin,Antiochwassoon surrounded,leavingtheFirst Crusaderstrappedwithin. THEBESIEGED ThesecondsiegeofAntioch, inJune1098,wasthe crusade’sgreatestcrisis.The Latinshadavoidedabattleon twofronts,buttheynow foundthemselvesbesieged withinAntioch’swalls. Denudedofresourcesduring thefirstinvestment,thecity couldofferthemlittleinthe wayoffoodormilitary supplies.And,withitscitadel inenemyhands,itsmighty defenceswerefatally undermined.Theentire expeditionwasonthebrink ofdestruction. Thecrusaders’onefragile sparkofhopewasthatthe long-awaitedByzantinearmy mightarriveunderthe commandofAlexius Comnenustosavethem. UnbeknownsttotheFranks, however,eventshad conspiredtosnuffouteven thisfaintprospectof deliverance.On2June,just beforeAntiochfelltothe Latins,thecrusaderprince StephenofBloisadjudged thattheChristianshadno chanceofsurvivaland decidedtoflee.Feigning illness,heescapednorthand setofftorecrossAsiaMinor. Hisdeparturemusthavebeen enormouslydamagingto morale,butStephencaused evenmoreharmtothe expedition’sprospects,andto thecrusadingmovementasa whole. IncentralAnatoliahecame acrossEmperorAlexiusand hisarmyencampedatthe townofPhilomelium. Throughoutthesiegeof Antiochthecrusadershad beenexpectingGreek reinforcements,butAlexius hadbeenpreoccupied recapturingthecoastlineof AsiaMinor.WhenStephen reportedthattheFranksby nowhadmostlikelybeen defeated,theemperorelected toretreattoConstantinople. Atthiscrucialmoment Byzantiumfailedthecrusade, andtheGreekswerenever fullyforgiven.Stephen returnedtoFranceonlytobe brandedacowardbyhiswife. TheFirstCrusaderswere thusabandonedtoface Kerbogha’shordealone.The Mosuligeneralprovedtobea formidableadversary.The Frankssawhimasthe officiallyappointed ‘commander-in-chiefofthe sultanofBaghdad’sarmy’, butitwouldbewrongto imaginethatKerboghawas merelytheservantofthe Abbasidcaliphate.Nursing hisownexpansiveambitions, herecognisedthatawar againsttheFranksatAntioch offeredtheperfect opportunitytoseizecontrol ofSyriaforhimself. Kerboghahadspentsix monthscarefullylayingthe militaryanddiplomatic foundationsforhiscampaign, piecingtogetheran immenselyintimidating Muslimcoalition.Armies fromacrossSyriaand Mesopotamiacommittedto thecause,includingaforce fromDamascus,butmost weredrivennotbyoverriding hatredfortheChristians,nor byspiritualdevotion,butby fearofKerbogha,amanwho nowseemeddestinedtorule theSeljuqworld. InearlyJune1098 Kerboghaapproachedthe secondsiegeofAntiochwith diligentcareandpurposeful resolution.Establishinghis maincampafewmilesnorth ofthecity,hemadecontact withtheMuslimsholdingthe citadelandbeganamassing forcesinandaroundthe fortressontheeastern,less precipitousslopesofMount Silpius.Soldierswerealso deployedtoblockadethe GateofStPaulinthenorthof thecity.Kerbogha’sinitial strategywasbasedonan aggressivefrontalassault, channelledthroughAntioch’s citadelanditsenvirons.By 10Junehewasreadyto launchablisteringattack. Overthenextfourdayshe pouredinwaveafterwaveof troopsasBohemondledthe Franksinadesperatehandto-handstruggletoretain controlofthecity’seastern walls.Thiswasthemost intenseandunrelenting combatthecrusadershad everexperienced.Literally lastingfromdawntilldusk withoutpause,inthewords ofoneeyewitness,‘aman withfoodhadnotimetoeat, andamanwithwaternotime todrink’.Nearingexhaustion, utterlypetrified,someLatins reachedbreakingpoint.A crusaderlaterrecalledthat ‘manygaveuphopeand hurriedlyloweredthemselves withropesfromthewalltops; andinthecitysoldiers returningfromthe[fighting] circulatedwidelyarumour thatmassdecapitationofthe defenderswasinstore’.By dayandnighttherateof desertionincreased,andsoon evenwell-knownknightslike Bohemond’sbrother-in-law werejoiningtheranksofthe so-called‘rope-danglers’.At onepointwordspreadthat theprincesthemselveswere preparingtoflee,and BohemondandAdhémarof LePuywereforcedtobarthe city’sgatestopreventa generalrout. Throughsheerbloodymindeddetermination,those whoremainedmanagedto clingontotheirpositions. Then,onthenightof13–14 June,ashootingstarappeared tofalloutoftheskyintothe Muslimcamp.Thecrusaders interpretedthisasa favourableomen,becausethe verynextdayKerbogha’s menwereseenretreating fromtheslopesofMount Silpius.ButtheMuslim redeploymentwasprobably drivenbyhardstrategy. Havingfailedtobreak Frankishresistancethrough frontalassault,Kerbogha switchedtoalessdirect approach.Skirmishingstill occurredonadailybasis,but from14JunetheMuslim besiegersfocusedtheir energyonencirclingAntioch. ThebulkoftheAbbasidarmy remainedinthemaincampto thenorth,butlarge detachmentsoftroopswere nowpostedtoblockadethe BridgeGateandtheSt GeorgeGate.Bytightening thiscordon,severingLatin contactwiththeoutside world,Kerboghahopedto starvethecrusadersinto submission. Foodhadbeenscarceever sincetheFranksentered Antioch.Now,however, shortagesintensifiedandthe Latinsweresoonrackedby unprecedentedlevelsof suffering.OneChristian contemporarydescribedthese daysofhorror: Withthecitythusblockadedonall sides,and[theMuslims]barringtheir wayoutallround,faminegrewsogreat amongsttheChristiansthatinthe absenceofbreadthey...evenchewed piecesofleatherfoundinhomeswhich hadhardenedorputrefiedforthreeor sixyears.Theordinarypeoplewere forcedtodevourtheirleathershoes becauseofthepressureofhunger. Some,indeed,filledtheirwretched bellieswithrootsofstingingnettlesand othersortsofwoodlandplants,cooked andsoftenedonthefire,sotheybecame illandeverydaytheirnumberswere lessenedbydeath. Immobilisedbyfearand starvation,withmorale crumbling,theFirst Crusadersseeminglyhadno avenueofescapeandlittle prospectofsurvival.Inthese bleakestofdays,most believedthatdefeatwas imminent.26 Historianshavelong arguedthatatthispointthe courseofAntioch’ssecond siege,indeedthefortunesof theentirecrusade,were transformedbyasingle dramaticevent.On14Junea smallgroupofFranks,ledby apeasantvisionarynamed PeterBartholomew,began diggingintheBasilicaofSt Peter.Bartholomewclaimed thatanapparitionofthe apostleStAndrewhad revealedtohimtheresting placeofanextraordinarily powerfulspiritualweapon: thespearthatpiercedtheside ofChristonthecross.Oneof themenwhojoinedthe searchforthis‘HolyLance’, RaymondofAguilers, describedhow: Wehadbeendigginguntilevening whensomegaveuphopeofunearthing theLance...ButtheyouthfulPeter Bartholomew,seeingtheexhaustionof ourworkers,strippedhisouter garmentsand,cladonlyinashirtand barefooted,droppedintothehole.He thenbeggedustopraytoGodtoreturn HisLanceto[thecrusaders]soasto bringstrengthandvictorytoHis people.Finally,inHismercy,theLord showedusHisLanceandI,Raymond, theauthorofthisbook,kissedthepoint oftheLanceasitbarelyprotrudedfrom theground.Whatgreatjoyand exultationthenfilledthecity. Thediscoveryofthissmall metalshard,anapparentrelic ofChrist’sPassion,waslong believedtohavehadan electrifyingeffectuponthe crusaders’stateofmind. Interpretedasanirrefutable indicationofGod’srenewed support,anassuranceof victory,itsupposedlyspurred theLatinstotakeuparmsand confrontKerboghainopen battle.AnotherFrankish eyewitnessdescribedthe impactofthisHolyLance: ‘Andso[Peter]foundthe lance,ashehadforetold,and theyalltookitupwithgreat joyanddread,andthroughout allthecitytherewas immenserejoicing.Fromthat hourwedecidedonaplanof attack,andallourleaders forthwithheldacouncil.’27 Infact,theimpression fosteredbythisaccount–that theChristians,theirspirits suddenlyrejuvenatedbyan ecstaticoutpouringoffaith, madeanurgentand immediatemovetoengage theirenemy–isprofoundly misleading.Twowhole weeksseparatedthe discoveryoftheLancefrom thebattleeventuallyfought againstKerbogha. PeterBartholomew’s ‘discovery’certainlyhad someeffectoncrusader morale.Tomodern sensibilitiesthestoryofhis visionsmightseem fantastical,hisclaimtohave uncoveredagenuineremnant ofChrist’sownlife fraudulent,evenludicrous. Buttoeleventh-century Franks,familiarwiththe conceptsofsaints,relicsand miraculousintervention, Peter’sexperiencesrangtrue. Conditionedbyawellorderedsystemofbelief,in whichthesaintlydeadacted asGod’sintercessorson Earth,channellingHispower throughsacredrelics,most werewillingtoacceptthe authenticityoftheHoly Lance.Amongtheleadersof thecrusadeonlyAdhémarof LePuyseemstohave harbouredanydoubts,and theseprobablystemmedfrom Peter’slowlysocialstatus. Butbuoyedthoughtheir spiritsmayhavebeenbythe adventofthisrelic,theLatins remainedparalysedbyfear anduncertaintythroughthe secondhalfofJune.The unearthingoftheLancewas nottheoverwhelmingcatalyst toaction,muchlessafocal turningpointinthefortunes oftheFirstCrusade.28 By24Junethecrusaders wereonthebrinkofcollapse andsodispatchedtwoenvoys toseekparleywithKerbogha. Historianshavetendedto followuncriticallytheLatins’ ownexplanationforthis embassy,characterisingitas anexerciseinbravado.In reality,itwasmoreprobably aforlornattempttonegotiate termsofsurrender.AnonpartisaneasternChristian sourcedescribedhow‘the Franksbecamethreatened withafamine[andthus] resolvedtoobtainfrom Kerboghaapromiseof amnestyonconditionthat theydeliverthecityintohis handsandreturntotheirown country’.AlaterArabic chronicleappearsto substantiatethisversionof events,assertingthatthe crusaderprinces‘wroteto Kerboghatoaskforsafe conductthroughhisterritory, butherefused,saying:“You willhavetofightyourway out.”’ Withthis,anychanceof escapingAntiochevaporated. Recognisingthattheironly hopenowlayinopenbattle, nomatterhowbleaktheodds, theLatinprincesinitiated preparationsforafinal, suicidalconfrontation.Inthe wordsofoneLatin contemporary,theyhad decidedthat‘itwasbetterto dieinbattlethantoperish fromsocruelafamine, growingweakerfromdayto dayuntilovercomeby death’.29 Inthosefinaldaysthe Christianscarriedoutlastditchpreparations.Ritual processions,confessionsand communionwereundertaken bywayofspiritualpurgation. Meanwhile,Bohemond,now electedcommander-in-chief ofthearmy,setabout concoctingabattleplan.On paper,theFrankswere hopelesslyoutclassed, numberingperhaps20,000 includingnon-combatants. Theireliteforce,theheavily armouredmountedknights, hadalsobeencrippledbya dearthofhorses,andmost werenowforcedtofight astridepackanimalsoron foot.EventheGermanCount HartmannofDillingen,once aproudandwealthycrusader, wasreducedtoridinga donkeysodiminutivethatit lefthisbootsdragginginthe dirt.Bohemondthushadto developaninfantry-based strategydesignedtoconfront theenemywithmaximum speedandferocity. Forallitssize,Kerbogha’s armydidhavetwopotential weaknesses.Withthebulkof hisforcestillcautiously encampedsomedistanceto thenorth,thetroops encirclingAntiochwere relativelythinlyspread.At thesametime,Kerbogha’s menlackedtheLatins’sense ofadesperatecommoncause, beingboundbyonlythe thinnestveneerofunity. ShouldtheMuslimsstartto loseconfidenceintheir general,cracksmightappear. By28June1098the crusaderswerereadyfor battle.Atdawnthatdaythey beganmarchingoutofthe citywhileclergyliningthe wallsofferedprayerstoGod. Mostbelievedthattheywere marchingtotheirdeaths. Bohemondhadchosento sallyoutoftheBridgeGate, crossingtheOrontesto confronttheMuslimtroops guardingtheplainsbeyond.If theyweretoavoidbeing stoppedintheirtracksandcut downtoaman,rapidityand cohesionofdeployment wouldbeessential.Asthe gatesopenedanadvance guardofLatinarchersletfly rakingvolleysofarrowsto beatbacktheenemy,clearing thewayacrossthebridge. Then,withBohemond holdingtherear,theFranks marchedforwardinfour closelyorderedbattlegroups, fanningoutintoarough semi-circleandclosingto engagetheMuslims. AssoonastheBridgeGate wasopened,Kerbogha, encampedtothenorth,was alertedbytheraisingofa blackflagabovetheMuslimheldcitadel.Atthismoment hecouldhavecommittedhis mainforce,hopingtocatch thecrusadersastheyexited thecityandshattertheir formation.Asitwas,he hesitated.Thiswasnot,as legendlaterhadit,becausehe wasfrivolouslyengagedina gameofchess.Rather, Kerboghahopedtostrikea killerblow,allowingthe Frankstodeployoutsidethe citysothathecouldcrush themenmasse,bringingthe siegeofAntiochtoaswift andtriumphantconclusion. Thisstrategyhadsomemerit, butitrequiredacoolhead. Justwhenthegeneralshould haveheldhisposition,letting thecrusadersadvancetofight abattleongroundofhis choosing,helosthisnerve. SensingthattheLatinswere gainingaslimadvantagein thefracasbesidethecity,he orderedhisentirearmyto makeapanickedand disorderedadvance. Histimingwasappalling. TheFrankshadsurviveda successionofsearingcounterattacksfromtheMuslim forcesthathadbeen blockadingAntioch, includingapotentiallylethal assaultfromtherearby troopslefttoguardthe southerngatewayofSt George.Christiancasualties weremounting,but Bohemondnonetheless pressedforwardtoseizethe initiative,andMuslim resistancebegantocollapse. Kerbogha’smainforce arrivedjustasthetideof battlewasturning.Unnerved bytheirfailuretooverrunthe supposedlybedraggledLatin army,theMuslimsfighting neartheBridgeGatetook flight.Theyranstraightinto theserriedranksoftheir advancingcomrades,causing havoc.Atthis,thedefining momentofthebattle, Kerboghafailedtorallyhis men.Withtheirformationin tatters,onebyonethevarious Abbasidcontingentscuttheir lossesandfledthefield.The brutalshockofthecrusaders’ indomitableresolvehad exposedthefractures embeddedwithintheMuslim army.AnoutragedMuslim chroniclerlaterwrotethat: ‘TheFranks,thoughthey wereintheextremityof weakness,advancedinbattle orderagainstthearmiesof Islam,whichwereatthe heightoftheirstrengthand numbers,andtheybrokethe ranksoftheMuslimsand scatteredtheirmultitudes.’30 Barelyafractionofhis mightyhosthadbeenslain, yetKerboghawasforcedinto ashamefulretreat. Abandoningtherichesofhis camp,hefledindisgrace towardsMesopotamia.Inthe wakeofthebattletheMuslim garrisonofAntioch’scitadel surrendered.Thehugecity was,atlast,trulyinLatin hands.TheBattleofAntioch wasastunningvictory.Never beforehadthecrusadecome soclosetodestruction,and yet,againstallexpectation, Christendomhadtriumphed. Notsurprisingly,manysaw thehandofGodatwork,and anarrayofspectacular miracleswasreported.An armyofghostlyChristian martyrs,cladallinwhiteand ledbysoldiersaints,appeared outofthemountainstoaid theFranks.Elsewhere, RaymondofAguilershimself carriedtheHolyLancein amongthesouthernFrench contingentledbyBishop Adhémar.Itwaslatersaid thatthesightoftherelic paralysedKerbogha.Withor withoutsuchdivine intervention,pietyplayeda centralroleintheseevents. Thecrusadersunquestionably foughtamidanatmosphereof ferventspiritualconviction, urgedonbypriestsmarching amongthem,chantingand recitingprayers.Aboveall,it wastheirsharedsenseof devotionalmission,fused withanalmostprimalsense ofdesperation,whichbound theLatinstogetherduringthis terribleconfrontationand enabledthemtowithstand andevenrepeltheirfearsome enemy. DELAYAND DISSIPATION Intheimmediateaftermathof thisremarkablesuccess, hopesgrewofaswiftand triumphantconclusiontothe crusade.Asitwas,the expeditionlostdirectionand momentumasitsleaders squabbledoverthespoilsof Syria.Theheatof midsummerignitedan epidemicofdisease,and manyinthearmywhohad survivedtheterrible privationsofthepreceding monthsnowdiedfrom illness.Eventhenobility werenotimmuneand,on1 August,AdhémarofLePuy, whoinhisroleaspapal legatehadbeenavoicefor reasonandconciliation, succumbed. Throughoutthisperiod,the expeditionwasgrippedbyan embittereddisputeover Antioch’sfuturethatstalled anyfurtherprogresstowards Palestine.Bohemondwanted thecityforhimselfandwas nowstronglyplacedtopress hisclaim.Itwashewhohad engineeredAntioch’sfallin thecrusade’shourofneed; hisbannerthatflewabovethe citywallsatdawnon3June. WithinhoursofKerbogha’s defeathehadcementedhis positionbyseizingpersonal controlofthecitadel,despite RaymondofToulouse’sbest effortstobeathimtothe prize.Bohemondnowsought unequivocalrecognitionfrom hisfellowprincesofhislegal rightofpossession,inspiteof thepromisestheyhadmade totheByzantineemperor. Mindfulofthefactthat Alexiushadforsakenthemat Philomelium,most acquiesced,butonceagainit wasRaymondwhooffered opposition,trumpetingthe expedition’soutstanding obligationstotheGreeks.An embassywasdispatchedto Constantinopleentreatingthe emperortolayclaimto Antiochinperson,butwhen hefailedtoappearanimpasse wasreached. Bohemondhasoftenbeen castasthevillainofthis episode–hisgreedand ambitioncontrastedwith Raymond’sselfless dedicationtojusticeandthe crusadingcause.Although Bohemondundoubtedlyhad aneyetopersonal advancement,thesituation wasnotquitesoclear-cut.In theabsenceofGreek reinforcement,oneofthe Frankishprinceswouldneed tostaybehindinSyriato governandgarrisonAntioch, lesttheFrankishbloodspilled inthenameofitsconquestbe squandered.Fromone perspectiveitcouldbeargued thatthecrusaderswerelucky thatBohemondwaswillingto shoulderthisburden, forgoingtheimmediate completionofhispilgrimage toJerusalem.Atthesame time,RaymondofToulouse’s altruisticreputationdoesnot bearclosescrutiny.Hemay havebeenwillingtodeliver AntiochtoByzantium,buthe wasalsodrivenbydreamsof power.Fortheremainderof thecrusadethecount’s behaviourwasgovernedby twoentwined,sometimes conflictingaspirations:the desiretocarveoutanew lordshipofhisowninthe Levant,andaconcomitant wishtoberecognisedasthe crusade’sleader. Itwaswiththelattergoal inmindthatRaymond cultivatedacloseassociation withthevisionaryPeter Bartholomewandthecultof theHolyLance.Inspiredby whatappearstohavebeen authenticdevotiontothis relic,theProvençalcount tookPeterunderhiswingand becametheLance’schief supporter.Inthecoming months,asthecrusaders lookedbackoverthe dramaticeventsofAntioch’s secondsiegeandtheir seeminglymiraculousvictory overKerbogha,Raymondand hissupportershelpedto promotetheideathatthe Lancehadplayedacritical roleinsecuringtheirsurvival. Atthesametime,Peter continuedtoreportan ongoingsuccessionofvisions andwassoonactingasthe self-styledmouthpieceof God.Accordingtothe peasantprophet,StAndrew hadrevealedtohimthat‘the LordgavetheLancetothe count’inordertosingleout Raymondastheleaderofthe FirstCrusade.31 InAugust,theevolutionof theLance’scultandattendant promotionofRaymond’s politicalcareertookrather macabreturns.Inlife, AdhémarofLePuyhad expresseddoubtsaboutthe Lance’sauthenticity.Butjust twodaysafterthepapal legate’sdeath,Peter Bartholomewproclaimedthat hehadexperiencedhisfirst visitationfromAdhémar’s spiritandtheprocessof appropriatinghismemory began.Thebishopwasburied intheBasilicaofStPeter, withintheveryholeinwhich theHolyLancehadbeen discovered.Thephysical fusionofthetwocults–a masterstrokeofmanipulation –wasreinforcedoncePeter beganrelayingAdhémar’s ‘words’frombeyondthe grave,revealingthathenow recognisedtheLanceas genuineandthathissoulhad beenseverelypunishedfor thesinofhavingdoubtedthe relic,sufferingwhippingand burning.Alongsidethis apparentvolte-faceonthe HolyLance,thebishop’s spiritbegantobackCount Raymond’spolitical ambitions.Indeed,Adhémar soon‘declared’thathis formervassalsshouldtransfer theirallegiancetothecount andthatRaymondshouldbe authorisedtohand-pickthe expedition’snewspiritual leader. AstheFirstCrusadeidled awaythatlongSyrian summer,thecultoftheHoly Lancetookholdandthe popularityandinfluenceof RaymondofToulouseand PeterBartholomewrosein tandem.Evenso,byearly autumnthecountstillhadnot managedtooustBohemond fromAntioch,norwasheina positiontodeclarehimself outrightleaderofthecrusade. WhatRaymondneededwas greaterleverage.Fromlate Septemberonwardsheleda seriesofcampaignsintothe fertileSummaqplateau regiontothesouth-east. Theseoperationshaveoften beenmisrepresentedas foragingexpeditions,evenas attemptstoinitiatean advanceonPalestine,butin realityRaymond’sgoalwas theestablishmentofhisown independentenclaveto counterandthreaten Bohemond’scontrolof Antioch. Partofthisprocess involvedtheconquestof Marrat,theregion’smajor town.Itsurrenderedaftera hard-foughtwintersiegeand Raymondswiftlyinitiateda programmeof Christianisationand settlement,converting mosquesandinstallinga garrison.Butshortly afterwardstheLatinlinesof supplyfaltered,andsomeof thecount’spoorestfollowers begantostarve.Thismoment sawoneofthecrusade’smost appallingatrocities. AccordingtooneFrank: Ourmensufferedfromexcessive hunger.Ishuddertosaythatmany, terriblytormentedbythemadnessof starvation,cutpiecesoffleshfromthe buttocksofSaracenslyingtheredead. Thesepiecestheycookedandate, savagelydevouringthefleshwhileit wasinsufficientlyroasted. ALatineyewitnessnotedthat ‘thisspectacledisgustedas manycrusadersasitdid strangers’.Uncomfortableas itmaybetoacknowledge, thesechillingactsof barbarism–whicheven Frankishchroniclerssawfit tocondemn–didbringthe Latinssomeshort-term benefit.AmongSyrian Muslimsthecrusaders’ reputationforsavagerynow gainedcurrency,andinthe succeedingmonthsmany localemirssoughtto negotiatewiththeirfearsome newenemiesratherthanrisk annihilation.32 Meanwhile,asthemonths ofdisputeandinaction groundonandasuccessionof councilsoftheLatinprinces provedunabletoresolvethe argumentoverAntioch, popularsentimentamong ordinarycrusadersbeganto harden.Pressurewasgrowing fortheprincestoputaside theirdifferencesandfocus insteadupontheinterestsof theexpeditionasawhole. Eventscametoaheadat MarratinearlyJanuary1099 withanextraordinary outbreakofcivil disobedience.Dismayedby thefactthatevenRaymondof Toulouse,championofthe HolyLance,preferredto contestcontrolofSyriarather thanmarchontoJerusalem,a mobofpoorFranksbeganto demolishMarrat’s fortificationswiththeirbare hands,rippingdownitswalls stonebystone.Facingthis protest,Raymondfinally recognisedthathecouldnot hopetoleadthecrusadeand ruleAntiochatthesametime. On13Januaryhemadethe symbolicgestureofmarching southfromMarratbarefoot, cladsimplyasapenitent pilgrim,leavingthetownand hishopesofconquestinruins behindhim.Bohemond, meanwhile,remainedat Antioch.Thedreamof achievingindependentruleof thecityhadatlastbeen realised,buthisambitionhad contributedtomonthsof destructivedelayforthe crusade,andmore importantly,causedsevere andenduringdamagetoLatin relationswiththeByzantine Empire. Appearingtohave prioritisedtheholywar, Raymondenjoyeda groundswellofsupportand, foratime,heseemedto becomethecrusade’s acknowledgedleader.He tooktherathercalculatedstep ofusinghardcashtoensure thathisnewdrivetowards Palestinereceivedthe endorsementoffellow princes.Notallcouldbe bribed–GodfreyofBouillon, forone,stoodaloof–but RobertofNormandyand evenTancrednowshifted theirallegiancetothe Provençalcampfor10,000 and5,000solidi(goldcoins) apiece.They,andmanyother Christians,joinedtheadvance southtowardsLebanon. RaymondofToulouse’s pre-eminencenowseemed assured,anditmighthave remainedsohadhecontinued tofocussolelyuponthetask ofreachingJerusalem.In truth,however,beneaththe appearanceofsimple dedicationthecountstill yearnedtocreateanew Provençallordshipinthe East.Inmid-February1099 hecommittedthecrusadeto anunnecessaryandultimately futilesiegeofthesmall LebanesefortressofArqaand soughttobrowbeatthe neighbouringMuslimcityof Tripoliintosubmission. OfficiallyRaymond’sexcuse wasthattheexpedition neededtopausetoallow thoseremainingcrusaders stillstationedinandaround Antioch,includingGodfrey ofBouillon,tocatchup.But evenwhenthiswasachieved thecountstillrefusedtopress onsouthwards.Aftertwo wastefulmonthsofsiegeat Arqa,themasseswere alreadyrestlesswhen Raymond’sprestigewasdealt adisastrousblow. Thecount’sclose associationwithPeter BartholomewandtheHoly Lancehadbeeninstrumental insecuringhisrecognitionas commanderofthecrusade. Butasthemonthspassed, Peterprovedtobean increasinglyvolatileally, giventoextremeand unpredictablevisionary experiences.Byspring1099 hisravingshadbecomeever morefantasticalandwhen,in earlyApril,hereportedthat Christhadinstructedhimto overseetheimmediate executionofthousandsof ‘sinful’crusaders,thespell broke.Notsurprisingly, doubtswerenowopenly expressedabouttheself- styledprophetandthereliche purportedlydiscovered,with thecriticismspearheadedby aNormancleric,Arnulfof Chocques,keentoreaffirm northernFrenchinfluence. Apparentlyconvincedof therealityofhisexperiences, Petervolunteeredtoundergo apotentiallylethaltrialby firetoprovehisownhonesty andtheLance’sauthenticity. Hespentfourdaysfastingto purifyhissoulbeforethetest. Then,onGoodFriday,before acrowdofcrusaders,dressed inasimpletunicandbearing therelicoftheHolyLance, Peterwillinglywalkedintoan inferno–blazing‘olive branchesstackedintwopiles, fourfeetinheight,aboutone footapartandthirteenfeetin length’. Therearediffering accountsofwhathappened next.Peter’ssupporters maintainedthatheemerged fromtheconflagration unscathed,onlytobefatally crushedbyafeveredmobof onlookers.Othermore scepticalobserversdescribed how: ThefinderoftheLancequicklyran throughthemidstoftheburningpileto provehishonesty,ashehadrequested. Whenthemanpassedthroughthe flamesandemerged,theysawthathe wasguilty,forhisskinwasburnedand theyknewthatwithinhewasmortally hurt.Thiswasdemonstratedbythe outcome,foronthetwelfthdayhedied, searedbytheguiltofhisconscience. Howevertheywereinflicted, PeterBartholomewperished fromtheinjuriesreceivedon thedayofhisordeal.His demiseshatteredbeliefinhis propheciesandleftthe efficacyoftheHolyLancein gravedoubt.Italsoinflicted grievousdamagetoCount Raymond’sreputation. Raymondtriedtoholdonto power,butbyearlyMay, withevenhisownsouthern Frenchsupportersclamouring forthemarchsouthinto Palestinetocontinue,hewas forcedtobackdown, abandoningArqaandhis Lebaneseproject.Asthe FrankssetoutfromTripolion 16May1099,thephaseof Provençaldominationofthe crusadecametoend;from nowonRaymondwould,at best,havetosharepower withhisfellowprinces.At last,aftermorethanten monthsofdelayand disillusionment,theFirst Crusadebeganitsfinal advanceontheHolyCityof Jerusalem.33 THESACREDCITY Asthelastphaseofthemarch toJerusalembegan,theFirst Crusaderswerepossessedby anewsenseofurgency.Any thoughtsofconqueringother townsandportsonthe journeythroughLebanonand Palestinewereabandoned, andtheFranks,nowdriven bythedetermineddesireto completetheirpilgrimageto theHolyCity,advancedwith resolutespeed.Itwasnot devotionalonethatdrovethe Frankishpace;strategic necessityalsoplayeditspart. Backinthespring,duringthe siegeofArqa,theissueof diplomaticrelationswith Egypthadre-emergedwhen Latinemissariessenttothe Vizieral-Afdalayearearlier rejoinedtheexpeditioninthe companyofFatimid representatives.Muchhad changedintheintervening period.Capitalisinguponthe tremorsoffearthatshookthe SunniSeljuqworldafter Kerbogha’sdefeatatAntioch, al-AfdalhadseizedJerusalem fromtheTurksinAugust 1098.Thisradical transformationinthebalance ofNearEasternpower promptedthecrusaderprinces toseekanegotiated settlementwiththeFatimids, offeringapartitionof conqueredterritoryinreturn forrightstotheHolyCity. Buttalkscollapsedwhenthe Egyptiansbluntlyrefusedto relinquishJerusalem.This lefttheFranksfacinganew enemyinPalestineandarace againsttime.Thecrusaders nowhadtocoverthe remaining200milesoftheir pilgrimagewithmaximum rapidity,beforeal-Afdal couldmusteranarmyto interceptthemorproperly organiseJerusalem’s defences. Astheytracedthe Mediterraneancoastline south,thecrusaders’passage waseasedbythewillingness oflocalsemi-independent Muslimrulerstonegotiate short-termtruces,evenon occasiontooffermarketsin whichtopurchasefoodand supplies.Cowedbythe Latins’reputationforbrutish invincibilityearnedat AntiochandMarrat,these emirswerehappytoavoid confrontation.Passingbythe majorsettlementsofTyre, AcreandCaesarea,the Franksencounteredonly limitedresistanceandwere deeplyrelievedtofinda successionofnarrowcoastal passesunguarded.Inlate Maytheexpeditionturned inlandatArsuf,takinga directrouteacrosstheplains andupintotheJudeanhills. Theypausedonlybriefly whenapproachingRamla,the lastrealbastionontheroadto theHolyCity,butfoundit abandonedbytheFatimids. Atlast,on7June1099, Jerusalemcameintoview. OneLatincontemporary describedhow‘allthepeople burstintofloodsofhappy tears,becausetheywereso closetotheholyplaceofthat longed-forcity,forwhich theyhadsufferedsomany hardships,somanydangers, somanykindsofdeathand famine’.Al-Afdal’sinaction hadallowedtheexpeditionto advancesouthfromLebanon inlessthanamonth.34 INHEAVENAND ONEARTH Afternearlythreeyears,and ajourneyofsome2,000 miles,thecrusadershad reachedJerusalem.This ancientcity,Christendom’s sacredheart,pulsatedwith religion.FortheFranksitwas theholiestplaceonEarth, whereChristhadsufferedhis Passion.Withinitsloftywalls stoodtheHolySepulchre,the churcherectedinthefourth centuryCEundertheRoman EmperorConstantineto enclosethesupposedsitesof GolgothaandofJesus’Tomb. Thisoneshrineencapsulated theveryessenceof Christianity:theCrucifixion, Redemptionand Resurrection.Thecrusaders hadmarchedeastfrom Europeintheirthousandsto reclaimthischurch–many believingthatiftheearthly cityofJerusalemcouldbe recaptureditwouldbecome onewiththeheavenly Jerusalem,aChristian paradise.Feverishprophecies aboundedoftheimminent onsetoftheLastDaysof Judgementcentredonthe HolyCity,imbuingtheLatin expeditionwithan apocalypticaura. Butacrossmorethan3,000 yearsofhistory,Jerusalem hadbecomeimmutably entwinedwithtwoother worldreligions:Judaismand Islam.Thesefaithsalso treasuredthecity,reserving particularreverenceforthe areaknowneitherasthe TempleMount,orHaramasSharif,araisedenclosurein itseasternreaches,containing theDomeoftheRockandthe Aqsamosque,andabuttedby theWailingWall.To Muslimsthiswasthecity fromwhichMuhammad madehisascenttoheaven, thethird-holiestsiteinthe Islamicworld.Butitwasalso theseatoftheIsraelites, whereAbrahamofferedto sacrificehissonandthetwo Templeswerebuilt. Justasitistoday, Jerusalembecameafocusof conflictintheMiddleAges preciselybecauseofits unrivalledsanctity.Thefact thatitheldcriticaldevotional significancefortheadherents ofthreedifferentreligions, eachofwhombelievedthat theyhadinalienableand historicrightstothecity, meantthatitwasalmost predestinedtobethesceneof war. Thetaskahead TheFirstCrusadenowfaced aseeminglyinsurmountable task–theconquestofoneof theknownworld’smost fearsomelyfortifiedcities. Eventoday,amidtheurban sprawlofmodernexpansion, Jerusalemisabletoconvey thegrandeurofitspast,forat itscentreliesthe‘OldCity’, ringedbyOttomanwalls closelyresemblingthosethat stoodintheeleventhcentury. IfonelooksfromtheMount ofOlivesintheeast,stripping awaytheclutterandbustleof thetwenty-firstcentury,the greatmetropolisthat confrontedtheFranksin1099 comesintofocus. Thecitystoodisolated, amidtheJudeanHills,ona sectionofraisedground,with deepvalleysfallingawayto theeast,south-eastandwest, enclosedwithinanawesome two-and-a-half-milecircuitof battlements,sixtyfeethigh andtenfeetthick. Realistically,thecitycould onlybeattackedfromthe flattergroundtothenorthand south-west,butherethewalls werereinforcedbya secondarycurtainwallanda seriesofdrymoats.Five majorgates,eachguardedby apairoftowers,piercedthis roughlyrectangularsystemof defences.Jerusalemalso possessedtwomajor strongholds.Inthenorthwesterncornerstoodthe formidable‘Quadrangular Tower’,whilemidwayalong thewesternwallrosethe TowerofDavid.OneLatin chroniclerdescribedhowthis dreadcitadelwas ‘constructedoflargesquare stonessealedwithmolten lead’,notingthatif‘well suppliedwithrationsfor soldiers,fifteenortwenty mencoulddefenditfrom everyattack’.35 Assoonasthecrusaders arrivedatJerusalema worryingriftwithintheir ranksbecameapparent,as theirarmiesdividedintwo. SincethesiegeofArqa, RaymondofToulouse’s popularityhadbeenin declineand,now,abandoned byRobertofNormandy,the countwasleftstrugglingeven toretaintheallegianceofthe southernFrench.Raymond positionedhisremaining forcesonMountZion,southwestofthecity,tothreaten thesouthernZionGate.The campaign’semergingleader, GodfreyofBouillon, meanwhilemovedtobesiege thecityfromthenorth, betweentheQuadrangular TowerandDamascusGate. Enjoyingthesupportof ArnulfofChocques,the priestwhohadhelpedto discredittheHolyLance, Godfreywasjoinedbythe twoRobertsandTancred.In strategicterms,thedivision oftroopshadsomemerit, exposingJerusalemtoattack ontwofronts,butitwasalso theproductofgnawing discord. Thiswasallthemore troublingbecausetheFranks couldnotpursuealongdrawn-outencirclementsiege atJerusalem,astheyhadat Antioch.Thevastlengthof thecity’sperimeterwall meantthat,withlimited manpowerattheirdisposal, enforcinganeffective blockadewouldbe impossible.Morepressing stillwastheissueoftime. Thecrusadershadtakenan enormous,ifarguably necessary,gambleby marchingatspeedfrom Lebanon,withoutpausingto securetheirrearorto establishanyreliablenetwork ofsupply.Theywerenow hundredsofmilesfromtheir nearestallies,allbutcutoff fromreinforcement,logistical supportorthepossibilityof escape.Andallthewhilethey knewthatal-Afdalwasracing topreparehisFatimidforces, bentuponrelievingtheHoly Cityandstampingoutthe Christianinvasion.ThenearsuicidalaudacityoftheLatin advanceleftthemwithbut oneoption:cracktheshellof Jerusalem’sdefencesand fighttheirwayintothecity beforetheEgyptianarmy arrived. TheCityofJerusalem Inthisfinal,fraughtstage oftheirexpedition,theFranks couldmusteraround15,000 battle-hardenedwarriors, includingsome1,300knights, butthisarmywaslargely bereftofthematerial resourcesneededtoprosecute anassaultsiege.Theoverall sizeofthegarrisontheyfaced isunknown,butitmusthave numberedinthethousands andcertainlycontainedan elitecoreofatleast400 Egyptiancavalrymen. Jerusalem’sFatimid governor,Iftikharad-Daulah, meanwhile,hadbeenquite assiduousinpreparingtoface anoffensive,layingwasteto thesurroundingregionby poisoningwellsandfelling trees,andexpellingmanyof thecity’seasternChristian inhabitantstoprevent betrayalfromwithin.When thecrusaderslaunchedtheir firstdirectassaulton13June, justsixdaysaftertheir arrival,theMuslimdefenders offeredstaunchresistance.At thisstagetheFranks possessedonlyonescaling ladder,apitifularsenal,but desperationandtheprophetic urgingsofahermit encounteredwanderingonthe MountofOlivespersuaded themtochanceanattack.In fact,Tancredspearheadeda fiercestrikeontheramparts inthecity’snorth-western quadrantthatalmostachieved abreach.Havingsuccessfully raisedtheirsoleladder,Latin troopsspedupwards,seeking tomountthewalls,butthe firstmantograbtheparapet promptlyhadhishand choppedoffbyamighty Muslimswordstrokeandthe onslaughtfoundered. Inthewakeofthis dispiritingreversalthe Frankishprincesreconsidered theirstrategy,electingto postponeanyfurther offensiveuntiltheappropriate weaponsofwarcouldbe constructed.Asafrantic searchformaterialsbegan, thecrusadersstartedtofeel theeffectsofthebaking Palestiniansummer.Forthe timebeingatleast,foodwas notthemaincauseof concern,asgrainhadbeen broughtfromRamla.Instead, itwaswatershortagesthat begantoweakenLatin resolve.Withallthenearby wateringholespolluted,the Christianswereforcedto scourthesurroundingregion insearchofdrinkableliquid. OneFrankrecalledrather forlornly:‘Thesituationwas sobadthatwhenanyone broughtfoulwatertocampin vessels,hewasabletoget anypricethathecaredtoask, andifanyonecaredtoget clearwater,forfiveorsix pennieshecouldnotobtain enoughtosatisfyhisthirstfor asingleday.Wine,moreover, wasnever,orveryrarely, evenmentioned.’Atone pointsomeofthepoordied aftergulpingdownfilthy marshwatercontaminated withleeches.36 Luckilyforthecrusaders, justastheseshortageswere beginningtotakeholdhelp arrivedfromaseemingly unheraldedquarter.InmidJuneasix-ship-strong Genoesefleetmadeanchorat Jaffa,asmallnaturalharbour ontheMediterraneancoast thatwasJerusalem’snearest port.Theircrew,which includedanumberofskilled craftsmen,madetheirwayto jointhesiegeoftheHoly City,ladenwithanarrayof equipment,including‘ropes, hammers,nails,axes, mattocksandhatchets’.At thesametime,theFrankish princesusedintelligence garneredfromlocal Christianstolocateanumber ofnearbyforestsandsoon beganferryingintimberby thecamel-load.Thesetwo developmentstransformed Latinprospects,puttingthem inapositiontobuildsiege machinery.Forthenextthree weekstheythrewthemselves intoafuriousprogrammeof construction,fashioningsiege towers,catapults,battering ramsandladders,almost withoutpause,butalways withoneeyeuponthe impendingarrivalofalAfdal’sreliefarmy. Meanwhile,insideJerusalem, Iftikharad-Daulahlookedto thearrivalofhismaster,even asheoversawtheassembly ofscoresofhisownstonethrowingdevicesandthe furtherstrengtheningofthe city’swallsandtowers. Amidallthesedetermined preparationsbothbesiegers andbesiegedpausedonlyto exchangemorale-sappingacts ofbarbarism.Wooden crosseswereregularly draggedupontothecity wallstobedesecrated throughspittingandeven urinationinfullsightofthe enragedcrusaders.Fortheir part,theFranksmadeapoint ofexecutinganycaptured Muslims,usuallythrough decapitation,infrontof Jerusalem’sgarrison.During oneparticularlygruesome episodethecrusaderstook thistactictoanewextreme. HavingcaughtaMuslimspy intheirmidst,theChristians onceagainsoughtto intimidatetheirenemyby throwinghimbackintothe city,justastheyhaddone withothervictimsinearlier sieges.Butaccordingtoone Latincontemporary,onthis occasiontheunfortunate captivewasstillalive:‘He wasputintothecatapult,but itwastooheavilyweighed downbyhisbodyanddidnot throwthewretchfar.Hesoon fellontosharpstonesnearthe walls,brokehisneck,his nervesandbones,andis reportedtohavedied instantly.’37 InearlyJuly,withthe constructionoftheirsiege weaponsnearingcompletion, theFranksreceivedwordthat aFatimidreliefforcewas gathering,andtheneedto achieveaswiftvictory becameevenmorepressing. Inthismomentof desperation,spiritual revelationservedonceagain tobolstermoraleand empowertheexpeditionwith asenseofdivinesanction.A Provençalpriest-visionary, PeterDesiderius,now prophesiedthattheHolyCity wouldsuccumbtoanassault ifthecrusadersfirst underwentthreedaysofritual purification.Justasat Antioch,therefolloweda seriesofsermons,public confessionsandmasses.The armyevenmadeasolemn, barefootprocessionaround thecity’swallsbearingpalm fronds,althoughtheFatimid garrisonshowedlittlerespect forthisritual,pepperingthe crusaderrankswitharrows whentheycameintorange. Bytheendofthesecond weekofJuly,withtheirsiege machinescompletedandtheir spiritsstrengthenedbypious fervour,thecrusaderswere readytolaunchtheirattack. THEASSAULTON JERUSALEM Thecrusaders’assaulton Jerusalembeganatfirstlight on14July1099.Tothe south-west,Raymondof Toulouseandhisremaining Provençalsupporterswere positionedonMountZion, whileDukeGodfrey,Tancred andtheotherLatinsheldthe plateautothenorthofthe city.Ashornblastscalledthe Frankstowaronbothfronts, Muslimtroopspeeringinto thehalf-lightoverthe northernparapetsuddenly realisedthattheyhadbeen duped.Godfreyandhismen hadspenttheprecedingthree weeksconstructingamassive siegetowerdirectlyinfront ofthecity’sQuadrangular Tower.Watchingthisthreestoreybehemothrisedayby daytoaheightofsomesixty feet,theFatimidgarrisonhad naturallysetaboutreinforcing theirdefencesinthenorthwesterncornerofthecity. ThiswasjustwhatGodfrey hadhopedfor.Hissiege towerhadactuallybeenbuilt withasecrettechnological refinement:itwascapableof beingbrokendownintoa seriesofportablesectionsand thenrapidlyre-erected. Duringthenightof13–14 Julythedukeusedthecover ofdarknesstomovethis edificemorethanhalfamile totheeast,beyondthe DamascusGate,tothreaten anentirelynewsectionof wall.Accordingtoone crusader: TheSaracenswerethunderstrucknext morningatthesightofthechanged positionofourmachinesandtents... Twofactorsmotivatedthechangeof position.Theflatsurfaceoffereda betterapproachtothewallsforour instrumentsofwar,andthevery remotenessandweaknessofthis northernplacehadcausedtheSaracens toleaveitunfortified. Havingthusdeceivedhis enemy,Godfrey’sfirst prioritywastobreakthrough thelowouterwallthat protectedJerusalem’smain northernbattlements,for withoutachievingsucha breachhisgreatsiegetower couldnotbedeployedup againstthecityitself.The Frankshadconstructeda monstrous,iron-cladbattering ramtosmashapaththrough theouterdefencesandnow, undercoverofLatin mangonelfire,scoresof crusadersstruggledtohaul thisweaponforward,allthe whilefacingtheMuslim garrison’sownstrafing missileattacks.Even mountedasitwasupona wheeledplatform,theram wasdesperatelyunwieldy, butafterhoursofexertionit wasfinallymanoeuvredinto position.Withonelast mightychargetheFrankssent itcrashingintotheouterwall, creatingamassivefissure; indeed,theram’smomentum propelleditsofarforward thattheFatimidtroopsatop therampartsfearedthatit mighteventhreatenthemain walls,andthusrained‘fire kindledfromsulphur,pitch andwax’downuponthe dreadfulweapon,settingit alight.Atfirstthecrusaders rushedintoextinguishthe flames,butGodfreysoon recognisedthatthecharred remainsoftheramwould blocktheadvanceofhisgreat siegetower.So,inanalmost comicallybizarrereversalof tactics,theLatinsreturnedto burntheirownweapon,while theMuslimsvainlysoughtto preserveitsobstructivemass, pouringwaterfromthe ramparts.Eventually,the Christiansprevailedandby theendofthedaythe northernFrankshad succeededinpenetratingthe firstlineofdefence,opening thewayforafrontalassault onthemainwalls. Tothesouth-westofthe city,onMountZion,the Provençalsenjoyedless success.Thissectorof Jerusalem’swallswas reinforcedbyadrymoat ratherthanacurtainwall,so overtheprecedingweeks RaymondofToulousehad institutedafixedpaymentof apennyforeverythreestones thrownintothisditchas infill,ensuringtherapid neutralisationofthisobstacle. Atthesametime,heoversaw theconstructionofhisown wheeledsiegetowerandon 14July,inconcertwith Godfrey’soffensive,this colossalengineofwarwas deployed.Inchingitsbulk towardsthewalls,the southernFrenchtroopscame intorangeofenemyvolleys andmetanoppressivetorrent ofFatimidmissiles.Believing thatthemainFrankishassault wouldcomefromMount Zion,Iftikharad-Daulahhad concentratedhisdefensive firepowerinthisquadrantand hismennowunleashedan incessantbarrage.ALatin eyewitnessdescribedhow ‘stoneshurledfrom [catapults]flewthroughthe airandarrowspeltedlike hail’,whiletheadvancing siegetowerwastargetedby viciouslyeffectivefirebombs ‘wrappedwithignitedpitch, waxandsulphur,tow,and rags[and]fastenedwithnails sothattheystuckwherever theyhit’.Havingfailedto reachthewalls,withthe onsetofduskRaymond orderedahumiliating retreat.38 Afterarestlessnightof fearfulanticipationfor defendersandattackersalike, battlerecommenced.The southernFrenchonceagain setaboutdrivingforward theirtower,butaftersome hourstheintensityofthe continuedMuslim bombardmenttookitstolland theProvençalenginebeganto collapseandburn.Withtheir offensivestymied, Raymond’smenfellbackto MountZioninastateof ‘fatigueandhopelessness’. Butthesimplefactthat Jerusalem’sgarrisonhad facedanassaultontwofronts stretchedFatimidresources, leavingthenorthernwalls vulnerable.There,onthe seconddayoffighting, Godfreyandhismenbeganto makesignificantprogress. Havingbreachedtheouter wall,theynowheavedtheir wheeledsiegetowertowards thisgapandthemain battlementsbeyond.Withthe skydarkenedbythefurious exchangeofmissiles,the loftyedifice,packedwith Franks,advancedinexorably. Casualtieswereappalling. OneLatinchroniclerrecalled that‘deathwaspresentand suddenformanyonboth sides’.Perchedonthetower’s topstoreytodirect operations,Godfreyhimself wasdesperatelyexposed.At onepoint,aflyingmangonel stonepracticallydecapitateda crusaderstandingathisside. Catapultedfirebombs careenedintotheFrankish tower,but,shieldedbyslick hide-swathedwattlescreens, thesefailedtocatchandthe siegeengineheldsolid, inchingeverforwards.At last,nearnoon,itpassed throughtheriftintheouter defencestoreachthemain walls.Withthecrusadersnow justyardsfromtheramparts andbothsidesexchanging frenziedvolleysofsmallerscalemissileweapons,the Fatimidsmadeafinalattempt tostemtheassault, employingtheirown‘secret’ weapon.Theyhadprepareda hugewoodenspar,soakedin acombustiblematerial,akin toGreekfire(anaphthabasedincendiarycompound), whichcouldnotbe extinguishedbywater.This beamwassetalightandthen heftedoverthewallstoland infrontofGodfrey’sengine asaflamingbarrier.Luckily fortheLatins,theyhadbeen tippedoffbylocalChristians abouttheoneweaknessof thisterrible,imperviousfire: itcouldbequenchedby vinegar.Godfreyhadthus stockedthetowerwitha supplyofvinegar-filled wineskins,andthesewere nowusedtodousethe flamingconflagration.As Franksonthegrounddashed intopullawaythe smoulderingtimber,thepath aheadtothebattlementswas atlastopened. ThesuccessoftheLatin offensivenowdependedon gaininganactualfootholdon thecity’sramparts.The immenseheightofthesiege towergavetheFranksa significantadvantage–atthis pointthemainwallsroseto aboutfiftyfeet–allowing Godfreyandhismeninthe topstoreytoraindowna streamofsuppressingfire uponthedefenders. Suddenly,inthemidstof fiercefighting,thecrusaders realisedthatanearby defensivetowerandaportion ofthebattlementswere burning.Whetherthroughthe useofflamingcatapult missilesorfirearrows,the Frankshadsucceededin ignitingthemainwall’s woodensubstructure.This blaze‘producedsomuch smokeandflamethatnotone ofthecitizensonguardcould remainnearit’–inpanicand confusionthedefenders facingthecrusaders’siege towerbrokeintoretreat. Realisingthatthisopening mightlastonlymoments, Godfreyhurriedlycutloose oneofthewattlescreens protectingthetower, fashioningamakeshiftbridge acrosstotheramparts.Asthe firstgroupofcrusaders pouredontothewalls,scores ofFranksracedforward belowwithscalingladders andbeganclimbingupto reinforcetheirposition. OnceGodfreyandhismen achievedthisfirstdramatic breach,theMuslimdefence ofJerusalemcollapsedwith shockingrapidity.Terrified bythecrusaders’brutal reputation,thosestationedat thenorthernwallturnedand fledinhorroratthesightof theFrankscrestingthe battlements.Soontheentire garrisonwasinastateof chaoticdisorder.Raymondof Toulousewasstillstruggling onMountZion,histroops seeminglyonthebrinkof defeat,whentheincredible newsofthebreakthrough arrived.SuddenlyMuslim defendersonthesouthern front,whoonlymoments beforehadbeenfightingwith venom,begantodeserttheir posts.Somewereevenseen jumping,terrified,fromthe walls.TheProvençalswasted notimeinrushingintothe citytojointheirfellow crusaders,andthesack began.39 Thehorrorof‘liberation’ Soonaftermiddayon15July 1099theFirstCrusaders achievedtheirlong-cherished dream–Jerusalem’s conquest.Surgingthroughthe streetsinblood-hungry, raveningpacks,theyoverran theHolyCity.Whatlittle Muslimresistanceremained meltedawaybeforethem,but mostFrankswereinnomood totakeprisoners.Instead, threeyearsofstrife,privation andyearningcoalescedto fuelarampagingtorrentof barbaricandindiscriminate slaughter.Onecrusader joyfullyreported: WiththefallofJerusalemandits towersonecouldseemarvellousworks. Someofthepagansweremercifully beheaded,otherspiercedbyarrows plungedfromtowers,andyetothers, torturedforalongtime,wereburnedto deathinsearingflames.Pilesofheads, handsandfeetlayinthehousesand streets,andmenandknightswere runningtoandfroovercorpses. ManyMuslimsfledtowards theHaramas-Sharif,where somerallied,puttingupfutile resistance.ALatin eyewitnessdescribedhow‘all thedefendersretreatedalong thewallsandthroughthe city,andourmenwentafter them,killingthemandcutting themdownasfarasthe [Aqsamosque],wherethere wassuchamassacrethatour menwerewadinguptotheir anklesinenemyblood’. Tancredgavehisbannertoa grouphuddledontheroofof theAqsa,designatingthemas hiscaptives,buteventhey werelaterslainincoldblood byotherFranks.Sogruesome wasthecarnagethat, accordingtooneLatin,‘even thesoldierswhowere carryingoutthekillingcould hardlybearthevapoursrising fromthewarmblood’.Other crusadersrangedthroughthe cityatwill,slaughteringmen, womenandchildren,both MuslimsandJews,allthe whileengaginginrapacious looting.40 NeitherLatinnorArabic sourcesshyawayfrom recordingthedreadfulhorror ofthissack,theoneside gloryinginvictory,theother appalledbyitsrawsavagery. Inthedecadesthatfollowed NearEasternIslamcameto regardtheLatinatrocitiesat Jerusalemasanactof crusaderbarbarityand defilement,demandingof urgentvengeance.Bythe thirteenthcentury,theIraqi MuslimIbnal-Athir estimatedthenumberof Muslimdeadat70,000. Modernhistorianslong regardedthisfiguretobean exaggeration,butgenerally acceptedthatLatinestimates inexcessof10,000mightbe accurate.However,recent researchhasuncoveredclose contemporaryHebrew testimonywhichindicates thatcasualtiesmaynothave exceeded3,000,andthat largenumbersofprisoners weretakenwhenJerusalem fell.Thissuggeststhat,even intheMiddleAges,the imageofthecrusaders’ brutalityin1099wassubject tohyperboleand manipulationonbothsidesof thedivide. Evenso,wemuststill acknowledgetheterrible inhumanityofthecrusaders’ sadisticbutchery.Certainly, someofJerusalem’s inhabitantswerespared; Iftikharad-Daulahforone tooksanctuaryintheTower ofDavidandlaternegotiated termsofreleasefrom RaymondofToulouse.But theFrankishmassacrewas notsimplyaferaloutburstof bottledrage;itwasa prolonged,callouscampaign ofkillingthatlastedatleast twodaysanditleftthecity awashwithbloodandlittered withcorpses.Inthe midsummerheatthestench soonbecameintolerable,and thedeadweredraggedout beyondthecitywalls,‘piled upinmoundsasbigas houses’andburned.Evensix monthslateraLatinvisiting Palestineforthefirsttime commentedthattheHoly Citystillreekedofdeathand decay. Theotherunassailable truthofJerusalem’sconquest isthatthecrusaderswerenot simplydrivenbyadesirefor bloodorplunder;theywere alsoempoweredbyheartfelt pietyandtheauthenticbelief thattheyweredoingGod’s work.Thusthatfirst,ghastly dayofsackandslaughter concludedwithanactof worship.Inamomentwhich perfectlyencapsulatedthe crusade’sextraordinary fusionofviolenceandfaith, duskon15July1099sawthe Latinsgathertogivetearful thankstotheirGod.ALatin contemporaryrejoicedin recountingthat,‘goingtothe SepulchreoftheLordandhis gloriousTemple,theclerics andalsothelaity,singinga newsonguntotheLordina high-soundingvoiceof exultation,andmaking offeringsandmosthumble supplications,joyously visitedtheHolyPlaceasthey hadsolongdesiredtodo’. Afteryearsofdesperate sufferingandstruggle,the FirstCrusaders’terriblework wasdone:Jerusalemwasin Christianhands.41 AFTERMATH Thecrusaders’thoughtssoon turnedtothefateoftheirnew conquest.Havingtravelled 2,000milestoclaim JerusalemforLatin Christendom,itwasclearto allthatthecitywouldnow havetobegovernedand defended.Theclergy contendedthatasiteofsuch rarefiedsanctityshouldnot besubjectedtotheruleofa secularmonarch,arguing insteadforthecreationofa Church-runecclesiastical realm,withtheHolyCityas itscapital.Butbecause Jerusalem’sGreekpatriarch haddiedrecentlyinexilein Cyprus,therewasnoobvious candidatetochampionthis cause.RaymondofToulouse eyedthepositionofLatin king,buthispopularityhad beenwaningsinceArqaand, on22July1099,Godfreyof Bouillon,chiefarchitectof thecrusaders’victory,took upthereinsofpower.Ina gestureofconciliationtothe clergyheacceptedthetitleof ‘AdvocateoftheHoly Sepulchre’,implyingthathe wouldmerelyactas Jerusalem’sprotector.42 Hisambitionsfoiledonce again,afuriousCount Raymondmadeanabortive attempttoretainpersonal controloftheTowerof David,beforeabandoningthe HolyCityinafitofpique.In hisabsence,theNorman FrenchcrusaderArnulfof Chocques,criticoftheHoly Lance,wasselectedas Jerusalem’snewpatriarch designate.Theideaof installingaLatininthis sacredpostranroughshod overtherightsoftheGreek Church,signallingaclear breakwiththepolicyof cooperationwithByzantium. Asyet,Arnulf’selection remainedunconfirmed,being subjecttoapprovalfrom Rome,butthisdidnotstop himfromengenderinga rathershamefulatmosphere ofreligiousintolerance. Withinmonths,thesame easternChristian‘brethren’ thattheFrankshadbeen chargedtoprotectduring theirholywarweresubjected topersecution,asArmenians, Copts,Jacobitesand Nestorianswereexpelled fromtheChurchoftheHoly Sepulchre. Thenewordercemented itspositionbycultivatingits ownreliccult,destinedto banishthesulliedmemoryof theHolyLance.Around5 AugustapieceoftheTrue Crosswasunveiled.This relic,probablyarather batteredsilverandgold crucifix,wasbelievedto containachunkofwoodfrom theactualcrossuponwhich Christhaddied.Ithad apparentlybeenhidden throughgenerationsof MuslimrulebyJerusalem’s indigenousChristian population.Seizeduponby Arnulfandhissupporters, thissupposedremnantof Jesus’lifesoonbecamethe totemofthenewLatinrealm ofJerusalem,asymbolof Frankishvictoryandofthe efficacyofthecrusading ideal. Thelastbattle Neitherthepatriarchnor GodfreyofBouillonhad muchopportunitytorelish theirnew-foundstatus.In earlyAugustnewsarrived thatal-Afdalhadlandedat thesouthernPalestinianport ofAscalon,havingassembled anarmyofsome20,000 ferociousNorthAfricans.The vizierwasjustdaysaway frommarchingforthto reclaimJerusalemforIslam. Afteralltheirtrialsand suffering,theFranks,beset byfactionalismandwoefully outnumbered,nowfacedthe veryrealprospectof annihilationandthe unravellingoftheir remarkableachievements. Ratherthanwaittobe besieged,Godfreydecidedto riskeverythingonapreemptivestrikeagainstthe Fatimids.On9Augustheleft theHolyCity,histroops marchingbarefootaspenitent soldiersofChrist, accompaniedbyPatriarch Arnulfandtherelicofthe TrueCross.Overthenext fewdaysGodfreymanagedto cobbletogetheragrudging, last-ditchLatinalliance, whichsawRaymondof Toulouserejointhefray.The massedranksoftheonce greatFrankishhosthadnow beenwhittleddowntoan elite,hardenedcoreof crusadesurvivors,numbering perhaps1,200knightsand 9,000infantrymenintotal. Thisarmymarchedsouth towardsAscalonon11 August,buttowardstheend ofthedaytheycaptureda groupofEgyptianspieswho revealedal-Afdal’sbattle planaswellasthesizeand thedispositionofhisforces. Recognisingthattheywould beoutnumberedtwotoone, thecrusaderschosetorely uponanelementofsurprise toeventheodds.Atdawnthe nextdaytheylauncheda suddenattackonthestillsleepingFatimidtroops, quarteredbeforeAscalon. Overconfident,al-Afdalhad failedtopostsufficient watchmen,leavingtheFranks freetoscythethroughrank uponrankofstunnedMuslim troops.AsLatinknights droveintotheheartoftheir camp,seizingal-Afdal’s personalstandardandmostof hispossessions,thebattle quicklyturnedintoarout: Intheirgreatfright[theFatimids] climbedandhidintrees,onlytoplunge fromboughslikefallingbirdswhenour menpiercedthemwitharrowsand killedthemwithlances.Laterthe Christiansuselesslydecapitatedthem withswords.Otherinfidelsthrew themselvestothegroundgrovellingin terrorattheChristians’feet.Thenour mencutthemtopiecesasone slaughterscattleforthemeatmarket.43 Inastateofhorrified shock,al-Afdalescapedinto Ascalonandimmediatelyset sailforEgypt,leavingthe crusaderstocrushany lingeringresistanceandmop upalavishhordeofbooty, includingthevizier’sown precioussword.TheFirst Crusadehadsurviveditsfinal test,butthepettyrivalrythat haddivideditsleadersforso longnowexactedacostly price.Terrifiedand abandoned,Ascalon’s garrisonwasmorethanready tosurrenderthatAugust,but theydemandedtonegotiate withRaymondofToulouse, theoneFrankknowntohave upheldhispromisesduring thesackofJerusalem.Fearful thattheProvençalcount mighttherebyestablishhis ownindependentcoastal lordship,Godfreyinterfered andnegotiationscollapsed. Thissquanderedopportunity leftAscaloninthehandsof Islam.Inthedecadestocome aresurgentFatimidnavy provedabletodefendthis Palestinianfoothold,leaving thenascentkingdomof Jerusalemdangerously exposedtoEgyptianattack. ThereturntoEurope AfterthevictoryatAscalon, mostcrusadersconsidered theirworktobedone. Againstalloddsand expectationstheyhad survivedthegruelling pilgrimagetotheHolyLand, securedthe‘miraculous’ reconquestofJerusalemand repelledthemightofFatimid Egypt.Ofthetensof thousandswhohadtakenthe crossyearsearlier,onlya fractionremained,andnow thevastmajorityofthese lookedtoreturnhometothe West.Bysummer’sendthey hadjoinedRobertof NormandyandRobertof Flandersintakingshipfrom Syria,leavingGodfreywith just300knightsandsome 2,000infantrymentodefend Palestine.Tancredwasthe onlymajorcrusaderprinceto remain,hiseyesopentothe opportunityofestablishing hisownindependentlordship intheEast. Few,ifany,crusaders returnedtoEuropeladenwith riches.Theplunderamassed atJerusalemandAscalon seemstohavebeenswiftly consumedbytravelcosts,and manyreachedtheir homelandsinastateofnearpennilessdestitution,afflicted bysicknessandexhaustion. Manycarriedwiththema differentformofsacred ‘treasure’–relicsofthe saints,piecesoftheHoly LanceandtheTrueCross,or simplepalmfrondsfrom Jerusalem,thebadgeoftheir completedpilgrimage.Peter theHermit,forone,reached FrancewithrelicsofJohnthe BaptistandtheHoly Sepulchreitself,andduly foundedanAugustinian priorynearLiègeintheir honour.Almostallwere assuredadegreeofrenown fortheirexploits,andit becamecommonforthese crusaderstobecelebrated withthenickname ‘Hierosolymitani’,or ‘travellerstoJerusalem’. Ofcourse,therewere hundreds,eventhousands,of Frankswhodidnotreturnto a‘hero’swelcome’;those who,likeStephenofBlois, hadabandonedtheexpedition beforeitscompletionand thusfailedtofulfiltheir pilgrimvows.These ‘deserters’weregreetedbya witheringtideofpublic opprobrium.Stephenwas openlychastisedbyhiswife Adela.He,andmanylike him,soughttoovercomethe stainofthisignominyby enlistinginanewventure– the1101crusade.Since1096, PopeUrbanIIhadbeen encouragingwavesofLatin reinforcementstosetoutfor theLevant.Urbandiedinthe summerof1099,justbefore newsofJerusalem’scapture reachedRome,buthis successor,PaschalII,soon tookupthecall,promotinga large-scaleexpeditionto bringmilitaryaidtothe nascentFrankishsettlements intheEast.Buoyedbytales oftheFirstCrusade’s victories,thiscampaign enjoyedextraordinarylevels ofrecruitment,drawingupon theranksofthedisgracedand thousandsofnewenthusiasts. Armiesthatatleastmatched thesizeofthoseamassedin 1096–7marchedto Constantinople,wherethey werejoinedbytheveteran princeRaymondofToulouse, recentlyarrivedinByzantium torenewhisalliancewith EmperorAlexius. Despiteitsapparentmartial strength,the1101crusade provedtobeashocking debacle.Forsakingtheadvice ofbothStephenofBloisand RaymondofToulouse,this expeditionignoredtheneed forunifiedaction.Instead,no fewerthanthreeseparate armiessetouttocrossAsia Minor,andeachmetitsdoom atthehandsofapotent coalitionoflocalSeljuq Turkishrulers,nowonlytoo awareofthethreatposedbya crusaderinvasion.Having vastlyunderestimatedthe scaleofenemyresistance,the 1101crusaderswerewiped outinasuccessionof devastatingmilitary encounters.Ofthosefewwho survived,onlyahandful, includingStephenand Raymond,limpedontoSyria andPalestine,andeventhen theyachievednothingof substance.44 Perhapssurprisingly,these reversalsdidlittletodampen enthusiasmbackinLatin Europeforthenotionof ‘crusading’.Indeed,many contemporariesactually arguedthatthefailureofthe 1101campaign,supposedly bornoutofsinfulpride, simplyservedtoreinforcethe miraculousnatureoftheFirst Crusade’sachievements.And yet,despitepapalattemptsto experimentwiththisnew formofsanctifiedwarfare andtoassociatethememory oftheFirstCrusadewith differenttheatresofconflict, thestartofthetwelfthcentury wasnotmarkedbyan explosionofcrusading enthusiasm.Infact,itwould bedecadesbeforethe FrankishWestrouseditselfto launchexpeditionsindefence oftheHolyLandonthescale ofthosewitnessedbetween 1095and1101.Thisleftthe Latinswhohadremainedin theLevantafterJerusalem’s conquestdangerously isolated. INMEMORYAND IMAGINATION ThesuccessoftheFirst CrusadestunnedLatin Christendom.Formany,only thehandofGodcould explainthecrusaders’ survivalatAntiochandtheir ultimatetriumphat Jerusalem.Hadthe expeditionbeenthwartedin theNearEast,theverynotion ofcrusadingwouldprobably havefallenintoabeyance.As itwas,thevictoryfired enthusiasmforthisnewform ofdevotionalwarfarefor centuriestocome,andthe FirstCrusadebecameperhaps themostwidelyrecorded eventoftheMiddleAges. Configuringthememoryof thecrusadeinLatinEurope Theworkofmemorialising thecrusadebeganalmost immediately,asanumberof participantssought,inthe firstyearsofthetwelfth century,todocumentand celebratethecampaign.The mostinfluentialofthese,the GestaFrancorum(theDeeds oftheFranks),waswrittenin Jerusalemaround1100,most likelybyanoble-born southernItalianNorman crusaderofsomeeducation. Whilethisaccountdoes appeartohavebeeninformed bythepersonalexperiences ofitsanonymousauthor,it cannotberegardedaspure eyewitnessevidence,akinto thelikesofadiary.Instead, theauthoroftheGesta Francorumadoptedanew approachtotherecordingof thepast,onethatwasjust startingtoemergein medievalEuropeasan alternativetothetraditional year-on-yearchronicle. Distillingtheexperiencesof thousandsofparticipantsinto asingle,overarching narrative,heconstructedthe firstHistoria(narrative history)ofthecrusade, recountingataleofepic scopeandheroicdimensions. Othercrusadeveterans, includingRaymondof Aguilers,FulcherofChartres andPeterTudebode,drew upontheGestaFrancorumas akindofbasetextaround whichtoconstructtheirown narrativeaccounts–aformof plagiarismcommonplacein thisera.Modernscholars haveturnedtothiscorpusof evidence,andtotheletters writtenbycrusadersduring thecampaign,torecreatea Latinperspectiveofthe expedition.Andbycrossreferencingthisclose testimonywithnon-Frankish sources(byMuslims,Greeks, LevantineChristiansand Jews),theyhavesoughtto buildupthemostaccurate possiblepictureofwhat reallyhappenedontheFirst Crusade–whatmightbe termedanempirical reconstruction.45 Inthefirstdecadeofthe twelfthcentury,however,a numberofLatinslivingin Europesetouttowrite–or moreaccuratelytorewrite– thehistoryofthecrusade. Threeofthese–Robertof Rheims,GuibertofNogent andBaldricofBourgueil– wereparticularlyimportant becauseofthewidespread popularityandsignificanceof theaccountstheyauthored. Allthreewerehighly educatedBenedictinemonks livinginnorthernFrance, withnofirsthandexperience oftheholywaroutside Europe.Workingalmost simultaneously,but apparentlywithoutany knowledgeoftheothertwo, eachofthesethreemonks composednewaccountsof theFirstCrusade,usingthe GestaFrancorumasthebasis fortheirwork.Accordingto theirownwords,theytookon thislabourbecausethey believedtheGestawas writtenina‘roughmanner’ thatused‘inelegantand artlesslanguage’.Yet, Robert,GuibertandBaldric wentfarbeyondsimply polishingtheGesta’s medievalLatin.Theyadded newdetailstothestory, sometimesgleaningthis informationfromother ‘eyewitness’texts,likethatof FulcherofChartres, elsewheredrawingfromthe oraltestimonyofparticipants orperhapsfromtheirown imaginings.Crucially,ata fundamentallevel,allthree alsoreinterpretedtheFirst Crusade. RobertofRheims,for example,utilisedafarricher andmorelearnedpaletteof scripturalallusionthanthat employedintheGesta Francorum.Heusedthese quotationsfrom,orparallels with,theOldandNew Testamentstopositionthe crusadewithinabetterdefinedChristiancontext. Robertalsoemphasisedthe expedition’smiraculous nature,arguingthatits successwasnotachieved becauseoftheeffortsofman, butthroughthedivineagency ofGod’swill.Inaddition, Robertrecastthewholestory ofthecrusade.TheGesta preservedonlyanoblique referencetoUrbanII’s preachingofthecampaign andwasstructuredsoasto presentthesiegeand conquestofAntiochasthe pinnacleofendeavour, coveringeventsatJerusalem almostasanafterthought.By contrast,Robertbeganhis historywithanextended accountofthepope’ssermon atClermont(whichRobert claimedtohavewitnessedin person)andplacedfargreater stressupontheHolyCity’s capture.Inthisway,he portrayedtheexpeditionasa ventureinstigated,directed andlegitimatedbythe papacy,andaffirmedthatthe crusade’sultimategoalwas Christendom’srepatriationof Jerusalem. Ofcourse,Robert’shistory didnotaltertheeventsofthe FirstCrusadeinanymaterial sense;neitherdidthe accountspennedbyGuibert andBaldric.Buttheirworkis offundamentalimportanceto theunderstandingofthe crusadesasawhole,because, incomparisontotextslikethe GestaFrancorum,itwasread farmorewidelybymedieval contemporaries.Assuch, theseBenedictinereworkings servedtoshapetheway peoplerecalledandthought aboutthecrusadeinthe twelfthandthirteenth centuries.RobertofRheims’ historywasespecially admired–theequivalentofa medievalbestselleramong thelearnedelite.Itwasalso usedasasourceforthemost famouschansondegeste (epicpoem)aboutthe expedition,theChanson d’Antioche,whose10,000 linesofOldFrench immortalisedthecrusadersas legendaryChristianheroes. Writteninthepopular chansonform–whichfast becamethemostwidely disseminatedmeansin westernEuropeofrecounting ‘historical’events–the Chansond’Antiochewas designedtoberecited publiclyinavernacular languagefamiliartoalay audience.Assuch,ittoodid muchtomouldtheprevailing memoryoftheFirstCrusade inLatinChristendom. Fromthefirstwaveof ‘eyewitness’accounts, throughtothelikesofRobert ofRheims’Historiaandthe Chansond’Antioche,the processofmemorialisingthe crusadehadagradualbutfarreachingeffectuponthe imaginedrealityofevents: promotingGodfreyof Bouillonastheexpedition’s soleleader;imbeddingthe memoryoftheHolyLance’s ‘miraculous’impact;and consolidatingtheideathat ‘martyred’crusaderswere guaranteedaheavenly reward.Perhapsthemost historicallycharged reconfigurationand manipulationinvolvedthe eventsatJerusalemonand after15July1099.The Latins’sackoftheHolyCity couldbereadilyinterpreted byChristiancontemporaries asthedecisivemomentof divinelysanctionedtriumph, orbyMuslimsasanactof unqualifiedsavagerythat revealedtheFranks’innate barbarism.Itcertainlyis strikingthatChristian accountsmadenoattemptto limitthenumberof‘infidels’ killedwhenJerusalemfell– ifanything,theygloriedin theevent.Theyalsorevelled inthesceneofcarnageatthe Aqsamosque.TheGesta Francorumnotedthatthe crusaderswereleftwadingup totheiranklesinbloodbythe workofbutchery.However, another‘eyewitness’, RaymondofAguilers, expandedonthisimage. Liftingascripturalquote fromtheNewTestament BookofRevelation,he declaredthattheFranks‘rode in[enemy]bloodtotheknees andbridlesoftheirhorses’. Thismoreextremeimage gainedwideacceptanceand wasrepeatedbynumerous westernEuropeanhistories andchroniclesinthecourse ofthetwelfthcentury.46 TheFirstCrusadeandIslam Forallitsviolentconquests, theFirstCrusadeeliciteda surprisinglymutedresponse withintheMuslimworld.The campaigngeneratedno outpouringofArabic testimonytomatchthe veritablefloodofcommentin LatinChristiantexts.Indeed, thefirstsurvivingArabic chroniclestodescribethe crusadeinanydetailwere writtenonlyaroundthe 1150s.Evenintheseworks, composedbytheAleppanalAzimiandtheDamascene Ibnal-Qalanisi,thecoverage wasrelativelybrief–little morethanaskeleton narrativeoverview,covering thecrossingofAsiaMinor andeventsinAntioch,Marrat andJerusalem,pepperedwith occasionalcondemnationsof Frankishatrocities.These includedacommentonthe incalculablenumberof Antiochenes‘killed,taken prisonerandenslaved’when thecityfellinearlyJune 1098,andtheobservationthat ‘agreathost[ofJerusalem’s populace]werekilled’during thecrusaders’sackofthe HolyCity. Bythe1220s,theIraqi historianIbnal-Athirwas morefulsomeinhiscensure, recordingthat‘intheAqsa mosquetheFrankskilled morethan70,000,alarge numberofthembeingimams, religiousscholars,righteous menandascetics,Muslims whohadlefttheirnative landsandcometoliveaholy lifeinthisaugustplace’.He thendescribedhowthe crusaderslootedtheDomeof theRock.Ibnal-Athiradded thatadeputationofSyrian MuslimscametotheAbbasid caliphinBaghdadinlate summer1099tobegforaid againsttheFranks.Theywere saidtohaverecountedstories ofsufferingatLatinhands ‘whichbroughttearstothe eyeandpainedtheheart’,and tohavemadeapublicprotest duringFridayprayer,but, despitealltheirentreaties, littlewasdone,andthe chroniclerconcludedthat‘the rulerswereallatvariance... andsotheFranksconquered thelands’.47 Howshouldthisapparent lackofhistoricalinterestin theFirstCrusadewithin Islambeinterpreted?In westernEuropethe expeditionwaswidely celebratedasanearthshatteringlysignificant triumph,butintheMuslim worldoftheearlytwelfth centuryitseemsbarelyto haveregisteredasatremor. Toanextent,thismaybe attributedtothedesireof Islamicchroniclerstolimit referencestoMuslimdefeats, ortoageneraldisinterestin militaryeventsonthepartof Islamicreligiousscholars. Butitissurprising, nonetheless,thatthemost contemporaneousArabic accountsdonotshowclearer tracesofanti-Latininvective orcontainmorevocal demandsforvengeful retribution. AfewisolatedMuslim voicesdidcallforacollective responsetotheFirstCrusade intheyearsimmediately followingJerusalem’s capture,amongthema numberofpoetswhose Arabicverseswererepeated inlatercollections.AlAbiwardi,wholivedin Baghdadanddiedin1113, describedthecrusadeas‘a timeofdisasters’and proclaimedthat‘thisiswar, andtheinfidel’sswordis nakedinhishand,readytobe sheathedagaininmen’s necksandskulls’.Aroundthe sametime,theDamascene poetIbnal-Khayyat,whohad earlierlivedinTripoli, describedhowtheFrankish armieshad‘swelledina torrentofterrifyingextent’. Hisversesexpressedregretat thewillingnessofMuslimsto bepacifiedbyChristian bribesandweakenedby internecinerivalry.Healso exhortedhisaudienceto violentaction:‘Theheadsof thepolytheistshavealready ripened,sodonotneglect themasavintageanda harvest!’Themostinteresting reactionwasthatof‘Aliibn Tahiral-Sulami,aMuslim juristwhotaughtintheGrand UmayyadMosquein Damascus.Around1105he appearstohavedelivereda numberofpubliclectureson themeritsofjihadandthe urgentneedforaresoluteand collectiveIslamicresponseto theFirstCrusade.His thoughtswererecordedina treatise,theBookofHoly War(Kitabal-Jihad), sectionsofwhichsurviveto thisday.ButdespitealSulami’sprescient assessmentofthethreat posedbytheFranks,hiscalls foraction,likethoseofthe poets,wentunheeded.48 Thestarkabsenceofa concertedIslamicreactionto thecomingofthecrusades canbeexplainedinanumber ofways.Ingeneral,Nearand MiddleEasternMuslims seemtohavehadonlya limitedunderstandingofwho theFirstCrusaderswereand whytheycametotheHoly Land.Mostimaginedthatthe Latinswereactually Byzantinemercenaries, engagedinashort-term militaryincursion,notdriven warriorsdevotedtothe conquestandsettlementof theLevant.These misconceptionshelpedto bluntIslam’sresponsetothe eventsof1097to1099.Had theMuslimsrecognisedthe truescaleandnatureofthe crusade,theymighthave beeninspiredtoputasideat leastsomeoftheirown quarrelstorepelacommon enemy.Asitwas,the fundamentaldivisions remained.Adeep-seated fracturestillseparatedthe SunnisofSyriaandIraqand theShi‘iteFatimidsofEgypt. RivalrybetweentheTurkish rulersofDamascusand Aleppocontinuedunabated. AndinBaghdad,theSeljuq sultanandAbbasidcaliph werepreoccupiedwiththeir ownMesopotamianpower struggles. Overthenextcenturysome oftheseproblemswere resolvedandenthusiasmfora jihadagainsttheinvading Franksspreadacrossthe Muslimworldoftheeastern Mediterranean.Tobegin with,however,theLatins whoinvadedtheLevantfaced nodeterminedpan-Islamic counter-attack.Thisgave westernChristendoma crucialopportunityto consolidateitsholdonthe HolyLand. CREATINGTHE CRUSADERSTATES TheFirstCrusadebrought LatinChristendomcontrolof Jerusalemandoftwogreat Syriancities,Antiochand Edessa.Inthewakeofthese astoundingachievements,a newoutpostofthewestern Europeanworldwasbornin theNearEast,astheFranks expandedandconsolidated theirholdovertheLevant.In theMiddleAges,thisregion wassometimesreferredtoas ‘Outremer’,thelandbeyond thesea,whiletodaythefour majorsettlementsthat emergedinthefirstdecades ofthetwelfthcentury–the kingdomofJerusalem,the principalityofAntiochand thecountiesofEdessaand Tripoli–arefrequently describedasthe‘crusader states’.49 Atitscore,thecrusading movement,forcenturiesto come,wouldbedominatedby theneedtodefendthese isolatedterritories,thisisland ofwesternChristendomin theEast.Withthebenefitof hindsight,itisalltooeasyto forgetthatthebasicsurvival ofthecrusaderstateshungin thebalanceintheyearsthat followedtheFirstCrusade. Thatexpeditionhadachieved theimpossible–therecapture oftheHolyCity–butamid theexultantdrivetowards thatsingulargoalthe crusadershadlargelyignored theneedforsystematic conquest.Thefirstgeneration ofFrankishsettlersin Outremerthusinheriteda disjointedpatchworkof poorlyresourcedtownsand cities,andtheirfragile‘new world’teeteredonthebrink ofextinction.In1100the futureofthecrusaderstates seemeddesperatelyuncertain, andallthebloodytriumphsof thecrusadestoodtobe erased.50 PROTECTOROFTHE HOLYCITY Thisproblemwas immediatelyapparentto GodfreyofBouillon,thefirst FrankishrulerofJerusalem. Possessingonlymeagre resourcesintermsofmilitary manpower,withmostof Palestineasyetunconquered andtheforcesofboth AbbasidandFatimidIslam cowedbutfarfrombroken, hisinitialprospectswere bleak.Godfrey’sfirst prioritiesweretoexpandthe LatinfootholdintheHoly Landandtosecuremaritime communicationswiththe West.Tofulfilbothneedshe targetedArsuf,thesmall Muslim-heldfortifiedport townjustnorthofJaffa,but, despiteahard-foughtsiegein autumn1099,hefailedto secureitscapture. Godfreyreturnedtothe HolyCityinearlyDecember onlytobeconfrontedbya newdanger–civilwar. Giventhecontestednatureof hiselevationandhisapparent decisiontoforgoaregaltitle, Godfrey’sauthorityoverthe Frankishterritoriesin Palestinewasopento challenge.Tancred’s continuedpresencealready posedsomethingofa problem,butthereal possibilityofinternal overthrowsolidifiedon21 December1099withthe adventofapowerful delegationofLatin ‘pilgrims’.Bohemondof TarantoandBaldwinof Boulognehadtravelledsouth fromAntiochandEdessato fulfiltheircrusadingvowsby veneratingtheHolyPlaces. Theywereaccompaniedby thenewpapallegatetothe Levant,ArchbishopDaimbert ofPisa,amandrivenby personalambitionandan unflinchingbeliefinthe poweroftheChurch.Eachof thesepotentatesharboured hopesofrulingJerusalem,as eitherasecularoran ecclesiasticalrealm,andtheir appearancepresentedan obvious,ifunspoken,threat. Andyet,throughpolitical pragmatism,Godfrey managedtoturntheirarrival tohisadvantage.After celebratingtheFeastofthe NativityatBethlehem,he electedtoturnonArnulfof Chocquesandsidewith Daimbert.Bybackingthe archbishop’scandidacyfor thepatriarchalseat,Godfrey stemmedtheimmediatethreat fromBohemondandBaldwin andsecuredthemuch-needed navalsupportfromthePisan fleetof120shipsthathad accompaniedDaimberttothe NearEast.Thisnewpactwas notwithoutitsprice–the donationofasectionofthe HolyCitytothepatriarchand thepromiseofaPisanquarter intheportofJaffa. BaldwinandBohemond returnedtotheirnorthern lordshipsinJanuary1100, andoverthenextsixmonths thelatterbolsteredFrankish authorityoverSyriaatthe expenseofByzantiumby expellingtheGreekpatriarch ofAntiochandinstallinga Latininhisplace.However, inthecourseofaratherrash campaignbeyondhis principality’snorthern frontierinJuly1100, Bohemondwassetuponbya forceofAnatolianTurksand takenprisoner.Thegreat crusadergeneralwouldspend thenextthreeyearsin captivity,dividinghistime, rumourlaterhadit,between courtingaglamorousMuslim princessnamedMelazand prayingfortheintervention ofStLeonard,theChristian patronsaintofprisoners. InPalestine,Godfrey enjoyedamodicumof successdeployingthePisan fleettointimidateMuslimheldArsuf,Acre,Caesarea andAscaloninearly1100, witheachcoastalsettlement agreeingtomaketribute paymentstotheFranks. Tancred,meanwhile,was busycarvingouthisown semi-independentlordshipin Galilee,capturingTiberias fromtheMuslimswith relativeease.Uponthe departureofthePisanfleetin springandthearrivalofa newVenetiannavalforcein theHolyLandinmid-June, Godfrey’srelianceupon PatriarchDaimbertlessened. Butbeforehecouldcapitalise uponthisnewopportunityto exercisesovereignauthority, thedukewastakenill, apparentlyafterfeastingupon orangeswhilebeing entertainedbytheMuslim emirofCaesarea.Therewas somesuspicionofpoisoning, butinalllikelihoodGodfrey contractedadiseaseakinto typhoidduringwhatwas, evenbyLevantinestandards, ascorchinghotsummer.On 18Julyheundertookthe ritualsofconfessionand communionforonelasttime andthen,inthewordsofone Latincontemporary,‘secured andprotectedbyaspiritual shield’thecrusading conquerorofJerusalem,still littlemorethanfortyyearsof age,‘wastakenfromthis light’.Fivedayslater,in reverenceofhisstatusand achievements,Godfrey’s bodywasburiedwithinthe entrancetotheHoly Sepulchre.51 GOD’SKINGDOM GodfreyofBouillon’sdeath inJuly1100leftthenewborn FrankishrealmofJerusalem inastateofturmoil. Godfrey’swishseemstohave beenthatlordshipoftheHoly Citypasstohisyounger brother,Baldwinof Boulogne,thefirstLatin countofEdessa.But PatriarchDaimbertcontinued toharbourhisownvisionfor Jerusalem;oneinwhichthe citywouldbecomethe physicalembodimentof God’skingdomonEarth, capitalofanecclesiastical statewiththepatriarchatits head.Hadhebeenpresentat themomentofGodfrey’s demisethisdreammighthave foundsomepurchasein reality.ButDaimbertjust thenwasengaged,alongside Tancred,besiegingtheportof Haifa.Supportersof Godfrey’sbloodline, includingArnulfofChocques andGeldemarCarpinel, seizedthischancetoact, occupyingtheTowerof David(thestrategickeyto dominionoverJerusalem) anddispatchingmessengers northtosummonBaldwin. ThenewsreachedEdessa aroundmid-September.The count,nowinhismid-thirties, wassaidtobe‘verytall[and] quitefairofcomplexion,with darkbrownhairandbeard, [andan]aquilinenose’,his regalbearingonlyfaintly marredbyaprominentupper lipandslightlyrecedingchin. GivenBaldwin’squalityand nature–hisvoracious appetiteforpowerand advancement,hisgeniusfor hard-heartedenterprise–the invitationfromPalestine representedastunning opportunity.Evenhis chaplain,theFirstCrusade veteranFulcherofChartres, wasforcedtoadmitthat Baldwin‘grievedsomewhat atthedeathofhisbrother,but rejoicedmoreoverhis inheritance’.Intheweeksthat followed,Baldwinquickly settledthecounty’saffairs. Toensurethatthis,hisfirst Levantinelordship,would remaininFrankishhandsand subjecttohisownauthority, Baldwininstalledhiscousin andnamesake,Baldwinof Bourcq(alittle-knownFirst Crusader),asthenewcount ofEdessa.Heseemstohave recognisedBaldwinof Boulogneashisoverlordat thispoint.52 Settingoutfromthe northernreachesofSyria withjust200knightsand700 infantrymeninearlyOctober, BaldwintravelledviaAntioch andthenrepelledasizeable interceptingMuslimforceled byDuqaqofDamascusnear theDogRiverinLebanon. OnceinPalestine,Baldwin movedquicklyto outmanoeuvreTancredand Daimbert,sendingaheadone ofhismosttrustedknights, HughofFalchenberg,to makecontactwithGodfrey’s supportersintheTowerof Davidandtoorchestratea fittingwelcometotheHoly City.WhenBaldwinatlast reachedJerusalemon9 November,hewasgreetedby jubilantand,mostlikely, stage-managedcelebrations, repletewithcheeringcrowds ofLatin,GreekandSyrian Christians.Inthefaceofthis apparentoutpouringof popularsupport,Daimbert coulddolittletointercede. SkulkinginthesmallMount Zionmonasteryjustoutside thecitywalls,thepatriarch absentedhimselfon11 NovemberwhenBaldwinwas formallydeclaredJerusalem’s newruler. Asyet,however,Baldwin wasunabletoclaimthetitle ofking;firsthewouldhave toundergoacoronation.This centuries-oldriteusually involvedacrownwearing, butthiswasnot,asmightbe imagined,thecentrepieceof theceremony.Thathonour felltotheritualof anointment,themoment whenholychrism(oil)was poureduponaruler’sheadby oneofGod’srepresentatives onEarth,suchasan archbishop,patriarchorpope. Itwasthisactthatsetaking apartfromothermen;that imbuedhimwiththe numinouspowerofdivine sanction.Toachievethis elevation,Baldwinneededto reachsomeformof accommodationwiththe Church. Hisrulebeganwithashow offorcefulintent:amonthlongraidingcampaignalong therealm’ssouthernand easternfrontiers,securing pilgrimroutesandharassing theEgyptiangarrisonat Ascalon.Tohissubjectsand neighboursalikeitwas obviousthatBaldwinbrought anewsenseofpurposeand powertotheLatinkingdom. Daimbertdulyrecognised thathewasbetteroffholding ontoofficeunderthisnew regimethanrisking depositionfromthe patriarchalthrone.On25 December1100,inthe ChurchoftheNativityat Bethlehem–adateandplace steepedinsymbolism–the patriarchcrownedand anointedBaldwinof BoulogneasthefirstFrankish kingofJerusalem.Bythisact Daimberteffectivelyended anynotionthatthecrusader realmmightliveonasa theocracy.Hissubmission alsoavertedapotentially catastrophiccivilwar. Butthepatriarchwasnot longsavedbythis concession.Inthemonthsand yearsthatfollowed,Baldwin Imovedwithcalculated efficiencytostampoutany residualchallengetohis authorityandtorealignthe LatinChurchinhisfavour. Fortunatelyfortheking,his mostsignificantsecularrival, Tancred,leftPalestineinthe springof1101totakeupthe regencyofAntiochduring Bohemond’simprisonment. Laterthatyear,Daimbertwas deposedwhenitwas discoveredthathehad embezzledmoneysentfrom Apuliatofundthedefenceof theHolyLand.Afterabrief returntopowerin1102, Daimbert’sfortuneswaned andthepatriarchalseat passedtoasuccessionof papallysanctioned candidates,culminatingin 1112withthereinstatement ofBaldwin’slong-termally, ArnulfofChocques.These patriarchswereneverwholly subservienttothecrown,but werewillingtoengagein activeandmutualcooperation withthekingashesoughtto consolidateFrankishcontrol overPalestine. Onekeyfeatureofthis collaborationwasthe managementandcultivation ofthecultassociatedwiththe JerusalemiterelicoftheTrue CrossdiscoveredbytheFirst Crusadersin1099.Inthefirst yearsofthetwelfthcentury theCrossbecameatotemof LatinpowerintheLevant. Bornebyeitherthepatriarch oroneofhisleading clergymenintoasuccession ofbattlesagainstIslam,it quicklyacquiredareputation formiraculousintervention; soonitwassaidthat,inthe presenceoftheLord’sCross, theFrankswereinvincible.53 Creatingakingdom Havingsecuredhisaccession, BaldwinIwasconfrontedby oneoverwhelmingdifficulty. Inreality,thekingdomover whichhenowruledwaslittle morethanaloosenetworkof dispersedoutposts.The FranksheldJerusalem alongsidethelikesof Bethlehem,Ramlaand Tiberias,butin1100these werestilljustisolatedpockets ofLatinsettlement.Even here,therulingFrankswere vastlyoutnumberedbythe indigenousMuslim populationandbyeastern ChristianandJewish communities.Thebulkof Palestineremained unconqueredandinthehands ofsemi-autonomousIslamic potentates.Worsestill,the Latinshadbarelybegunto assertcontroloverthe Levantinecoastline, controllingonlyJaffaand Haifa,neitherofwhich offeredanidealnatural harbour.Onlybysubjugating Palestine’sportscould Baldwinhopetosecurelines ofcommunicationwith westernEurope,openhis kingdomtoChristianpilgrims andsettlers,andtapintoa potentiallybounteousconduit oftradebetweenEastand West.Internalsecurityand theneedforterritorial consolidation,therefore,were paramount. ALatineyewitness, FulcherofChartres,reflected uponthissituation: InthebeginningofhisreignBaldwinas yetpossessedfewcitiesandpeople... Uptothattimethelandroute[to Palestine]wascompletelyblockedto ourpilgrims[andthoseFrankswho could]cameverytimidlyinsingle ships,orinsquadronsofthreeorfour, throughthemidstofhostilepiratesand pasttheportsoftheSaracens...Some remainedintheHolyLand,andothers wentbacktotheirnativecountries.For thisreasonthelandofJerusalem remaineddepopulated[and]wedidnot havemorethan300knightsandas manyfootmentodefend[thekingdom]. Theperilsassociatedwith theseproblemswerereflected inthetestimonyofearly Christianpilgrimswhodid reachtheNearEast.Saewulf, apilgrim(mostlikelyfrom Britain)whodocumentedhis journeytoJerusalematthe verystartofthetwelfth century,describedthe prevailinglawlessnessofthe Judeanhillsindisturbing detail.TheroadbetweenJaffa andtheHolyCity,henoted, ‘wasverydangerous... becausetheSaracensare continuallyplottingan ambush...dayandnight alwayskeepingalookoutfor someonetoattack’.Enroute hesaw‘countlesscorpses’ lefttorotortobe‘tornupby wildbeasts’becausenoone wouldriskstoppingto organiseproperburials. Thingshadimproved somewhatbyaround1107, whenanotherpilgrim,a RussianknownasDanielthe Abbot,visitedtheHolyLand, buthestillcomplained bitterlythatitwasimpossible totravelthroughGalilee withouttheprotectionof soldiers. Perhapsthemoststriking demonstrationthattheHoly Landhadyettobetruly conqueredcameinthe summerof1103when,during aroutinehuntingtripnear Caesarea,BaldwinIwas attackedbyasmallFatimid raidingpartythathad seeminglymarchedintoLatin territoryatwill.Caughtinthe thickofthefighting,theking wasstruckbyanenemy lance,and,althoughthe precisenatureofhisinjuries isunclear–oneaccounthad himstabbed‘inthebacknear theheart’,another‘pierced throughthethighand kidneys’–theywere certainlygrave.ALatin contemporarydescribedhow ‘atoncestreamsofblood gushedominouslyfromthis wound...hisfacebeganto growpale[and]atlengthhe fellfromhishorsetothe groundasifdead’.Thanksto thecarefulministrationsof hisphysician,aftera protractedconvalescence Baldwinrecovered,buthe continuedtobetroubledby thisinjuryfortheremainder ofhislife.54 Ultimately,BaldwinIwas forcedtodedicatemuchof thefirstdecadeofthetwelfth centurytotheconsolidation ofhisholdoverPalestine, employingamixtureof pragmaticflexibilityandicy resolveinhisdealingswith theMusliminhabitantsofthe HolyLand.Hereceivedan earlyboostwhenaGenoese fleetarrivedinJaffa,possibly alongsideshipsfromPisa, justbeforeEaster1101. Thesesailorshadcomeeast probablywithamindtoaid intheconsolidationand defenceoftheLevantandto explorenewavenuesfor commerce.Theybroughta much-needednavalelement toBaldwin’scampaignof conquestand,inreturn,he offeredthemgenerousterms: athirdshareofanybooty takenandasemi-independent tradingenclave,tobeheld ‘byperpetualandhereditary right’,withinanysettlement takenwithItalianaid.With thedealstruck,Baldwinwas readytogoontheoffensive. Hisfirsttarget,Arsuf,had staunchlyresistedalandbasedassaultfromGodfrey ofBouilloninDecember 1099.NowBaldwinwasable toenforceasiegefromthe seaand,afterjustthreedays, itsMuslimpopulacesuedfor peaceon29April1101.The kingwasmagnanimous, grantingthemsafeconduct, bearinganygoodstheycould carry,asfarasAscalon. Successhadbeenachieved withoutlossofChristianlife. Baldwinthenturnedhis attentiontoCaesarea,twenty- oddmilestothenorth.This oncebustlingGreco-Roman settlementhadfadedover centuriesofMuslimrule;its agedwallsstillstood,butthe city’scelebratedporthad longsincebeendestroyedand allthatremainedwasasmall, shallowharbour.Baldwin sentalegationtotheemirof Caesarea,urginghimto capitulateorfaceamerciless siege;but,holdingouthope ofFatimidreinforcement,the town’sMusliminhabitants stoutlyrejectedanynotionof anegotiatedsurrender.At Arsuf,theLatinkinghad shownclemencytoa submissivefoe;here,inthe faceofsuchbrazenobstinacy, hesoughttomakeabrutal demonstration.Movingin around2May1101,hebegan bombardingCaesareawith mangonels.Itsgarrisonput upsternresistanceforfifteen days,butFrankishtroops eventuallymanagedtostorm thecity’sbucklingdefences withtheaidofscaling ladders.Baldwinnow allowedthefullwantonfury ofhistroopstobeunleashed onCaesarea’sterrified populace.Christiantroops scouredthecity,streetby street,housebyhouse,giving noquarter,butcheringmost ofthemalepopulation, enslavingthewomenand childrenandplunderingevery shredofloottheycouldfind. OneLatinobserverwrote: Howmuchpropertyofvariouskinds wasfoundthereitisimpossibletosay, butmanyofourmenwhohadbeen poorbecamerich.Isawagreatmanyof theSaracenswhowerekilledthereput inapileandburned.Thefetidodourof theirbodiesbotheredusgreatly.These wretcheswereburnedforthesakeof findingthegoldcoinswhichsomehad swallowed. Notsincethesackofthe HolyCityitselfin1099had theLevantwitnessedsuch avariciousbarbarity.The wealthseizedwassubstantial –theGenoesealone,upon receivingtheirallottedthird, wereabletodistributefortyeightsolidiofPoitouandtwo poundsofvaluablespicesto eachof8,000men–andthe spoilsmustalsohavedone muchtorestocktheroyal treasury.Inaddition,the Italiansweregivenan emerald-greenbowl,the SacroCatino,oncebelieved tobetheHolyGrail,which remainsinGenoa’sCathedral ofSanLorenzotothisday. BaldwinI,meanwhile,made apointofsparingtheemir andqadi(judge)ofCaesarea inordertosecureahefty ransom.Aclericalsonamed Baldwin,notoriousforhaving brandedacrossonhis foreheadatthestartofthe FirstCrusade,wasthen appointedasthenewLatin archbishopofCaesarea.55 Thisconquestsentastark messagetotheremaining Muslimsettlementsin Palestine:resistancewould bringannihilation.Before longthisnotionsmoothedthe waytothemostsignificant conquestofBaldwin’searly reign.InApril1104helaid siegetotheportofAcre, sometwelvemilesnorthof Haifa,hometoPalestine’s largestandmostsheltered harbour.Fightingalongsidea seventy-ship-strongGenoese fleet,thekingbeganan assaultsiege,andtheMuslim garrison,isolatedfromany possibleFatimid reinforcement,soon capitulated,requestingthe sametermsofsurrender givenatArsuf.Baldwin readilyacquiesced;indeed,he evenallowedMuslimcitizens toremaininAcreinreturn forpaymentofaformofpoll tax.Withlimitedlossoflife, hehadacquiredavaluable prize–aportoffering relativelysecureanchorage, whatevertheseason,that couldactasavitalchannel formaritimecommunication andcommercewithwestern Europe.56Beforelong,Acre becametheLatinkingdom’s tradingcapital. Intheyearsthatfollowed, Baldwincontinuedgradually toextendandconsolidatehis controloverthe Mediterraneanseaboard. BeirutwascapturedinMay 1110,thistimewiththeaidof GenoeseandPisanships. LaterthatyearBaldwin targetedSidon,whichfor sometimehadbeenbribing theFrankishkingwithlavish tributesofgoldtosecure immunity.Withtheable supportofalargecontingent ofrecentlyarrivedNorwegian crusader-pilgrims,undertheir youngkingSigurd,Baldwin laidsiegetoSidoninOctober andforceditssurrenderby earlyDecember,onceagain ontermsofsafeconductand aprovisiontoallowsome membersoftheMuslim populationtoremainin peace,workingthelandunder Latinrule. Inthecourseofthisfirst decade,BaldwinIbroughta realmeasureofterritorial securitytohisnascent kingdomandforgedacrucial lifelinebacktotheChristian west.Nonetheless,twocities remainedbeyondhisgrasp. Tothenorth,thestrongly fortifiedportofTyrestoodas astubbornMuslimoutpost, separatingAcrefromSidon andBeirut;itsurviveda concertedFrankishsiegein 1111largelybecauseitsemir switchedallegiancefrom EgypttoDamascus,securing valuablereinforcement. Unabletoachieveitscapture, BaldwinisolatedTyreby buildingfortressesinlandat Toronandsouthalongthe coastatanarrowcliffpass knownasScandelion. Tothesouth,Ascalon likewiseslippedthrough Baldwin’sfingers.Inthe springof1111hethreatened tobesiegethecity, frighteningitslatestemir, Shamsal-Khilafa,into adoptingaremarkablepolicy ofpoliticalrealignment.The emirfirstboughtpeacewith thepromiseofatributeof 7,000dinars.Withal-Afdal, theFatimidvizierofEgypt, rumblinghisobjectionsback inCairo,al-Khilafadecided thathisbesthopeofpolitical survivallayinadramatic switchofallegiance. BreakingwiththeFatimid caliphate,hetravelledto Jerusalemtobrokeranew dealwithBaldwinIand, havingpledgedhisloyaltyto theLatinkingdom,wasleftin powerasasemi-independent clientruler.Soonafterwardsa Christiangarrisonof300 troopswasinstalledin Ascalon,andforsome monthsitseemedthat Baldwin’spragmatismhad finallyclosedthedoorway betweenEgyptandPalestine. TheunfortunateShamsal- Khilafadidnotlivelong beyondthatsummer.Agroup ofAscaloniteBerbers,still loyaltotheFatimids,attacked himwhilehewasoutriding. Badlywounded,hefledtohis house,butwashunteddown andbutchered.BeforeKing Baldwincouldcometoits aid,theChristiangarrison wassimilarlydispatched. Havingbeensental-Khilafa’s head,al-Afdalswiftly reimposedFatimidcontrol overAscalon.57 Servantstothecrown BaldwinIdemonstratedagift forforcefulgovernanceinhis roleaskingofanexpanding realm.Throughoutthefirst phaseofhisreignhetook greatcaretoensurethatthe balanceofpowerinLatin Palestinelaywiththecrown andnotwiththenobility.In thishehadaparticular advantageoverfellow monarchsbackintheWestin thathewas,inrelativeterms atleast,beginningwitha cleanslate.Nothavingto dealwithanimbedded aristocracy,enmeshedwithin centuries-oldsystemsof lordshipandlandholding, Baldwincouldshapethenew kingdomofJerusalemtohis advantage. Acentralfeatureofhis approachwasthe maintenanceofapowerful royaldomain–theterritory ownedanddirectly administeredbythecrown. KingsinEuropemightinherit realmsinwhichmanyofthe richestandmostpowerful territorieshadlongsincebeen parcelledouttonobles,tobe governedasfiefsinthename ofthecrownbutruledin semi-autonomousfashion. BaldwinIkeptmanyof Palestine’smostimportant settlementswithinhis domain,includingJerusalem, JaffaandAcre,creatingvery fewnewlordships. Frequentlywhittledawayby thehighmortalityrateofthe warfare-strewnLevant,the aristocracyalsohadlittle opportunitytoassert hereditaryclaimstothefiefs thatwereavailable.Theking alsomadefrequentuseof moneyfiefs,rewarding servicewithcashratherthan land. Theearlyhistoryoftwo lordships–Haifaand Tiberias–isparticularly illustrativeofBaldwin’s managementof,andattitude to,hisleadingvassals.Once TancredleftforAntiochin 1101,Baldwindividedthe overpowerfulprincipalityof Galileeintwo.Geldemar Carpinel,asouthernFrench crusaderwhohadbeenin GodfreyofBouillon’s service,wasgivenHaifain March1101,perhapsin returnforhissupportof Baldwin’sclaimtothe throne.Geldemarwaskilled inbattlejustsixmonthslater and,overthenextfifteen years,thelordshipofHaifa passedthroughthehandsof threefurthermen,noneof whomwererelated.Inthis way,authorityovertheport consistentlyrevertedtothe crown,andoneachoccasion Baldwinwasableto redistributetherewardofthis fiefashechose. Tiberias,meanwhile,was giventooneoftheking’s closestfollowers,Hughof Falchenberg,theknightfrom Flanderswhohadprobably joinedBaldwinduringthe FirstCrusade.Hughserved thekingdomwell,butsoon fellfouloftheregion’s militaryinsecurityandwas killedbyanarrowduringan ambushin1106.Tiberias thenpassedtoanorthern Frenchman,Gervaseof Bazoches,whobecameone ofBaldwin’sfavouritesand wasappointedasroyal seneschal(inchargeof financialadministrationand thejudiciary).Withintwo years,however,Gervasewas capturedbyDamascene troopsduringaMuslimraid onGalilee. Ofcourse,notallof BaldwinI’svassalsmetwith precipitousorgruesome deaths.Alongthenorthern coastofPalestine,onthe borderwithLebanonandfar fromtheimmediatereachof Jerusalem,thekingcreated somenewlordships.Oneof these,Sidon,hegavetothe greatrisingstarofhisreign, EustaceGarnier.Aknight, probablyofNormanorigin, Eustacehadlikelyserved BaldwinwhilestillinEdessa, andcertainlyfoughtforhim againsttheEgyptiansin1105. Fromrelativeobscurity, Eustacequicklyamasseda potentclutchoflordships, includingCaesareaand, throughmarriagetoEmma (thewell-connecteddaughter ofPatriarchArnulfof Chocques),thetownof Jericho.Eustacewas, however,anexception.On thewhole,Baldwinseemsto havecreatedaloyaland effectivenobleclassthatwas, asyet,largelysubservientto thecrown.58 FACINGISLAM Ofcourse,intheearlyyears ofhisreignBaldwinIcould illaffordtofocussimply upontheconsolidationofhis holdoverPalestine;one watchfuleyeremained traineduponhisMuslim neighbours,mostnotablythe Shi‘iteFatimidsofEgypt. Theirvizieral-Afdalhadbeen humbledbytheFirst Crusaders,butwiththeport ofAscalon–thestepping stonebetweenPalestineand Egypt–stillinFatimid hands,thedoorstoodopen foracounter-attackonthe kingdomofJerusalem. TheBattlesofRamla InMay1101,soonafter Baldwin’sviolentsubjugation ofCaesarea,newsarrivedof anEgyptianinvasion.AlAfdalhaddispatchedalarge forcethatwasnowadvancing ontheHolyCityunderthe commandofoneofhis leadinggenerals,theformer governorofBeirut,Sa‘adalDaulah.Baldwinrushed south,butratherthanseek openbattleheelectedtohold hisgroundamidtherelative securityofRamlaandwait fortheFatimids’nextmove. Forthenextthreemonthsa tensestalemateheld,with Sa‘adwaitingatAscalonfor therightmomenttopounce andBaldwinnervously patrollingtheregionbetween JaffaandJerusalem.Finally, inthefirstweekof September,withthefighting seasondrawingtoaclose,the Egyptiansbeganadefinitive advance. Eschewingareactive policyofdefence,Baldwin decidedtoconfrontthe enemyhead-on,orderingan immediatemobilisationat Jaffa.Thiswasabrave decisiongiventheworrying paucityofwarriorsathis disposal.Evenafter summoningtroopsfrom acrossthekingdomand orderingthateveryeligible squirebeknighted,hewas leftwithjust260knightsand 900footmen.Latinestimates ofMuslimmanpoweratthis pointvarywidely–from 31,000to200,000–andseem grosslyinflated.Noreliable Arabictestimonysurvives, butitislikelythattheFranks wereheavilyoutnumbered thatautumn.Marchingoutof Jaffaon6Septemberto intercepttheFatimidsonthe plainssouthofRamla,the Christiansseemtohavebeen possessedbyasenseof desperatedetermination. Amongthemwastheking’s chaplain,FulcherofChartres, wholaterwrotethat‘we earnestlypreparedtodiefor theloveof[Christ]’,taking solacefromthepresenceof therelicoftheTrueCross carriedintheirmidst. Theatmosphereatdawn thefollowingdaywasladen withechoesoftheFirst Crusade.WithSa‘adalDaulah’sforcesspotted‘from adistance...shimmeringin theplain’,thekingapparently felltohiskneesbeforethe TrueCross,confessedhissins andreceivedmass.Fulcher recalledtherousingbattle speechhismonarchthen delivered: Comethen,soldiersofChrist,beof goodcheerandfearnothing,[but]fight, Ibeseechyou,forthesalvationofyour souls...Ifyoushouldbeslainhere, youwillsurelybeamongtheblessed. Alreadythegateofthekingdomof Heavenisopentoyou.Ifyousurviveas victorsyouwillshineingloryamong theChristians.If,however,youwishto flee,rememberthatFranceisindeeda longdistanceaway. WiththattheFranksbegan advancingatspeed,takingthe fighttotheEgyptians, arrayedinfiveorsix divisions.Baldwin,astridehis fleet-footedmountfittingly namedGazelle,ledareserve force,readytoattackoncethe shapeofthefracasbecame clear.Ridingclosetohisking throughout,Fulcherof Chartreslaterevokedthe chaotichorrorofthebattle thatfollowed,writingthat ‘thenumberofthefoewasso greatandtheyswarmedover ussoquicklythathardly anyonecouldseeorrecognise anyoneelse’.TheLatin vanguardwassoon decimated,withGeldemar Carpinelamongtheslain,and thewholearmywasquickly encircled. WiththeChristiansonthe brinkofdefeat,Baldwin committedhisreserve,riding alongsidetheTrueCross.At theforceofhisattackrank uponrankofFatimidtroops buckled.Fulcherwatchedas thekinghimselfskewereda leadingEgyptianemirinthe bellywithhislance,anda largeportionoftheMuslim forceturnedinflight.Itwas probablyinthisshockassault thatSa‘adal-Daulahwas killed.OneLatin contemporarybelievedthat victorywasassuredbya miracleassociatedwiththe TrueCrossinwhicha Muslimcommanderwas chokedtodeathjustashe wasabouttoattackthebishop carryingtherelic.Thisstory seemstohavecirculated throughthearmy,and certainlycontributedtothe burgeoningcultsurrounding theCross,butinrealitythe wholeencounterwasclose runandinconclusive.Fulcher testifiedthatthefieldwas cloakedwithweapons, armourandthebodiesofboth MuslimandChristiandead, estimatingtheenemy’slosses at5,000,butconcedingthat eightyFrankishknightsanda largernumberofinfantry werekilled.Andwhile Baldwinwasabletoretain controloftheplainandofthe run-downsectionsofthe Fatimidforcethathadrouted inthedirectionofAscalon, terrifiedsurvivorsofthe Latinvanguardwere,atthe sametime,streamingback towardsJaffa,hotlypursued byMuslimtroopswho believedtheyhadcarriedthe day. Sogreatwastheconfusion thattwoFrankishescapees fromthebattleactually declaredadefeatupon reachingJaffa,‘sayingthat thekingandallhismenwere dead’.Withabout500 Fatimidtroopsridingonthe port,Baldwin’straumatised queen(thenresidinginJaffa) quicklydispatcheda messengernorthtoAntioch byship,beggingTancredto bringaid.Luckilyforthe Franks,thepeopleofJaffa rejectedanynotionofan immediatesurrender,andthe verynextdayKingBaldwin, havingcampedatthe battlefieldasastatementof victory,arrivedonthecoast. Atfirstsight,theremaining FatimidsoldiersoutsideJaffa thoughttheapproachingarmy wastheirownandhappily rodeoutingreeting;realising theirmistakeandthegrave reversaloffortunethatmust haveoccurred,theyfled.A secondmessengerwas immediatelysentnorthto declarethekingaliveand victorious.59 Throughamixtureof strategicresolutionandgood fortune,Baldwinhad prevailedagainsttheodds, butanysenseoftriumphor securitywastobeshort-lived. Egypt’sabundantwealth meantthatal-Afdalhadthe resourcestomountasecond invasionofPalestinealmost immediately.Withthe comingofspringin1102and thestartofthenewfighting season,anotherFatimidarmy gatheredatAscalon,thistime underthecommandofalAfdal’sson,Sharafal-Ma‘ali. InMaytheEgyptians marchedonceagainon Ramla,skirmishingwiththe fifteenknightsguardingits smallfortifiedtowerand raidingthenearbyChurchof StGeorgeatLydda. BaldwinIwas,atthis point,atJaffa,seeingoffthe lastmembersoftheill-fated 1101crusadewhohad recentlycelebratedEasterin Jerusalem.Williamof Aquitainemanagedtotake shiptotheWest,butStephen ofBlois,CountStephenof Burgundyandmanyothers werelessfortunate:having setsail,theyencountered unfavourablewindsandwere forcedtoturnback.They werebesidetheking, therefore,whenrumoursof thislatestEgyptianoffensive arrivedaround17May. Baldwinnowmadethemost calamitousdecisionofhis life.Believingthatthenews fromRamlaheraldedthe presenceofasmallFatimid expeditionaryforcerather thanafull-scalefieldarmy, herashlyelectedtoprosecute aspeedyretaliatoryattack.In thecompanyofhisown householdandaclutchof crusaders–includingthetwo Stephens,HughofLusignan andConrad,constableof Germany–herodefrom Jaffa,seeminglybrimfulwith confidence.Hisforce containedamere200knights andnoinfantry. Onceontheplainsof Ramlathefullmightofthe Egyptianarmycameinto viewandBaldwinrealised theterriblerealityofhis miscalculation.Facing thousandsofMuslimtroops (oneestimateputthemat 20,000),theFranksnowhad nohopeofvictoryand preciouslittlechanceof survival.Sharafal-Ma‘ali rushedtoengagetheking’s tinyforcethemomentitwas spotted.Baldwinattemptedto mountavaliantcharge,but theoddswerehopeless; quicklysurrounded,the carnagebegan.Within minutesthebulkofhisforce hadbeenslain.Amongthe deadweretheFirstCrusader Stabelo,onceGodfreyof Bouillon’schamberlain,and the1101crusaderGerbodof Windeke.Amidthe confusion,anotherveteranof theFirstCrusade,Rogerof Rozoy,managedtobreak throughwithasmallgroupof menandracebacktowards Jaffa.Meanwhile,withthe enemyclosinginforthekill, Baldwinbeatafighting retreattoRamlawitha handfulofsurvivors,taking meagresanctuaryinits fortifiedtower. Thatevening,Baldwin foundhimselfinadesperate predicament.Knowingfull wellthatdawnwouldbringa crushingFatimidassaultand certaindeathorcapture,he madewhatmusthavebeena tortureddecision:toabandon hisarmyandseekescape undercoverofnight.Inthe companyoffiveofhismost faithfulandfearsome retainershestoleoutofthe encircledfort,probablyin someformofdisguiseandvia asmallposterngate,buthe wassoonchallengedby Muslimtroops.Inthe darknessabloody,chaotic mêléebegan.Accordingto onecontemporary,aFrankish knightnamedRobert‘wentto thefrontwithdrawnsword, mowingdownthe[enemy]to rightandleft’buthe momentarilylostholdofhis weaponandwasquickly overwhelmed.Asanothertwo ofhiscompanionsfell, Baldwinfled,borneaway astridehisswifthorse, Gazelle.Henowhadwith himasinglesurviving follower,HughofBrulis(of whomthereisnofurther record). TheEgyptiansquickly launchedafrantichuntforthe fugitivemonarch.Sensing thathewasonlymoments awayfromcapture,theking soughtsanctuaryand concealmentinanovergrown thicketofcanes,buthis pursuerssetlighttothe undergrowth.Baldwinbarely managedtoescape,suffering minorburnsintheprocess. Hespentthenexttwodayson therun,infearofhislife. Bewildered,shortoffoodand water,hefirsttriedtofinda waythroughthewildJudean foothillstoJerusalem,but retreatedatthesightof numerousFatimidpatrols combingthearea.On19May 1102heturnednorth-westto thecoastandeventually foundhiswaytoArsufanda modicumofsafety. Throughoutthisperiod Baldwinmusthavebeen plaguedbyfeelingsof humiliationanddoubt;hehad nowayofknowingwhatfate hadbefallenhisabandoned comradesatRamla,nor whetherJaffaoreventhe HolyCitymighthave capitulatedinhisabsence.It istestamenttothephysical andpsychologicaltraumaof theprecedingdaysthat,once atArsuf,hisfirstconcernwas toeat,drinkandsleep.As oneLatincontemporary observed,‘thiswasrequired bythehumansideofhis nature’. Thenextdaybrought betterfortune.Hughof Falchenberg,lordofTiberias, arrivedatArsufwitheighty knights,havingheardofthe Egyptianassault. CommandeeringanEnglish pirateshipanchorednearby, thekingsailedsouthtowards Jaffa,whileHughmarched southalongthecoastline. BaldwinfoundJaffaina parlousstate,besiegedon landbySharafal-Ma‘ali’s forcesandatseabyan Egyptianfleetofthirty vessels,comenorthfrom Ascalon.Boldlyflyinghis royalbannerfromhisown shiptobringhearttoJaffa’s garrison,thekingnarrowly evadedtheFatimidflotillato reachtheharbour.Onceon land,thenewsheencountered wasgrimindeed. Jaffahadcomecloseto capitulation.Unsureofthe king’swhereaboutsandthe fateofhisarmyatRamla,and surroundedonallsides,the port’spopulacewerealready indesperatestraits.Butthen Sharafal-Ma‘aliemployeda devioustactic.Inlife,Gerbod ofWindekehadapparently borneapassingresemblance totheking.TheMuslimsnow mutilatedhiscorpse,cutting offhisheadandlegsand, havingdressedthesegrisly remainsinthepurpleof royalty,paradedthembefore Jaffa’swalls,declaiming Baldwin’sdeathand demandingimmediate surrender.Many,including thequeen,whoonceagain foundherselfensconcedin Jaffa,weretakeninbythis ruse,andbeganplanningto fleetheportbyship.Itwasat thisverymomentthat Baldwin’sshipappearedfrom thenorth.Theking’stimely arrivalbuoyedmoraleand seemstohaveshaken Sharaf’sresolve.Thebulkof theFatimidarmynow retreatedsomedistance towardsAscalon,apparently topreparesiegemachinery forafull-scaleassault,but thisgavetheFranksan invaluablebreathingspace withinwhichtoregroup. Baldwinhadarrivedin timetosaveJaffa,buthewas toolatetointerveneinthe eventsatRamla.Onthe morningafterhisescape, Muslimtroopsstormed Ramla’stownwallsand movedintosurroundthe fortifiedtowerwhichnow heldtheremnantsof Baldwin’sforce.The Fatimidsbegananintense assaultsiegeofthis rudimentarystructure, underminingitswallsand settingfirestosmokeoutits occupants.By19Maythe trappedFrankswereina hopelesspredicament; abandonedbytheking, confrontingdefeat,they chose,inthewordsofone Latincontemporary,‘tobe destroyedwhiledefending honourably[rather]thanto chokeanddieawretched death’.Chargingfromthe tower,theymounteda suicidallaststandandwere promptlybutcheredalmostto aman.Oneofthefewto survivewasConradof Germany,whofoughtwith suchferocity,cuttingdown anywhocamewithinsword length,thatintheendhewas leftstanding,ringedbythe deadanddying.Awestruck, theFatimidtroopsoffered himthechancetosurrender onthepromisethathewould besparedandtakenasa captivetoEgypt.Conradleft behindhimmanywhowere lessfortunate,amongthem StephenofBlois,whose deathatRamlafinallyputto resttheshameofhis cowardiceatAntiochfour yearsearlier. ThedisasteratRamla provedtobethelowpointin Frankishfortunesthatyear. AtthestartofJune1102 Baldwinralliedtroopsfrom acrossthekingdom,including acontingentfromJerusalem bearingtheTrueCross.His forceswerealsoboostedby thearrivalofasizeable pilgrimfleet.Nowin commandofafullfieldarmy, Baldwinlaunchedan immediatecounter-attackon theill-preparedEgyptians. Sharaf’sindecisive generalshiphadalreadysewn theseedsofdiscontentamong theFatimids;inthefaceof thissuddenFrankishassault, theyweresoonrouted.The numberofMuslimfatalities waslimitedandthepickings afterthebattlewererather paltry–somecamelsand asses–butthe‘crusader’ kingdomhad,nonetheless, beensaved.60 BetweenEgyptand Damascus Inthesefragile,formative yearstheLatinsofJerusalem wereextremelyfortunatethat noallianceexistedbetween Shi‘iteEgyptandthegreat SunniSyrianpowerof Damascus.HadBaldwin facedsuchacombinedthreat in1101or1102,themeagre resourcesofhiskingdom mighthavebeen overwhelmed.Asitwas, DuqaqofDamascuspursued asubduedpolicyofdétente withFrankishPalestinefor theremainderofhislife. Stungbythememoryof defeatattheDogRiver, contenttoallowthe ChristianstoblockFatimid ambitionsintheHolyLand, Duqaqmaintainedastanceof neutrality.Butwithhis prematuredeathin1104at theageofjusttwenty-one, Damascuswastoadoptanew policy. Afterabriefbutugly contest,Duqaq’sleading lieutenant,theAtabeg8 Tughtegin,tookcontrolofthe city.AshusbandtoDuqaq’s schemingwidowedmother, Safwat,hehadlongwaitedin thewings;indeed,itwaseven rumouredthatDuqaq’s untimelydemisehadbeenthe resultofpoisoningorganised byTughteginhimself.Now, theatabeg’sgiftfordevious politicalintrigueandhis casual,attimeschillingly capricious,attitudeto brutalitypropelledhiminto power.In1105theatabeg acceptedarenewedoverture formilitarycooperationfrom Egypt.Fortunatelyforthe Franks,however,this unprecedentedSunni–Shi‘ite coalitionhaditslimits. Perhapsstillharbouring doubtsabouthisnewallies, Tughteginstoppedshortof organisingafull-scale Damasceneinvasionof Palestine.Instead,he contributedaforceof1,500 archerswhenal-Afdalsenta thirdarmy,underanotherof hissons,northtoAscalonin thesummerof1105. WithanEgyptianfleetalso harryingJaffa,BaldwinI recognisedthattheport wouldsoonbebesiegedand hisrealmonceagain destabilised.Stealingthe initiative,hesummonedthe patriarchofJerusalemandthe TrueCrossandmovedto engagetheFatimidarmy head-onnearRamla.Onthis occasionhecommanded around500knightsand2,000 infantry,butevensothey musthavebeensignificantly outnumbered.Forthethird timeinfouryears,however, Egyptianmartialindiscipline allowedBaldwintorouthis enemyandsecureanarrow victory.Thecasualtieson bothsideswereroughly equal,buttheencounter nonethelesshadaruinous effectonFatimidmorale.The MuslimrulerofAscalonwas slaininthebattle;Baldwin orderedtheemir’s decapitationandthenhadhis severedheadtakentoJaffa andbrandishedbeforethe Egyptianfleettoencourage theirhastydeparture. Egyptcontinuedtothreaten FrankishPalestine,butalAfdallaunchednofurther large-scaleoffensivesand certainlyneverachieved significantsuccess.Forthe momentDamascushadbeen partiallyneutralised. Tughteginadoptedamore nuanced,predominantlynon- aggressiveapproachtohis dealingswithJerusalem.He wascertainlynotaverseto defendingDamascene interestswithforcewhenhe consideredthemtobeunder threat,andhealsoprosecuted frequentpunitiveraidsinto Christianterritory.Butatthe sametimeheagreeda successionoflimited-term pactswithBaldwin,primarily directedateasingthepathof mutuallybeneficialtrade betweenSyriaandPalestine. Themostenduring consequenceofthesedealings wastheformulationofa partialarmistice(confirmed bywrittentreaty)around 1109.Thisremarkableaccord relatedtotheregioneastof theSeaofGalilee–known bytheFranksastheTerrede Sueth(orBlackLands) becauseofitsdarkbasaltsoil –centredonthefertilearable landsoftheHauran,and extendingnorthintothe GolanHeightsandsouthof theYarmukRiver.Baldwin andTughteginagreedto establishwhatinessencewas apartiallydemilitarisedzone inthisarea,allowingMuslim andChristianfarmersto cooperateintheexploitation oftheland.Theproduceof theTerredeSuethwasthen splitintothreeparts,withone portionretainedbythe residentpeasantsandthe remainderdividedbetween JerusalemandDamascus. Thisarrangementremainedin placeformuchofthetwelfth century.61 Inthefirstfiveyearsofhis reign,however,King Baldwin’sownsurvival,and arguablythatofhisentire realm,hadbeenindoubt. Onlythroughflashesofgifted leadershipandthegood fortuneofMuslimdisunity andFatimidmartial ineptitudehadtheLatins prevailed. LATINSYRIAINCRISIS (1101–8) Inthefirstchillmonthsof 1105,Tancred,thecelebrated veteranoftheFirstCrusade, hadeveryreasontodespair. Hefoundhimselfin commandoftheLatin principalityofAntiochata timewhenthatnewborn realmseemedinitsdeath throes.Sixmonthsearlier,the Franks’reputationfor invincibilityhadbeen shatteredwhenAntioch’s armysufferedafrightening andhumiliatingdefeatatthe handsofIslam.Inresponse, Tancred’sfameduncle,and Antioch’ssupposedprince, Bohemond,hadfledthe Levant,strippingthecityof itsresourcesevenashe rushedtosetsailforthe West.Withtheprincipality crumblingbeforehim,beset byrebellionandinvasionon everyfront,Tancredfacedthe spectreofruination.Seven yearsearlier,hehad witnessedfirsthandthe horrorofAntioch’ssiegeand theterriblecostofitsseizure bythecrusade.Now,it seemed,thefaltering Frankishenclavecreatedby thatconquestwasdoomedto collapse. Little,ifany,oftheblame forthiscrisiscouldbelaidat Tancred’sfeet.Inthespring of1101hehadtravellednorth fromPalestinetoactas Antioch’sregentafter Bohemond’simprisonment. Inthetwoyearsthatfollowed Tancredquicklyrestoreda senseofstabilityandsecurity totheprincipality, demonstratingbothvigour andcompetence.Shortly beforehiscapture,Bohemond hadallowedthefertileplains ofCilicia,north-westof Antioch,toslipoutofhis grasp.Hopingforgreater autonomy,theregion’s ArmenianChristian populationhadswitched allegiancetotheByzantine Empire,butTancredbeat thembackintosubmission withabriefbutvicious campaign.Notcontentsimply torecouphisuncle’slosses, Tancredthensoughtto expandtheprincipality.Like thekingdomofJerusalem, Antiochneededtocontrolthe portsoftheeastern Mediterraneanseaboard,but Latakia,hometoSyria’sbest naturalharbour,remainedin Greekhandsdespite Bohemond’sintermittent efforts.Afteraprotracted siege,however,thetownfell toTancredin1103. Tancredseemstohave relishedthenew-found opportunitiesandauthority hispositionoffered;certainly hemadenoeffortto orchestratethespeedyrelease ofhisuncle.Thistaskwas insteadtakenupby Bohemond’srecent ecclesiasticalappointee, PatriarchBernard,andby BaldwinofBourcq,now countofEdessa.Together theysetaboutamassingthe vastransomdemandedby Bohemond’scaptor,the Danishmendidemir– 100,000goldpieces.The ArmenianKoghVasil,lordof twocitiesintheUpper Euphrates,gaveone-tenthof thissuminreturnfor promisesofalliance,butin thewordsofonerather scandalisedeasternChristian contemporary,‘Tancredgave nothing.’Eventually,inMay 1103,Bohemondwasfreed. Theconsequencesfor Tancredweregalling;not onlydidhehavetohandover thereinsofpowerinAntioch, hewasalsocompelledto relinquishhisownconquests inCiliciaandLatakia.62 TheBattleofHarran(1104) Withhisownlibertyand authorityrestored,Bohemond soughttobuilduponhis friendshipwithCount BaldwinIIofEdessa.Over thenexttwelvemonthsthe twounitedinaseriesof campaignsdesignedto subduetheterritorybetween AntiochandEdessaandto isolateandharassAleppo.It wasprobablywiththelatter goalinmindthatthey launchedanexpeditioneast oftheEuphratesinspring 1104.Dominionoverthis regionwouldhavesecured thecountyofEdessa’s southernfrontierwhile hamperingAleppan communicationwith Mesopotamia.Asitwas,they encounteredfierceopposition fromasizeableMuslimarmy, ledbytheSeljuqTurkish rulersofMosulandMardin. Battlewasjoinedonthe plainssouthofHarranaround 7May.Bohemondand Tancredheldtherightflank, whileBaldwinIIcommanded Edessa’sforcesontheleft, alongsidehiscousinJoscelin ofCourtenay(awellconnectednorthernFrench aristocratwhoarrivedinthe Levantafter1101andhad receivedalordshipcentredon themajorfortresstownof TellBashir).Inthefighting thatfollowed,theEdessene troopsbecamedetachedfrom therestofthearmy– overcommittingtoacharge, theyfellfoulofaferocious counter-attackandwere routed.BaldwinandJoscelin weretakencaptiveas thousandsoftheir compatriotswerekilledor imprisoned.Bohemondand Tancredledachastened retreattowardsEdessa,where thelatterwasleftinchargeof defendingthecity. Harranwasashocking reversalfortheFranks. Battlefieldlossesthrough casualtiesandcaptivitywere significant,butthegreatest damagewaspsychological. Thisdefeatshiftedthe balanceofpowerand confidenceinthenorthern reachesoftheLevant;itnow dawnedontheindigenous peoplesofSyriathatthe Latinswerenot,afterall, indomitable.AnearcontemporaryMuslimwriting inDamascusreflectedthat ‘[Harran]wasagreatand unparalleledvictory...it discouragedtheFranks, diminishedtheirnumbersand broketheirpowerofoffence, whiletheheartsofthe Muslimswerestrengthened.’ Infact,Muslims,Greeksand Armeniansallseizedthe opportunitytoturnthetidein theirfavour,anditwas Antioch,notEdessa,that sufferedmost.The ByzantinesreoccupiedCilicia andLatakia,althoughthe latter’scitadelmayhave remainedinFrankishhands. Tothesouth-eastthetownsof theSummaqregionexpelled theirLatingarrisons,turning toAleppoforleadership.Ina finalindignity,the strategicallycriticaltownof Artahfollowedsuitsoon after.Guardianofthemain Romanroadinland,lying barelyoneday’smarchnortheastofAntioch,Artahwas regardedbycontemporaries asthecity’s‘shield’.Bythe latesummerof1104,the principalityhadbeen decimated;allthatremained ofthisonceburgeoningrealm wasasmallnucleusof territoryaroundAntioch itself.63 Earlythatautumn, Bohemondmadean unexpecteddecision. RecallingTancredfrom Edessa,heconveneda councilinthebasilicaofSt Peterandannouncedhis intentiontoleavetheLevant. Therealmotivesbehindthis movearehardtounravel. PubliclyBohemondavowed that,inordertosaveLatin Syria,hewouldrecruitanew Frankisharmyinwestern Europe.Hemayalsohave expressedhisdetermination tofulfilhisvowstoSt Leonard(towhomhehad appealedwhileinprison)by makingapilgrimagetothe shrineofhisrelicsatNoblat, inFrance.Privately,however, heseemstohavehadlittle intentionofmakingaswift returntoOutremer,planning, instead,toraiseaforcewith whichtoattacktheByzantine Empirehead-oninthe Balkans.Thismighthavethe effectofdistractingAlexius Comnenus,perhaps forestallingadirectGreek assaultonAntioch,but Bohemond’sstrategy probablyowedmoretohis desiretoconquernew territoryintheAdriaticand theAegean,andtohisdream ofsittinguponthethroneof mightyConstantinopleitself. Bohemond’s disenchantmentwiththe fragilityofAntioch’sposition isfurtherevidencedbyhis calculatedappropriationof thecity’sremainingwealth andmanpowerbefore departing.Eventhe contemporaryLatinwriter RalphofCaen,normallya promoterofBohemond’s cause,observedthat‘he carriedoffthegold,silver, gemsandclothing[leaving thecity]toTancredwithout protection,wagesand mercenaries’.Bohemondset sailfromtheshoresofSyria aroundSeptember1104. DuringtheFirstCrusade,he hadtrainedthefullforceof hismilitarygeniusand avariciousguileupon Antioch’sconquest.Now,as heturnedhisbackuponthe Levant,hemusthaveknown thathewasabandoninghis oldprizetoadesperately bleakanduncertainfuture.64 Onthebrinkofcollapse SoitwasthatTancredbegan theyear1105inastateof beleagueredpenury,princeregentofarealmboundfor destruction.Inthefireofthis crisis,thedefiningchallenge ofhiscareer,heprovedhis mettle.Blendingcharmand coercion,hewonthesupport ofAntioch’sindigenous populationforanemergency tax,restockingthetreasury andfinancingthefresh recruitmentofmercenaries. Healsosoughttoreplenish furtherhisresourcesby exploitingfullytheone positiveconsequenceofthe debacleatHarran,Antioch’s nominallordshipoverthe countyofEdessa.Calling‘all theChristianmen’of northernSyriatoarms, strippingEdessa,Marashand TellBashirofallbuttoken garrisons,hehadbyearly springassembledanarmyof some1,000knightsand9,000 footsoldiers.Tancred’s unshakableresolutionand incisivestrategicacuitynow cametothefore. Facingsuchaplethoraof enemies,herecognisedthat hecouldneitherfighton everyfrontnorfallbackupon apolicyofinertdefence. Insteadheemployedtargeted, proactiveaggression, selectinghisquarrywith greatcare.Inmid-Aprilhe marchedonArtah, engineeringadecisive confrontationwithRidwanof Aleppo.Thiswasan audaciousgamble. Overcomingthisfoein pitchedbattlemightallow Tancredtoregainthe initiativeandrekindlethe Franks’martialauthority,but hemusthaveknownthatthe Aleppanswouldoutnumber hisownforces,perhapsthree toone,andthatanydefeat wouldmarktheendofLatin dominionoverSyria. BeforeleavingAntiochthe Christiansundertookritesof spiritualpurification, includingathree-dayfast, purgingtheirsoulsofsinina preparationfordeaththat echoedcrusadingpractice. Tancredthencrossedthe OrontesattheIronBridge andmovedintobesiege Artah.OnceRidwantookthe bait,advancingwitha reported30,000troops, Tancredbackedoff.The centrepieceofhisstrategy wastocapitaliseuponhis closeknowledgeofthelocal terrainandtoexploithis growingappreciationof Muslimtactics.Theroute betweenArtahandtheIron Bridgepassedthroughan areaofflatbutrockyground, overwhichhorsescouldnot easilygallop,beforereaching anopenplain.Itwastothis secondzonethatTancred retreatedand,on20April 1105,Ridwanpursued.One Latincontemporarydescribed thebattlethatfollowed: TheChristiansheldtheirpositionsasif torpid...then,whentheTurkshad passedtheroughground,Tancred chargedintotheirmidstasifhaving beenrousedfromsleep.TheTurks quicklyretreated,hoping,aswastheir custom,toturnaboutwhilefleeingand shoot.However,theirhopesandtheir trickswerefoiled...the[Franks’] spearsstrucktheminthebackandthe patharrestedtheirflight.Theirhorses wereuseless. Intheensuingbattle,the Latinsploughedintothe packedranksofterrified Muslimtroops,dispatching theenemyalmostatwillas Aleppanresistancecrumbled. Horrified,Ridwanscurried awaytosafetyasbesthe could,losinghisbannerinthe process,andTancredwasleft thevictoronthefield, enrichedwithspoilsand glory. TheBattleofArtahmarked awatershedinthehistoryof thenortherncrusaderstates. Overthenextfewyears Tancredreadilyrecoupedthe lossessufferedafterHarran. Artahwasimmediately reoccupiedandtheSummaq plateausoonfollowedsuit. Ridwansuedforpeace,trying topositionhimselfasa subservientally,and,withthe frontierzonebetween AntiochandAlepposecured, Tancredwasabletodirecthis attentionelsewhere.By1110 hehadeffectedlong-term Antiochenedominionover CiliciaandLatakiaatthe expenseoftheGreeks.Atthe sametime,heshoredupthe principality’ssouthern defencesagainstanother potentiallyaggressive Muslimneighbour,thetown ofShaizar,byseizingthe neighbouringancientRoman settlementofApamea.In personalterms,thesuccessof 1105alsoservedtolegitimise Tancred’sposition;before longhewasrulinglessas Bohemond’sregentandmore asaprinceinhisownright. Inthis,however,hewasalso aidedbyaconcurrentdecline inthefortunesofhisfamed uncle.65 Bohemond’scrusade BohemondofTarantosailed forEuropeinautumn1104.It waslaterrumouredamong theGreeksthatheemployed abizarreformoftrickeryto avoidcapturebyByzantine agentsduringhisvoyage acrosstheMediterranean. Feigninghisowndeath, Bohemondwassaidtohave travelledwestinacoffin puncturedwithconcealedair holes.Tocompletetheruse, hewasentombedalongside therottingcarcassofa strangledcockereltoensure thathisown‘corpse’emitted asuitablyrevolting putrefactiveodour.Indeed, EmperorAlexius’daughter, AnnaComnena,evenallowed herselfanoteofadmiration forBohemond’sindomitable ‘barbarian’spiritwhenshe wrote,‘Iwonderhowon earthheenduredsuchasiege onhisnoseandstill continuedtolive.’ Whateverhismodeof transport,Bohemond’sarrival inItalyinearly1105was greetedwithaclamorous outpouringofadulation.The self-styledherooftheFirst Crusadehadreturned.He soonwonthesupportofPope Urban’ssuccessor,PaschalII, foranewcrusading expedition,onewhich Bohemondproceededto promoteinItalyandFrance forthenexttwoyears.Along thewayhefulfilledhisvow tovisittheshrineofSt LeonardatNoblat,depositing agiftofsilvershacklesasa signofgratitudeforhis releasefromimprisonmentin 1103.Healsoappearstohave sponsoredthecopyingand dispersalofarousing narrativeaccountoftheFirst Crusade,akintotheGesta Francorum,whichpromoted hisownachievementsand helpedtoblackenthenameof theGreeks.Withhisfamein theascendantandhis recruitingralliesattracting largeenthusiasticcrowds, Bohemondsecureda marriagealliancewhich propelledhimintothehighest echelonsoftheFrankish aristocracy.Inthespringof 1106hewaswedtoPrincess Constance,daughterofthe kingofFrance;aroundthe sametimeoneoftheking’s illegitimatedaughters, Cecilia,wasbetrothedto Tancred.Bohemondusedthe occasionofhisownnuptials atChartrestopromotehis newcrusade,launchinga stingingattackonhis proclaimedenemy,Alexius Comnenus–supposed betrayerofthecrusadersin 1098and1101,andinvader ofAntioch. Bytheendof1106 Bohemondhadreturnedto southernItalytosupervisethe ongoingconstructionofa crusadingfleet,having recruitedmanythousandsof mentohiscause.Butdespite thesizeoftheforcethat gatheredinApuliaoneyear later–some30,000mentobe carriedbyafleetofmore than200ships–historians havelongdisputedthenature ofthisexpedition.The currentconsensusmaintains thatthiscampaign,which targetedtheGreekChristian empireofByzantium,cannot beregardedasafullyfledged crusade,orattheveryleast shouldbebrandedasa distortionofthecrusading ideal.Theexpedition obviouslyboresomestriking similaritiestotheFirst Crusade,withparticipants takingavow,bearingthe symbolofacrossand expectingtoreceivea remissionofsins.Thenubof thedebate,however,depends onpapalinvolvement.Surely, soitisargued,thepope wouldneverknowinglyhave awardedtheprivilegedstatus ofacrusadetoanexpedition againstfellowChristians; rather,itwasBohemond, twistedbyambitionand hatred,whodeceivedPaschal II,pretendingthathisarmies wouldfightintheLevant. Thisviewofeventsis riddledwithsignificant problems.Thebulkof contemporaryevidence suggeststhatthepopewas awareofBohemond’s intentionsandnonetheless supportedhim,even dispatchingapapallegateto accompanyandendorsethe preachingcampaignsin FranceandItaly.Eveninthe unlikelycasethatthepope wasmisled,therecanbeno doubtthatahugenumberof layrecruitsacceptedtheidea ofjoiningacrusadeagainst theGreeks.Infact,the tendencytosideline Bohemond’sexpeditionasa perversionofcrusadingis symptomaticofamore fundamentalmisconception:a beliefthattheideasand practicesofcrusadinghad alreadycoalescedtocreatea uniformideal.Formost peoplelivinginwestern Europeintheearlytwelfth century,thisnewtypeof devotionalwarfarehadno finiteidentityandwasstill subjecttocontinual,organic development.Asfarasthey wereconcerned,crusadesdid notneedtobedirected againstMuslims,andmany readilyacceptedtheideaof wagingaholywaragainst AlexiusComnenusoncehe hadbeendeemedtheenemy ofLatinChristendom. Howeverthebackground tothe1107–8‘crusade’ againstByzantiumisviewed, theexpeditionitselfprovedto beashambolicdisaster. CrossingtheAdriaticin October1107,theLatinslaid siegetothecityofDurazzo (inmodernAlbania), regardedbycontemporaries as‘thewesterngateofthe [Greek]empire’.But,inspite ofhismilitarypedigree, Bohemondwasoutwittedby Alexius,whodeployedhis forcestocuttheinvaders’ supplylineswhilecarefully avoidingdirectconfrontation. Weakenedbyhunger,unable tobreakDurazzo’sdefences, theLatinscapitulatedin September1108.Bohemond wasforcedtoaccedetoa humiliatingpeaceaccord,the TreatyofDevol.Bytheterms ofthisagreement,hewasto holdAntiochforthe remainderofhislifeasthe emperor’ssubject,butthe Greekpatriarchwastobe restoredtopowerinthecity andtheprincipalityitselfto beallbutemasculatedbythe cessionofCiliciaandLatakia toByzantium. Asitwas,thisagreement wasnotimplementedand thushadlittlebearingupon futureevents,because Bohemondneverreturnedto theLevant.Aftersailingback tosouthernItalyinthe autumnof1108,heappears onlyfleetinglyinhistorical records,hisreputation broken,hisgranddreamsand ambitionsshattered. Constanceborehimason, alsonamedBohemond, around1109,butby1111the oncegreatcommanderofthe FirstCrusadewasailing,and on7MarchhediedinApulia. AtAntioch,Tancred remainedinpower,perhaps stillnominallyasregent,but withhisauthorityuncontested amongtheFranks.Fromthe perspectiveofOutremer,one positivedidemergefrom Bohemond’slatercareer:his Balkancampaigndiverted Greekresourcesfromthe Levant,allowingTancredto assertlastingcontrolover LatakiaandCilicia.66 TORULEINTHEHOLY REALM Tancred’sdrivetoexpandthe principalityofAntiochandto augmentitswealthand internationalinfluence acceleratedafter1108,andhe showedaruthlesswillingness touseanyandallmeansin pursuitoftheseambitions, evenifthatmeantfighting fellowLatinswhileengaging Muslimallies.Forthenext fiveyearsheworked tirelessly,drawingupona seeminglyinexhaustiblepool ofmartialenergytoengagein near-constantcampaigning. Beleagueringhisneighbours andopponentsthrougha mixtureofterritorial conquest,politicalcoercion andeconomicexploitation, Tancredcamecloseto forginganAntiocheneempire intheLevant. ThecountiesofEdessaand Tripoli Between1104and1108 Antiochwastheeffective overlordofthecountyof Edessa.OnceTancred assumedcontrolofthe principalityinautumn1104, heinstalledhisbrother-in-law andfellowsouthernItalian NormanFirstCrusader RichardofSalernoasregent ofEdessa.Eventhough Richardprovedunpopular, Antiocheneinfluencewent uncheckedwhileCount BaldwinIIremainedin captivity. Antiochcertainlymadeno efforttoorchestratethe count’srelease.Inthe summerof1104,when Baldwin’scaptorsfirstsought toorganisethetermsofhis ransom,evenBohemond demurred.Ratherthanrepay theenergyBaldwinhad expendedtosecure Bohemond’sownfreedomin 1103,theprincepreferredto retaincontrolofEdessa’s considerableagrarianand commercialresources, estimatedtovalueinexcess of40,000goldbezantsper annum.Onceatthehelmof FrankishSyria,Tancred continuedtoenjoythese revenuesandtoignore Baldwin’splight. By1107thecount’s companion,Joscelinof Courtenay,lordofTell Bashir,hadbeenransomedby thepopulaceofthattown, andinthefollowingyear Joscelinsuccessfully negotiatedBaldwin’srelease fromMosul.Itwasthe TurkishwarlordChavli,the latestrulerofMosul,who finallyagreedterms;butwith aneyetothefragilityofhis ownpositionandtheongoing internecinestruggleswithin NearEasternIslam,Chavli demandednotonlyacash ransomandhostages,butalso apromiseofmilitaryalliance. WhenBaldwinsoughtto reclaimEdessainthesummer of1108,atensestandoff ensued.Havingenjoyed accesstothewealthand resourcesofthecountyfor fouryears,Tancredhadno intentionofsimplyhanding overaterritorywhichhehad savedfromconquest,andhe nowsoughttopressure Baldwinintotakinganoath ofsubservience;afterall,he argued,historicallyEdessa hadbeenthevassalofthe ByzantineduchyofAntioch. Thecountrefused,notleast becausehehadalreadysworn allegiancetoBaldwinof Boulognein1100.With neithersidewillingtogive ground,conflictseemed inevitable. InearlySeptemberboth menraisedarmies.Lessthan tenyearsafterJerusalem’s conquest,Baldwinand Tancred–fellowLatinsand veterancrusaders–werenow readyandwillingtocrush oneanotherinopenwar. Moreshockingstillwasthe factthatBaldwinmarched forthtothisstruggle alongsidehisnewally,Chavli ofMosul,andsome7,000 Muslimtroops.Whenbattle wasjoined,probablynear TellBashir,Tancred, althoughoutnumbered, managedtoholdthefield. Butwithsome2,000 Christiandeadonbothsides, PatriarchBernard,the ecclesiasticaloverlordofboth AntiochandEdessa,stepped intocalmfrayedtempersand adjudicate.Whenwitnesses publiclyattestedthatTancred hadactuallypromised Bohemondin1104thathe wouldrelinquishcontrolof EdessauponBaldwin’s release,theAntiocheneruler wasforcedgrudginglyto backdown.Thecityof Edessaitselfmayhavebeen repatriated,buttheembedded hatredandrivalryremained. Tancredstubbornlyrefusedto handoverterritoryinthe northernreachesofthe countyandwassoonpressing Baldwintomaketribute paymentsinreturnforpeace withAntioch.67 Withthisdisputestill simmering,Tancred’s acquisitivegazesettledupon thenascentcountyofTripoli. Intheimmediateaftermathof theFirstCrusadehisoldrival RaymondofToulousehad soughttocarveouthisown Levantinelordshipcentredon thenorthernreachesof modern-dayLebanon.The challengeconfronting Raymondwasconsiderable, forunlikethefoundersof otherLatinsettlementshehad nocrusaderconqueststo buildupon,andtheregion’s dominantcity,Tripoli, remainedinMuslimhands. Nonetheless,Raymond madesomeprogress, capturingtheportofTortosa in1102,withtheaidofa Genoesefleetandsurvivors fromthe1101crusade.Two yearslaterheconquereda secondporttothesouth, Jubail,resplendentwith Romanruins.Meanwhile,on ahilloutsideTripoli, Raymondconstructeda doughtyfortress,christened MountPilgrim,thereby securingeffectivecontrolof thesurroundingregion.Yet, despitehistenaciousefforts, whenthecountdiedinhis mid-sixtieson28February 1105,Tripoliitselfremained unconquered. Intheyearsthatfollowed, twomensoughttopress claimstoRaymond’slegacy. Hisnephew,WilliamJordan, thefirsttoarriveinOutremer, continuedtopressureTripoli whilealsoovercomingthe neighbouringtownofArqa. InMarch1109,however, Raymond’ssonBertrandof ToulousereachedtheHoly Land,determinedtoasserthis rightsasheir.Whenhe broughtasizeablefleetto reinforcethesiegeofTripoli, thetwoclaimantssquabbled overrightstothecity,even thoughithadyettobe captured,andWilliamJordan quitMountPilgrimforthe north.Theemergentcounty ofTripolilookedasifit mightfounderamidbitter dynasticsquabbling. Intheend,however,the contestforcontrolofTripoli involvedfarmorethanthe simpleissueofinheritance;it becamethecentrepieceofa widerstrugglefordominion overthecrusaderstates. Realisingthathewouldneed anallyifhewastohaveany hopeofclaimingTripoli, WilliamJordanturnedto Tancred,offeringtobecome hisvassal.Notsurprisingly, Tancredseizedthissudden opportunitytoexpand Antiocheneinfluence southwards;shouldTripoli fallunderhisswayandhis designsuponEdessacometo fruition,thentheprincipality mightrightlyclaimtobe Outremer’sleadingpower. Modernhistoricalanalysis haspersistently underestimatedthe significanceofthisepisode, theassumptionbeingthatthe kingdomofJerusalemwas automaticallyand immediatelyrecognisedas theoverlordoftheFrankish Eastatthestartofthetwelfth century.True,theHolyCity hadbeenthefocusofthe FirstCrusade,andBaldwinof BoulognewastheonlyLatin rulerintheLevanttoassume thetitleofking,buthisrealm encompassedPalestine,not theentireNearEast.Eachof thefourcrusaderstateswas foundedasanindependent polityandJerusalem’spreeminentstatusamongthem hadneverbeenformally ratified.Acurrentofrivalry hadcolouredrelations betweenBaldwinand Tancredeversincethey contestedcontrolofCiliciain 1097;now,in1109, Tancred’sbrashassertiveness offeredachallengeto Baldwin’sauthoritythat woulddeterminethebalance ofpowerintheLatinLevant. Overthenexttwelve months,Jerusalem’smonarch resolvedthispoliticalcrisis withstunningfinesse, roundlyoutplayinghisold opponent.Tohiscredit, Baldwinmadenoattemptto counterAntiocheneambition withdirectforceofarms, preferringinsteadtopromote andharnessthenotionof Frankishsolidarityintheface ofMuslimadversaries. Employingdiplomaticguile, heaffirmedJerusalemite supremacyevenashe advancedOutremer’s defensivesecurity. Inthesummerof1109 Baldwincalledtherulersof theLatinEasttoassist BertrandofToulouseatthe siegeofTripoli.Ontheface ofit,thiswastobeagrand Frankishalliance,dedicated tothesubjugationofan intransigentMuslimoutpost. Thekinghimselfmarched northwithsome500knights; Tancred,togetherwith700 knights,arrivedinthe companyofhisnewally, WilliamJordan;andBaldwin IIofEdessaandJoscelin likewisebroughtasizeable force.AlongsideBertrand’s Provençalnavyanda Genoesefleet,this representedaformidable assembly.Andyet, entrenchedanimosityand fractioussuspicionrippled beneaththesurfaceofthis coalition. Ofcourse,thesubtextto thewholeaffair–asallthe keyplayersmustwellhave known–wastheissueof poweramongtheFranks. WouldBaldwinIallow Antioch’sburgeoning influencetogounchecked, andifnot,whatmannerof ripostewouldtheking employ?Withthegathering complete,thekingenacted hiscannyscheme.Having alreadytakenBertrandof Toulouseunderhiswing, extractinganoathoffealtyin exchangeforJerusalem’s support,henowconveneda generalcounciltoresolvethe disputeoverTripoli’sfuture. BaldwinI’smasterstrokewas tocomporthimselfnotasa wrathful,overbearing overlord,norasTancred’s connivingrival,butratheras animpartialarbiterofjustice. InthewordsofoneLatin contemporary,theking listenedto‘alltheinjuriesof bothsides’alongwithajury of‘hisloyalmen’andthen enactedreconciliation. RaymondofToulouse’sheirs were‘madefriends’,with Bertrandgivenrightstothe bulkofthecounty,including Tripoli,MountPilgrimand Jubail,andWilliamplacated withTortosaandArqa.What ismore,BaldwinIIand Tancredweresaidtohave been‘reconciled’onthe understandingthatAntioch wouldrelinquishcontrolof allremainingEdessene territory.Bywayof compensation,Tancredwas reinstatedasthelordofHaifa andGalilee. Thekingappearedtohave achievedanequitable settlement,restoringharmony toOutremer.Thecoalition forceswerecertainlyableto prosecuteTripoli’s investmentwithrenewed vigour,bludgeoningthecity’s Muslimgarrisoninto submissionby12July1109. Inreality,however,Tancred hadbeenstymiedand humbled.Hemadenoeffort toclaimhislordshipinthe kingdomofJerusalem,not leastbecausethisinvolvedan oathofsubservienceto BaldwinI.Theking, meanwhile,despite maintainingafaçadeof impartiality,hadservedhis owninterests,protectinghis relationshipwithEdessaand positioninghisownfavourite asthenewrulerofa Tripolitancounty.Hecannot havebeenoverlydejected when,soonafterTripoli’s capitulation,WilliamJordan was‘piercedthroughthe heartinasecretattackand died’,leavingBertrandina positionofuncontested authority. InMay1110BaldwinI seizedanopportunityto consolidatefurtherhisstatus asoverlordoftheLatin Levant.Thatspring, Muhammad,theSeljuqsultan ofBaghdad,finallyreactedto theFrankishsubjugationof theNearEast.Hedispatched aMesopotamianarmyto begintheworkofreclaiming Syriaunderthecommandof Maudud,acapableTurkish generalwhorecentlyhad cometopowerinMosul.The firsttargetwasthecountyof Edessa.Inthefaceofthis threat,theLatinsunited,and theswiftarrivalofalarge coalitionarmyfrom Jerusalem,Tripoliand AntiochforcedMaududto breakoffhisshort-livedsiege ofEdessa.KingBaldwinI usedtheopportunity presentedbythisgatheringof therulingFrankisheliteto callasecondcouncilof arbitration,thistimewiththe solefocusofaddressingthe ongoingdisputebetween TancredandBaldwinof Bourcq.Accordingtoone Christiancontemporary, resolutionwastobeachieved, ‘eitherbyafairtrialorby agreementofacouncilof magnates’.Knowingthathe wasunlikelytoreceive anythingapproaching‘fair’ treatment,Tancredhadtobe persuadedtoattendbyhis closestadvisersand,oncethe councilbegan,hisfearswere soonconfirmed.WithKing Baldwinpresidingin judgement,Tancredwas accusedofincitingMaudud ofMosultoattackEdessaand ofallyingwithMuslims. Thesechargeswerealmost certainlymanufacturedand, notably,nomentionwas madeofeitherBaldwinof Bourcq’sownalliancewith Mosulin1108orBaldwinI’s dealingswithDamascus. Facingtheunitedopprobrium ofthecouncilandthreatened withostracismfromthe Frankishcommunity,Tancred wasonceagainforcedtoback down.Fromthispointon,he seemstohavestopped demandingtributefrom Edessa. Antioch’ssubmissionhad notbeenformalisedand,in theyearstocome,the principalitywouldmake renewedattemptstoassertits independence.Throughout theearlydecadesofthe twelfthcenturythissecular powerstrugglewasalso mirroredbyaprotractedand embitteredsquabbleover ecclesiasticaljurisdiction betweentheLatinpatriarchs ofAntiochandJerusalem. Nonetheless,in1110King Baldwinhad,forthetime beingatleast,affirmedhis ownpersonalauthorityand establishedJerusalem’s positionasthepre-eminent secularpowerinOutremer.68 Tancred’slegacy Inspiteofthepolitical setbacksof1109and1110, theclosingyearsofTancred’s lifeprovedtobeatriumph. Withunabatedvigourhe pushedtheprincipality’s frontierstothelimitand subduedhisMuslim neighbours,fightingfor monthsonendalmost withoutpause.Inthisperiod, Tancredconfronteda significantstrategicquandary thathasbeenlargelyignored bymodernhistorians.For Tancred,asforallmedieval militarycommanders, topographywasakey consideration.By1110the principalityhadexpandedits borderstotwonatural boundaries.Totheeast,on thefrontierbetweenAntioch andAleppo,Frankishpower nowextendedtothefootof theBelusHills,acraggy spineofarid,low-altitude fells.Tothesouth,towards MuslimShaizar,the principalitystretchedtothe edgeoftheSummaqplateau andtotheOrontesRiver valley.Asitstood,the physicalbarriersrunning alongthesetwoborderzones offeredbothLatinAntioch anditsMuslimneighboursa relativelyequalbalanceof powerandsecurity.69 Tancredcouldhavesettled forthissituation,allowingthe statusquotobemaintained, engenderingthepossibilityof long-termcoexistence. Instead,hechosetherisks andpotentialrewardsof continuedexpansion.In October1110hecrossedthe BelusHills,prosecutinga taxingwinterexpeditionthat ledtothecaptureofastring ofsettlementsintheJazr region(eastoftheBelus Hills),includingal-Atharib andZardana.Thisleftbarely twentymilesofopen, undefendedplainsbetween theprincipalityandAleppo. Then,inthespringof1111, hemovedtoapplyasimilar degreeofpressuretothe south,initiatingconstruction ofanewfortressonahill closetoShaizar.Tobegin with,atleast,Ridwanof AleppoandtheMuslimrulers ofShaizar,theMunqidhclan, respondedtothisaggression withconciliatorysubmission, offeringtributepayments totalling30,000golddinarsin returnforpeace. Therewasawellestablishedprecedentforthis formoffinancialexploitation. Ineleventh-centuryIberia, theChristianpowersofthe northhadgraduallycometo dominatethefractured Muslimcity-statesofthe south,establishingcomplex networksofannualtribute payments.Thissystem famouslyculminatedinthe peacefuloccupationofthe peninsula’slong-lostcapital, Toledo(centralSpain),in 1085. Tancredmaywellhave harbouredsimilarplansto reduceAleppoandShaizarto thepointofcollapse,buthis policieshadadangerous edge.Applytoomuch pressure,demandoverly exorbitantprotection payments,andthequarry mightbedriventorisk retaliation.Inthecaseof Aleppo,themixtureof intimidationandexploitation provedeffectiveand culminatedinasustained periodofsubmission.Butin 1111,Tancredpressed Shaizartoofarandthe Munqidhclanreadilyallied withMaududofMosulwhen heledasecondAbbasidarmy intoSyriathatSeptember. Threatenedwithaninvasion oftheSummaqregion, Tancredmusteredevery possibleounceofAntiochene manpower.Healsocalledfor aidfromhisfellowLatins and,despitethetensions whichhadrecentlydivided theirranks,thearmiesof Jerusalem,EdessaandTripoli assembledoncemore.This compositeforcetookupa defensivepositionat Apamea,andbypatiently holdingitsground,blunted Maudud’sattemptsto provokeadecisivebattleand eventuallyforcedhisretreat. Tancredonceagainhad repulsedathreattothe principality’ssurvival,but anyhopesofsecuringthe conquestofeitherAleppoor Shaizarcametonothing when,afteryearsoftireless campaigning,hishealthfailed himattheageofthirty-six. Theearlytwelfth-century ArmenianChristianhistorian MatthewofEdessalavished elegiacpraiseuponTancred whenrecordinghisdeathin December1112,writingthat ‘hewasasaintlyandpious manandhadakindand compassionatenature, manifestingconcernforall theChristianfaithful; moreoverheexhibiteda tremendousamountof humilityinhisdealingswith people’.Thispanegyric concealsTancred’sdarker traits:hisunquenchable hungerforadvancement;his giftforpoliticalintrigue;and hiswillingnesstobetrayor battleallaroundhimin pursuitofpower.Itwasthese qualities,alliedtohis boundlessdynamism,that lentTancredhisremarkable potencyandenabledhimto forgeanenduringFrankish realminnorthernSyria.If justicebedone,history shouldregardTancred,not hisinfamousuncle Bohemond,asthefounderof theprincipalityofAntioch.70 OVERLORDOF OUTREMER(1113–18) Tancred’sdeathcameata timeofmoregeneralchange intheshapeandbalanceof powerintheNearEast, broughtonbyamixtureof dynasticsuccessionand politicalintrigue.AtAntioch itself,powerpassedto Tancred’snephew,Rogerof Salerno,sonoftheFirst CrusaderRichardofSalerno. Rogerwassoonwoveninto thefabricofFrankishsociety asaseriesofhigh-level marriagealliancesbound togethertherulingeliteof Outremer.Thiscomplexweb offamilialconnections usheredinanewphaseof heightenedinterdependence amongthecrusaderstates. Rogerhimselfmarriedthe sisterofBaldwinofBourcq, countofEdessa,while JoscelinofCourtenay,lordof TellBashir,waswedto Roger’ssister.Bertrandof Toulouse’sdeathearlyin 1112ledtotheaccessionof hisyouthfulson,Pons,as countofTripoli.Hesoon distancedhimselffromthe traditionalToulouseanpolicy ofsubserviencetoByzantium andantipathytoAntiochand, atsomepointbetween1113 and1115,marriedTancred’s widow,CeciliaofFrance. Ponsremainedadependantof Jerusalem,butCecilia’s dowrybroughthima significantAntiochene lordshipintheRujvalley, oneofonlytwosouthern approachroutestoAntioch itself.Thewidersignificance oftheseshiftsinpersonnel andallegiancewastwofold: ontheonehand,they promisedtoengenderanew eraofFrankishcooperationin thefaceofexternalthreats; ontheother,theyreopened oldquestionsaboutthe balanceofpowerinOutremer and,mostnotably,the relationshipbetweenAntioch andEdessa. Strengthinunity ThebondsofLatinunity weresoontestedbythe ongoingthreatofIraqi invasion.InMay1113 MaududofMosul,now Baghdad’sforemostmilitary commander,ledathird AbbasidarmyintotheNear East,andonthisoccasionhe turnedawayfromSyriato invadePalestine.The frequencyandferocityof Frankishraidingupon Damascenelandstothenorth andeastofGalileeappearto haveconvincedTughtegin thathemustnowturnhis backonanyformofenduring rapprochementwith Jerusalem.Inthelastweekof Mayheledasizeablearmyto joinMaudud,andtogether theymarchedintoGalilee. Whennewsofthisthreat reachedBaldwinIatAcre,he dispatchedanurgentcallfor reinforcementtohisnew neighbours,RogerandPons. Thekingnowhadadifficult decisiontomake.Shouldhe waitforthefullstrengthof theFrankishallianceto assemble,leavingMaudud andTughteginfreetoravage thenorth-easternreachesof therealm,orriskan immediatemovetocounter theirincursionwithonly limitedmilitaryresources?In mid-tolateJunehesettled uponthesecondcourseof action.Baldwin’sprecipitous behaviourwaswidely criticisedbycontemporaries– indeed,evenhischaplain notedthatthekingwas denouncedbyhisalliesfor ‘rush[ing]againsttheenemy inarashanddisorderly mannerwithoutwaitingfor theiradviceandaid’–and Baldwinhasbeensimilarly condemnedinmodern historiography.Intheking’s defence,hedoesnotseemto haveactedwiththesame damagingimpetuosityshown in1102.Detailsofeventsin thesummerof1113are sketchy,butitwouldappear thatBaldwinadvancedfrom Acretoestablishanadvanced basefromwhichtopatrol Galileeandnotwiththe expressintentionof confrontingtheenemyin pitchedbattle. Unfortunatelyfortheking, on28Junehisarmywas batteredbyasurpriseattack. Normallysoassiduousinhis useofscoutsandthe garneringofintelligence, Baldwinappearstohave campedneartheal-Sennabra bridge,acrossingoverthe RiverJordanjustsouthofthe SeaofGalilee,without realisingthathisfoeswere stationednearby,acrossthe easternshore.WhenMuslim foragersdiscoveredhis position,Maududand Tughteginlauncheda lightningassault.Pouring acrossthebridge,they quicklyoverrantheshocked Franks,killing1,000to2,000 men,includingsomethirty knights.Baldwinhimselffled indisgrace,losinghisroyal bannerandhistent,key symbolsofhisregal authority. Chastened,Baldwin retreatedtotheslopesof MountTabor,aboveTiberias, wherehewassoonjoinedby thearmiesofAntiochand Tripoli.Henowadoptedafar morecautiousstrategy, holdinghisforcesinthis defensibleposition,policing theregionbutavoidingdirect confrontation.Fornearlyfour weeksthetwosidesremained inthearea,testingone another’sresolve,butinthe faceofsuchalargeLatin forceMaududandTughtegin couldnotaffordtomarch southenmassetoJerusalem andwereonlyabletolaunch aseriesofwide-rangingraids. InAugust,theMuslimallies crossedbackovertheJordan, leaving,inthewordsofone Damascenechronicler,‘the enemyhumbled,broken, defeatedanddispirited’.As evidenceoftheirtriumph theysentagiftofplunder, Frankishprisonersandthe headsoftheChristiandeadto thesultaninBaghdad. Baldwinhadsurvived,albeit withconsiderabledamageto hisreputation.71 Maududfatefullyelectedto spendearlyautumnin Damascus.Havingattended Fridayprayerswith TughteginattheGrand Mosqueon2October1113, theMosulicommanderwas walkingthroughacourtyard whenhewasambushedand mortallywoundedbyalone attacker.Theassailantwas summarilydecapitatedand hiscorpselaterburned,but neitherhisidentitynorhis motivewaseverprecisely ascertained.Thesuspicion wasthathehadbeenan adherentofasecretiveNizari sect.Thissplinterfactionof theIsma‘ilibranchofShi‘a Islam,originallyfromnorth- easternPersia,hadbegunto playanotableroleinNear Easternpoliticsatthestartof thetwelfthcentury.With limitedresources,theygained powerandinfluenceby murderingtheirenemiesand, becauseitwasrumouredthat theiradherentswereaddicted tohashish,anewword emergedtodescribethem– Assassins.DuringRidwan ibnTutush’slifetheygained asignificantfootholdin Aleppo,butafterhisdeathin 1113theyweredrivenoutof thecity.TheAssassinsthen foundanewallyin Tughtegin,andforthisreason theatabegwassuspectedof havingbeencomplicitin Maudud’sassassination.The trueextentofTughtegin’s involvementisunclear,but therumouralonewasenough toisolatehimfromBaghdad andtopromoteanew rapprochementbetween DamascusandJerusalem.72 FortheFranks,thecrisisof 1113provedbeyonddoubt thenecessityforunified resistancetoMuslim aggression;italsoreaffirmed thewisdomofacautious defensivestrategy.Taken together,theeventsof1111 and1113establisheda patternofLatinmilitary practicethatwastopersistfor muchofthetwelfthcentury: inthefaceofastrong invadingforce,theFranks wouldunite;musteringata defensiblelocation,they wouldseektopolicethe threatenedregionandto disrupttheenemy’sfreedom ofmovement,allwhile staunchlyavoidingthe unpredictabilityofopen battle. Itwaspreciselythis approachthatRoger,prince ofAntioch,adoptedinitially in1115whenfacingthefirst realthreatofhisreign.The onlydifferencewasthat,on thisoccasion,heenjoyedthe supportnotonlyofhisLatin compatriots,butalsoofthe MuslimpotentatesofSyria. WithAlepponowinastateof somedisarray,thesultanof Baghdadsawanopportunity totakecontrolofthecityand therebyreasserthisauthority overtheNearEast.Tothis end,hesponsoredanew expeditionacrossthe Euphrates,thistimeledbya Persiancommander,Bursuq ofHamadan. Theprospectofsuchdirect interventionpromptedan unprecedentedreactionfrom thefeudingMuslimrulersof Syria.Tughteginalliedwith hisson-in-law,Il-ghaziof Mardin,theleadingmember ofaTurcomandynasty knownastheArtuqids,who heldswayovertheDiyar BakrregionoftheUpper TigrisRiver.Together, TughteginandIl-ghazitook temporarycontrolofAleppo anddispatchedanembassyto Antiochtorequestpeace talks.Atfirst,Rogergreeted thisapproachwithsome suspicion,buthewassoon wonover,perhapsbythe entreatiesofoneofhis leadingvassals,RobertfitzFulktheLeper,whohelda majorlordshiponthe principality’seasternfrontier andhaddevelopedaclose friendshipwithTughtegin.A treatyofmilitarycooperation wasdulysealedearlythat summerandpreparationsfor Bursuq’sinvasionbegan. UponreachingSyriaand discoveringthatAleppowas nowclosedtohim,Bursuq followedtheexampleof MaududofMosulin1111 andsoughtsupportfrom Shaizarforanattackon Antioch’ssouthernfrontier. Roger,meanwhile,responded inkindbymarching2,000 troopstoaholdingpositionat Apamea,probablyinthe companyofBaldwinIIof Edessa.Therethe extraordinarypan-Levantine allianceassembled. Tughtegin,truetohisword, joinedRogerwithsome 10,000men,whileBaldwinI andPonsofTripoliarrived laterinAugust.Thesearrayed forces,sooftenthemselves combatants,heldtheirground throughoutthesummer, successfullyintermingling LatinandMuslimtroops withoutapparentdifficulty. Facingsuchasizeableand entrenchedopposingforce, Bursuqdidhisbestto provokeopenbattle,sending skirmisherstoharassthe alliedcampandleadingraids intotheSummaqplateau.Itis testamenttothedifficultyof maintainingdisciplineinthe faceofsuchprovocationthat Rogerthreatenedtoblind anyonebreakingranks.The Latins,alongsidetheir Damascenefellows,dulyheld totheirposition.Thwarted, BursuqretreatedfromShaizar and,withthedangertoSyria nowapparentlypassed,the grandcoalitionbrokeup. RogerreturnedtoAntioch, butinthefirstdaysof SeptemberBursuq’s withdrawalwasrevealedasa ruse.Havingfallenback towardsHamatoawaitthe dissolutionofthedefending army,henowcircledaround, cuttingaswathethroughthe northernreachesofthe Summaq.Withthe principalityinrealdangerof beingoverrun,Rogerfound himselfinanunsettling predicament,isolatedfrom hisallies.OnlyBaldwinof Edessaremained,havingheld troopsintheprincipality throughoutthesummeras somethingakintoaclient rulerofAntioch.Should Rogerdutifullyawaitthe reassemblyoftheLatin– Muslimcoalition,leaving BursuqtoroamtheSyrian countrysidewithimpunity,or riskswift,independent action?Inessence,his dilemmareplicatedthatfaced byBaldwinItwoyears earlierand,inspiteofthe evidentlessonsofthat encounter,on12September 1115theprinceofAntioch gatheredhisarmyatRugia andmarchedtointerceptthe enemy.Thiswasarather foolhardyactofbravado. Leadingsome500to700 knightsandperhaps2,000to 3,000infantry,hestoodtobe outnumberedbyatleasttwo toone.TheLatinsseemto haveputtheirfaithinan AntiochenerelicoftheTrue Crosscarriedintheirmidst bythebishopofJabalaandto haveundertakenaseriesof purifyingspiritualrites,but evensoRogermusthave recognisedthathewas gamblingthefutureof FrankishSyria. Onthisoccasionitwasthe Christianswhoenjoyedthe benefitoffortuneandthe sharperedgeofmilitary intelligence.Movingthrough theRujvalley,Rogercamped atHab,allthewhile searchingforsignsof Bursuq’sarmy.Onthe morningof14September scoutsbroughtnews:the enemywascampednearbyin thevalleyofSarmin,unaware oftheirapproach.Roger launchedasurpriseattack, panickingtheMuslimsintoa chaoticretreatontothe flanksofanearbyhillknown asTellDanith,wherethey weresoonoverrun.With Bursuqinfullflight,Roger savouredafamousvictory. Soplentifulwastheloot plunderedfromthecaptured Muslimcampthatthe triumphantprinceneeded threedaystodistributeit amonghismen.Rogerhad brokentherulesof engagementandwon;butin doingsohehadseta worryingprecedentforhotheadedimpetuosity.73 BaldwinofBoulogne’slast years KingBaldwinIreaffirmed hisownpropensityfor audacious,evenvisionary, exploitslaterthatsame autumn.East,beyondthe banksoftheRiverJordanand betweentheDeadSeaandthe RedSea,layanarid, inhospitableandlargely unpopulatedregion.Todayit roughlyconformstothe modernbordersofJordan;in thetwelfthcenturyitbecame knownasTransjordan. Desolateasitmighthave been,itactedasanessential channelfortradeand communicationbetween SyriaandthecitiesofEgypt andArabia.Baldwinhad alreadyventuredintothearea in1107andagainin1113on limited,exploratory campaigns.Now,towardsthe endof1115,hemadeabold attempttoinitiateFrankish colonisationoftheareaasa firststeptowardscontrolling trans-Levantinetraffic. Marchingwithjust200 knightsand400infantrytoa tell-likeoutcropknown locallyasShobak,he constructedamakeshiftcastle christenedMontreal,orthe RoyalMountain.Hethen returnedtotheregionthe followingyeartoestablish thesmalloutpostontheRed SeacoastatAqaba.Bythese stepsBaldwinbegana processofterritorial expansionthatwouldbenefit thekingdominyearsto come. Afterasevereboutof infirmityinwinter1116–17, Baldwinspentmonths convalescing,butbythestart of1118hewasreadyto contemplatenewmilitary endeavours.ThatMarchhe mountedanambitiousraiding campaignintoEgypt, reachingtheeasternbranches oftheNile.Inthemidstof success,hesuddenlyfell desperatelyill;theoldwound receivedin1103,fromwhich hehadneverfullyrecovered, hadnowreopened.Deepin enemyterritory,thegreat kingfoundhimselfinsuch terriblepainthathewas unabletorideahorse,andso, borneuponanimprovised litter,hebeganatortured journeybacktowards Palestine.Afewdayslater, on2April1118,hereached thetinyfrontiersettlementof al-Arish,butcouldgono furtherandthere,having confessedhissins,hedied. Thekinghadbeen determinedthathisbodynot beleftinEgyptandso,after hisdeath,hiscareful,ifrather gruesome,instructionstohis cookAddowereprecisely followedinordertoprevent hiscorpserottingintheheat. Justashehadresolutelyasked,his bellywascut[open],hisinternalorgans weretakenoutandburied,hisbodywas saltedinsideandout,intheeyes, mouth,nostrilsandears[and]also embalmedwithspicesandbalsam,then itwassewnintoahideandwrappedin carpets,placedonhorsebackandfirmly tiedon. Thefuneralpartybearinghis remainsreachedJerusalem thatPalmSundayand,in accordancewithhislast wishes,KingBaldwinIwas buriedintheChurchofthe HolySepulchre,besidehis brotherGodfreyof Bouillon.74 AlthoughtheFirstCrusaders prosecutedtheinitialinvasion oftheLevant,therealtaskof conqueringtheNearEastand creatingthecrusaderstates wascarriedoutbythefirst generationofsettlersin Outremer.Ofthese,the greatestindividual contributionswere undoubtedlymadebyKing BaldwinIandhisrival TancredofAntioch.Together thesetworulerssteeredthe LatinEastthroughaperiodof extremefragility,during whichthemythofFrankish invincibilityinbattlecracked andthefirstintermittentsigns ofaMuslimcounteroffensivesurfaced.Between 1100and1118,perhapseven morethanduringtheFirst Crusade,therealsignificance ofIslamicdisunitybecame clear,forintheseyearsof foundationthewestern EuropeansettlementofSyria andPalestinequiteprobably couldhavebeenhaltedby committedandconcerted Muslimattack. TheCrusaderStatesintheEarly TwelfthCentury Baldwin’sandTancred’s successeswerebuiltupona flexibilityofapproachthat mixedruthlessnesswith pragmatism.Thustheworkof consolidationandsubjugation wascarriedoutnotsimply throughdirectmilitary conquest,butalsovia diplomacy,financial exploitationandthe incorporationofthe indigenousnon-Latin populationwithinthefabric oftheFrankishstates.Latin survivallikewisewas dependentuponthe willingnessofBaldwin, Tancredandtheir contemporariestotemper internecinecompetitionand confrontationwith cooperationinthefaceof externalthreats.Therewere someechoesof‘crusading’ ideologyinthestruggleto defendtheHolyLand,not leastintheuseofritual purificationbeforebattleand theriseofthecultoftheTrue Cross.Butatthesametime, earlyLatinsettlers demonstratedaclear willingnesstointegrateinto theworldoftheNearEast, pursuingtradingpacts, limited-termtrucesandeven cooperativemilitaryalliances withtheirMuslim neighbours.Ofcourse,this varietyofapproachsimply mirroredandextendedthe realityofholywarwitnessed duringtheFirstCrusade.The Frankscontinuedtobe capableofpersonifying Muslims,andevenGreeks,as avowedenemies,whileata broaderlevelstillinteracting withtheindigenouspeoples oftheLevantaccordingtothe normalisedcustomsof Frankishsociety. OUTREMER Justbeforefirstlighton28 June1119PrinceRogerof Antiochgatheredhisarmyin readinessforbattle.Hismen huddledtogethertolistentoa sermon,partakeofmassand veneratetheAntiochenerelic oftheTrueCross–girding theirsoulsforthefightahead. Inthedaysleadinguptothis moment,Rogerhadreacted withdecisiveresolutionto newsofanimpending Musliminvasion.Afteryears ofpassivelyenduring Antiocheneexpansionismand repeateddemandsfor exorbitanttribute,Aleppohad suddenlymovedontothe offensive.Musteringaforce– perhapsinexcessof10,000 men–thecity’snewemir, theArtuqidTurkIl-ghazi, marchedontheborderzone withFrankishAntioch. Facingthisthreat,Roger couldhavewaitedfor reinforcementsfromhisLatin neighbours,including BaldwinofBourcq(whohad assumedtheJerusalemite crownin1118).Instead,the princeassembledaround700 knights,3,000infantryanda corpsofTurcopoles (Christianisedmercenariesof Turkishbirth)andcrossedto theeasternflanksoftheBelus Hills.Rogercampedina valleynearthesmall settlementofSarmada– whichhebelievedwaswell defendedbyenclosingrocky hills–andthatmorningwas abouttoinitiateaswift advance,hopingtocatchhis enemyunawaresandreplay hissuccessof1115. Unbeknownsttotheprince, however,onthepreceding eveningscoutshadrevealed theChristians’positiontoIlghazi.Drawinguponlocal knowledgeofthesurrounding terrain,theArtuqid commanderdispatchedtroops toapproachRoger’scamp fromthreedifferentdirections and,asoneArabicchronicler attested,‘asdawnbroke[the Franks]sawtheMuslim standardsadvancingto surroundthemcompletely’.75 THEFIELDOF BLOOD Withbuglessoundingan urgentcalltoarmsthrough theranks,Rogerrushedto organisehisforcesfor combat,aclericbearingthe TrueCrossbesidehim.AsIlghazi’smenclosedin,there wasjusttimetoassemblethe Latinhostbeyondthe confinesofthecamp.Inthe vainhopeofregainingthe initiative,Rogerorderedthe Frankishknightsonhisright flanktodeliveracrushing heavychargeand,atfirst, theyappearedtohave stemmedtheAleppan advance.Butasbattlewas joinedalongtheline,a contingentofTurcopoles stationedontheleftwing buckled,andtheirrout splinteredtheLatin formation.Outnumberedand encircled,theAntiochenes weregraduallyoverrun. Caughtattheheartofthe maelstrom,PrinceRogerwas lefthorriblyexposed,but ‘thoughhismenlaycutdown anddeadonallsides...he neverretreated,norlooked back’.OneLatineyewitness describedhow,‘fighting energetically...[theprince] wasstruckbya[Muslim] swordthroughthemiddleof hisnoserightintohisbrain, andsettlinghisdebttodeath [beneath]theHolyCrosshe gaveuphisbodytotheearth andhissoultoheaven’.The unfortunatepriestcarrying theTrueCrosswaslikewise cutdown,althoughitwas latersaidthattherelic exacteditsownmiraculous revengeforthiskilling, causingalltheMuslims nearbytosuddenlybecome ‘possessedbygreed’forits ‘goldandpreciousstones’ andthustobeginbutchering oneanother. Asresistancecollapsed,a fewFranksescaped westwardsintotheBelus Hills,butmostwere slaughtered.AMuslimliving inDamascusdescribeditas ‘oneof[Islam’s]finest victories’,notingthat,strewn acrossthebattleground,the enemy’sslainhorses resembledhedgehogs ‘becauseofthequantityof arrowsstickingintothem’.So terriblewasthisdefeat,so greatthenumberofChristian dead,thattheAntiochenes thereafterdubbedthesite ‘AgerSanguinis’,theFieldof Blood. TheLatinprincipality, strippedofitsrulerandarmy, stoodopentofurtherassault. Il-ghazi,nonetheless,made norealattempttoconquer Antiochitself.Traditionally, hehasbeencriticisedbroadly fornotseizinganideal opportunitytocapturethe Frankishcapital.Yet,intruth, Antiochwasweakened,but farfromhelpless.Its extraordinarilyformidable fortificationsmeantthat,even withlimitedmanpowerto hand,thecitycouldresist conquestbyanexternal enemy.Il-ghazipossessed neitherthetimetoprosecutea grindingsiege,northemento garrisonthecityshoulditfall. AwarethatFrankish reinforcementsfromthesouth wouldlikelyarrivewithin weeks,andwithAleppan strategicinterestsforemostin hismind,Il-ghazichose insteadtofocusupontheJazr borderzoneeastoftheBelus range,retakingal-Athariband Zardana.ByearlyAugusthe hadreoccupiedthisbuffer zone,safeguardingAleppo’s survivalasaMuslimpower. Inthemeantime,Latin armiesfromJerusalemand TripolireachedAntioch,and KingBaldwinIIpreparedfor acounter-strike.Rallyingthe remnantsoftheprincipality’s fightingmanpower,he confrontedIl-ghazion14 August1119inan inconclusivebattlenear Zardana.TheMuslimarmy, recentlybolsteredby Damascenetroops,was drivenfromthefield,and, withmomentumfaltering,Ilghazidrewhiscampaigntoa close.Christianlosseswere highandamongthose capturedwasRobertfitz-Fulk theLeper,lordofZardana. BroughttoDamascus,he mighthavehopedfor clemencyfromhisfriendand formerallyTughtegin,but whenRobertrefusedto renouncehisreligion,the atabegflewintoarageand beheadedhim‘byastrokeof hissword’.Rumourhadit thatTughteginhadRobert’s skullfashionedintoagaudy, gold-plated,jewel-encrusted goblet.76 KingBaldwinII’sarrival innorthernSyriasecuredthe Frankishprincipality’s immediatesurvival,but Outremerasawholenowhad toconfronttheFieldof Blood’sterribleaftermath. Theterritoriallosseswere grave–beyondIl-ghazi’s conquests,MuslimShaizar exploitedChristianweakness tooverrunalloftheSummaq plateau,barringtheoutpostat Apamea–butAntiochhad recoveredfromaneven bleakerpositionafterthe defeatatHarranin1104.The truesignificanceof1119lay intheprince’sdeath.Never beforehadanincumbent Latinrulerfalleninbattle and,worsestill,Rogerdied childless,leavingAntioch pronetoacrippling successioncrisis.Withfew optionsavailable,Baldwin steppedintothebreach.The claimofBohemondof Taranto’snine-year-oldson andnamesake,BohemondII, thenlivinginItaly,was resurrected,withtheking agreeingtoactasregentuntil theyoungprince-designate reachedhismajorityatthe ageoffifteen. Inawidersense,theField ofBloodwasadeeply unsettlingshockforLatin Christendom.Thiswasnot thefirstFrankishreversal.In theafterglowofthe ‘miraculous’FirstCrusade, earliersetbackshadalready casttheirshadow:the collapseofthe1101Crusade; BaldwinI’sdefeatinthe secondBattleofRamla;the maulingatHarran.Butinthe wakeof1119–the‘sorrow ofsorrows’,which‘took awayjoyandwentbeyond theboundsandmeasureofall misery’–atroublingquestion thatcuttotheheartofthe beliefsystemthat underpinnedcrusadingand thesettlementofOutremer wasunavoidable.Ifholywar trulywastheworkofGod, sanctionedandempowered byHisdivinewill,thenhow coulddefeatbeexplained? Theanswerwassin–success forIslaminthewarfor dominionoftheLevantwasa punishment,mandatedin Heaven,forChristian transgression.Thesinner,or scapegoat,attheFieldof Bloodwasdeemedtobe PrinceRoger,nowbrandedas anadultererandausurper.In thefuture,thenotionofsinas acauseofdefeatwouldgain everwidercurrency,and otherindividualsandgroups wouldbetargetedtoexplain thevagariesofwar.77 COUNTERING MISFORTUNE Inonesense,thealarm causedbytheFieldofBlood provedtobeunfounded.The threatposedbyAlepposoon abatedandIl-ghazidiedin 1122withoutscoringanother tellingvictoryagainstthe Franks.Overthenexttwo decadesNearEasternIslam remaineddisunited,miredin internalpowerstruggles– andthuslittleconcerted thoughtwasgiventowaging jihadagainstOutremer. Indeed,theLatinsmadea numberofsignificant conquestsinthisperiod. BaldwinIIrecouped Antioch’slossesinthe Summaqandeastofthe BelusHills.Afootholdin anotherstrategicallysensitive borderzone–thistime betweenJerusalemand Damascus–wassecured whentheFranksoccupiedthe fortifiedtownofBanyas, situatedtotheeastofthe RiverJordan’sheadwaters, standingguardovertheTerre deSueth.In1142the Jerusalemitecrownalso supportedtheconstructionof amajornewcastlein Transjordan.Thisfortress, Kerak,perchedupona narrowridgeamidthe Jordaniandesert,grewto becomeoneofthegreat ‘crusader’strongholdsofthe Levantandwasdesignatedas theregion’sadministrative centre. Nonetheless,thecrusader stateswereplaguedby instabilityintheyearsthat followedtheFieldofBlood. Thiswasbornlargelyof misfortuneratherthan entrenchedMuslim aggression,ascaptivityand untimelydeathrobbedthe Latinsofaseriesofleaders, ignitingsuccessioncrisesand engenderingcivilstrife. Takenprisonerduringa chanceMuslimattackin April1123,KingBaldwinII spentsixteenmonthsin captivitybeforebeing ransomed,duringwhichtime acoupinPalestinewas narrowlyavoided.Bohemond IIarrivedin1126toassume controlofAntiochandwas marriedtoBaldwinII’s daughterAlice,buttheyoung princewasslainduringaraid intoCiliciajustfouryears later,leavingbehindaninfant girl,Constance,asheir.Alice spenttheearly1130s intriguingtoseizepowerin theprincipality.BaldwinII’s owndeathfromillnessin 1131,closelyfollowedbythe demiseofhisallyand successorascountofEdessa, JoscelinofCourtenay,also eradicatedthelastvestigesof Outremer’soldguard. Againstthisbackgroundof incipientweakness,theneed foraninjectionofstrength andsupportbecameever morepressing.78 TheMilitaryOrders Theemergenceoftwo religiousorderscombining theidealsofknighthoodand monasticismplayedavital roleinbuttressingthe FrankishLevant.Inabout 1119,asmallbandofknights, ledbyaFrenchnobleman namedHughofPayns, dedicatedthemselvestothe charitabletaskofprotecting ChristianpilgrimstotheHoly Land.Inpracticalterms,at firstthismeantpatrollingthe roadfromJaffatoJerusalem, butHugh’sgroupquickly gainedwiderrecognitionand patronage.TheLatin patriarchsoonacknowledged theirstatusasaspiritual order,whilethekinghimself gavethemquartersin Jerusalem’sAqsamosque, knowntotheFranksasthe TempleofSolomon,and fromthissitetheygained theirname:theOrderofthe TempleofSolomon,orthe Templars.Likemonks,they madevowsofpoverty, chastityandobedience,but, ratherthandedicate themselvestolivesof sheltereddevotioninisolated communities,theytookup sword,shieldandarmourto fightforChristendomandthe defenceoftheHolyLand. AstheTemplars’leader(or master),HughofPayns travelledtoEuropein1127in searchofvalidationand endorsementforhisnew order.Formalrecognitionby theLatinChurchcamein January1129,atamajor ecclesiasticalcouncilheldat Troyes(Champagne,France). Intheyearstocome,this officialsealofapprovalwas furthergarlandedbypapal supportandextensive privilegesandimmunities. TheTemplarsalsoearnedthe endorsementofoneofthe Latinworld’sgreatreligious luminaries,Bernardof Clairvaux.Asabbotofa Cistercianmonastery, Bernardwasrenownedforhis wisdomandtrustedasan adviserinallthecourtsofthe West.Thecombinationof politicalandecclesiastical powerthathewieldedwas unprecedented,butin physicaltermsBernardwasa wreck,forcedtohaveanopen latrinetrenchdugnexttohis pewinchurchsothathe couldrelievethesymptoms ofanappallingchronic intestinalaffliction. Around1130Bernard composedatreatise–titledIn PraiseoftheNew Knighthood–extollingthe virtuesoftheTemplars’way oflife.Theabbotdeclaredthe ordertobe‘mostworthyof totaladmiration’,laudingits brethrenas‘trueknightsof Christfight[ing]thebattlesof theirLord’,assuredof gloriousmartyrdomshould theydie.Thislyrical exhortationplayedacentral roleinpopularisingthe Templarmovementacross LatinEurope,garnering acceptancefora revolutionaryoffshootof crusadeideologythatinmany wayswastheultimate distillationandexpressionof Christianholywar. Theexamplesetbythe Templarsencouragedanother charitablereligious movementfoundedbyLatins intheNearEasttoembrace militarisation.Sincethelate eleventhcentury,Jerusalem’s Christianquarterhad containedahospital,funded byItalianmerchantsand devotedtothecareof pilgrimsandthesick.With theHolyCity’sconquestby theFirstCrusadersandthe associatedinfluxofpilgrim traffic,thisinstitution, dedicatedtoJohntheBaptist andsoknownastheHospital ofStJohn,grewinpowerand importance.Recognisedasan orderbythepopein1113,the Hospitallers,astheycameto beknown,begantoattract widespreadinternational patronage.Underthe guidanceofitsmaster, RaymondofLePuy(1120– 60),themovementappended amartialelementtoits ongoingmedicalfunctions, emergingbythemid-twelfth centuryasthesecond MilitaryOrder. Overthecourseofthe twelfthandthirteenth centuries,theTemplarsand Hospitallersstoodattheheart ofcrusadinghistory,playing leadingrolesinthewarfor theHolyLand.Inthecentral MiddleAges,Latinlay noblescommonlysoughtto affirmtheirdevotiontoGod bygivingalmstoreligious movements,oftenintheform oftitletolandorrightstoits revenue.Themercurial popularityoftheMilitary Ordersthereforebrought themrichdonationsin OutremerandacrossEurope. Despitetheirrelatively humbleorigins– immortalisedinthe Templars’casebytheirseal, depictingtwoimpoverished knightsridingasinglehorse– bothweresoonendowedwith enormouswealth.Theyalso attractedasteadystreamof recruits,manyofwhom becamehighlytrained,wellequippedwarrior-monks(as knightsorlower-ranking sergeants).Mostmedieval Europeanwarbandswere startlinglyamateurish, accustomedonlytofighting inshortseasonalcampaigns andpredominantlycomposed ofpoorlydrilled,lightly armedirregulars.The TemplarsandHospitallers,by contrast,couldlevyexpert full-timestandingforces:in effect,LatinChristendom’s firstprofessionalarmies. TheMilitaryOrders becamesupranational movements.Primarily focusedontheprotectionof thecrusaderstates,they nonethelessdevelopedan arrayofotherEuropean military,ecclesiasticaland financialinterests,includinga prominentroleintheIberian frontierwarsagainstIslam.In theLevanttheir unprecedentedmilitaryand economicmightbroughtthem aconcomitantdegreeof politicalinfluence.Both ordersenjoyedpapal patronage,gaining independencefromlocal secularandecclesiastical jurisdictions,andsohadthe potentialtodestabilisethe LatinEast’ssovereign polities.Asroguepowers, theymightquestionoreven countermandcrownauthority, orignorepatriarchaledicts andepiscopalinstruction.For now,though,thisdangerwas morethanbalancedbythe transformativebenefitsof theirinvolvementin Outremer’sdefence. Together,theTemplarsand Hospitallersbroughta desperatelyneededinfluxof manpowerandmartial expertisetocrusaderstates starvedofmilitaryresources. Crucially,theyalsopossessed thewealthtomaintain,andin timeextend,Outremer’s networkoffortsandcastles. Fromthe1130sonwards,the laylordsoftheLatinEast begancedingcontrolof fortifiedsitestotheorders, oftenallowingthemto developsemi-independent enclavesinborderzones. Commandofthecastleof BaghrasgavetheTemplarsa dominantpositioninthe northernreachesofthe Antiocheneprincipality. RightstoSafadinGalileeand toGazainsouthernPalestine broughttheordersimilar rightsandresponsibilities. TheHospitallers,meanwhile, gainedcentresatKrakdes Chevaliers,perchedabovethe Bouqiavalleybetween AntiochandTripoli,andat Bethgibelin,oneofthree strongholdsbuiltinsouthern PalestinetodefendJerusalem andexertmilitarypressure uponMuslim-heldAscalon.79 TurningtoChristendom After1119theLevantine Franksalsobegantolook beyondtheirownbordersfor aid.Intheoryatleast,eastern Christiansshouldhavebeen oneobvioussourceof assistance.9Encircledby Islamanddistantasitwas fromwesternEurope, Outremerneededa neighbouringallyifitwasto achievelong-termsurvival. Yet,althoughthecrusader statessharedacommon Christianfaithwiththe ByzantineEmpire–the Mediterraneansuperpower fearedandrespectedbythe Muslimworld–since Jerusalem’sconquestthe Greekshadcontributed preciouslittletothewarfor theHolyLand.The embittereddisputeover Antiochlayattheheartof thisfailuretosecureimperial supportand,ifunaddressed, thisproblemlookedsetto crippletheFrankishLevant fordecadestocome.In1137, afterlongyearsofdistraction elsewhereinByzantium, AlexiusI’ssonandheir, EmperorJohnIIComnenus, marchedintoSyriatoreassert Greekinfluenceoverwhathe consideredtheeasternfringes ofhisrealm.Johnmanagedto imposetheoreticalsuzerainty overAntioch,andfromthis pointforwardthe principality’srelationswith therestofOutremerwere alwaysbalancedbyitstiesto Constantinople.Butin militarytermstheempire’s contributionwas disappointing,with expeditionsagainstAleppo andShaizarendinginfailure. JohnreturnedtotheEastin latesummer1142,probably planningtocreateanew ByzantinepolityatAntioch ruleddirectlybyhisyoungest sonManuel.Asitwas,John diedinahuntingaccidentin CiliciainApril1143–a suddencatastrophethat broughttheGreekexpedition toanimmediatehalt.80 Infact,Outremerturned mostfrequentlytowestern Christendomforassistance aftertheFieldofBlood.In January1120,atageneral assemblyofthekingdomof Jerusalem’ssecularand ecclesiasticalleadersin Nablus(northoftheHoly City),thecrisisfacingthe crusaderstateswasdiscussed. Thisresultedinthefirstdirect appealtoPopeCalixtusIIfor anewcrusadetotheHoly Landandafurtherentreatyto Venice.TheItalian mercantilerepublic respondedbysendingafleet ofatleastseventyshipseast inautumn1122underthe crusadingbanner.With Venetianhelpthe JerusalemiteFrankscaptured theheavilyfortifiedcityof Tyrein1124–oneof Palestine’slastremaining Muslim-heldportsanda majorcentreof Mediterraneanshippingand commerce.10KingBaldwinII soughttorallyanother crusadeforaprojectedattack onDamascusin1129,but despiterecruitingasizeable partyofwesternknights,the campaignitselfprovedtobea fiasco. Intentuponforgingcloser linkswiththeLatinWestand keentosolvetheirown successioncrises,the LevantineFranksalsolooked tosecureeligibleEuropean husbandsforanumberof Outremer’sheiresses.Inthe crusaderstates,asinmuchof medievalChristendom,there wasaperceivedneedfor malerule;secularlords,from kingstocounts,were expectedtolead,oratleast direct,theirarmiesintimesof war,andmilitarycommand generallywasdeemedtobe thepreserveofmen.Ideally, marriagecandidateswouldbe high-bornaristocrats–men willingtocommittothe defenceoftheHolyLandand possessedofthesocial standingtobringnewwealth andmanpowertotheEast. Onesuchfigurewas RaymondofPoitiers–the dukeofAquitaine’ssecond sonandarelationofFrance’s Capetianking–whowas marriedtoConstanceof Antiochin1136,bringinga longperiodofpolitical turbulenceinnorthernSyria toanend.Anevenmore influentialunionwas orchestratedinthelate1120s. KingBaldwinIIhadfour daughterswithhisArmenian wifeMorphia,butnosons, andthereforehesoughta matchforhiseldestchild Melisendetosecuretheroyal succession.Afterprotracted negotiations,in1129the princessdulywedCountFulk VofAnjou,oneofFrance’s mosteminentpotentateswith tiestothemonarchsof EnglandandFrance. UponBaldwinII’sdeath, FulkandMelisendewere consecratedandcrownedon 14September1131.Perhaps twenty-twoyearsofage,the newqueenwasthefirstruler ofJerusalemtobebornof mixed(Latin-Armenian) parentage.Assuch,shewas thelivingembodimentofa neworientalFrankishsociety. Around1134,however,Latin Palestinewasbroughttothe brinkofcivilwarbyadispute overcrownrights.Resentful ofthenewking’sdecisionto appointhisownhandpicked supporterstopositionsof wealthandinfluence,andhis growingestrangementfrom Melisende,Jerusalem’s establishedFrankish aristocracysetouttocurb Fulk’sauthoritybyforcing himtorulejointlywiththe queen.Afteradecidedly frostyperiod,duringwhich thekingapparently‘found thatnoplacewasentirelysafe amongthekindredand partisansofthequeen’,the royalcouplewerereconciled. Fromthispointforward, Melisendestartedtoplaya centralroleingoverningthe realm,andherpositionwas furtherconsolidatedafter Fulk’sdeathin1143,when shewasappointedasjoint rulerwithheryoungson BaldwinIII. Inthelongerterm,these eventshelpedtoreshapethe natureandextentofroyal authorityinPalestine. BaldwinIandBaldwinIIhad oftenruledalmostas autocrats,butasthetwelfth centuryprogresseditbecame clearthattheLatinnobility couldlimittheabsolutemight ofthemonarchy.Overtime, thecrownrulersofFrankish Jerusalemengagedina greaterdegreeofconsultation withtheirleadingnobles,and thecounciloftherealm’s mostimportantlandholders andecclesiastics,knownas theHauteCour(HighCourt), becamePalestine’smost importantforumforlegal, politicalandmilitarydecision making.81 ACRUSADER SOCIETY? Oneoftherarestandmost beautifultreasurestosurvive fromthecrusadingeraisa smallprayerbook,thoughtto havebeenmadeinthe kingdomofJerusalemduring the1130sandnowresidingin London’sBritishLibrary. Boundbetweentwoornate ivorycoversdecoratedwith carvingsofunsurpassed delicacy,itspagescontaina seriesofmagnificentand deeplyemotiveilluminations illustratingthelifeofJesus. Theworkofmanymaster craftsmen,apieceofthe highestattainablequality,the bookwasdesignedasa personalguidetoChristian lifeandreligiousobservance –detailingsaints’days, listingprayers–that technicallywouldbecalleda psalter.Takensimplyonits ownterms,itisamasterpiece ofmedievalart. Yetwhatsetsthis remarkableremnantofa distantageapartisits provenance.Forthispsalteris thoughttohavebeen commissionedbyKingFulk ofJerusalemasagiftforhis wife,Melisende;perhaps evenasapeaceofferingto salvethewoundsopenedin 1134.Assuch,itoffersusan extraordinary,tangible connectiontoOutremerand theworldofMelisende.The notionofseeing,perhaps evenoftouching,anitemthat belongedtothequeen, particularlyonesointimately relatedtoherdailylife,is stirringenough. ButMelisende’sPsalter hasfarmoretotellus; indeed,itsmereexistence opensupafuriousdebatethat cutstotheheartofcrusading history.Forthebook’s constructionanddecoration seemtospeakofanartistic cultureinwhichLatin,Greek, easternChristianandeven Islamicstyleshave intermingled,fusingtocreate anewanduniqueform;what mightbetermed‘crusader art’.Atleastsevenartisans, labouringintheworkshopof theChurchoftheHoly Sepulchre,collaboratedinthe Psalter’sproduction (includingaByzantinetrainedartistbearingthe distinctlyGreek-sounding nameBasilius,whosigned oneoftheinternalimages). Theimageswroughtuponits ivorycoversarebroadly Byzantineinform,butare enclosedwithindensely packedgeometricborders suggestiveofIslamic influence.Otherelementsof themanuscriptexhibit differentinfluences:thetext hasbeenattributedtoa Frenchhand;thenumerous decoratedcapitallettersthat introducepagesarewestern Europeaninconception;and thedetailedcalendar containedwithinisEnglish.82 Doesthispsalterreflect widertruthsaboutthenature oflifeintheFrankish Levant?Wasthesociety inhabitedbyMelisendeand hercontemporariesitself distinctincharacterand quality;andwasthis ‘crusader’worldoneof perpetualwar–aclosed communityofreligiousand ethnicintolerance–ora melting-potofcross-cultural interchange?Thisdebatehas thepotentialtooffer profoundlyinstructive insightsintotherealityof medievallife.Itisalso amongthemostheatedinall crusadehistory.Overthelast twohundredyearshistorians havepresentedwildly divergentvisionsofthe relationshipbetweenFrankish Christiansandtheindigenous peoplesoftheNearEast,with someemphasisingtheforces ofintegration,adaptationand acculturationandothers depictingthecrusaderstates asoppressive,intolerant colonialregimes. Giventherelativepaucity ofasurvivingbodyof medievalevidencethatsheds lightonOutremer’ssocial, culturalandeconomic context,itisnotsurprising thattheimageputforwardof thecrusaderstateshasoften revealedmoreaboutthe hopesandprejudicesofour ownworldthanthementality andmoresofthemedieval past.Forthosewhobelievein theinevitabilityofa‘clashof civilisations’andaglobal conflagrationbetweenIslam andtheWest,thecrusades andthesocietiestheybegat canserveasgrimproofof mankind’sinnatepropensity tosavagery,bigotryand tyrannicalrepressionofan enemy‘other’.Alternatively, theevidenceoftranscultural fusionandpeaceful coexistenceinOutremercan beharnessedtounderpinthe idealofconvivencia(literally ‘livingtogether’),tosuggest thatpeoplesofdiffering ethnicandreligious backgroundscanlivetogether inrelativeharmony.83 Despiteallofthese manifestcomplexities,the worldofOutremerdemands closeandcareful examination,becauseithas suchintegralbearingupon thefundamentalissuesof crusadehistory,openingupa pairofpressingquestions: wastheFrankishconquest andcolonisationoftheNear Eastunusualbecauseit occurredinthecontextof holywar,oractuallyquite unremarkable?Anddidthe creationofthecrusaderstates changethehistoryofwestern Europe–acceleratingcross- culturalcontactandthe diffusionofknowledge; servingasabreedingground forgreaterfamiliarityand understandingbetweenLatin ChristiansandMuslims? LifeinOutremer Anumberofelementaryfacts conditionedthenatureoflife inthecrusaderstates. Outremer’sfoundationdid notbringaboutawidespread displacementoftheLevant’s indigenouspopulation. Instead,Frankishsettlers governedpolitieswhose populationsreflectedthat region’shistoricdiversity–a mixtureofMuslims,Jewsand easternChristians.Thislatter groupincludedabewildering numberofChristianrites, amongthemArmenians, Greeks,Jacobites,Nestorians andCopts;aswellas‘Syrian’ (orMelkite)Christians,who wereGreekOrthodoxbut spokeArabic.The distributionandrelative representationofthese differentpeoplesvaried considerablyacrossthe crusaderstatesbecauseof establishedsettlement patterns:witha preponderanceofArmenians inthecountyofEdessaand Greeksintheprincipalityof Antioch;andprobablya higherproportionofMuslims inthekingdomofJerusalem. TheLatinsruledoverthese nativesubjectsasanelite, heavilyoutnumbered minority.Linguistic differenceseemstohave remainedasadefiningand dividingfactor.Thecommon spokentongueadoptedbythe LatinswasOldFrench(with Latinusedinformal documentation)and,while somesettlersdidlearnArabic andothereasternlanguages likeGreek,Armenian,Syriac andHebrew,mostdidnot. ManyFranksresidedinurban and/orcoastalcommunities– andthusinrelativeisolation fromtheagrarianindigenous population.Inruralinland settings,westernlords generallylivedinseparate manorhouses,largelycutoff fromtheirsubjects,butthe pragmaticnecessityof sharingscarceresourceslike watersometimesprompted increasedcontact.Ingeneral, smallruralsettlementstended tohaveacoherentdevotional identity,sothatonevillage mightbemadeupof Muslims,anotherofGreeks (thesameistrueinpartsof theNearEasttoday).But largetownsandcitieswere moremulticultural. SotheFranksevidently ruledover,andinsomecases livedamong,adiverserange of‘eastern’peoples.Didthe Latinsstandaloof,or integratethemselvesintothis richlyvariegatedsetting? AccordingtoKingBaldwin I’schaplainFulcherof Chartres,writinginthe 1120s,theyseemquicklyto haveundergoneahighdegree ofacculturation: Consider,Ipray,andreflecthowinour timeGodhastransformedtheOccident [West]intotheOrient.Forwewho wereOccidentalshavebecome Orientals.HewhowasaRomanora Frankhasinthislandbeenmadeintoa GalileanoraPalestinian.Hewhowas ofRheimsorChartreshasnowbecome acitizenofTyreorAntioch.Wehave alreadyforgottentheplacesofourbirth. Admittedly,Fulcherwas writingtheequivalentofa recruitmentmanifesto; seekingtonewlurenewLatin settlerstotheEast.Buteven withthisprovisoinmind,his testimonyseemstoindicate opennesstotheideaof assimilation.Fulcherwenton todescribeanothermodeof cross-culturalcontact– intermarriage.Unions betweenFranksandeastern ChristianGreeksand Armenianswererelatively commonplace,andsometimes servedtocementpolitical alliances.QueenMelisende ofJerusalemherselfwasa productofjustsucha marriage.Frankishmen mightalsowedMuslim womenwhoconvertedto Christianity.Butmarriages betweenLatinsandMuslims seemtohavebeenextremely rare.Atacouncilheldin Nablusin1120,soonafterthe crisiscausedbytheFieldof Blood,theFrankishhierarchy institutedaseriesoflaws explicitlyforbidding fraternisation.The punishmentsforsexbetween ChristiansandMuslimswere severe:amanwouldbe castrated;aconsenting womanwouldhavehernose cutoff.Thesewerethefirst suchexamplesofencoded prohibitionintheLatin world.Thesamebatchof legislationalsobanned Muslimsfromwearing clothing‘intheFrankish custom’.Theimportofthese rulingsisdebatable,inpart becauseanylawcanberead inapositiveornegativelight. DotheNablusdecreesreflect aworldofintense segregation,wheresuchacts wouldbeunimaginable;or weretheselawscreatedto restrictwhathadbecomea commonpractice?Certainly, thereisnoevidenceto indicatethattheseedictswere putintoaction,norwerethey carriedoverintoOutremer’s thirteenth-centurylawcodes. Whentheyfirstcaptured citieslikeAntiochand Jerusalemanddecidedto settleintheNearEast,the Latinshadtodevelopthe meanstoruletheirnew lordshipsbyestablishing administrativeframeworks.In general,theirapproachwasto importmanypracticesfrom theWest,whileadoptingand adaptingsomeLevantine models.Thisprocesswas probablydrivenbythe pragmaticneedrapidlytoset upafunctioningsystem, ratherthananyparticular desiretoembracenewforms ofgovernment.Regional considerationsalso influenceddecisions.Inthe principalityofAntioch,with itshistoryofGreekrule,the maincityofficialwasadux (duke),aninstitutiondrawn fromaByzantinetemplate;in thekingdomofJerusalem,a similarrolewasperformedby aFrankish-styleviscount. EasternChristianscertainly playedsomeroleinlocaland evenregionalgovernment; so,too,onoccasion,did Muslims.MostMuslim villagesseemtohavebeen representedbyara’is–the equivalentofaheadman– justastheyhadbeenunder TurkishorFatimidrule. Throughasinglereference,it isknownthatin1181the MuslimcitizensofTyrealso hadtheirownra’isnamed Sadi.Asimilarlyisolated pieceofevidenceindicates thatin1188theLatin-held SyrianportofJabalahada Muslimqadi(judge).Itis impossibletogaugethetrue extentofthistypeof representation.84 Perhapsthemost fascinatingsourceof evidenceforthenatureoflife inOutremerisUsamaibn Munqidh’sBookof Contemplation,acollection oftalesandanecdotesbya northernSyrianArab noblemanwhowatchedthe warfortheHolyLandunfold throughthetwelfthcentury. Usama’stextiscrammed withdirectcommentson(and incidentaldetailsabout) contactwiththeFranksand lifeinthecrusaderstates.His interestwasalmostalwaysin thebizarreandunusual,so thematerialherecordedhas tobeusedwithsomecaution; nonetheless,hisworkisan invaluablemineof information.Onthequestion oforientalisedLatins,he wrote:‘Therearesome Frankswhohavebecome acclimatizedandfrequentthe companyofMuslims.These arebetterthanthosewho havejustarrivedfromtheir homelands,buttheyarethe exception,andcannotbe takenastypical.’Inthe courseofhislife,Usama encounteredFrankswhohad takentoeatingLevantine foodandotherswho frequentedhammam (bathhouses)thatwereopen toLatinsandMuslimsalike. Oneofthemostsurprising revelationstoemergefrom Usama’swritingsisthe normalised,almostday-todaynatureofhisencounters withFranks.Whilesomeof thesetookplaceinthe contextofcombat,many meetingswereofanamicable andcourteousform.Thismay wellhavebeenafunctionof Usama’shighsocialclass,but itisclearthatLatinsdid establishfriendshipswith Muslims.Inonecase,Usama describedhow‘arespected knight[inKingFulk’sarmy] grewtolikemycompanyand hebecamemyconstant companion,callingme“my brother”.Betweenusthere aretiesofamityand sociability.’Nonetheless, therewasanundertonetothis tale,onethatreverberated throughmanyofthestories relatedintheBookof Contemplation:aninbred senseofMuslimculturaland intellectualsuperiority.Inthe caseofhisknightlyfriend, thiscametotheforewhenthe Frankofferedtotake Usama’sfourteen-year-old sonwithhimbacktoEurope sothattheboycouldreceive apropereducationand ‘acquirereason’.Usama thoughtthispreposterous propositionrevealed‘the Franks’lackofintelligence’. Anotherseemingly unlikelyassociationenjoyed byUsamaibnMunqidhwas hisamicablerelationshipwith theTemplars.Accordingto Usama: WhenIwenttovisittheholysitesin Jerusalem,Iwouldgoinandmakemy wayuptotheAqsamosque,beside whichstoodasmallmosquethatthe Frankshadconvertedintoachurch. WhenIwentintotheAqsamosque– wheretheTemplars,whoaremy friends,were–theywouldclearout thatlittlemosquesothatIcouldprayin it. Usamaevidentlyhadno difficultyeitherinmakinga pilgrimagetotheHolyCity orinfindingamosquein Frankishterritorywithin whichtoperformhis canonicallymandateddaily prayers.Didthisrightto worshipextendtoMuslims livingunderLatinrule; indeed,wasOutremer’snonFrankishpopulationasa wholetreatedequitably,or subjectedtooppressionand abuse?Onefactisclear:in theLatinEast,theprimary divisionwasnotbetween ChristiansandMuslims,but betweenFranks(thatisto say,LatinChristians)and non-Franks(betheyeastern Christian,JewishorMuslim). Thissecondgroupof subjectedindigenouspeoples wasmadeupmostlyof peasantsandsome merchants.85 Inlegalterms,non-Franks weregenerallytreatedasa separateclass:forserious breachesoflawtheywere subjecttothe‘Burgess’court (justlikenon-nobleLatins), andhereMuslimswere allowedtotakeoathsonthe Koran;butcivilcasescame beforetheCourdelaFonde (orMarketCourt), specificallyinstitutedfornonFranks.Theconstitutionof thisbodyfavouredeastern Christiansbecauseitwas mannedbyajuryoftwo FranksandfourSyrians,with noMuslimrepresentation. Outremer’sLatinlawcodes alsoseemtohaveassigned harsherpunishmentsto Muslimoffenders. Muchofthehistorical debateaboutthetreatmentof subjectedMuslimshas centredontheday-to-day issuesofrightstoworship andfinancialexploitation.In thisregard,theevidence providedbytheIberian Muslimtravellerandpilgrim IbnJubayrisenlightening. Duringagrandjourneyinthe early1180sthattookinNorth Africa,Arabia,Iraqand Syria,IbnJubayrpassed throughthekingdomof Jerusalem,visitingAcreand Tyrebeforetakingshipto Sicily.Ofhisjourneythrough westernGalileehewrote: Ourwaylaythroughcontinuousfarms andorderedsettlements,whose inhabitantswereallMuslims,living comfortablywiththeFranks.God protectusfromsuchtemptation.They surrenderhalftheircropstotheFranks atharvesttime,andpayaswellapolltaxofonedinarandfiveqiratforeach person.Otherthanthat,theyarenot interferedwith,saveforalighttaxon thefruitsoftrees.Theirhousesandall theireffectsarelefttotheirfull possession. Thisaccountseemsto indicatethatalarge, sedentaryMuslimpopulation livedinrelativepeacewithin LatinPalestine,payingapercapitalevy(likethepoll-tax imposedbyIslamicrulerson theirnon-Muslimsubjects) andaproducetax.Surviving evidenceforthelevelof taxationimposedwithin Islamicpolitiesaroundthis sametimesuggeststhat Muslimpeasantsandfarmers werenoworseoffliving underFrankishChristianrule. Infact,IbnJubayreven suggestedthatMuslimswere morelikelytobetreatedwith ‘justice’bya‘Frankish landlord’andtosuffer ‘injustice’atthehandsof‘a landlordof[their]ownfaith’. Thisdidnotmeanthathe approvedofpeaceful coexistenceorabject submissiontoLatinrule.At onepointhenotedthat‘there canbenoexcuseintheeyes ofGodforaMuslimtostay inanyinfidelcounty,save whenpassingthroughit’.But principledobjectionssuchas thisactuallylendfurther credencetothepositive observationshechoseto record.86 IbnJubayralsoreported thatsubjectedMuslimshad accesstomosquesandrights toprayerinAcreandTyre. Onthebasisofthissliverof evidence,itisimpossibleto statecategoricallythatall MuslimslivinginOutremer enjoyedsimilardevotional liberty.Broadlyspeaking,the mostthatcanbesuggestedis thatoutnumberedFrankish settlershadavestedinterest inkeepingtheirnative subjectscontentandinsitu, andtheconditionsoflifefor indigenouseasternChristians andMuslimsdidnotprompt widespreadcivilunrestor migration.Bythe contemporarystandardsof westernEuropeorthe MuslimEast,non-Franks livinginthecrusaderstates wereprobablynot particularlyoppressed, exploitedorabused.87 Onemodeofcontactthat undoubtedlybroughttogether LevantineFranksand Muslimswastrade.There weresuresignsofvibrant commercialenterpriseduring thefirsthundredyearsof Latinsettlement.Italian merchantsfromVenice,Pisa andGenoaplayedleading rolesinthisprocess, establishingenclavesin Outremer’sgreatportsand coastalcitiesandcreatinga complexnetworkoftransMediterraneantraderoutes. Thesepulsingarteriesof commerce,linkingtheNear EastwiththeWest,enabled Levantineproducts(suchas sugarcaneandoliveoil)and preciousgoodsfromthe MiddleEastandAsiatoreach themarketsofEurope.As yet,thebulkoftradeflowing outoftheOrientstillpassed throughEgypt,but,evenso, Outremer’seconomic developmentproved extraordinarilylucrative:it pavedthewayforcitieslike Venicetobecometheleading mercantilepowersofthe MiddleAges;andthrough customsandlevies,italso helpedtostockthetreasuries ofAntioch,Tripoliand Jerusalem.Thisdoesnot meanthattheLatin settlementsintheEastshould beregardedasexploitative Europeancolonies.Their establishmentandsurvival mayhavedepended,inpart, uponthelikesofGenoa;but theywerenotsetup,inthe firstinstance,aseconomic ventures.Nordidtheyserve theinterestsof‘western homelands’assuch,because thefinancialbenefitsaccrued bythe‘state’tendedtostayin theEast. Thepassageofgoodsfrom theMuslimworldtothe Mediterraneanportsofthe FrankishLevantwascrucial notonlytotheLatins.Italso becameoneofthelinchpins ofthewiderNearEastern economy:vitalforthe livelihoodsofMuslim merchantsplyingthecaravan routestotheEast;criticalto theincomesofIslam’sgreat cities,AleppoandDamascus. Thesesharedinterests producedinterdependency andpromotedcarefully regulated(andthus essentially‘peaceful’) contact,evenattimesof heightenedpoliticaland militaryconflict.Intheend– eveninthemidstofholywar –tradewastooimportantto bedisrupted. Historiansoftenpresent 1120asayearofcrisisand tensionintheLevant.After all,theFieldofBloodwas freshinthememory,andit wasinthisyearthatthe councilofNablusprescribed harshpunishmentsfor interculturalfraternisation. Butin1120BaldwinIIalso institutedscything commercialtaxcutsin Jerusalem.Accordingto FulcherofChartres(whowas thenlivingintheHolyCity), thekingdeclaredthat ‘Christiansaswellas Saracensweretohave freedomtocomeinorgoout tosellwhensoeverandto whomsoevertheywished.’ AccordingtoMuslim testimony,aroundthesame time,Il-ghazi–thevictorat theFieldofBlood– abolishedtollsinAleppoand agreedtermsoftrucewiththe Franks.Thedegreeof coordinationbetweenthese twosupposedenemiesis impossibletodetermine,but bothwereobviouslymaking stridentattemptstostimulate trade.Infact,thetenorand scopeofLatin–Muslim commercialcontactsappear largelytohavebeen unaffectedbytherisingtide ofjihadienthusiasmwithin Islam.EvenSaladin,the ‘champion’oftheholywar, forgedcloselinkswiththe seabornemerchantsofItaly whenhebecamerulerof MuslimEgypt.Keento promoteprofitabletradeand tosecurereadysuppliesof shipbuildingtimber(which wasdifficulttosourcein NorthAfrica),heendowed thePisanswithaprotected commercialenclavein Alexandriain1173.88 Knowledgeandculture Anotherformofexchange wasalsotakingplacein Outremerduringthetwelfth century:thetransmissionof MuslimandeasternChristian knowledgeandcultureamong membersoftheLatin intellectualelite.The evidenceforthisformof ‘dialogue’inJerusalemis limited,butinAntioch,with itslong-embeddedtraditions ofscholasticism,thesituation wasquitedifferent.89Thecity anditsenvironswerehometo numerouseasternChristian monastichouses,predating thecrusadesandfamedas centresofintellectuallife. Here,someofthegreatminds oftheChristianworld gatheredtostudyand translatetextsontheology, philosophy,medicineand sciencethatwerewrittenin languagessuchasGreek, Arabic,SyriacandArmenian. Withthecreationofthe crusaderstates,Latinscholars naturallybegantocongregate inandaroundthecity.In about1114thefamous philosopherandtranslator AdelardofBathvisited, perhapsstayingfortwoyears. Adecadelater,Stephenof Pisa–theLatintreasurerof theChurchofStPaul–was carryingoutgroundbreaking studies.Inthecourseofthe 1120sheproducedsomeof themostimportantLatin translationsevertooriginate intheLevant.Stephenwas mostfamousforhis translationofal-Majusi’s RoyalBook–an extraordinarycompendiumof medicallore–thatlater helpedtoadvanceknowledge inwesternEurope.90 Theextenttowhichthis medicalknowledge influencedactualpracticein theLatinLevantisdebatable. UsamaibnMunquidhwrote withrelishaboutthepeculiar andsometimesdistinctly alarmingtechniquesusedby Frankishdoctors.Inonecase asickwomanwasdiagnosed ashaving‘ademoninsideher head’.Usamaapparently watchedastheattending Latinphysicianfirstshaved herheadandthen‘tooka razorandmadeacutinher headintheshapeofacross. Hethenpeeledbacktheskin sothattheskullwasexposed andrubbeditwithsalt.The womandiedinstantaneously.’ Usamaconcludeddryly:‘I left,havinglearnedabout theirmedicinethingsIhad neverknownbefore.’Latin settlersinthecrusaderstates seemtohaverecognisedthat Muslimsandeastern Christianspossessed advancedmedical knowledge;andsome,like theFrankishroyalfamilyin Jerusalemduringthesecond halfofthetwelfthcentury, retainedtheservicesofnonLatindoctors.Buttherewere somecentresofexcellence operatedbywestern Christians,includingthe massivehospitalinJerusalem dedicatedtoStJohnandrun bytheHospitallerMilitary Order. Theartisticfusionof Melisende’sPsalterwas echoedinbuildingserectedin thecrusaderstatesaroundthis time,mostfamouslyinthe massivereconstruction programmeundertakenatthe HolySepulchreinJerusalem, duringthereignsofFulkand Melisende.WhentheFranks firstconqueredPalestinethis churchwasinastateofsome decay.Throughthe1130sand 1140stheLatinsrejuvenated thismostsacredsite, designingasuitablymajestic structurethat,forthefirst time,wouldencloseallthe variousshrinesassociated withChrist’sPassion: includingtheCalvarychapel (onthesupposedsiteofhis crucifixion)andhisburial tomborSepulchre.Bythis time,thechurchwasalso closelyassociatedwiththe Frankishcrownrulersof Jerusalem,beingthevenue forcoronationsandtheburial siteofkings. Inoverallconfiguration, thenewplanfortheHoly Sepulchreadheredtothe westernEuropean ‘Romanesque’styleofthe earlyMiddleAges,andbore somesimilaritytoother majorLatinpilgrimchurches intheWest,includingthat foundinSantiagode Compostela(north-western Spain).The‘crusader’church didhavesomedistinctive features–includingalarge domedrotunda–butmanyof thesepeculiaritiesresulted fromthebuilding’sunique setting,andfromits architects’ambitionto incorporatesomany‘holy places’underoneroof.The ChurchoftheHolySepulchre standingtodayisstill,broadly speaking,thatofthetwelfth century,butalmostallofthe interior‘crusader’decoration hasbeenlost(ashavethe royaltombs).Ofthe extensiveLatinmosaicsonly oneremains–almosthidden ontheceiling,withinthedim confinesoftheCalvary chapel–depictingChristin Byzantinestyle.Themain entrywaytothebuilding, throughgrandtwinnedportals onthesouthtransept,was crownedbyapairoflavishly sculptedstonelintels:one,on theleft,showingscenesfrom Jesus’finaldays,including theLastSupper;theother,a complexgeometricwebof interwovenvine-scrolling, dottedwithhumanand mythologicalfigures.These lintelsremainedinsituuntil the1920s,whentheywere removedtoanearbymuseum forpreservation.Throughout, thesculptureonthesouth façadeappearstoincorporate Frankish,Greek,Syrianand Musliminfluences. Thenew‘crusader’church wasconsecratedon15July 1149,exactlyfiftyyearsto thedayafterJerusalem’s reconquest.Thisbuildingset outtoproclaim,honourand veneratetheuniquesanctity oftheHolySepulchre– Christendom’sspiritual epicentre.Italsostoodasa bolddeclarationofLatin confidence,affirmingthe permanencyofFrankishrule andthemightofitsroyal dynasty;andasamonument thatcelebratedthe achievementsoftheFirst Crusade,evenasitbore splendidtestimonyto Outremer’scultural diversity.91 God’slandoffaithand devotion The‘crusader’Churchofthe HolySepulchrewasjustone expressionoftheintense devotionalreverenceattached toJerusalem,andtotheHoly Landasawhole.Forthe Franks,thisLevantineworld –throughwhichChrist himselfhadwalked–was itselfasacredrelic,wherethe airandearthwereimbued withthenuminousauraof God.Itwasinevitablethatthe religiousmonumentsbuiltin thishallowedland,andthe expressionsoffaithcarried outamongitsmanyholy places,wouldbecolouredby anespeciallyfebrilepiety. Latinreligiouslifewasalso affectedbythefactthatmany oftheindigenouspeoplesof theNearEast(including easternChristians,Muslims andJews)sharedthissenseof zealousadoration. Throughthetwelfth century,themostcommon westernEuropeanvisitorsto Outremerwerenotcrusaders; theywerepilgrims. ThousandscamefromLatin Christendom,makinglandfall atportslikeAcre–the humanequivalentofthe preciouscargoshippedfrom easttowest;otherscame fromthelikesofRussiaand Greece.Somestayedaslay settlersorbecamemonks, nunsorhermits.Onlyafew religioushouseswereerected onentirelyundevelopedsites, butmanydisusedlocations wererevitalised(suchasthe BenedictineconventofSt AnneinJerusalem),andLatin monasteriesthatpredatedthe crusades,likeNotre-Damede Josaphat(justoutsidethe HolyCity),enjoyeda massiveboostinpopularity andpatronage. Actsofdevotionalso broughtFranksintocontact withthenativeinhabitantsof theLevant.SomeLatins soughttogetclosertoGodby livingasceticlivesof isolationinareasof wildernesslikeMount Carmel(besideHaifa)andthe BlackMountain(near Antioch);theretheymingled inloosecommunitieswith GreekOrthodoxhermits.One ofthemostremarkable examplesofreligious convergenceoccurredatthe ConventofOurLadyat Saidnaya(aboutfifteenmiles northofDamascus).This GreekOrthodoxreligious house,deepinMuslim territory,possesseda ‘miraculous’iconofthe VirginMarywhichhadbeen transmutedfrompaintinto flesh.Oilsupposedlyflowed fromtheicon’sbreastsand thisliquidwastreasuredfor itsincrediblehealing properties.Saidnayawasa well-establishedpilgrimage destination,popularwith easternChristiansand Muslims(whoreveredMary asthemotheroftheprophet Jesus).Fromthesecondhalf ofthetwelfthcentury onwards,italsowasvisited byanumberofLatinpilgrims –someofwhomtookphials oftheVirgin’s‘miraculous’ oilbacktoEurope–andthe shrineprovedtobe particularlypopularamong theTemplars. JustassomeFrankswere permittedtopassthrough Islamiclandstoreach Saidnaya,sowereMuslim pilgrimsoccasionallyableto accesssacredsitesin Outremer.Intheearly1140s, UnurofDamascusand UsamaibnMunqidhwere allowedtovisittheDomeof theRockinJerusalem. Aroundthissametime, Usamaalsotravelledtothe FrankishtownofSebaste (nearNablus)toseethecrypt ofJohntheBaptist(and,as previouslynoted,heclaimed tohavemadefrequenttripsto theAqsamosque).Inthe early1180s,theMuslim scholar‘Alial-Harawiwas abletomakeathoroughtour ofIslamicreligioussitesin thekingdomofJerusalem, andlaterwroteanArabic guidetothearea.Onthebasis ofthesefewpotentially isolatedincidences,however, itisimpossibleaccuratelyto gaugetherealextentof Muslimpilgrimtraffic. Inspiteofthesevarious formsofdevotional interaction,theunderlying religiousatmospherewasstill characterisedbyamarked degreeofintolerance. FrankishandMuslimwriters continuedtodenigrateone another’sfaiths,commonly throughaccusationsof paganism,polytheismand idolatry.Relationsbetween LatinandLevantine Christiansalsocontinuedto beshadedbytensionand distrust.Thecrusaders’ conquestoftheNearEastput aneffective(ifnot permanent)endtothe region’sestablishedGreek Orthodoxecclesiastical hierarchy.NewLatin patriarchswereappointedin AntiochandJerusalem,and Latinarchbishopsand bishopswereinstalledall acrossOutremer.Theleaders ofthisLatinchurchmade stridenteffortstodefendtheir ecclesiasticaljurisdictionand tocurtailwhattheyregarded asthedangersofcrosscontaminationbetween westernandeasternChristian rites,particularlywithregard tomonasticism.92 TheFrankishEast–Iron Curtainoropendoor? Thecrusaderstateswerenot closedsocieties,wholly isolatedfromtheNear Easternworldaroundthem, noruniformlyoppressive, exploitativeEuropean colonies.Butbythesame token,Outremercannot accuratelybeportrayedasa multiculturalutopia–ahaven oftoleranceinwhich Christians,MuslimsandJews learnedtolivetogetherin peace.Inmostregionsofthe LatinEast,atmosttimesin thetwelfthcentury,thereality oflifelaysomewhere betweenthesetwopolar opposites. Therulingwestern Europeanminorityshowed somepragmaticwillingness toaccommodateand incorporatenon-Franksinto thelegal,social,culturaland devotionalfabricof Outremer.Economic imperatives–from maintainingasubjected nativeworkforceto facilitatingthepassageof trade–alsopromoteda degreeofequitable interaction.Theoretically,two conflictingparadigmsmight beexpectedtohaveshaped ‘crusader’society:ontheone hand,thesofteningofinitial antipathiesovertime,through graduallyincreasing familiarity;and,ontheother, thepotentiallycounteractive forceofmountingjihadi enthusiasmwithinIslam.In reality,neithertrendwasso clearcut.Fromthestart, FranksandMuslimsengaged indiplomaticdialogue, negotiatedpactsandforged tradelinks;andthey continuedtodosoasthe twelfthcenturyprogressed. Andevenasthedecades passed,writersofallcreeds persistentlyfellbackon traditionalstereotypesto expressseeminglyimmutable suspicionandloathingofthe ‘other’.93 Franks,easternChristians andMuslimslivinginthe NearEastmayhavecometo knoweachotheralittlebetter inthecourseofthetwelfth century,butthisdidnotlead torealunderstandingor enduringharmony.Giventhe prevailingrealitiesofthe widerworld,thisshouldbe nosurprise.Themedieval Westitselfwasrackedby inter-Latinrivalryand interminablemartialstrife; endemicsocialandreligious intolerancewasalsoonthe rise.Bythesestandards,the uneasymixtureofpragmatic contactandsimmering conflictvisibleintheLevant wasnotthatremarkable.And whiletheethosofholywar mayhaveinfluencedthe natureofFrankishsociety, Outremerdoesnotseemto havebeendefinedbythe crusadingideal. Forallthis,theLatin settlementoftheNearEast didgiverisetoaremarkable, albeitnotentirelyunique, society–onethatwassubject toadistinctiverangeof forcesandinfluences.The patternsoflifeinOutremer showsomesignsof acculturationandthe survivingevidenceofartistic andintellectualendeavour bearsthehallmarksof culturalfusion.Butthisis likelytohavebeentheresult ofundirectedandorganic development,notadeliberate drivetowardsassimilation. ZANGI–TYRANTOF THEEAST Itwasoncepopularto suggestthatMuslimattitudes towardsOutremerunderwent acriticalshiftwiththeriseof theTurkishdespotZangiin 1128.Thatyearcertainlywas oneofchangeinNearEastern politics.Itbeganwiththe deathoftheDamasceneruler Tughtegin,who,intime,was succeededbyastringof ineffectualemirsoftheBurid dynasty,placingDamascus onthepathtointernaldecay anddebility.ThatJune, Zangi,theatabegofMosul, exploitedtheendemic factionalismafflicting northernSyriatoseize controlofAleppo,usheringin aneweraofsecure,energetic rule. Saidtobe‘handsome, brown-skinned,withbeautiful eyes’,Zangiwasatruly remarkableindividual.Even inabrutal,conflict-ridden age,hiscapacityfor untemperedviolencewas legendary,hisinsatiable hungerforpowerunequalled. OneMuslimchronicler offeredthisforbidding, awestruckdescriptionofthe atabeg:‘Hewaslikea leopardincharacter,likea lioninfury,notrenouncing anyseverity;notknowing anykindness...hewas fearedforhissudden attacking;shunnedforhis roughness;aggressive, insolent,deathtohisenemies andcitizens.’Bornaround 1084toaprominentTurkish warlord,Zangigrewupamid theinfernoofcivilwar, survivinginanenvironment ofnear-constantwarfare, awashwithbetrayaland murder,bylearningtobe resourceful,cunningand exceptionallyruthless.He cametoprominenceinthe 1120s,earningthesupportof theSeljuqsultanofBaghdad, andby1127hadbeen appointedasgovernorof Mosulandmilitaryadviser andcommandertothe sultan’stwosons. Zangihadawell-earned, andnodoubtcarefully cultivated,reputationfor crueltyandcallous,even arbitrary,brutality.He believedwholeheartedlyin thepowerofabjectfear,both toinspireloyaltyinhis subjectsandtodrivehis enemiesintosubmission.One Arabicchroniclerconceded thattheatabegusedterrorto controlhistroops,notingthat he‘wastyrannical[and] wouldstrikewith indiscriminaterecklessness’, observingthat‘whenhewas unhappywithanemirhe wouldkillhimorbanishhim andleavethatindividual’s childrenalivebutcastrate them’.94 Givenhisfearsome qualities,wemightexpect Zangitohavetransformed Islam’sfortunesinthewar fortheHolyLand.Inthe past,hehascertainlybeen presentedasafigureof centralimportancetothe historyofthecrusades–as thefirstMuslimleaderto strikeadecisiveblowagainst theFranks,theprogenitorof anIslamic‘counter-crusade’ whorekindledthefiresof jihad,atoweringmujahid (holywarrior)andchampion ofthisnewera.Yetforall this,throughvirtuallyhis entirecareerZangi’sreal impactupon,andinterestin, theworldofthecrusades werenegligible.Inpart,this mightbeexplainedbysimple geopolitics.Theatabeg bestrodetheNearandMiddle Eastlikeacolossus,withone footrestinginMosulandthe otherplantedwestofthe Euphrates,inAleppo.Outof necessity,hewasforcedto dividehistime,energyand resourcesbetweenthesetwo spheresofinfluence– MesopotamiaandSyria–and wasthusneverabletrulyto focusuponfightingthe Franks.Buteventhis rationale,oftentrumpetedto defendZangi’sjihadi credentials,issomewhat misleading,becauseitis predicatedupontwofaulty assumptions. ForTurkishwarlordslike Zangi,theNearEast (includingSyriaand Palestine)andtheMiddle East(particularlyIraqand Iran)werenotofequal politicalvalueand significance.Theatabeg’s careerdemonstratesthat,in thefirsthalfofthetwelfth century,theheartlandof SunniIslamremainedin Mesopotamia.Itwasthere,in citiessuchasBaghdadand Mosul,thatthegreatest wealthandpowerweretobe won.ForZangi,andmanyof hiscontemporaries,thebattle againsttheFranksinthewest wasalmostakintoafrontier warand,assuch,ofonly intermittentandtangential interest. Whatismore,whenthe atabegdidconcernhimself withLevantineaffairs,his primaryobjectiveprovednot tobetheeradicationofthe crusaderstates,butthe conquestofDamascus. Throughthe1130s,in betweenlongperiodsof absenceinMesopotamia, Zangimaderepeatedattempts topushthesphereofAleppan influencesouthtowardsthis goal,seekingtoabsorb Muslim-heldsettlementslike Hama,HomsandBaalbek thathadbecomeDamascene dependencies.Throughout Zangishowedaready willingnesstobreakvows, turnonalliesandterrorise enemiesinpursuitofhis goals.In1139theancient RomancityofBaalbek(in Lebanon’sfertileBiqavalley) waspummelledinto submissionafterascouring assaultandfinally surrenderedonthepromise thatitstroopswouldbe spared.Intentuponsendinga chillinglyclearmessageto anySyrianMuslimsresisting hisauthority,Zangireneged onthesetermsandcrucified Baalbek’sgarrisontoaman. Then,toensurethecity’s continuedloyalty,he appointedanotherup-andcomingmemberofhis entourageasitsgovernor,the KurdishwarriorAyyubibn Shadi,amanwhosefamily wouldcometoincreasing prominenceinthecourseof thetwelfthcentury. Duringthissameperiod, Zangiemployedamixtureof diplomaticintrigueandovert militarypressureinhis dealingswithDamascus itself,hopingtoengineerthe capital’ssubmissionand eventualcapture.Hiscause wasonlyabettedbythe chaotic,blood-drenched feudingthatgrippedthecity formuchofthe1130s. Despitethecontinued survivaloftheBuriddynasty intheformofasuccessionof feeblefigureheads,real powerinDamascusgradually devolveduponUnur–a Turcomanmilitary commanderwhohadserved Tughteginasamamluk(slave soldier).Itwashewhonow hadtofacethespectreof Zangidaggression.Inthe wakeofBaalbek’ssavage conquest,Zangilaidsiegeto DamascusinDecember1139, maintainingaloosecordon andlaunchingintermittent attacksoverthenextsix months.Eventheatabegwas reluctanttolaunchafullstrengthassaultagainstacity ofsuchprofoundhistorical significanceforIslam,hoping insteadtoslowlysqueeze Damascusintosubmission. Yet,asthenoosetightened in1140,Unurrejectedcalls forsurrender.Ratherthan submittoZangiddomination, heturnedtoanon-Muslim powerforaid,dispatchingan ambassadortoJerusalemto sealanewallianceagainst Aleppo.Inanaudiencewith KingFulk,Zangiwas portrayedas‘acruelenemy, equallydangeroustoboth [LatinPalestineand Damascus]’,andamunificent monthlytributeof20,000 goldpieceswaspromisedin returnforFrankishassistance incombatingthismenace.In addition,Banyas(whichhad beenretakenbytheMuslims in1132)wouldbecededto Jerusalem. Convincedbothofthe valueoftheseextremely generoustermsandofthe benefitsofforestalling Zangi’sconquestofSyria, Fulkledanarmynorthto relieveDamascus.Withhis operationsagainstthecity stalled,thisthreatwasenough toprompttheatabeg’s retreat.HereturnedtoMosul, oncemoreturninghis attentiontoMesopotamian affairs.95 ZangiagainsttheFranks Throughoutthe1130sZangi showedlittleornointerestin theprosecutionofanantiFrankishjihadandany attackslaunchedagainstthe Latinsinthisperiodwere eitheralmostincidentalor relatedtohisadvanceinto southernSyria.Theatabeg’s onlynotableoffensiveagainst OutremercameinJuly1137, whenhetargetedthefortress ofBarin(tothewestofHama andtheOrontes).Buteven thiscampaignshouldnotbe misconstrued,because Zangi’sprimaryintentionwas touseBarinasaready stagingpostforhis aggressionagainstMuslim Homs.Theatabeg’sfirst concernwastofurtherhis southwardexpansiontowards Damascus,nottodelivera mortalblowtothecrusader states. Duringtheearly1140s Zangifocusedalmost exclusivelyoneventseastof theEuphrates,seekingto expandhispowerbaseinIraq andtoconsolidaterelations withtheSeljuqsultanof Baghdad.From1143the atabegwasparticularly concernedwithsubjugation oftheArtuqidprincesand minorKurdishwarlordsto thenorth,inDiyarBakr. Facingthisaggression,one Artuqid,QaraArslanofHisn Kaifa,forgedapactwith JoscelinIIofEdessa(who succeededhisfatherin1131), offeringtorelinquishterritory totheFranksinreturnforaid. Inautumn1144,believinghis countytobesafefromattack, Joscelindulyledalarge EdessenearmytoQara Arslan’sassistance.This move,bornofanimperfect appreciationofZangi’s ambitionsandcapabilities, wouldhaveaprofound impactuponOutremer’s history. Soonafterthecount’s departure,thefewtroopsthat remainedinEdessaalongside itsLatinarchbishopwere stunnedbyZangi’sarrival outsidetheirwalls.The atabeghadlongvalued precise,up-to-date intelligence,happily expendingasmallfortuneto maintainanextensive networkofspiesandscouts acrosstheNearandMiddle East.Hethereforelearned almostimmediatelyof Joscelin’sabsenceandthe weakeningofEdessa’s garrison.Sensingarare,and probablyunexpected, opportunity,Zangiswitched targetsfromDiyarBakrtothe Frankishcapital.Hiswar band,alreadyequippedwith siegeweaponry,reachedthe citybyforcedmarchinlate Novemberandimmediately initiatedadevastating investment.Forthenextfour weekstheChristianswithin strovetoendureincessant bombardmentandrepeated assaultsbyarmouredtowers andteamsofsappers,butthe defenders’positionwasall buthopeless. Learningoftheattack, JoscelinIItriedtoassemblea reliefforceatTellBashir. Melisenderesponded immediatelytohispleasfor assistance,sendingtroops north,but,forreasonsthat remainunclear,Raymondof Antiochprevaricated.With thecountstilldesperately tryingtoprepareacounterstrike,thedreadfulnewsof Edessa’sfallarrived.On24 December1144,Zangi’s minerscollapsedahuge sectionofthecity’stowering fortifications.WithMuslim troopsfloodingthroughthe breach,theChristiansfledin terrortowardsthecitadel. Amidtheresultantpanic hundredswerecrushedto death,theLatinarchbishop amongthem,evenasthe atabeg’ssoldierssetabout theirgrislywork.One Armeniannativeofthecity wrotethattheMuslims ‘ruthlesslyshedanenormous amountofblood,neither respectingtheageofelderly people,nortakingpityonthe innocent,lamb-likechildren’. Thosefewwhoreachedthe innerfortressheldoutfora furthertwodays,butby26 Decembertheentirecitywas inthehandsofIslam. Zangi’sconquestofEdessa mayhavebeenlargely opportunistic,butitwasstill anunmitigatedcatastrophe fortheFranks.Thestrategic consequencesalonewere profoundlyalarming.Withits principalcitylost,the surroundingLatincounty stoodonthebrinkoftotal ruination.Shouldthismost northernofcrusaderstates fall,contactand communicationbetweenthe Muslimpowersin MesopotamiaandSyria wouldbecomefarmorefluid andsecure.Inthiscontext, theprincipalityofAntioch’s futurelookedbleakindeed: itsnorthernneighbourand allytransformedintoan enemy;itsrival,Aleppo, resurgent.Thedangerofa dominoeffect,inwhich weaknessandvulnerability seepedsouthwards,bringing thesuccessivecollapseof eachremainingLatinpolity, wasonlytooobvious.The FrankishchroniclerWilliam ofTyrereflecteduponthe ‘ominousdisaster’of1144, observingthattherewasnow arealprospectoftheMuslim world‘overrunningtheentire Eastunchecked’.11 Thepsychologicalimpact ofthiseventwasperhaps evenmoresignificant.Never beforehadoneofOutremer’s fourgreatcapitalsfallento Islam.Edessa,thefirst easterncitytobeseizedby thecrusaders,hadstood inviolateforalmosthalfa century.Itssudden unheraldedlosssentatremor offearandapprehension pulsingthroughtheLatin Levant,severelyundermining confidenceandmorale.Any lingeringsenseofChristian invincibilityevaporated;the dreamofOutremer–ofa permanent,divinelywrought resettlementoftheHolyLand –layshattered.And,tomake mattersworse,Zangi,solong aloomingthreat,couldbe expectedtocapitaliseupon hisvictory,galvanisingIslam toevergreatereffortsinthe warfordominionoftheNear East. Asthisdirenewsfiltered backtotheWest,the renownedAbbotBernardof Clairvauxechoedthese dreadfulconcerns,affirming inaletterthat:‘Theearthis shakenbecausetheLordof heavenislosinghisland... theenemyoftheCrosshas beguntolifthissacrilegious headthereandtodevastate withtheswordthatblessed land,thatlandofpromise.’ Bernardwarnedthatsacred Jerusalem,‘theverycityof thelivingGod’,mightitself beoverrun.Theonlyanswer fortheLatinEast,indeedfor westernChristendomasa whole,wastolaunchanew crusade.96 CRUSADING REBORN Edessa’sdownfallshocked theLevant.In1145Frankish andArmenianenvoys travelledtoEuropeto broadcastthecalamitous news,andtospelloutthe threatofannihilationnow hangingoverallthe ChristiansoftheNearEast. Inresponse,theLatinworld launchedahugemilitary expeditionthathasbeen dubbedtheSecond Crusade.97Forthefirsttime westernkingstookupthe fightand,inagreatupsurge ofrecruitment,some60,000 troopsmarchedeasttosave Outremer.Atthesametime, thewarsofthecrosswere borneintonewtheatresof conflictinIberiaandthe Baltic.Thiswasamassive andunprecedentedexplosion ofcrusadeenthusiasm– outstrippingeventhat witnessedafter1095.Could thisfervourguarantee success?Andhowwouldthe rebirthofChristianholywar affectthefuturehistoryofthe crusades? EARLYTWELFTHCENTURY CRUSADING LatinEurope’sfervent reactiontothepreachingof theSecondCrusadecanonly beunderstoodproperly againstabackdropofearlier twelfth-centurydevelopments incrusading.TheFirst Crusaders’‘miraculous’ conquestoftheHolyLandin 1099establishedafragile LatinoutpostintheLevant andseemedtoprovide conclusiveproofthatGod endorsedthisnovelfusionof pilgrimageandwarfare. Underthecircumstances,one mightexpecttheopening decadesofthetwelfthcentury tohavebeenmarkedbya floodof‘crusading’activity, aswesternEuroperushedto embracethisextensionof Christianholywarandto defendOutremer.Thiswas notthecase.Thememoryof theFirstCrusadecertainly burnedbrightly,buttheyears leadingto1144witnessed onlyasporadicclutchof small-scalecrusades.Inpart thiswasbecausemany regardedtheFirstCrusadeas asingularlyastonishingevent thatwasessentially unrepeatable.Drawingupon centuriesofhindsight,later historiansidentifiedthemass armedpilgrimagestimulated byPopeUrbanII’spreaching in1095asthefirstofan ongoingsuccessionof crusadesand,thus,asthestart ofacrusadingmovement.But this‘future’wasbynomeans apparentintheearlytwelfth centuryandtheideaof crusadinghadyettocoalesce. Tosomeextent,this relativelackofenthusiasm andlimitedideological refinementcanbeexplained bymitigatingfactors.The papacy’sabilitytoharness anddevelopcrusadingwas curtailedbyasuccessionof cripplingupheavals:theonset ofapapalschismbetween 1124and1138thatsawthe appointmentofanumberof alternativeanti-popes;andthe mountingpressureupon Romefromtherivalpowers ofimperialGermanytothe northandtheemerging NormankingdomofSicilyto thesouth.Someofthese problemslingeredatthetime oftheSecondCrusade,and thepopewasnotevenableto enterRomein1145.Similar convulsionsafflictedthe secularlaity.Germanywas rackedbyinternalrivalry, withtwodynasties,the HohenstaufenandtheWelfs, challengingforpower. England,meanwhile,was unhingedbycivilwarduring thetumultuousreignofKing Stephen(1135–54),thesonof theFirstCrusaderStephenof Blois.UndertheCapetian dynasty,theFrench monarchyenjoyedgreater stability,butonlynowwas beginningtomanifestits authoritybeyondthe heartlandsofroyalterritory centredonParis. Onefeatureofcrusade ideologymayalsohave servedtoconstrain recruitment.Preachersofthe FirstCrusademayhave playeduponasenseof spiritualorsocialobligation torepatriatetheHolyLand, butatanessentiallevelthe 1095expeditionresonated withLatinChristiansbecause itwaspresentedasan intenselypersonaldevotional enterprise.Thousandstook thecrossseekingredemption ofsinthroughthepursuitof holywar.Crusadingwas drivenbyreligiousdevotion, butaself-servingformof devotion.Giventhe particularlyarduous, dangerous,frighteningand expensivenatureofarmed pilgrimagestotheEast, participationinacrusade representedanextremepath tosalvation.Formany,more obviousandimmediate penitentialactivities–prayer, almsgiving,localised pilgrimage–wereoften preferable.Thedecadesand centuriestocomewould provethat,ingeneral,only seismiccatastrophesmarried toforcefulpreachingand activeinvolvementofthe upperaristocracycould producelarge-scalecrusades. Thisshouldnotleadusto imaginethattherewereno crusadesbetween1101and 1145.Somemembersofthe Church,andofthelaity, undoubtedlymadesporadic attemptstoreplicateor imitatetheFirstCrusadein thisperiod,preachingor participatinginventuresthat includedsome,orall,ofthe featuresthatwouldeventually becomemorestableelements inthemake-upofacrusade: papalpromulgation;the takingofadefinedvowand thesymbolofthecross;the promiseofaspiritualreward (orindulgence)inreturnfor militaryservice.But,atthe sametime,thefundamental natureofcrusadingremained relativelyfluidandill defined.Basicquestionssuch aswhowasempoweredto invokeacrusade,what rewardscouldbeofferedto participantsandagainst whomthisformofsanctified warfaremightbewagedwere leftlargelyunresolved. Twosignificantcrusadesto theHolyLandwerelaunched inthe1120s,butwhilethe Venetiancrusade(1122–4) wascertainlyenactedby PopeCalixtusII,the Damascusexpeditionof1129 appearstohavebeen preachedinEuropebyHugh ofPaynswithlittleorno papalinvolvement.Inthis sameperiod,crusadeswere initiatedingeographical regionsoutsidetheLevant andagainstenemiesother thanNearEasternMuslims. Longestablishedasatheatre ofMuslim–Christianconflict, Iberiasoonwitnessed campaignsakintocrusades. TheleaderofajointCatalan andPisanoffensiveagainst theBalearicIslands(1113– 15)borethesignofthecross onhisshoulder,whilethe popeofferedafullremission ofsinstoallthosewhodied inthe1118Aragoneseattack onZaragoza.CalixtusII,who hadbeenpapallegateto Spainandwasthusfamiliar withIberianaffairs,tooka majorsteptowards formalisingtheroleof crusadingonthepeninsula. Heissuedapapalletterin April1123encouraging recruitstotakeavowtofight inCataloniawith‘thesignof thecrossontheirclothes’in returnfor‘thesameremission ofsinsthatweconcededto thedefendersoftheeastern Church’. Non-Muslimswere likewisetargeted.Bohemond ofTaranto’scrusade(1106– 8)waswagedagainst ChristianByzantium.In1135 PopeInnocentIIevensought toextendcrusadeprivileges tothosefightingagainsthis politicalenemies,affirming thathisallieswouldbe granted‘thesameremission. ..whichPopeUrbandecreed atthecouncilofClermontfor allwhosetoutforJerusalem tofreetheChristians’. Forallthesereferencesto the‘remissionofsins’ awardedtotheFirst Crusaders,theactual formulationofthespiritual rewardsbeingoffered remainedvagueand equivocal.Questionsthat mighttroubletheologiansand evenwarriors–Would participationremitallsinsor onlythoseconfessed?Was martyrdomguaranteedtoall thosewhodiedoncrusade?– hadyettobeanswered definitively.ItwasBernard, abbotofClairvauxand supporteroftheTemplars, whodealtwithoneofthe thorniesttheological consequencesofcrusading. Withthepreachingofthe FirstCrusade,thepapacy had,inasense,unwittingly openedPandora’sBox.The callforacrusadingarmyto manifestGod’sdivinewillon earthmightsuggestthatGod actuallyneededman,and thereforecouldnotbetruly omnipotent–atrainof thoughtthatobviouslyhad explosivepotential.Bernard counteredthisproblemwith typicalintellectualagility.He arguedthatGodonly pretendedtobeinneedasan actofcharity,deliberately engineeringthethreattothe HolyLandsothatChristians couldhaveanotherchanceto tapintothisnewmodeof spiritualpurification.Inone steptheabbotdefendedthe ideaofcrusadingand promoteditsdevotional efficacy.Bernardwouldplay acentralroleinthe promulgationoftheSecond Crusade,butinthefirst instancetheworkof launchingtheexpeditionwas undertakenbyothers.98 LAUNCHINGTHE SECONDCRUSADE In1145theLevantine Christianpetitionsfor Europeanaidtargetedboth ecclesiasticalandsecular leaders.Onerecipientofthe appealswasPopeEugenius III,aformerCistercianmonk andprotégéofBernardof Clairvaux,whohadjust ascendedtothepapaloffice thatFebruary.Eugenius’ situationwasnotideal.From thestartofhispontificate,the newpopewasmiredina long-runningdisputewiththe peopleofRomeoverthe seculargovernanceofthe city,andhewasforcedtolive inexile.EvenasEugenius laidplanstolaunchagrand newcrusade,hewasforcedto spendmostof1145in Viterbo,somefiftymiles northoftheLateranPalace. EmissariesfromOutremer alsovisitedLouisVII,the CapetianmonarchofFrance –oneoftheheartlandsof crusadeenthusiasm.Nowin hismid-twenties,Louishad beencrownedin1137, bringingaleaseofyouthful vitalitytothethrone.Hehas oftenbeendescribed,rather blandly,aspious.Infact, Louis’earlyreignhadbeen markedbyheateddisputes withRomeoverFrench ecclesiasticalappointments andacausticsquabblewith thecountofChampagne. PopeEugenius’predecessor actuallyplacedCapetian landsunderpapalinterdict (temporarily excommunicatingtheentire realm).In1143,attheheight oftheconflictwith Champagne,Louis’troops tookthebrutalstepof burningtothegrounda churchinVitrycontaining morethan1,000people,an atrocityforwhichtheking seemstohaveshown remorse.By1145theyoung kinghadbeenreconciledwith thepapacy,andhisbrandof feveredreligiousdevotion possessedapenitentialstreak. Movedbythenewsof Edessa’sfate,heembraced enthusiasticallytheideaof leadinganarmytorelievethe crusaderstates. EugeniusIIIandLouisVII seemtohavelaidcoordinated planstoinitiateacrusade,but tobeginwiththesefellflat. Thepapalcuria (administrativecourt)drafted anencyclical(generalletter ofproclamation)announcing anewcalltoarmson1 December1145,butthisdid notreachLouisintimefor hisChristmascourtat Bourges(incentralFrance). Whenthemonarchdeclared hisintentiontotakethecross andwagewarintheHoly Land,theresponsewas muted.EugeniusIIIreissued hisencyclical,inalmost identicalform,threemonths later,anditsmessagewas broadcasttomuchgreater effectatasecondCapetian assemblyinVézelayatEaster 1146.Fromthatmomentthe sparkofcrusadingpassion wasreignitedandforthenext yearormoreitburneditsway acrossEurope.Thepope’s officialletter– conventionallyknownas Quantumpraedecessores(the Latinwordswithwhichit began)–wasessentialtothis process.Widelycirculated throughouttheLatinWest between1146and1147, recitedatnumerouspublic assembliesandmassrallies,it becamethetemplateforthe preachingoftheSecond CrusadeacrossEurope.The encyclicalsetouttofulfiltwo interlockingobjectives:to defineofficialpapalthinking ontheexpedition,in particularspecifyingwho,it washoped,wouldparticipate andwhatprivilegesand rewardstheywouldreceive; andtostimulaterecruitment byestablishingthecrusade’s causesandappeal. Halfacenturyearlier,Pope UrbanIIhadinitiatedthe FirstCrusadewithhissermon atClermont,butbecauseno exactrecordofthisspeech survives,attemptsto reconstructhisideasand intentionsinvolveadegreeof speculation.Incontrast,while thegenesisoftheSecond Crusadecannotbetracedtoa singlegrandaddress,extant copiesofQuantum praedecessoresdoallowusto explorethethinkingbehind theexpeditionandthe mannerinwhichitwas promotedwithfargreater precision. Onestrikingfactis immediatelyapparentfrom Eugenius’encyclical–the memoryoftheFirstCrusade wascentraltohisvisionof thisnewcampaign.Seeking bothtolegitimateandto empowerhisowncallto arms,thePopemaderepeated referencestothe1095 expedition.Eugeniusstated thathewasinspiredto summontheSecondCrusade bytheexampleof‘our predecessorofhappy memory,PopeUrban’and madeitclearthatthespiritual rewardsnowonofferwere exactlythesameas‘those institutedbyouraforesaid predecessor’.Someofthe ideasemployedbyUrbanat Clermontwerelikewise echoed.Eugeniustookcareto emphasiserepeatedlythathe hadadivinemandate,‘the authoritygivenusbyGod’,to initiatethisholywar.Healso depictedthecrusadeasajust responsetoMuslim aggression:affirmingthat Edessahadbeen‘takenbythe enemiesofthecrossof Christ’;describinghow clericshadbeenkilledand saintlyrelics‘trampledunder theinfidels’feet’.These eventsweresaidtoposea ‘greatdanger[to]all Christianity’. Atthesametime,the themesofrecollectionand pastprecedentwere redeployedinQuantum praedecessoresinamanner thatwasbothinnovativeand extraordinarilyeffective.The PopedeclaredthatChristians shouldbemovedtotakethe crossbythememoryoftheir forebearswhohadsacrificed ‘theirownblood’toliberate Jerusalem‘fromthefilthof thepagans’.‘Thosethings acquiredbytheeffortsof yourfathers[shouldbe] vigorouslydefendedbyyou’, heexhorted,for,ifnot,‘the braveryofthefatherswill haveprovedtobediminished inthesons.’Thispotent imageryharnessedthe collectivememoryofthe FirstCrusadeandsoughtto tapintonotionsofhonourand familialobligation. Whileexplicitlyprojecting thisnewcampaignasa recreationoftheFirst Crusade,Eugenius’ encyclicalactuallyadjusted ordevelopedmanyofUrban II’sideas.Enlistingtheright typeofcrusaders(namely, thosecapableoffighting)in sufficientnumbershadbeen anobviousproblemfromthe start.The1095expedition waspresentedasaformof pilgrimage,butbecausethis penitentialpracticewas traditionallyvoluntaryand opentoall,thepapacyfound itdifficulttorestrictthe numberofnon-combatant recruits–fromwomenand childrentomonksand paupers.Crusadesintheearly twelfthcentury,meanwhile, hadstruggledtoattractmass recruitment.Bythe1140s therewasanevidenttension betweenthepopular,ecstatic elementofcrusadingandthe increasingpushtowards prescribeddefinitionand papalcontrol.TheChurch wouldwrestlewiththis conundrumfordecadesto come,seekingtocontainand directenthusiasmwithout extinguishingfervour. Quantumpraedecessores madearatherhalf-hearted attempttoaddressthisissue, counsellingthat‘thosewho areonGod’ssideand especiallythemorepowerful andthenobles’shouldjoin thecrusade,butthedifficulty ofbalancingselectivityand massappealremainedlargely unresolved. Eugeniusalsomade significantrefinementstothe arrayofprotectionsand privilegesofferedtothose takingthecross.His encyclicalproclaimedthat,in acrusader’sabsence,the Churchwouldprotect‘their wivesandchildren,goods andpossessions’,whilelegal suitsregardingacrusader’s propertywerebanned‘until thereisabsolutecertain knowledgeoftheirreturnor death’.Likewise,intereston debtsowedbyacrusaderwas cancelled. Theareaofgreatest advancecamewithregardto thecrusadeindulgence. WhereUrbanII’s1095 formulationhadlacked clarity,Quantum praedecessoresprovided specificity,affirmingthatthe popewould‘grantremission ofandabsolutionfromsins’ toparticipants,explaining that‘whosoeverdevoutly beginsandcompletessoholy ajourneyordiesonitwill obtainabsolutionfromallhis sinsofwhichhehasmade confessionwithacontriteand humbleheart’.Eugeniuswas notproposingablanket guaranteeofsalvation,buthe wasdeliveringanassurance thatthespiritualbenefitof crusadingcouldstillbe enjoyedevenwithoutdeath. Throughitsprecise formulationandbroad dissemination,Quantum praedecessoresshapedthe SecondCrusade,helpingto ensureagreaterdegreeof uniformityinpreachingand goingsomeconsiderableway tocementthenotionthata legitimatecrusademustbe promulgatedbythepope.The documentisperhapsofeven moreelementalimportanceto crusadehistorybecauseofits afterlife.Themedievalpapal curiawas,byitsnature,an institutionthattreasured retrospection.Whenwishing toformulateadecisionor frameapronouncement, Romanofficialsalways lookedtoprecedent.Inthis context,Quantum praedecessoresbecamethe benchmarkforcrusading, presentinganofficialmemory ofwhatPopeUrbanIIhad supposedlypreachedin1095 andenshriningcertainideas aboutthenatureoftheFirst Crusadeitself.Intothe secondhalfofthetwelfth centuryandbeyond,the encyclicalservedtodefine thescope,identityand practiceofcrusadingbecause futurepopesusedthe documentasanexemplar. Manydrewuponitsstyle, formatandsubstance;some simplyreissueditunaltered. Forallthis,Eugenius’ encyclicalwassurprisingly unclearononekeyissue:the precisegoaloftheSecond Crusade.Edessa’sfatewas highlighted,butnoexplicit demandwasmadethatthe cityberecaptured,andZangi wasnotnamedasanenemy. Instead,thecrusaderswere exhorted‘todefend...the easternChurch’andfree‘the manythousandsofour captivebrothers’currentlyin Muslimhands.Thislackof specificitywasprobablythe resultofuncertaintyabouta strategicallyrealisticgoalin 1145and1146,butitexposed theexpeditiontofuture disputesoverdirectionand focus.99 Thisshortcomingin Quantumpraedecessores’ formulationalsowas reflectiveofamoreprofound problemintherelationship betweencrusadingandthe crusaderstates.Thetwo were,infact,tragicallyill matched.Crusadeswere essentiallyspirituallyselfserving,devotional expeditionsoffiniteduration, ledbyindividualswiththeir ownambitions,agendasor aims(notleasttocompletea pilgrimagetotheHoly Places).Buttosurvive,the Frankishsettlementsinthe Eastactuallyneededstable, obedientmilitary reinforcements,willingto carryoutthewillof Outremer’srulers. ASAINTSPEAKS– BERNARDOF CLAIRVAUXANDTHE SECONDCRUSADE PopeEugeniusIII’s encyclicalQuantum praedecessoresproclaimed theSecondCrusade.Thetext ofthisletter,deliberately designedasapreachingtool thatcouldbereadily translatedfromLatinintothe commonvernaculartongues ofthemedievalWest,stood atthecoreofthecrusade messagedisseminatedin 1146and1147.Yet,unable eventocontrolcentralItaly, thepopewasinnoreal positiontolaunchan extendedpreachingcampaign northoftheAlps.He thereforeturnedtoBernard, abbotofClairvaux. Bernardwasthemost potentandinfluential preacheroftheSecond Crusade.Aboveallother churchmen,hemustbe creditedfordisseminating andpopularisingthemessage containedinQuantum praedecessores.Bornin Burgundyaround1090,atthe ageoftwenty-threehejoined acommunityofBenedictine monksrecentlyformedat Cîteauxandenjoyeda mercurialrisetoprominence. Afterjusttwoyearshewas instructedtoestablishanew Cistercianmonastery(thatis, onefollowingtheprinciples establishedatCîteaux)at Clairvauxandhisfamesoon spreadacrosstheLatinWest. Renownedasanoratorand avidcorrespondent, exchangingfrequentletters withmanyofthegreat politicalandecclesiastical figuresofhisage,Bernard emergedasoneofthemost illustriousfiguresofthe twelfthcentury. Theabbot’sinfluencegrew intandemwiththatofthe Cistercianordertowhichhe belonged.Foundedin1098, thisnewmonasticmovement sweptthroughEurope, advocatingafundamentalist interpretationofthe Benedictinerule–the regulationsgoverning monasticlife–thatusheredin anewatmosphereofausterity andsimplicity.The Cisterciansexperienced exponentialgrowth:fromtwo housesin1113to353by 1151.Bythemid-twelfth century,Cîteauxcould challenge,evenoutshine,the influenceofmoreestablished formsofmonasticism,like thatofCluny.Thisshiftwas starklyapparentintheorigins ofindividualpopes,forwhile UrbanIIcamefromaCluniac background,EugeniusIIIhad beenmonkatClairvaux beforehiselectiontothe papaloffice.100 Bernardfirstpreachedthe crusadeduringagrandEaster weekassemblyatVézelayin 1146.Thelocationofthis gathering,jointlyplannedby thepapacyandtheFrench monarchyfortheexpedition’s relaunch,wasnoaccident. NestledintheBurgundian heartlandsofCluniacand Cistercianmonasticism, Vézelaywasperfectlyplaced tohostarecruitmentrally. Alreadycloselyassociated withthepracticeof pilgrimageasoneofthe startingpointsforthejourney toSantiagodeCompostela,it wasalsohometoa magnificentabbeychurch, dedicatedtoMary Magdalene. Thescaleofthemeeting heldatVézelaywas unprecedented.Whilethe 1095councilofClermonthad beenalargelyecclesiastical affair,in1146theflowerof north-westernEurope’s nobilitycametogether.King LouisVIIwasjoinedbyhis beautiful,headstrongyoung wife,Eleanor,heiresstothe immenselypowerfulduchyof Aquitaine.Theyhadwedin 1137,whenshewasfifteen andLouiswasaboutto ascendthethrone(aged seventeen),buttheinitial warmthoftheirmarriage wanedsomewhatasthe king’spietydeepened. Possessedofamarkedlust forlife,Eleanorwasto accompanyLouisoncrusade, althoughthelaterlegendthat sherodeattheheadofan armyofAmazonswas apocryphal. Theking’sbrother,Robert, countofDreux,likewisewas presentatVézelay,aswerea hostofotherFrankish potentates,manyofwhom hadhistoriclinksto crusading.Theseincluded CountThierryofFlanders, whoprobablyhadalready madeapilgrimageto Jerusaleminthelate1130s, andCountAlphonse-Jordan ofToulouse,sontothe crusadeleaderRaymondand kinsmanofTripoli’sLatin rulers.Thecrowdsofnobles werejoinedbysolargea throngthattheassemblyhad tobeheldoutsidethe confinesoftheabbeychurch. Fromthevantagepointofa hastilyconstructedwooden platform,LouisandBernard deliveredrousing, impassionedspeecheson EasterSunday.TheFrench king’sclothingwasalready emblazonedwithacross speciallysenttohimbythe pope,andawitnessrecalled that,whentheabbotfinished hisstirringoration:‘Everyone aroundbeganshoutingfor crosses.When[Bernard]had givenout,wemightevensay hadsown,thebundleof crosseswhichhehad prepared,hewasforcedto tearuphisclothesandsow them.’Theclamourwas apparentlysogreatthatthe woodendaiscollapsed, althoughluckilynoonewas injured(thisinitselfwas interpretedasasignofdivine favour). Vézelaywasanenormous success,promotingan infectioussenseof enthusiasmandexcitement, butevenso,forthecrusadeto reachitsfullpotentialthecall toarmsneededtobe broadcasttoanevenwider audience.Withthisinmind, Bernardenactedarangeof measures.Additional preachersweredeputisedto spreadthewordelsewherein France,whilescoresofletters extollingthevirtuesofthe crusadeweredispatchedto otherregions,including England,northernItalyand Brittany.Inthesemissivesthe abbotalmostadoptedthe languageofasalesmanto promotethecrusade.Inone theexpeditionwas characterisedasaunique opportunitytoovercomesin: ‘Thisageislikenootherthat hasgonebefore;anew abundanceofdivinemercy comesdownfromheaven; blessedarethosewhoare aliveinthisyearpleasingto theLord,thisyearof remission...Itellyou,the Lordhasnotdonethisforany generationbefore.’Another letterencouragedChristians ‘nottoletthechancepass youby’tofightforGodand therebyearnas‘wages,the remissionoftheirsinsand everlastingglory’.101 Meanwhile,despitebeing inhismid-fiftiesand physicallyfrail,Bernard himselfembarkedonan extendedtourofnorth-eastern France,Flandersand Germany,sparkingwavesof recruitmentwhereverhe went.InNovember1146the abbotmetConradIII,kingof Germany,arguablythemost powerfulsecularrulerinall LatinChristendom.Around fiftyyearsold,hehadnotyet beencrownedbythepope andwasthusunabletoclaim thetitleofemperorenjoyed byhispredecessors,butit seemedonlyamatteroftime beforethishonourwouldbe conferred.DuringtheFirst Crusade,RomeandGermany hadbeenembroiledinan acrimoniousdisputethat checkedanyhopesofdirect imperialinvolvementinthe expedition.Butinthemidtwelfthcenturyrelations betweenthetwopowerswere considerablyimproved. Conradhadshownhimselfto beatrueandvaluedpapal ally,notleastagainstNorman SicilianaggressioninItaly; hehadalsodemonstratedan affinityfortheHolyLand, probablyvisitingtheLevant inthe1120s.Nonetheless, Conradwasinitiallyreluctant totakethecross,onlytoo consciousthat,inhisabsence, politicalrivalssuchasWelf, dukeofBavaria,mightmove toseizepower.Attheirfirst meetinginFrankfurt,theking thusdemurredwhenBernard suggestedthatheenlist. Theabbotrespondedby throwinghimselfintoa vigorouswinterpreaching campaign,deliveringsermons atthelikesofFreiburg, ZürichandBasel.Hisjourney wassaidtohavebeen accompaniedbyamultitude ofmiracles–morethantwo hundredcrippleswere apparentlyhealed,demons castoutandoneindividual evenraisedfromthedead. And,althoughBernardcould notspeakGerman,andhadto oratewiththeaidofan interpreter,hiswordswere stillcapableofbringing ‘floodsoftears’tohis audience.ThroughNovember andDecember,hundreds,if notthousands,committedto thecause.Itsurelywasnot coincidentalthatthisjourney tooktheabbotintosouthern Germanterritory neighbouringWelfof Bavaria’sdomain,northatit culminatedinDukeWelf’s ownenrolmentinthecrusade. Buoyedbythis achievement,Bernard rejoinedConradatSpeyeron 24December.Inthecourse ofthatChristmastheabbot deliveredapublicsermonand then,on27December,was grantedaprivateaudience withtheking.Thefollowing day,Conradfinallytookthe cross.Scholarscontinueto disputethedegreeof influenceexertedbyBernard atthiscriticalmoment,some arguingthatheeffectively goadedthekingintojoining againsthiswill,othersthat Conrad’sdecisionhadlong beenpremeditated.Certainly, contemporariesdescribed howtheabbotmixedhis ‘customarygentleness’with direwarningsofanimminent apocalypsetowinoverthe king,butitwasprobably WelfofBavaria’srecruitment thatproveddecisive. Notwithstandingthis debate,BernardofClairvaux muststillberegardedasthe primaryforcebehindthe preachingoftheSecond Crusade.Theabbothimself remarkedthat,throughhis efforts,theLatinarmieshad been‘multipliedbeyond number’,andthattherewas barelyonemantoevery sevenwomenleftinthe settlementsthroughwhichhe passed.Therewere, nonetheless,otherindividuals andinfluencesatworkinthis period.Thenotionsof memoryandfamilialheritage emphasisedinQuantum praedecessoresevidentlyhad amarkedimpacton recruitment.LouisVIIhada bloodlineconnectiontothe FirstCrusade–hisgreatuncle,HughofVermandois, hadparticipatedinthe expedition.Analysisofothers knowntohavejoinedthe SecondCrusaderevealsthat manyhadasimilarcrusading pedigree.102 Becauseofthenatureof medievaltextualevidence– whichusuallytooktheform ofdocumentswrittenby churchmen–thedominant survivingimageofcrusading tendstobeinnatelycoloured byanecclesiastical perspective.Byandlarge, scholarswishingto reconstructthehistoryofthis age,ofnecessityrelyupon materialwrittenbyclerics andmonks.Andthese sourcesaresubjecttoobvious vagariesofbiasandomission. Butcrusadesinvolvedthe Churchandthelaity,sohow canthesecularoutlookof knightsandsoldiersbe gauged?Onerewarding avenueisthestudyofpopular songssunginthevernacular ratherthanLatin.Suchsongs almostcertainlyplayedarole inbolsteringrecruitmentand moralefromtheverystartof thecrusadingera,butthefirst actuallyricstosurvivedate fromthe1140s.Onewasthe OldFrenchsong‘Knights, muchispromised’,recitedby courtsingers,ortroubadours, inthemonthsfollowingthe Vézelayassembly.Itschorus andfirstverseran: WhogoesalongwithKingLouis WillneverbeafraidofHell, Hissoulwillgotoparadise, WhereangelsoftheLorddodwell. Edessaistaken,asyouknow, AndChristianstroubledsoreandlong. Thechurchesthereareemptynow, Andmassesarenolongersung. Oknights,youshouldconsiderthis, Youwhoinarmsaresorenowned, Andthenpresentyourbodiesto Onewhoforyouwiththornswas crowned. Thisrareglimpseofthelay celebrationandpromotionof crusadingchimeswithsome ofthemessagesinherentin clericalpreaching:the promiseofspiritualrewards; thesufferingofeastern Christendom;fightinginthe serviceandimitationof Christ.Butthelanguagewas moredirectandthenuances differ.LouisVIIwas identifiedasthecentral leader,withnomentionmade ofthepope.Thecomplexities oftheindulgencewere replacedbyastraightforward guaranteeofaplacein ‘paradise’.And,inalater verse,Zangiwasnamedas theendeavour’schiefenemy. EvenastheChurchdeployed Quantumpraedecessoresand AbbotBernardbroadcastthe calltoarms,thelaityclearly hadthecapacitytoshape theirownvisionofthe SecondCrusade.103 EXPANDINGTHE IDEAL ThelossofEdessasparked theSecondCrusadeand,in 1147,themajorarmiesunder LouisVIIofFranceand ConradIIIofGermanyset outtofightintheLevant.But thescopeofcrusading activityinthelate1140swas notlimitedtotheNearEast, forinthisperiodLatintroops engagedinsimilarholywars inIberiaandtheBaltic.To someitseemedasifthe entireWesthadtakenup armsinapan-European crusade.PopeEugeniusIII himselfwroteinApril1147 that‘sogreatamultitudeof thefaithfulfromdiverse regionsispreparingtofight theinfidel...thatalmostthe wholeofChristendomis beingsummonedforsogreat atask’.Twodecadeslater, theLatinchroniclerHelmold ofBosau(inthenorthern Balticcoastregionof Germany)appearedto reinforcethisview,writing that‘totheinitiatorsofthe expeditionitseemedthatone partofthearmyshouldbe senttothe[HolyLand], anothertoSpainandathird againsttheSlavswholive nexttous’.Some contemporariesthus presentedtheSecondCrusade asasinglegrandenterprise, shapedanddirectedbyits visionary‘initiators’, Eugeniusandtheabbotof Clairvaux.Inrecentdecades, modernhistorianshavedrawn uponthisnotiontosuggest thattheextraordinaryrange ofcrusadingendeavour between1147and1149 resultedfromconscious, proactiveplanningonthepart oftheRomanChurch.Inthis renderingofeventsthe papacyhadthepowerto shapeanddefinecrusading anditwasthesheerelemental forceoftheSecondCrusade’s preaching–thetailored sophisticationofQuantum praedecessores’messageand Bernard’spowertoinspire– thatpromptedthe unparalleledextensionof crusadingactivityintonew theatresafter1146. ThefightinginIberiaand theBalticmaynothavehad immediatebearinguponthe warfortheHolyLand, beyondsomeredirectionof manpowerandresources.But theconsequencesofthis interpretationoftheSecond Crusadearefar-reachingand fundamental,becausethey affectthefuturescaleand natureofChristianholywar. Twoquestionsare imperative.DidtheRoman Churchreallytakethevital initiativetoexpandcrusading aspartofapremeditated design,orwasthis developmentmore accidental?And,by extension,wasthepope actuallyincontrolofthe crusadingmovementbythe mid-twelfthcentury? Thenotionthatwars wagedoutsidetheLevant mightbesanctifiedcertainly wasnotunprecedentedand, between1147and1149,other conflictzoneswere undoubtedlydrawnintothe ambitoftheSecondCrusade. Throughsummer1147, SaxonandDanishChristians foughtascrusadersagainst theirpaganneighbours, knownastheWends,inthe Balticregionofnorth-eastern Europe.Theimpactofthe SecondCrusadewaseven morepowerfullyfeltin Iberia.Afleetofsometwo hundredvessels,carrying crusadersfromEngland, FlandersandtheRhineland, setsailfortheLevantfrom DartmouthinMay1147. Theseshipsstoppedenroute inPortugal,andthereassisted itsChristianKingAfonso Henriquesinconquering Muslim-heldLisbonon24 October.KingAlfonsoVIIof León-Castilechampioned anotherChristianoffensive, withGenoeseaid,which enjoyedcrusadingstatus. Thisculminatedinthe captureofAlmería,infar south-easternSpain,in October1147andofTortosa, inthenorth-east,in December1148. Christiantroopswere fightingunderthecrusading banneronmultiplefrontsin thelate1140s,buttheidea thatthesedisparatestrands werewovenintoasingle enterpriseaspartofan overarching,studiedplanis faulty.Whentheeventsare scrutinisedcloselyitbecomes clearthatchanceand unstructuredorganic developmentwereatwork. TheBalticarmoftheSecond Crusadewasactuallythe resultoftheChurch superimposingthenotionof crusadingontopofapreexistingconflict.Atthe FrankfurtassemblyinMarch 1147,aSaxondelegation indicatedtoBernardof Clairvauxthattheywere deeplyreluctanttogotothe HolyLand.Instead,these warriorswereintentupon fightingclosertohome againsttheirpaganWendish neighbours.Theabbot realisedthattheSaxonscould notbepersuadedto participateinthemainNear Easternexpedition,but Bernardwasstillkeento extendthepapacy’spower andinfluenceovereastern Europeanevents.He thereforedrewtheBaltic campaignintothecrusading sphere,promisingits participants‘thesame spiritualprivilegesasthose whosetoutforJerusalem’, andinApril1147Pope Eugeniusissuedanencyclical confirmingthisgrant. TheIberianelementsofthe SecondCrusadealsoneedto bereevaluated.Thecrusading contributionofthecaptureof Lisbonwasalmostcertainly theresultofanunplanned decisiontostoptofightin Portugal.Thecampaigns againstAlmeríaandTortosa seemtohavebeen appropriatedtothecrusading cause.Catalan,southern FrenchandGenoese participantsdidapparently regardthemselvesasbeing engagedinaholywarwith someparallelstotheFirst Crusade.Butnoprecise evidenceexistsofpapal involvementintheplanning orinstigationofthesewars and,inallprobability,they wereconceivedanddrivenby ChristianIberia’ssecular rulers.Thepapal endorsementofthese endeavours,whichcamein April1148,wasalmostan afterthought,designedto bringSpainunderthe crusadingumbrella. Modernscholarshiphastoo readilyacceptedtheideaof theSecondCrusadeasan expressionofthepapacy’s abilitytoexpandanddirect thecrusadingmovement.In fact,theeventsofthelate 1140ssuggestthatEugenius, Bernardandthepapalcuria werestillstrugglingto harnessandcontrolthisform ofsanctifiedwarfare,evenas theysoughttoassertthe primacyofRomewithin LatinChristendom.104 THEWORKOF KINGS TheinceptionoftheSecond Crusadewasespecially remarkableinoneadditional respect.Uptothispoint, crusadingexpeditionshad beenledinthefieldby prominentnoblemen– counts,dukesandprinces– drawnfromtheupper echelonsofLatinsociety,but nowesternmonarchhad takenthecross.12The decisionofKingLouisVIIof FranceandKingConradIII ofGermanytoanswer Quantumpraedecessores’ calltoarmsthussetan importantprecedent,adding anenduringnewdimension tocrusading.Theimmediate consequencesweremarked. Recruitmentwasbuoyed, partlythroughthepowerof royalendorsementand exampleandalsobecausethe hierarchicalnatureof medievalsocietyprompteda chainreactionofenlistment. Crowninvolvementalso enhancedthematerial resourcesdeployedinthe nameofthecross,atleastto someextent.Arecentspate offailedwesternEuropean harvestsmeantthatevenmen ofLouis’andConrad’s staturestruggledtomeetthe fullfinancialdemandsofso longandcommitteda campaign.Neitherseemsto havebeenabletoimpose generaltaxeswithintheir respectiverealms,andturned insteadtolevyingmoney fromtownsandchurches,but thisprovedtobeonly partiallysuccessfuland, withinweeksofhisdeparture, theFrenchmonarchwasshort ofcash. Royalparticipationcameat aconsiderableprice.Inthe past,mostcrusadershad soughttoarrangetheiraffairs beforedeparture,butthe manifoldcomplexities involvedinakingallbut abandoninghisrealmfor months,evenyears,hadthe potentialtogreatlyextendthe rangeanddurationofthese preparations.In1147regents wereappointedtoprotectthe throneandoverseeday-todaygovernment,fromlaw andordertotheeconomy:in France,AbbotSugerofSt Denis,along-termCapetian allyandLouis’childhood tutor,waschosen;in Germany,Conrad’sten-yearoldson,Henry,was designatedasheirandthe kingdomentrustedtoa leadingchurchman,Abbot WibaldofCorveyand Stavelot. Thefractiousnatureof medievalEuropeanpolitics alsomeantthatcrown involvementinthecrusade deepenedandextendedthe potentialfordamaging antagonismbetween contingents.Northern– southernFrenchtensionalone hadcomeclosetostallingthe FirstCrusade.Whilean ingrainedsenseofnational identityhadyettotakehold ineitherrealm,in1147 troopsfromFranceand Germanydidtraveltothe HolyLandinseparatehosts headedbytheirrespective monarchs.Long-standing internationalrivalryand suspicionmighteasilyhave underminedtheexpedition. Tobeginwith,atleast,the twopowersdisplayed reassuringsignsof cooperation,coordinationand communication.Louismet withConrad’srepresentatives todiscusspreparations,inthe presenceofBernardof Clairvaux,atameetingat Châlons-sur-Marneon2 February1147.TheFrench andGermansthenheld furtherseparateplanning assembliesatÉtampesand Frankfurt. Thepresenceofthesetwo kingsoncrusadelikewise threatenedtodisruptthe delicatediplomatic equilibriumthatheldswayin mid-twelfth-centuryLatin Christendom.Thisissuewas ofgreatestconcerninrelation toRogerIIofSicily,headof aformidablesouthernItalian Normankingdomthatwas fastbecomingoneofthe Mediterranean’sgreat powers.Inthe1140sthe papacyandByzantiumwere directlythreatenedby Roger’sexpansionistpolicies andthereforelookedtotheir mutualally,Germany,to counterSicilianaggression. Conrad’sdecisiontojointhe crusadethreatenedtodisrupt thiswebofinterdependence, exposingRomeand Constantinopletoattack. Matterswerecomplicated furtherbyLouisVII’s relativelyamiablerelations withKingRoger,afact whichunsettledEugeniusIII andmadetheGreekswaryof aSicilian–Frenchinvasion plot.ManuelComnenus– whohadnowassumed controlofByzantium–sent envoystoLouisVIIand ConradIIIinanattemptto pavethewayforpeaceful collaborationwiththe crusade,butdoubtsremained intheemperor’smindandthe popetoowasprobably reluctanttoseeConradleave Europe. Royaldiplomacyalsohad apracticalimpactuponthe routetakenbytheexpedition. Giventhestateofwestern navaltechnologyinthe 1140s,transportingtheentire crusadetotheLevantbyship mayhavebeenimpractical. Nonetheless,RogerIIoffered tocarryFrenchtroops eastwards,butintheendthis wasrefusedbecauseofthe tensionbetweenSicilyand Byzantium.AswiththeFirst Crusade,thevastbulkofthe 1147expeditionsetoutto followthelandroutetothe NearEast,past Constantinopleandacross AsiaMinor.Thiswastohave graveconsequences. Onefurtherquestion remained:howwouldtwoof LatinChristendom’smost powerfulleadersinteractwith therulersofthecrusader states?WouldLouisand Conradallowthemselvesto bedirectedbyaprinceof Antioch,acountofEdessa,or evenakingofJerusalem?Or wouldtheFrenchand Germanmonarchspursue theirownindependent,and potentiallyconflicting, ambitionsandagendas? Notableastheywere,the immediatetoshort-term effectsofLouis’and Conrad’sinvolvementinthe 1146to1149expedition paledincomparisontothe widerhistoricalsignificance oftheunionbetween crusadingandmedieval kingship.Bothwouldbe transformedbythisintimate, oftenunsettlingrelationship overthedecadesand centuriestocome.Outremer andwesternChristendom cametoexpectEurope’s sovereignstochampionthe crusadingcause,butfuture expeditionsinvolvingLatin monarchsweresubjecttothe samepossibilitiesand problems–affordedwealth, resourcesandmanpower;yet hamstrungbydisunityand hamperedbyalackofshared goals.Crusadesinvolving kingsprovedtobeponderous, evenunreactivetotheneeds oftheNearEast,andwere alwayscapableof destabilisingEuropean politics.Atthesametime,the idealofholywarbeganto influencethepracticeof kingshipacrosstheLatin West.Commitmenttothe crusadingcausebecamean essentialdutyforChristian rulers,apiousobligationthat servedtoconfirmtheir martialqualities,butonethat alsohadtobemanaged alongsidethebusinessof government.105 ONTHEROADTOTHE HOLYLAND Nowenjoyingagreater degreeofsecurityinRome, PopeEugeniusIIIcameto ParisatEaster1147to overseethefinalpreparations fortheSecondCrusade.That Aprilagroupofaroundone hundredTemplarknightsalso joinedtheFrenchcrusading army.On11June1147the pope,alongsidehismentor AbbotBernard,presidedover aheavilystage-managed publicceremony,heldatthe grandroyalChurchofSt Denis,afewmilesnorthof Paris,atwhichLouismadea dramatic,ritualiseddeparture fortheHolyLand.This gatheringencapsulatedthe newroyaldimensionof crusading,butalsoprovides anauthenticinsightintothe youngking’sownburgeoning senseofpersonalpiety.En routetothemeetingatSt Denis,Louisdecidedthathe hadtomakean‘impromptu’ two-hourtourofthelocal lepercolonyasa demonstrationofhis subserviencetoGod,leaving bothhisglamorouswife, EleanorofAquitaine,andthe popeliterallywaitingatthe altar.Thequeenwassaidto havebeen‘almostfainting fromemotionandtheheat’. WhenLouisfinallyarrived atStDenis,hushedcrowdsof nobles,packedintotheaisles, watchedinaweas‘he humblyprostratedhimselfon thegroundandadoredhis patronsaint,Denis’.The popepresentedthekingwith hispilgrimstaffandscrip (satchel),andLouisthen raisedtheancientOriflame, believedtohavebeen Charlemagne’sbattlestandard,theverysymbolof Frenchmonarchy.Inone moment,thisimpassioned performancesentouta successionofpowerful interlockingmessages: crusadingwasagenuineact ofChristiandevotion;Louis wasatrulyregalking;and theRomanChurchstoodat thecentreofthecrusading movement.106 Themainarmiesofthe SecondCrusadebegantheir journeystotheLevantin earlysummer1147.Their intentionwastorecreatethe gloriesoftheFirstCrusade, travellingeastoverland throughByzantiumandAsia Minor.Aftertheceremonyat StDenis,Louisledthe FrenchfromMetz;having assembledhisGermanforces atRegensburg,ConradIII hadsetoutinMay.These staggereddeparturesappear tohavebeenpurposefully coordinated,perhapsasa resultofplanslaidat Châlons-sur-Marne,theaim beingtoallowboth contingentstofollowthe sameroutetoConstantinople –throughGermanyand Hungary–without exhaustinglocalresources. Butdespitethisearlypromise ofcooperation,andallthe carefullynurtureddreamsof relivingpastexploitsand achievements,theattemptto reachtheHolyLandproved tobeanalmostunmitigated disaster. Inlargepartthiswasdue toafailuretocollaborate effectivelywiththeByzantine Empire.Halfacentury earlier,AlexiusIComnenus hadhelpedtotriggertheFirst Crusadeandthensucceeded inharnessingitsstrengthto reconquerwesternAsia Minor.In1147,theposition andperspectiveofhis grandson,EmperorManuel, differedconsiderably.Manuel hadhadnointerestin summoningthisnewLatin expeditionandactuallystood tolosepowerandinfluence nowthatitwasinmotion.In theWest,ConradIII’s absencefreedRogerofSicily toattackGreekterritory,and theprospectoftwovast Frankisharmiesmarching throughtheempire,andpast Constantinopleitself,filled Manuelwithdread.Tothe east,meanwhile,thenew crusadelookedsetto revitaliseOutremer, stemmingtherecent resurgenceofByzantine authorityinnorthernSyria;a concernthatwasonly exacerbatedbyKingLouis VII’sfamilialconnectionsto PrinceRaymondofAntioch. ForManuel,theSecond Crusadewasaworrisome threat.AstheFrankisharmies approachedtheempirethe emperor’sconcernsdeepened tosuchanextentthathe decidedtosecurehiseastern frontierbyagreeinga temporarytrucewithMa‘sud, theSeljuqsultanofAnatolia. TotheGreeksthiswasa logicalstepthatallowed Manueltofocusuponthe thousandsofLatintroops nearinghiswesternborders. But,whentheylearnedofthe deal,manycrusaderssawit asanactoftreachery. Problemsbeganalmostas soonastheFrankscrossed theDanubeandenteredthe empire.Conrad’slarge, unwieldyarmyconductedan ill-disciplinedmarchsoutheastthroughPhilippopolis andAdrianople,punctuated byoutbreaksoflootingand skirmishingwithGreek troops.Desperateto safeguardhiscapital,Manuel hurriedlyusheredthe Germansacrossthe Bosphorus.Initially,the smallerFrenchcontingent’s advanceprogressedmore peacefully,but,oncecamped outsideConstantinople,the Franksbecameincreasingly belligerent.Newsof Manuel’spactwithMa‘sud wasgreetedwithhorror, derisionanddeep-seated mistrust.Godfrey,bishopof Langres,oneofthecrusade’s leadingchurchmen,even soughttoinciteadirectattack onConstantinople,ascheme whichKingLouisrejected. Theemperordidsupplythe crusaderswithguides,but eventheyseemtohave renderedonlylimited assistance. Lackingthefullsupportof Byzantium,theLatins needed,aboveall,tounite theirownforcesagainstIslam onceinAsiaMinor. Unfortunately,coordination betweentheFrenchand Germancontingentsbroke downinautumn1147. Conradunwiselyelectedto forgeaheadwithoutLouisin lateOctober,marchingout fromhisstagingpostat Nicaeaintoanarid, inhospitablelandscapethat wascontrolledonlyloosely bytheGreeks.Theplanwas, onceagain,tofollowa similarroutetothattakenby theFirstCrusaders,butthe SeljuqsofAnatoliawere betterpreparedthantheyhad beenin1097.TheGerman column,unaccustomedto Muslimbattletactics,soon fellfoulofrepeatedharrying attacksfromelusive,fastmovingbandsofTurkish horsemen.Limpingtheirway eastwardspastDorylaeum, withlossesmountingand suppliesdwindling,the crusadersfinallydecidedto turnback.Bythetimethey hadretracedtheirstepsto NicaeainearlyNovember, thousandshadperishedand evenKingConradhadbeen wounded.Moralewas shattered.Manyofthe bedraggledsurvivorscuttheir lossesandsetoutonthe returnjourneytoGermany. Chastened,Conradjoined forceswiththeFrench,who bynowhadcrossedthe Bosphorus,toattempta secondadvance.They successfullytracedadifferent routesouthtowardsthe ancientRomanmetropolisof Ephesus,wheretheonsetof illnessforcedtheGerman kingtoremainbehind.Inlate December,withrainand snowfalling,Louisleftthe coast,leadinghisarmyalong theMeandervalleytowards theAnatolianuplands.At first,militarydisciplineheld andearlywavesofSeljuq attackswererepulsed,but around6January1148the crusaderslostformation whiletryingtocrossthe imposingphysicalobstacleof MountCadmusandsuffered asearingTurkishassault. LosseswereheavyandLouis himselfwassurrounded, narrowlyavoidingcaptureby takingrefugeinatree. Shakenbytheexperience,the kingnowaskedtheforceof Templarknightsthathad joinedhisarmybackin Francetoleadthesurvivors inatightlycontrolledmarch south-easttotheGreek-held portofAdalia–adecision illustrativebothofthe crusaders’direpredicament andofthemartialreputation alreadyaccruedbythe TemplarOrder.Louislater sentalettertotheabbotofSt Denisrecallingthesegrim days:‘Therewereconstant ambushesfrombandits,grave difficultiesoftravel,daily battleswiththeTurks...We ourselveswerefrequentlyin perilofourlife;butthanksto God’sgracewerefreedfrom allthesehorrorsand escaped.’Exhaustedand hungry,theFrenchreached thecoastaround20January. Somethoughtwasgivento marchingonwards,but eventuallyLouisdecidedto sailtoSyriawithaportionof hisarmy.Thoseleftbehind werepromisedByzantine support,butmostdiedfrom starvationorwerekilled duringTurkishattacks.The FrenchkingreachedAntioch inMarch1148.Meanwhile, havingrecuperatedin Constantinople,Conrad likewisedecidedtocomplete hisjourneyeastbyseaand sailedtoAcre. TheSecondCrusaderswho tookthelandroutetothe NearEast,proudlyhopingto emulatethe‘heroism’oftheir forebears,hadbeencrushed; thousandswerelostto combat,starvationand desertion.Theexpeditionhad beenbrokenevenbeforeit reachedtheHolyLand.Many blamedtheGreeksforthis terriblereversal,levelling accusationsoftreacheryand betrayal.But,although Manuelhadindeedoffered LouisandConradonly limitedsupport,itwasthe Latins’ownincautioninthe faceofheightenedTurkish aggressionthatprecipitated disaster.Withboththe GermansandFrenchso roundlyandignominiously defeated,WilliamofTyre concludedthatthecrusaders’ once‘gloriousreputation [for]valour’nowlayin tatters.‘Henceforward’,he wrote,‘itwasbutajokein theeyesofthoseunclean peoplestowhomithadonce beenaterror.’Louisand Conradhadfinallyreached theLevant;thequestionnow waswhethertheirgreatly weakenedforcescouldhope toachieveanythingof substanceandrekindlethe crusadingflame.107 II THERESPONSEOF ISLAM MUSLIMREVIVAL Thehalf-centurysincethe adventoftheFirstCrusade hadseenlittlesignofaunited ordeterminedIslamic responsetotheChristian conquestoftheHolyLand. Jerusalem–themostsacred cityintheMuslimworldafter MeccaandMedina– remainedinLatinhands.And theelementaldivision betweenSunniIraqandSyria andShi‘iteEgyptendured. BarringoccasionalMuslim victories,mostnotablyatthe FieldofBloodin1119,the earlytwelfthcenturyhad beendominatedbyFrankish expansionandaggression. Butinthe1140sitseemedas ifthetidemightbeshifting, asZangi,theatabegofMosul andAleppo,andhisfamily (theZangiddynasty)tookup thetorchofjihad. ZANGI–THE CHAMPIONOFISLAM Zangi’scaptureofEdessain 1144wasatriumphforIslam: whatoneMuslimchronicle describedas‘thevictoryof victories’.Whenhistroops stormedthecityon24 December,theatabeg initiallyallowedthemto pillageandslaughteratwill. Butafterthisfirstwaveof violence,heenforcedan approachthatwas,atleastby hisstandards,relatively temperate.TheFranks suffered–everymanwas butcheredandallwomen takenintoslavery–butthe survivingeasternChristians weresparedandpermittedto remainintheirhomes. Likewise,Latinchurches weredestroyed,buttheir ArmenianandSyriac counterpartsleftuntouched. Similarcarewastakento limittheamountofdamage inflicteduponEdessa’s fortifications,anda rebuildingprogrammewas undertakenimmediatelyto repairweakenedsectionsof thewalls.Realisingthe strategicsignificanceofhis newacquisition,Zangi wishedthecitytoremain habitableanddefendable. WithEdessainhis possession,theatabegcould hopetouniteavastswatheof SyrianandMesopotamian territory,stretchingfrom AleppotoMosul.Andforthe MuslimworldoftheNear andMiddleEast,hisstartling achievementseemedto promisethedawnofanew era,oneinwhichtheFranks mightbedrivenfromthe Levant.Therecanbeno doubtthat1144markeda turningpointforIslaminthe warfortheHolyLand. Equally,itisclearthatZangi madeenergeticeffortsto publicisehissuccessasa blowstruckbyazealous mujahidinthenameofall Muslims. WithinIslamicculture, Arabicpoetryhadalongestablishedroleinboth influencingandreflecting publicopinion.Muslimpoets commonlycomposedworks forpublicrecitation, sometimesbeforemassed crowds,mixingreportageand propagandatocommentupon currentevents.Poetswho joinedZangi’scourt,someof themSyrianrefugeesfrom Latinrule,authoredworks celebratingtheatabeg’s achievements,castinghimas thechampionofawider jihadimovement.IbnalQaysarani(fromCaesarea) stressedtheneedforZangito reconquerthewholeofthe Syriancoastline(theSahil), arguingthatthisshouldbethe holywar’sprimaryaim.‘Tell theinfidelrulerstosurrender ...alltheirterritories’,he wrote,‘foritis[Zangi’s] country.’Atthesametime, thisnotionofpan-Levantine conquestwastwinnedwitha morepreciseobjective,one thatpossessedanimmediate devotionalfocus–Jerusalem. Edessalayhundredsofmiles northofPalestine,butits capturewasnonetheless presentedasthefirststepon thepathtotheHolyCity’s recovery.‘Iftheconquestof Edessaisthehighsea’,Ibn al-Qaysaraniaffirmed, ‘JerusalemandtheSahilare itsshore.’ ManyMuslim contemporariesappearto haveacceptedthisprojection oftheatabegasajihadi warrior.TheAbbasidcaliph inBaghdadnowconferred uponhimthegrandtitles ‘AuxiliaryoftheCommander oftheFaithful,theDivinely AidedKing’.Giventhatthe Zangidswerestill,toan extent,outsiders–upstart Turkishwarlords,withno innaterighttoruleoverthe establishedArabandPersian hierarchiesoftheEast–this caliphalendorsementhelped tolegitimateZangi’sposition. Theideathattheatabeg’s careerhadsomehowbeen buildingtothissingle achievementalsogained currency.Evenachronicler basedinrivalDamascus declaredthat‘Zangihad alwayscovetedEdessaand watchedforachanceto achievehisambition.Edessa wasneveroutofhisthoughts orfarfromhismind.’Onthe basisofhis1144victory, laterIslamicchroniclers labelledhimashahid,or martyr,anhonourreserved forthosewhodied‘inthe pathofGod’engaginginthe jihad. Thisisnottosuggestthat Zangirecognisedthepolitical valueofespousingthe principlesofholywaronly afterhissuddensuccessat Edessa.Aninscriptiondated to1138,fromaDamascene madrasa(religiousschool) patronisedbytheatabeg, alreadydescribedhimas‘the fighterofjihad,thedefender ofthefrontier,thetamerof thepolytheistsandthe destroyerofheretics’,andthe sametitleswereagainused fouryearslaterinanAleppan inscription.Theeventsof 1144allowedZangito emphasiseandexpandupon thisfacetofhiscareer,but eventhenjihadagainstthe Franksremainedasoneissue amongmany.Withinhisown lifetime,theatabegsought, firstandforemost,topresent himselfasarulerofallIslam; anaspirationhighlightedby hisdecisiontoemployan arrayofhonorifictitles tailoredtothedifferingneeds (anddistincttongues)of Mesopotamia,Syriaand DiyarBakr.InArabichewas oftenstyledasImadal-Din Zangi(‘Zangi,thepillarof religion’),butinPersianhe mightpresenthimselfas‘the guardianoftheworld’or‘the greatkingofIran’,andin nomadicTurkishas‘the falconprince’.1 Thereispreciouslittle evidencetosuggestthat Zangiprioritisedjihadabove allotherconcernsbefore,or evenafter,1144.Hedidtake stepstoconsolidatehishold overthecountyofEdessain early1145,seizingthetown ofSarujfromtheFranksand defeatingaLatinreliefforce thathadassembledat Antioch.Butbeforelong,he wastobefoundonceagain fightingfellowMuslimsin Iraq.Byearly1146itwas whisperedthatZangiwas preparingforanewSyrian offensive.Constructionof siegeweaponrybeganand, whileofficiallythesewerefor thejihad,anAleppan chronicleradmittedthat ‘somepeoplethoughtthathe wasintendingtoattack Damascus’. Zangiwasnowsixty-two andstillinremarkablyrude health.Butonthenightof14 September1146,duringthe siegeoftheMuslimfortress ofQalatJa‘bar(onthebanks oftheEuphrates),hesuffered asuddenandunexpected assault.Thedetailsofthe terribleattackaremurky. Zangiwassaidtohave retainednumerouswatchful sentriestoguardagainst assassination,butsomehow theywerebypassed,andthe atabegwassetuponinhis ownbed.Theassailantwas latercastvariouslyasa trustedeunuch,slaveor soldierand,notsurprisingly, rumoursalsocirculatedthat thebloodydeedhadbeen instigatedbyDamascus.The truthwillprobablyneverbe known.Anattendantwho foundZangigrievously woundedrecountedthescene: Iwenttohim,whilehewasstillalive. Whenhesawme,hethoughtthatIwas intendingtokillhim.Hegesturedtome withhisindexfinger,appealingtome.I haltedinaweofhimandsaid,‘Mylord, whohasdonethistoyou?’Hewas, however,unabletospeakanddiedat thatmoment(Godhavemercyon him).2 Forallhisferalvitalityand enduringambition,the atabeg’stumultuouscareer hadbeencutshort.Zangi, lordofMosulandAleppo, conquerorofEdessa,lay dead. TheadventofNural-Din Zangi’sdemisewasasqualid, brutalandignominiousaffair. Amidtheshockofthe moment,evenhisrelatives gavelittlethoughtto honouringthedeceased;the atabeg’scorpsewasburied withoutceremonyand‘his storesofmoneyandrich treasureswereplundered’. Attentionturnedinsteadto theissuesofpowerand succession. Zangi’sheirsmoved swiftly:hiseldestson,Saif al-Din,seizedMosul– affirmationthatMesopotamia wasstillseenasthetrue cradleofSunniIslam;the atabeg’syoungerson,NuralDinMahmud,meanwhile, travelledwesttoassume controlofhisfather’sSyrian lands.ThisdivisionofZangid territoryhadnotable consequences.Withoutdirect interestsinIraq,Nural-Din, thenewemirofAleppo, wouldbefocusedupon Levantineaffairs,andthus perhapsbetterplacedto pursuethejihad.Atthesame time,however,withoutaccess totheFertileCrescent’s wealthandresources,the strengthofhisSyrianrealm mightwane. Nural-Dincametopower agedaroundtwenty-eight.He wassaidtohavebeen‘atall, swarthymanwithabeardbut nomoustache,afineforehead andapleasantappearance enhancedbybeautiful, meltingeyes’.Intimehe wouldattainpowertoeclipse eventhatheldbyhisfather, emergingasLatin Christendom’smostfeared andrespectedMuslim adversaryintheNearEast–a rulerwhonurturedandreenergisedthecauseofIslamic holywar.EvenWilliamof Tyrewaslatermovedto describehimas‘awiseand prudentmanand,according tothesuperstitioustraditions ofhispeople,onewhofeared God’.Butin1146,theemir’s positionwasprecariousand thetasksetbeforehimallbut insurmountable.3 InthewakeofZangi’s assassination,Syriawas thrownintodisarray.The brutaleffectivenessofthe atabeg’sdespotismnow becameapparentas lawlessnessbrokeoutacross largeswathesoftheMuslim Levant.EvenaDamascene contemporaryacknowledged that‘allthetownswerein confusion,theroadsbecame unsafe,afterenjoyinga gratefulperiodofsecurity’. WithNural-Din’srightand abilitytoruleasyet unproven,anumberof Zangi’sloyallieutenants realignedtheirinterests. UnderpressurefromUnur, thedefactorulerof Damascus,theKurdish warlordAyyubibnShadi surrenderedBaalbekand movedtothesouthernSyrian capital.Nural-Dinretained thesupportofAleppo’s Zangidgovernor,Sawar,and thebackingofAyyub’s brother,Shirkuh,buton balancetheyoungemir’s prospectsforsuccess,oreven survival,wereslim. AsemirofAleppo,NuralDinfoundhimselfincontrol ofoneofthegreatcitiesof theNearEast.Alreadyinthe twelfthcenturyAleppohad analmostunimaginably ancienthistory–thesiteof humansettlementforatleast seventhousandyears.In physicalterms,themetropolis governedbyNural-Dinfrom 1146wasdominatedbyan impressivewalledcitadel, risingoutoftheheartofthe city,atopasteep-sided,200foot-highnaturalhill.One near-contemporaryvisitor notedthatthis‘fortressis renownedforits impregnabilityand,fromfar distanceseenforitsgreat height,iswithoutlikeor matchamongcastles’–even todayitdominatesthe moderncity.Aleppo’sGreat Mosque,ashortdistanceto thewest,wasfoundedaround 715undertheUmayyads,to whichtheSeljuqshadadded astrikingsquareminaretin thelateeleventhcentury.The citywasalsoarenowned commercialhub,hometoa networkofcoveredsouqs (markets).Aleppomaynot havebeenSyria’sfirstcityin thetwelfthcentury,butitwas acentreofpolitical,military andeconomicpower–as suchitofferedNural-Dina vitalplatformuponwhichto buildhiscareer.4 In1146,amidstthechaotic vacuumofpowerthat followedZangi’smurder,Nur al-Dinneededtoasserthis authority.Anopportunityto dojustthissoonpresented itself,asurgentnewsofa suddencrisisarrived.The FrankishcountofEdessa, JoscelinII,wasmakinga desperateattempttorecover hiscapital.Leadingarapidly assembledforce,hehad marchedonthecityin October1146and,withthe collusionofitsnative Christianpopulation, breachedEdessa’souter defencesbynight.The Muslimgarrisonfledtothe heavilyfortifiedcitadeland werenowcloselybesieged. Nural-Dinreactedwith urgentresolution,determined topreventEdessa’slosstothe Franksandtoforestallany possibilityofwestward expansionbyhisbrotherSaif al-Din.Musteringthousands ofAleppantroopsand Turcomanwarriors,theemir prosecutedalightningforced marchthroughdayandnight, travellingatsuchanintense pace‘that[theMuslims’] horsesdroppedbythe roadsidesfromfatigue’.This speedpaidoff.Lackingthe manpowerandsiegeengines toovercomethecitadel, Joscelin’stroopswerestill rangedwithinthelowercity whenNural-Dinarrived. Trappedbetweentwoforces, thecountimmediately abandonedthecity,escaping atthecostofheavyLatin losses.WithEdessabackin hispossession,theemirchose tomakeablunt demonstrationofhisruthless will.Twoyearsearlier,Zangi hadsparedthecity’seastern Christians;now,as punishmentfortheir ‘connivance’withtheFranks, hissonandheirscourged Edessaoftheirpresence.All maleswerekilled,women andchildrenenslaved.One Muslimchroniclerremarked that‘theswordblottedoutthe existenceofallthe Christians’,whileashocked SyrianChristiandescribed how,intheaftermathofthis massacre,thecity‘was desertedoflife:anappalling vision,envelopedinablack cloud,drunkwithblood, infectedbythecadaversofits sonsanddaughters’.The oncevibrantmetropolis remainedadesolate backwaterforcenturiesto come.5 Grimasitsimpactwasin Edessa,Nural-Din’sshowof strengthhelpedtocementhis ruleoverAleppo.Onthis occasion,theemirhad followedhisfather’sleadin relyinguponbruteforceand feartoimposehisauthority. Overtime,however,NuralDinprovedcapableof employingmoresubtlemodes ofgovernance–from consensualpoliticstothe shapingofpublicopinion– alongsidesteelyresolve.Like Zangi,heaspiredtounite AleppoandDamascus,butto beginwith,atleast,theemir cultivatedanatmosphereof renewedcooperationwithhis southernSyrianneighbour.A marriagealliancewas arrangedbetweenNural-Din andUnurofDamascus’ daughter,Ismat.TheAleppan emiralsomadethe magnanimousgestureof releasingaslavegirlcaptured byZangiatBaalbekin1138, whohadoncebeenUnur’s lover.Intheopinionofone Muslimchronicler,‘thiswas themostimportantreasonfor thefriendshipbetween[Nur al-DinandtheDamascene]’. Withtherebalancingof powerthatfollowedZangi’s death,AleppoandDamascus werefeelingtheirway towardsanewrelationship. Nolongerfearfulof imminentZangidinvasion, Unur’sauthoritywas rejuvenated,andhebeganto severhistiesasaclientruler oftheFranks.Whenoneof hisdependants,Altuntashof Bosra,soughttoforma breakawayalliancewiththe kingdomofJerusalemin spring1147,Unurmovedto intervene.Nural-Dincame southtolendsupportand togetherthetwobeatbacka Latinattempttooccupy Bosra.Thisnotablesuccess earnedUnurrecognitionfrom therivalcaliphsofBaghdad andCairo,withbothsending robesofhonouranddiplomas ofinvestiture.Againstthis backdrop,Damascus,rather thanAleppo,appearedin 1147tobethedominant SyrianMuslimpolity. Nural-Dinspentthat summerconsolidatinghis positioninthenorthand campaigningonthewestern borderzonewithAntioch. Chillingnewsthenputthe emironthedefensive.An ‘innumerable’Latinarmy wasreportedly‘makingfor thelandofIslam’;itwassaid thatsomanyChristianshad joinedthehugeforcethatthe Westhadbeenleftemptyand undefended.Alarmedby thesetidings,Aleppo,andall itsMuslimneighbours, soughttoprepareforthe SecondCrusade,andthe comingofanewwar.6 COUNTERINGTHE CRUSADE Overthenextsixmonths, reportsoftheGermanand Frenchcrusaders’ experiencesgraduallyfiltered backtotheNearEast.One Damasceneheardthat‘avast numberofthemperished’in AsiaMinor,through‘killing, diseaseandhunger’,andby early1148itwasapparent thatMa‘sud,theSeljuqsultan ofAnatolia,hadinflicted cripplinglossesuponthe Franks.ForNural-Dinand Unur,anxiouslywaitingin AleppoandDamascus,these tidingsmusthavebeena welcome,butsurprising, relief.TheirTurkish neighbourstothenorth-west –moreoftenrivalsthanallies overrecentdecades–had bluntedtheChristiancrusade evenbeforeitreachedthe Levant. Evenso,thedangerwas notpast.Thatspring,Latin survivors(stillnumberingin theirthousands)beganto arriveintheportsofSyria andPalestine.Thequestion nowwas,wherewouldthey strike?Nural-Dinreadied Aleppoforanattackandhis brother,Saifal-Din,brought reinforcementsfromMosul laterthatsummer.Yetagainst expectationstheFrankish offensive,whenitfinally cameinJuly1148,was launchedtothesouthagainst Damascus. ReachingAntiochthat March,KingLouisVIIof Francehadquarrelledwith RaymondofAntioch. Edessa’srecentdevastation scupperedanylingeringplans toattemptitsimmediate reconquest;insteadRaymond advocatedacampaign targetingAleppoandShaizar. Theplanhadconsiderable merit,offeringanopportunity tostrikeagainstZangid powerwhileNural-Dinwas stillconsolidatinghishold overnorthernSyria,butthe Frenchkingrejectedthe schemeandpromptly marchedsouthtoPalestine. ThecausesofLouis’decision havelongbeendebated.He mayhavebeenshortoffunds, concernedaboutKingConrad ofGermany’sactivitiesinthe Latinkingdom,andkeento fulfilhisownpilgrimageto Jerusalem.Theheartofthe matter,though,wasprobably atorridscandal.Upon arrivinginAntioch,Louis’ youngcharismaticwife EleanorofAquitainehad spentagreatdealoftimein thecompanyofheruncle, PrinceRaymond.Rumour spreadthattheyhadbeguna passionate,incestuousaffair. Humiliatedandappalled,the Frenchmonarchwasforced todraghiswifeoutofthecity againstherwill,anactthat souredtheirrelationship beyondrepairandputanend toanyhopesofcooperation betweenAntiochandthe crusaders. WithConradhaving arrivedintheHolyLandthat April,theFrenchandGerman contingentsregroupedin northernPalestineinearly summer.On24Juneajoint Latincounciloftheleading crusadersandJerusalem’s HighCourtwasheldnear Acretodebateafuturecourse ofaction,andDamascuswas chosenasthenewtarget.This decisionwasonceviewedby scholarsasanactofnearlunacy,giventheMuslim city’srecentalliancewith FrankishPalestineandits resistancetoZangid ascendancy.Butthisviewhas beenrightlychallengedon thegroundsthatZangi’s deathin1146reshapedthe balanceofpowerinMuslim Syria.OnceJerusalem’s docilepawnagainstAleppo, by1148Damascushad becomeafarmore threateningandaggressive neighbour.Assuch,its neutralisationandconquest wereareasonableobjective andthecity’sseizuremight transformOutremer’s prospectsforlong-term survival.7 Inmidsummer1148,the ChristiankingsofEuropeand Jerusalemadvancedto Banyasandthenmarchedon Damascus.Unurdidhisbest topreparethecity, strengtheningdefencesand organisingtroopsandmilitia. Requestsforaidwere dispatchedtohisMuslim neighbours,includingthe Zangids.On24Julythe Franksapproachedthrough thedense,richlyirrigated orchardssouth-westof Damascus.Thesetightly packedcopses,enclosedby lowmudwalls,stretched somefivemilesfromthe city’ssuburbs.Traversable onlyvianarrowlanes,they hadlongservedasafirst naturallineofdefence.The Muslimsdidtheirbesttohalt theLatinadvance,launching skirmishingattacksand incessantarrowvolleysfrom watchtowersandconcealed vantagepointsamidstthe trees,buttheenemypressed on. Byday’sendtheFranks hadestablishedacamponthe opengroundinfrontofthe city,fromwheretheyhad accesstothewatersofthe BaradaRiver.Incontrastto thelikesofAntiochand Jerusalem,Damascus possessednogreatencircling fortifications,butwas protectedatmostbyalow outerwallandthecrowded jumbleofitsoutlying suburbs.WiththeChristians nowwaitingonitsvery outskirts,themetropolis seemedhorriblyvulnerable. Unurorderedthestreetstobe barricadedwithhugewooden beamsandpilesofrubble and,toraisemorale,amass gatheringwasheldinthe GrandUmayyadMosque. OneofDamascus’most sacredtreasures,arevered copyoftheKoran,once ownedbytheCaliph ‘Uthman(anearlysuccessor toMuhammad),was displayedtothethrong‘and thepeoplesprinkledtheir headswithashesandwept tearsofsupplication’. Forthenextthreedaysa desperatestrugglewasplayed out,astheMuslimsbattledto holdbacktheFranks,and bothsidessufferedheavy casualtiesinclose,hardfoughtcombat. Reinforcementsfromthe BiqavalleyboostedMuslim resistanceand,withthe arrivalofNural-DinandSaif al-Dinanticipated,Unur playedfortime.Heappears tohavepromisedtorenew tributepaymentsinreturnfor anendtohostilities.Awareof therivalriescoursingbeneath thesurfaceoftheChristian coalition,Unuralsosought, ratherdeviously,tosowseeds ofdoubtanddistrust.A messagewasapparentlysent tothecrusaderkingswarning oftheZangids’approach, whileaseparateenvoy contactedtheLevantine Franks,pointingoutthattheir alliancewiththewesterners wouldonlyculminateinthe creationofanewadversaryin theEast,for‘youknowthat, iftheytakeDamascus,they willseizethecoastallands thatyouhaveinyourhands’. TheChristianrankscertainly seemtohavebeenplaguedby internaltensions,asLatin sourcesconfirmthatthe Franksbeganarguingover whoshouldhaverightstothe cityifitfell. Havingmadelittleprogress andwithdoubtssurfacing,the Franksheldacouncilofwar ontheeveningof27July.A somewhatpanickeddecision wasmadetomovetotheeast ofthecityfromwhere,itwas believed,adirectattackmight bemoreeasilylaunched.In fact,thisareaofDamascus provedtobejustasstrongly defended,andtheChristians nowfoundthemselves campedinanexposed, waterlessposition.Beneath thesearingsummersun,their nervebroke.Accordingto oneMuslimeyewitness, ‘reportsreachedtheFranks fromseveralquartersofthe rapidadvanceoftheIslamic armiestoengageintheholy waragainstthem,andthey becameconvincedoftheir owndestructionandthe imminenceofdisaster’.Latin sourcesmurmuroftreachery withinthearmy,ofpay-offs byUnurandheated recriminationsonallsides. On28July,thecoalitionof crusadersandLevantine Franksbegananappallingly humiliatingretreat,harriedby Damasceneskirmishersas theyfled.KingConradlater wrotethattheChristianshad ‘retreatedingriefwiththe siegeafailure’,while WilliamofTyredescribedthe crusadersasbeing‘covered withconfusionandfear’.The FrenchandGermankings spokeofplanstolauncha second,better-equipped assaultagainstDamascus,or ofapossiblecampaign againstFatimidAscalon,but noactionwastakenoneither count.Conradsetsailfor EuropeinSeptemberand, aftervisitingtheholysites, Louisfollowedhisleadin spring1149.Withrelief,one Muslimchroniclerdeclared that‘Godsavedthebelievers [inDamascus]fromtheir evil.’8 AsfarastheFrankswere concerned,themain Levantinethrustofthe SecondCrusadehadendedin miserabledefeat.Aftersuch grand,regalpreparations,the Christians’planshadcometo naughtandtheveryconcept ofLatinholywarwasnow broughtintoquestion.The consequencesofthisgrave setbackforthepopularityand practiceofcrusadingwould befeltlongintothefuture. Despitetheprotracteddebate overthewisdomofthe Franks’decisiontobesiege Damascus,historianshave tendedtounderplaythe crusade’simpactuponNear EasternIslam.Onthesurface, thebalanceofpower appearedunchanged–Unur remainedincontrolof Damascus;theChristianshad beenrepelled.Butatthe criticalmomentofdanger,the Damasceneshadbeenforced toappealtoAleppoand Mosul.Forabriefmomentin themid-1140s,Unurhad seemedcapableofchecking Zangidascendancy;now,in theaftermathoftheSecond Crusade,hehadtoacceptan increasinglysubservient relationshipwithNural-Din. TheLatinattackon Damascusin1148also contributedtoahardeningof anti-Frankishsentiment amongthewiderDamascene populace.Beforelong,Unur andtheBuridrulingelite reopeneddiplomaticchannels withthekingdomof Jerusalem,butlocalsupport forthepolicyofalliancewith Palestinewasnowinterminal decline. ThecountyofEdessa dismembered Aleppohadescapedthe SecondCrusadeunscathed and,ifanything,theLatin expeditionhadbolsteredNur al-Din’spositioninnorthern Syria.Certainlythecrusade haddonenothingtoreverse theZangidgainsachievedin thecountyofEdessa.Inthe yearsthatfollowed,the scatteredremnantsofwhat hadbeenthefirstcrusader stateweregraduallypicked overbyIslam.Facing pressurefromthreefronts– asNural-Din,Ma‘sudof KonyaandtheArtuqidsof DiyarBakrallviedtoseize Edesseneterritory–Count JoscelinIItriedtobuya measureofsecurityby agreeingasubmissivetruce withAleppo.Butwhenthe countwascapturedin1150, Nural-Dinpaidscantnotice ofJoscelin’ssupposedstatus asaclient-ally;theFrankwas thrownintoprison(and possiblyblinded)and remainedinconfinementuntil hisdeathnineyearslater. Zangidsupportersmade themostofJoscelin’sfall frompower.Describinghim as‘anintransigentdevil, fierceagainsttheMuslims andcruel’,oneMuslim chroniclernotedthat‘[the count’s]capturewasablow toallChristendom’. Expandingonthistheme,the poetIbnal-Qaysarani(nowa memberofNural-Din’s court)affirmedthatJerusalem itselfwouldsoonbe ‘purified’.9 WithJoscelincaptive,his wifeBeatricesoldoffthe remainderoftheLatincounty totheByzantines,prompting astreamofFrankishand easternChristianrefugeesto fleetoAntioch.Thecountess settledinPalestine,whereher children–JoscelinIIIand Agnes–laterbecame prominentpoliticalfigures. EventheGreeksproved unabletodefendthese isolatedoutpostsand,with thefallofTellBashirtoNur al-Din’sforcesin1151,the countyofEdessacametoa final,irredeemableend.The Zangidshaderadicatedoneof thefourcrusaderstates. THELIGHTOF FAITH Nural-Dinemergedasthe NearEast’sforemostMuslim leaderintheaftermathofthe SecondCrusade.Overthe courseofhiscareer,NuralDinwoulduniteSyria,extend ZangidpowerintoEgyptand scoreaseriesofvictories againsttheChristianFranks. Hebecameoneofthegreatest luminariesofmedievalIslam, celebratedasastalwartof Sunniorthodoxyanda championofjihadagainst LatinOutremer.Indeed,the appellationbywhichheis knowntohistory,‘NuralDin’,literallymeans‘the LightofFaith’. Muslimchroniclersofthe agegenerallypresentedNur al-Dinastheveryarchetype ofaperfectIslamicruler– deeplypious,clementand just;humbleandaustere,yet cultured;valiantandskilfulin battle,andcommittedtothe warfortheHolyLand.This viewwasmostpowerfully expressedbythegreatIraqi historianIbnal-Athir(d. 1233),writinginMosulinthe earlythirteenthcentury,when thatcitywasstillgovernedby membersofNural-Din’s Zangiddynasty.Amonghis manyworks,Ibnal-Athir composedavoluminous accountofhumanhistory, startingwiththeCreation, andeveninthischronicleNur al-Dinwaspresentedasthe principalprotagonist.‘The fameofhisgoodruleand justice’wassaidtohave ‘encompassedtheworld’,and ‘hisgoodqualitieswere numerousandhisvirtues abundant,morethanthis bookcancontain’.10 Modernhistorianshave sought,withvaryingdegrees ofsuccess,toreachbeyond thispanegyrictoreconstruct anauthenticvisionofNuralDin,producingwildly divergentimages.Acentral featureofthisprocesshas beentheattempttopinpointa momentoftransformationor spiritualepiphanyinthe emir’slife,afterwhichhe assumedthemantleofthe mujahid.11Inthecontextof thecrusades,twointerlocking issuesareimperative.NuralDinspentafairportionofhis lifefightingagainstfellow Muslims–butwasheacting forthegreatergood,unifying Islaminpreparationforjihad, orwasholywarsimplya convenientveilbehindwhich toconstructaZangidempire? AnddidNural-Dinstartout asanambitious,self-serving Turkishwarlord,only(at somepoint)toexperiencea deepeningofhisreligious convictionandaquickening ofhisdesiretoprosecutethe holywar?Inpart,these questionscanberesolvedby tracingthepathofNuralDin’scareer–examining whenandwhyhefought againsttheLatins;and assessinghisdealingswith theSunniMuslimsofSyria, theShi‘iteFatimidsofEgypt andtheGreeksofByzantium. THEBATTLEOF INAB Inthesummerof1149Nur al-Dinlaunchedanoffensive againsttheChristian principalityofAntioch, seekingtoconsolidatehis burgeoningauthorityover northernSyria.Sincelate 1148histroopshadclashed withAntiocheneforcesina numberofsmall-scale encounters,buttheresults hadbeeninconclusive.In June1149,Nural-Din capitalisedupontherecent rapprochementwithUnurof Damascusbycallingfor reinforcements,assemblinga formidableinvasionarmy, spearheadedby6,000 mountedwarriors.Historians havemadelittleeffortto understandtheAleppan ruler’smotivations,assuming thathewassimplyseekinga confrontationwithPrince RaymondofAntioch.Butjust likehispredecessorIl-ghazi in1119,Nural-Din’sactions probablyhadamoredefined strategicpurpose. In1149,Nural-Dinsetout toconquertwoLatinoutposts –HarimandApamea.The fortresstownofHarimstood onthewesternfringeofthe BelusHills,inacommanding positionoverlookingthe Antiocheneplains.Just twelvemilesfromAntioch itself,Harimhadbeenin Latinhandssincethetimeof theFirstCrusade.TheBelus rangehadlongplayedarole inthestrugglebetween Aleppoandtheprincipality. Earlierinthetwelfthcentury, whenAntiochwasinthe ascendant,theFrankshad occupiedterritorytotheeast ofthesecraggyhills,offering adirectthreattoAleppan security.FirstIl-ghazi,and thenZangi,pushedthem back,re-establishingaborder thatfollowedthenatural barrieroftheBelus.ButNur al-Dinwasnotcontentwith thisstateofequilibrium.He soughttocaptureHarimand gainafootholdbeyondthe barrieroftheBelusrange, therebyunderminingthe defensiveintegrityof Antioch’seasternfrontier. Nural-Dinalsotargeted Apamea,onthesouthern edgeoftheSummaqplateau. Inthepast,Antiochene dominionovertheSummaq threatenedthemainroutesof communicationbetween AleppoandDamascus,but Zangihadrecapturedmuchof thisareainthelate1130s.By 1149theFranksretainedonly ameagrecorridorofterritory, huggingtheOrontesvalley southtotheincreasingly lonelyoutpostatApamea. Nural-Din’sprimary objectivein1149seemshave beentheconquestofthis fortifiedsettlement, eradicatingthelingering Latinpresenceinthe Summaqregion.Recent attemptstodirectlyoverrun Apamea,percheduponalofty ancientearthentell,had failed.Switchingtack,Nur al-Dinnowsoughttoisolate thetown–severingitsmain lineofcommunicationwith Antiochbytakingcontrolof theash-ShogurBridgeacross theOrontes. InJuneheadvancedinto thisvicinityandbegan operationsbylayingsiegeto thesmallfortofInab.When thisnewsreachedAntioch, PrinceRaymondreacted swiftly,perhapseven impetuously.LaterLatin traditionheldthathesetoff immediatelytorelieveInab, ‘withoutwaitingforthe escortofhiscavalry, [hurrying]rashlytothat place’,butthismayhave beensomethingofan exaggerationbecausea Muslimcontemporarybased inDamascusreckonedthat theFranksarrivedwith4,000 knightsand1,000infantry. Raymond’sforcealso includedacontingentof Assassins,ledbyhisKurdish Muslimally,‘AliibnWafa. Nural-Dinrespondedtothe Antiochenes’approachon28 Junewithcaution,retreating fromInabtoassesshis enemy’sstrength,buthiseyes wereopenforanychanceto launchacounterattack,and justsuchanopportunitysoon presenteditself. Arrivingintheenvironsof Inab,Raymondrather optimisticallyassumedthat hehadfrightenedoffNuralDin’sforcesandsuccessfully securedtheregion.Heelected tocampthatnightonthe openplainratherthan withdrawtoaplaceofsafety –afatalerror.Having actuallymovedoffonlya shortdistance,Nural-Din gatheredintelligenceofthe Frankishnumbersandtheir exposedpositionand immediatelyretracedhis stepsunderthecoverof night.Asdawnbrokeon29 June1149theLatinsawoke tofindthemselves surrounded.Sensingthata famousvictorywasnow withinhisgrasp,thelordof Aleppowastednotimein pressingtheadvantage, ‘storm[ing]thecampasifhe werebesiegingacity’inthe wordsofoneChristian. AccordingtotheDamascus Chronicle,PrinceRaymond vainlysoughttorallyhismen andmountadefence,‘butthe Muslimssplitupinto detachmentswhichattacked themfromvariousdirections andswarmedoverthem’. Vicioushand-to-hand fightingensuedand,asthe windspickedup,dust cloudedtheair,addingtothe confusion.Outnumberedand encircled,theFrankssoon buckled,butevenasswathes ofhistroopsfledthefield, Raymondheldhisground, fightingontotheend.One contemporaryArabictext describedhow‘theswordsof Islamhadthefinalword [and]whenthehaze dispersed[theChristians]lay uponthegroundprostrateand dirt-befouled’. TheMuslimshadprevailed andthefullextentoftheir triumphbecameclearwhen Nural-Din’smenbegan combingthebattlefield. TheretheAntiocheneruler Raymond‘wasfound stretchedoutamongsthis guardandhisknights;hewas recognisedandhisheadcut offandcarriedtoNural-Din, whorewardedthebearerofit withahandsomegift’.Itwas rumouredthattheprincehad beencutdownbyasword blowfromtheKurdish warlordShirkuh.Nural-Din apparentlyhadtheFrank’s headsealedwithinasilver trophycaseanddispatchedto Baghdadtocelebratethe defeatofanenemywho, accordingtotheMuslims, had‘acquiredspecialrepute bythedreadwhichhe inspired,hisgreatseverity andexcessiveferocity’.Latin sourcesconfirmthat Raymond’scorpsewas decapitated,addingthegrisly butpracticalobservationthat, whentheAntiochenesfinally returnedtorecoverhis mutilatedbody,itcouldonly beidentifiedby‘certain marksandscars’.12 Thesignificanceofthe BattleofInabin1149 paralleledthatoftheFieldof Bloodthirtyyearsearlier.The Frankishprincipalitywas againdeprivedofapotent rulerand,withnoobvious adultmaleheirapparent,left leaderlessandvulnerable. Nural-Dinwasnowina dominantposition,buthis actionsafterInabare revealing.Crucially,hemade nodeterminedattemptto subjugateAntiochitself,but insteadsentalargeportionof hisarmysouthtoApamea. Nural-Dinledtheremainder ofhistroopsonthe principality’scapital,butafter abriefsiegeagreedtoleave thecityinviolateinreturnfor asizeabletributepaymentof goldandtreasure.Travelling tothecoast,hetookthe symbolicstepofbathingin theMediterranean–agesture affirmingthatIslamicpower nowstretchedwesttothesea. Therealworkofconquest beganaroundmid-July,with anassaultonHarim.Withits Latingarrisonweakenedafter Inab,thetownfellswiftlyand stepsimmediatelyweretaken tobolsteritsdefences. Towardstheendofthatsame month,Nural-Dinmarched southtoApamea.Cutoff fromAntioch,withnohope ofrescue,theFranks stationedtheresurrenderedin returnforapromisethattheir liveswouldbespared. LikeIl-ghaziin1119,Nur al-Dinhadcapitalisedupon hisdefeatoftheAntiochenes toachievefocusedstrategic goals–inthiscase,the neutralisationofAntiochand theassertionofAleppan dominionoverthelandseast oftheOrontes.Healso forsookapotential opportunitytocapture Antioch,perhapsinpart becausehelackedthe manpowerandmaterial resourcestooverwhelmthat city’simmensefortifications andknewthatFrankish reinforcementswouldarrive soonfromPalestine. Certainlyin1119andagain in1149Antioch’sconquest wasnotprioritisedasan objective. Inspiteoftheseevident similarities,theBattleofInab wasnotasimplererunofthe FieldofBlood.In1119King BaldwinIIofJerusalemhad rushedtotheprincipality’s aidand,overthefollowing years,recoupeditsterritorial losses.Hisgrandson,King BaldwinIII,likewise travellednorthtoSyriain summer1149,butproved unabletofullyrevive Antioch’sfortunes.Apamea wasneverrecoveredanda briefattempttoretakeHarim failed.WithNural-Din’s soldiersensconcedwithin strikingdistanceofitscapital, theprincipality’sabilityto threatenAleppowasseverely curtailed.Laterthatsummer theLatinswerepressedintoa humiliatingtreatywithNur al-Dinthat,byconfirming Aleppanrightsoverthe Summaqplateauandthe territoryeastoftheBelus Hills,tacitlyacknowledged Antioch’semasculation. Nural-Din’sunderlying motivationsandintentionsin 1149alsodiffered fundamentallyfromthoseof Il-ghaziandthis,initself, exposesadeepertruthabout theshiftingbalanceofpower inSyria.TheFieldofBlood hadbeenanexpressionof AntiocheneandAleppan rivalry,alast-ditchattemptto stemthesweepingtideof Frankishterritorialexpansion eastwards.Instarkcontrast, anddespiteinitial appearances,thecampaign thatculminatedintheBattle ofInabwasactuallydriven byinter-Muslimenmity.Nur al-Dinsetouttooccupy Apameanottostaveoff Frankishaggression,but rathertoopenaclearand unchallengedroutesouth fromAleppotohisreal target,theBurid-heldcityof Damascus.Drivenback beyondtheOrontes,the Antiocheneswouldbeinno positiontointerfereinthis greatergame. Generationsofmodern historianshavemisconstrued thecausesandsignificanceof Inab,someevenmaintaining thatthisvictorymarkedthe vitalmomentof transformationforNural-Din intoadedicatedjihadi warrior.Tobesure,thelord ofAleppocelebratedhis successagainstthe Christians.OneMuslim chroniclerobservedthat‘the poetsmademuchpraiseof Nural-Dinincongratulation forthisvictory,asthekilling of[PrinceRaymond]hada greateffectonbothsides’, andwentontoquotethis versebyIbnal-Qaysarani: Yourswordshaveproducedinthe Franksashaking WhichmakestheheartsofRomebeat fast. Youhavestrucktheirchiefacrushing blowwiththem Whichhasdestroyedhisbackboneand broughtthecrosseslow. Youhavecleansedtheenemy’slandof theirblood Inacleansingthathasmadeevery swordpolluted. Buttoacceptthispropaganda atfacevalueistoignorethe realityofNural-Din’s strategicfocusin1149: Damascus.Futureevents woulddemonstratethathe waswhollycontenttoleave Antiochinthefalteringgrip oftheFranksbecause, neutralisedasathreatinthe theatreofLevantineconflict, theLatinprincipalityserved asausefulbufferstate betweenAleppoandGreek Byzantium.Infact,inthese earlyyearsofhisrule,NuralDin’soverridingconcernwas theconquestofDamascus. EventsinAugust1149 initiallyseemedtoofferNur al-Dintheperfectopportunity toincreasehisinfluence withinMuslimSyria.After diningonaparticularly heartymeal,hissometime allyandrivalUnurof Damascuswas‘seizedbya looseningofthebowels’ whichdevelopedintoa debilitatingboutofdysentery. BytheendofthemonthUnur wasdeadandDamascus plungedintoachaoticpower struggle.Butanyhopesof capitalisinguponthis misfortuneevaporatedwhen newsarrivedofasecond death,thistimeofNuralDin’selderbrother,Saifal- Din,on6September. RushingtoIraq,Nural-Din brieflysoughttostakeaclaim toMosul,butwaseventually begrudginglyreconciledwith hisyoungersibling,theheir designateQutbal-Din Maudud.Fornowachanceto takecontrolofDamascushad beenmissed.FalteringBurid ruleenduredinthecity,butit wouldnotbelongbeforeNur al-Din’sgazeonceagain turnedsouthofAleppo.13 THEROADTO DAMASCUS In1150LatinOutremerwas besetbyadversity.Arguably therehadneverbeenamore propitiousmomentforthe lordsofNearEasternIslam– andforNural-Dinin particular–tostrikeatthe heartofthecrusaderstates, sweepingtheFranksintothe Mediterranean.The Christianshadsuffered,in swiftsuccession,theSecond Crusade’sfailure,defeatat Inabandthecountyof Edessa’sdissolution.After 1149theirdifficultiesonly deepened.Panickedcallsto westernEuropeforanew crusadeweremade,butwith recenthumiliationfreshinthe memory,theywent unanswered.InAntioch, PrinceRaymond’ssudden deathpromptedyetanother successioncrisisbecausehis sonandheir,BohemondIII, wasonlyfiveyearsold,and hiswidowConstance forcefullyrejectedhercousin KingBaldwinIIIof Jerusalem’splanstomarry herofftoasuitorofhis choosing.Likehermother Alicebeforeher,Constance soughttocontrolherown fate,butthisleftthe principalitywithoutan incumbentmalemilitary commanderforfouryears andsaddledBaldwinIIIwith oversightofAntioch.The youngking’sresponsibilities weremultipliedevenfurther in1152bythemurderof RaymondIIofTripolibya bandofAssassins.Asthe count’ssonandnamesake, RaymondIII,wasjusttwelve yearsold,Baldwinwasagain forcedtoassumethemantle ofguardian. Stillonlyinhisearly twenties,BaldwinIIIof Jerusalemwasnowcharged withtheruleofallthreeof thesurvivingcrusaderstates. Tomakemattersworsehis relationshipwithhismother Melisendewascrumbling. Togethertheyhadexercised jointruleofJerusalemsince 1145(whentheboyking reachedhismajorityatthe ageoffifteen),andinthe beginningthequeen’s wisdomandexperiencehad beenawelcomesourceof securityandcontinuity.But asBaldwingrewinto adulthood,hismother’s presenceathissidebeganto feelmorestiflingthan reassuring.Melisende,forher part,hadnointentionof relinquishingpowerandstill enjoyedwidespreadsupport withintherealm.From1149 onwards,relationsbetween thetwoco-rulerssoured,and by1152LatinPalestinewas almosttornasunderbycivil war.Ultimately,Baldwinwas forcedtodriveMelisende fromherlandsinNablusand thentoactuallybesiegethe queenintheHolyCityitself toforceherabdicationand asserthisownrightto independentrule. Inspiteoftheendemic weaknessofhissupposed enemy,Nural-Dindidlittle topursuedirectlytheinterests ofthejihadagainstthe Christians.Instead,he continuedtodirectthebulkof hisenergyandresources towardstheseizureof Damascus.Thoseseekingto promoteNural-Dinasahero ofIslamicholywar–from medievalMuslimchroniclers tomodernhistorians–have arguedthatthisdoggedfocus uponthesubjectionofSyria wasbutameanstoanend; thatonlybypreventing Damascusfromfallinginto Christianhandsanduniting Islamcouldthelordof Aleppoeventuallyhopeto achievevictoryinthegreater struggleagainsttheFranks.14 Zangihadlongeyedtheprize ofDamascus,butwasoften drawnawaybytheaffairsof Mesopotamia.Forthenext fiveyears,Nural-Din pursuedthisquarrywith greaterdetermination, bringinganuancedarrayof tacticstobear.Hisfather’s primaryweaponshadalways beenintimidationandfear. Hehadbutcheredthe populaceofBaalbekafter promisingtosparetheirlives iftheysurrendered,inthe vainhopeofterrifying Damascusintosubmission. Nural-Dinhadperhaps learnedthelessonofthis failure.Headoptedanew approach,concerninghimself withthebattleforheartsand minds,aswellastheforceof arms. PowerinDamascusnow layinthehandsofanother memberofthefalteringBurid dynasty,Abaq,andhisinner circleofadvisers,buttheir gripoverthecitywasfar fromsecure.InApril1150 Nural-Dinrespondedtonews ofLatinincursionsintothe Hauran,thefrontierzone betweenJerusalemand Damascus,bycallingupon Abaqtojoinhiminrepelling theFranks.Nural-Dinthen marchedhisownarmyinto southernSyria,advancing beyondBaalbek.Justashe hadexpected,Abaq prevaricatedwith‘specious argumentsanddissimulation’, whilesimultaneously dispatchingenvoystoforgea newpactwithKingBaldwin III. Nowcampednorthof Damascus,Nural-Dintook greatcaretoensurethe continueddisciplineofhis troops,preventingthem‘from plunderinganddoinginjury inthevillages’,evenashe ratchetedupthediplomatic pressureonAbaq.Messages arrivedinDamascuschiding theBuridrulerforturningto theFranksandforpaying themtributemoniesstolen from‘thepoorandweak among[theDamascenes]’. Nural-DinassuredAbaqthat hehadnointentionof attackingthecity,butrather thathehadbeenendowedby Allahwithpowerand resources‘inordertobring helptotheMuslimsandto engageintheholywar againstthepolytheists’–to whichAbaqrepliedbluntly that‘thereisnothingbetween usexceptthesword’.NuralDin’sfirmbutrestrained approachseems,nonetheless, tohavebornefruit,aspublic opinioninsideDamascus begantoturninhisfavour. OneMuslimresidenteven notedthat‘prayerswere continuallybeingofferedup forhimbythepeopleof Damascus’. Nural-Dinbackedaway fromthisinitialexchange, havingmadeonlyrelatively meagregains.Forallhis braveposturing,Abaq eventuallyagreedtoa renewedtrucewithAleppo, officiallyacknowledgingNur al-Dinassuzerainand orderinghisnametobe recitedfromthepulpitduring Fridayprayerandplacedon Damascenecoins.Symbolic asthesegesturesmayhave been,thepiecemealworkof subduingDamascuswitha minimumofbloodshedhad begun.Overthenextfew yearsNural-Dinmaintained diplomaticandmilitary pressureontheBuridswhile stillseekingtoavoidadirect assaultontheircity.His ‘scrupulousaversiontothe slayingofMuslims’ continuedtobenotedby thoselivinginDamascus,and by1151manywererejecting Abaq’scallstomusteragainst theAleppans. Aroundthistime,Shirkuh ibnShadi’sbrother,Ayyub, begantoactasNural-Din’s agentwithinthecity.Ayyub hadtransferredallegianceto theBuriddynastyin1146, buthenowdecided,with familiarpoliticalflexibility, toreturntotheZangidfold, becomingavaluablevoiceof supportwithinthe Damascenecourt,whilealso winningoverthelocal militias.Byslowsteps,Nur al-Dinwastransforming Damascusintoaclient-state. InOctober1151Abaq actuallytravellednorthto Aleppotodeclarehisloyalty, tacitlyacknowledging subjectioninthehopeof stavingofffullconquest.Nur al-Dinmerelyusedthisasan excusetoemployevenmore deviousanddivisive propaganda–repeatedly writing,intheguiseofa concernedoverlord,towarn Abaqthatvariousmembers ofhisownDamascenecourt werecontactingAleppoto plotDamascus’surrender. Inwinter1153–4,NuralDinfinallyintensifiedhis campaign,movingtocutoff northerngrainshipmentsto Damascus.Foodshortages soontookhold.Inthespring, withinternaldiscontent swelling,hesentanadvance forcesouthunderShirkuh andtheninlateApril1154 closedonthecityinperson. Intheend,norealattackwas necessary.AJewishwoman reportedlyloweredarope overthewalls,allowingsome Aleppantroopstomountthe easternbattlementsandto raiseNural-Din’sstandard. AsAbaqfledinhorrortothe citadel,thepeopleof Damascusthrewopenthe city’sgates,offeringtheir unconditionalsurrender. Patienceandrestrainthad broughtNural-Dincontrolof thehistoricseatofMuslim power–henowtookcareto maintainthoseprinciples. Abaq,inspiteoffears,was treatedwithequanimityand rewardedwiththefiefdomof Homsinreturnfor relinquishingcontrolof Damascus;helatermovedto Iraq.Anabundanceoffood startedflowingintothecity andNural-Din’sgenerosity wasaffirmedbythe ‘abolitionofdutiesonthe melonmarketandthe vegetablemarket’. Nural-Din’sconquestof Damascusin1154wasa strikingachievement.With thisact,heemergedfromhis father’sshadow,succeeding whereZangihadrepeatedly failed.Nural-Dincouldnow claimdominionoveralmost allMuslimSyria;forthefirst timesincethecrusades began,AleppoandDamascus wereunited.Andallthishad beenachievedwithoutthe gratuitoussheddingof Muslimblood. Damascus’subjugationhas oftenbeendepictedasoneof thecrowninggloriesofNur al-Din’scareer.Conscious himselfofitssignificance,he begantomakeextensiveuse ofthetitleal-Malikal‘Adil (TheJustKing).Thenotion alsogainedcurrencythathis overthrowofanotherIslamic politywasanecessary precursortothewagingof holywaragainsttheFranks. OneAleppanchroniclerlater wrotethat‘fromthispoint forward,Nural-Din dedicatedhimselftojihad’. Thisviewofeventsdoes notbearclosescrutiny.Nur al-Dinprobablydidhavea realaversiontokillingfellow Muslims,buthealsoseemsto havebeenkeenlyawareofhis clemency’svalueinpractical andpropagandaterms.More importantly,despitehaving drawnuponanti-Latin sentimenttolegitimiseand empowerhiscampaign againstBuridDamascus,Nur al-Dinlaunchednonew jihadioffensiveafter1154. Therhetorichadsuggested that,withthekingdomof Jerusalembeforehim,the emirwouldunleashawaveof scaldingaggressionagainst theFranks.Infact, contemporaryArabic testimonyrevealsthatNuralDinactuallyfolloweduphis occupationofDamascusby agreeingnewpeacetreaties withLatinPalestine.On28 May1155,‘termsoftruce wereagreed’withJerusalem foroneyear.InNovember 1156thepactwasrenewed foranotheryear,thistime withthestipulation‘thatthe tributepaidto[theFranks] fromDamascusshouldbe 8,000dinarsofTyre’.Far frombeingfocuseduponholy warafter1154,Nural-Din actuallyspentmostofhis timeacquiringmoreMuslimheldterritory–subjugating Baalbekandcapitalisingupon thedeathofMa‘sud,the SeljuqsultanofAnatolia,to absorblandsinthenorth.The treatiesandtributepayments totheChristians,so disparagedinyearsgoneby, nowservedtosecureNuralDin’sDamascenelands.15 Damascus–‘Paradiseofthe Orient’ Nural-Din’sseizureof Damascusmaynothave heraldedanimmediatejihadi revival,butitdidmarka watershedinZangidhistory. Thedynastynowruled Syria’sgreatestcity–what onetwelfth-centuryMuslim pilgrimdescribedasthe ‘ParadiseoftheOrient...the sealofthelandsofIslam’. Damascusisoneoftheoldest permanentlyinhabited settlementsonEarth,witha historystretchingbacktoc. 9000BCE. AtDamascus’heartstood theGrandUmayyadMosque –perhapsthemostaweinspiringMuslimstructureof theage.Builtonthesiteofa RomanChristianchurch dedicatedtoJohntheBaptist (whichitselfhadreplaceda massiveTempleofJupiter), theGrandMosquewas constructedontheordersof Caliphal-Walidintheearly eighthcentury,atthe extraordinarycostoffull sevenyears’incomefromthe Damascenetreasury.Located withinahugerectangular walledcompound– measuringsome525feetby 320feet–thelavishly decoratedprayerhallwas reachedviaanexpansive courtyardwhosewalls displayedmosaictableauxof unparalleledscaleand magnificence:fortytonnesof glasswereusedintheir creation.Althoughsomewhat alteredbycenturiesof damageandrebuilding (particularlyaftersuffering significantfiredamagein 1893),theGrandMosquestill canbevisitedtoday.The twelfth-centuryIberian MuslimpilgrimIbnJubayr wrotelyrically,andatgreat length,aboutits‘perfection ofconstruction,marvellous andsumptuous embellishmentand decoration’,describingits mihrab(prayerniche)as‘the mostwonderfulinIslamfor itsbeautyandrareart’. Asthehomeofthis wondrousmosque,Damascus wasreveredasasiteof particulardevotional significancewithinIslam. Thecity’ssanctitywas furtherenhancedbythe presencenearbyofanumber ofcaveshrines–including onethatwassupposedlythe birthplaceofAbrahamand anothersaidtohavebeen visitedbyMoses,Jesus,Lot andJob(allrecognisedas prophetsinIslam).Members ofMuhammad’sfamilyand innercirclehadalsobeen buriedatDamascus,and,in addition,somebelievedthat theMessiahhimselfwould descendtoEarthontheDay ofJudgementbythecity’s ‘whiteminaret’,uponthe EastGate. Imbuedasitwaswith historicandspiritual significance,theDamascus conqueredbyNural-Dinin 1154neededrejuvenation. Theemirsettowork, fortifyingtheSeljuqcitadel, westoftheGrandMosque (originallydatingfromthe lateeleventhcentury),and repairedandbolsteredthe citywalls.Withtheadventof stableZangidrule,the Damascenepopulace,which haddeclinedinnumberto around40,000,soonbeganto increase.Commercewasalso stimulatedandtheArab visitoral-Idrisinowremarked that: Damascuscontainsallmannerofgood things,andstreetsofvariouscraftsmen, with[merchantsselling]allsortsofsilk andbrocadesofexquisiterarityand wonderfulworkmanship...Thatwhich theymakehereiscarriedintoallcities andborneinshipstoallquarters,and allthecapitalsbothfarandnear...The cityitselfisthemostlovelyinallSyria andthemostperfectforbeauty.16 Itislittlewonderthat,over time,Nural-Dingradually shiftedhisseatofpowerfrom AleppotoDamascus.Thus, whileShirkuhwasappointed initiallyasthecity’s governor,after1157 Damascuswasconfirmedas thenewcapitalofNuralDin’sexpandingrealm,and promotedasafocalpointof AbbasidSunniorthodoxy. CHALLENGES The1150ssawlittlematerial advanceforIslaminthejihad againsttheFranks.Evenas Nural-Dinsoughtto subjugateDamascus,the Latinswereenjoyingtheir ownrenewaloffortune.Now confirmedassoleruler,King BaldwinIIIswiftlyscoreda deeplysignificantvictoryfor Jerusalem.ForthelasthalfcenturytheportofAscalon hadremainedinFatimid hands,offeringtheMuslim rulersofEgyptastrategicand economicfootholdin southernPalestine.In1150 Baldwinhadoverseenthe constructionofafortressto thesouthofAscalon,atopthe ruinsoftheancientsettlement ofGaza,thusseveringthe Muslimport’slandward communicationswithCairo. InJanuary1153theyoung kingmusteredthefullforce ofhisarmiestodescendon Ascalonitself,finally securingitssurrenderaftera hard-fought,eight-month siege.Whatoncehadbeen theFatimidgatewaytothe HolyLandnowbecamea vitalsteppingstoneforthe furtherexpansionofLatin ambitionssouthwards, towardsEgyptitself.The consequencesofthisvictory wouldbefeltkeenlyinthe yearstocome. TheprincipalityofAntioch wasalsorejuvenated.After fouryearsofsolerule,the youngPrincessConstanceof Antiochatlastsettledupona husband,althoughherchosen spousebroughtneitherwealth norpowertothematch.In spring1153shewedReynald ofChâtillon,ahandsome youngFrenchknightand crusaderofaristocraticbirth butlimitedmaterialmeans. Havingfoughtalongside BaldwinIIIintheearlystages ofAscalon’ssiege,hegained theking’spermission,ashis overlordandConstance’s guardian,fortheunion. Antioch’snewprincesoon revealedhismercurialnature. Havingfirstfurthered Byzantineinterestsby movingagainsttherising poweroftheArmenian RoupenidwarlordThoros (LeonI’sson)inCilicia, Reynaldpromptlyalliedwith Thorostoleadaviciousraid ontheGreek-heldislandof Cyprus.Oftencriticisedby contemporariesandmodern historiansalikeforhis recklessambition,lackof diplomacyandtempestuous brutality,Reynald nonethelessprovedtobea formidablewarriorwho,in time,wouldofferstaunch oppositiontoIslam. Therevitalisationof JerusalemandAntiochmeant thatNural-Dinfaced pressureintwokeyfrontier zones.Inthenorth,events centredonHarim.NuralDin’scontrolofthisoutpost– justaday’smarchfrom Antiochitself–since1149 hadallbutneutralisedthe Frankishprincipalityasa threattoAleppo.In1156the Latinsbeganconductingraids intoitssuburbs,butfornow theseweredrivenback successfully.Nural-Dineven hadthegrimpleasureof triumphantlyparadingthe headsofChristianstakenin theseencountersthroughthe streetsofDamascus. Meanwhile,tothesouth, BaldwinIIIbrokehistruce withNural-Dinin1157, hopingtoextendJerusalemite authorityovertheTerrede Sueth.Aseriesoflargely inconclusiveskirmishes followed,particularlyinthe regionofFrankish-held Banyas,althoughtheLatin kingnarrowlyavoided captureinJune1157when caughtinanambush. Aroundthistime,however, eventsconspiredtocurtail Nural-Din’scapabilities. Syriahadalwaysbeenprone toearthquakesandnow,in thelate1150s,theregionwas subjectedtoasuccessionof severetremors,gravely damagingmanyMuslim-held settlementsinthearea betweenAleppoandHoms.A contemporarychroniclerin Damascusdescribedhow ‘continuousearthquakesand shocks...wrought destructionamongstthe [Muslims’]castles,fortresses anddwellingsintheir districtsandmarches’. Throughoutthisdreadful period,Nural-Dinwasforced tocommitthebulkofhis resourcestorebuildingwork, muchofwhichwas frustratinglyundoneby renewedseismicactivity. Then,inOctober1157, Nural-Dinwasstruckdown byacriticalillnesswhile lodgingintheSummaq.The exactnatureofthismaladyis unknown,butitwasso extremethatthegreatemir soonbegantofearforhislife. CarriedbylittertoAleppo,he quicklymadearrangements forhiswill,designatingone ofhisbrothers,Nusratal-Din, asheirandlordofAleppo, whileShirkuhwastohold Damascusashissubject. Despitetheseprovisions,civil unrestsoonrackedMuslim Syria,andNural-Din’s conditiondeteriorated throughouttheautumn. Althoughhesurvivedthis firstonslaught,hishealth seemstohaveremained fragileand,inlate1158,he wasagainlaidlowformonths byacutesickness,thistimein Damascus.Unfortunately,we lackthecloseeyewitness testimonytogaugeaccurately theimpactofthesebrushes withdeathuponNural-Din’s stateofmind.Heissaidto haveexperiencedaspiritual awakeningintheseyears, hereafterembracingamore asceticlifestyleandadopting simplergarb.Itiscertainly truethat,inspiteofongoing Levantinetensions,hetook thetimetoperformtheHajj, thepilgrimagetoMecca,in late1161.17 Externalthreats Spiessoonbroughttheenemy wordofNural-Din’sdebility –itwasevenrumouredthat hewasperhapsalreadydead –andtheFranksquickly soughttoexploitthe confusiongrippingtheemir’s lands.Theirstrengthwas reinforcedbythepresenceof CountThierryofFlanders,a powerfulwesternnobleand veteranoftheSecond Crusade,whoonceagainhad takenthecrossandcome east.Intheautumnof1157 histroopsjoinedan amalgamatedChristianarmy –withelementsfrom Antioch,Tripoliand JerusalemandanArmenian forceunderThoros–in marchingonShaizar.Aftera shortsiegethelowertown fell,andthealliesappearedto beonthebrinkof overrunningthecitadelwhen abitterargumenterupted. HopingtoharnessThierry’s wealthandresourcesfor Outremer’sdefence,Baldwin IIIhadpromisedthecount hereditarylordshipof Shaizar,butReynaldof Châtillondisputedthelegality ofthisplan,claimingthatthe townbelongedtoAntioch. Withneithersidewillingto backdown,theChristian offensivegroundtoahalt and,amidmutual recriminations,theallies abandonedthesiege, forsakingarareopportunity toreassertFrankishauthority overthesouthernOrontes. Despitethisreversal,the Latinsmanagedtoregroupin early1158.Gatheringat AntiochtheytargetedHarim and,afteranenergeticsiege, forcedthesurrenderofits citadel.Onthisoccasionthere wasnoargumentoverrights andthetownwasreturnedto theprincipality,thereby restoringameasureof securitytoitseasternborders. Byzantiumalsore-emerged asaforceintheNearEastin theperiod.Greekinfluencein theregionhadbeenin abeyancesincethedeathof EmperorJohnComnenusin 1143.Powerhadpassedto hisson,Manuel,who,after thedebacleoftheSecond Crusade,hadbeen preoccupiedwithaffairsin ItalyandtheBalkans.Inthe late1150sManuelsoughtto restorerelationswiththe Franksaftertheillwilland suspicionengenderedin 1147–8–reaffirming imperialauthorityinAntioch andCilicia,andestablishing closertieswithFrankish Palestine.Marriagealliances werethefoundationofthis process.InSeptember1158, KingBaldwinIIIweda highlyplacedmemberofthe Comnenidynasty,Manuel’s nieceTheodora.Shebrought withheralavishdowryin gold.Theemperorthentook thefurtherstepofmarrying BohemondIII’ssister,Maria ofAntioch,inDecember 1161. ForNural-Dinthe implicationoftheseunions wasatonceobviousand disquieting:theancient easternChristianopponentof Islam,Byzantium,would againbedirectingits legendarymighttowardsthe Levant.And,whiletheLatins stoodasbothathreatand annoyancetohisambitions, thelordofAleppoand Damascusappearstohave seenintheGreeksamore enduringandintractable menace.Awe,apprehension andresolutionthusfusedto conditionNural-Din’s responsewhenManuel Comnenusledahugearmy intonorthernSyriainOctober 1158. Thatautumntheemperor receivedReynaldof Châtillon’ssubmission, acceptinghispenanceforthe recentassaultonCyprus,and broughttheincreasingly independentRoupenid Armenianstoheel.InApril 1159,withhisrecalcitrant subjectscowed,Manuelrode, infullmajesty,throughthe gatesofAntioch,surrounded byhisresplendentVarangian Guard,attendedbyhis servant,PrinceReynald.Even KingBaldwinshowedhis humilitybyfollowingsome distancebehind,mounted,but unadornedbyanysymbolsof office.Themessagewas obvious:asrulerofthe easternMediterranean’s Christiansuperpower, Manuel’seminencewas unparalleled.Shouldhewish, hemightcarveaswathe throughSyria. Nural-Din,onlynowin spring1159recoveringfrom hissecondboutofinfirmity, tookthisthreattoheart, summoningtroopsfromas farafieldasMosultofight underthebannerofjihadand strengtheningAleppo’s fortifications.Evenso,when theChristianarmies assembledatAntiochinMay underManuel’sleadership, readyingthemselvesfora directassaultonAleppo itself,theMuslimsmusthave beensignificantly outnumbered.Onthebrinkof suchadreadfulconfrontation amorebluntlybellicose Seljuqlord,ofZangi’silk, mightsimplyhaveembraced thecomingstrugglewith prouddefiance,andlikely suffereddecimation.Inhis dealingswithDamascus, however,Nural-Dinhad shownagiftforthesubtleties ofdiplomacy.Nowhesetout totestManuel’scommitment totheprosecutionofacostly campaignonByzantium’s far-easternfrontier. Dispatchingenvoys,NuralDinproposedatruce,offering tofreesome6,000Latin prisonerscapturedduringthe SecondCrusadeandto supporttheGreekEmpire againsttheSeljuqsof Anatolia.Tothedismayof hisFrankishallies,the emperorquicklyagreedthese terms,orderingtheimmediate cessationofhiscampaign. Thisstartlingturnofevents isprofoundlyinstructive. Manuel’sbehaviourcould perhapshavebeenpredicted –onceagaintheinterestsof Byzantiumhadbeen prioritisedabovethoseof Outremer.ButNural-Din’s conductrevealedthathewas nointransigentjihadi ideologue,bentuponconflict withChristendom.Instead,he hademployedpragmatismto defuseaconfrontationwith oneofIslam’strueglobal rivals.Amidthedealings betweenNural-Dinand Manuel,thecrusaderstates almostseemedlikean insignificantsideshow. Throughouttheseyears Nural-Din’sactionssuggest that,inspiteofhisapparent spiritualawakeningand emergentpatronageofjihad propaganda,hecontinuedto viewLatinOutremeras simplyoneopponentamong manywithinthecomplexand entangledmatrixofNearand MiddleEasternpower politics.Atthestartofthe 1160s,hemadenoconcerted attempttoexertdirect militaryordiplomatic pressureontheFranks– indeed,theemirallowedtwo opportunitiesforactionto passby.In1160Reynaldof Châtillonwascapturedby oneofNural-Din’s lieutenantsandimprisonedin Aleppo(wherehewould remainforthenextfifteen years),butratherthanexploit aperiodofAntiochene weaknessastheyoung BohemondIIIcametopower, Nural-Dinelectedtoagreea newtwo-yeartrucewith Jerusalem.Then,inearly 1163,whenKingBaldwinIII diedofillnessagedjust thirty-three,Nural-Dinagain failedtoreact.OneLatin chroniclerputthisdownto theemir’sinnatesenseof honour,writingthat: Whenitwassuggestedto[him]that whilewewereoccupiedwiththe funeralceremonieshemightinvadeand laywastethelandofhisenemies,heis saidtohaveresponded,‘Weshould sympathisewiththeirgriefandinpity sparethem,becausetheyhavelosta princesuchastherestoftheworlddoes notpossesstoday.’ ThisquotefromWilliamof Tyrereflectsthearchbishop’s deep-seatedadmirationfor BaldwinIII,butArabic sourcesgivenoindication thatNural-Din’sdecision makingwasinfluencedby compassionatthispoint.In part,hisinactioncanbe explainedbythefactthathe hadbegun,asweshallsee,to directhisattentionsouth, towardsEgypt.Butitwas alsoafunctionofhis continuingpreoccupationsin AsiaMinorand Mesopotamia,andofhis failuretoprioritisethejihad againsttheFranks.18 TRIALAND TRIUMPH Fromthespringof1163 onwards,however,NuralDin’sperceptionofhisown rolewithinthewarforthe HolyLandseemstohave altered,promptinga deepeningofhiscommitment tothecause.InMaytheemir ledaraidingpartyintothe countyofTripoli’snorthern reaches,makingcampinthe Bouqiavalley–thebroad plainbetweentheAnsariyah Mountainstothenorthand MountLebanontothesouth. Newsofhiswhereabouts spread,andtheFranksof Antioch,recentlyreinforced byagroupofpilgrimsfrom AquitaineandbyGreek soldiers,decidedtolaunchan attackunderthecommandof theTemplarGilbertofLacy. Oblivioustothisthreat,an advancepartyofZangid troopswereshockedtoseea largeChristianarmy marchingoutofthefoothills oftheAnsariyahrange.After abriefskirmishtheywereput toflightandracedback towardsNural-Din’smain encampment,hotlypursued bytheenemy.AMuslim chroniclerlaterdescribed howthetwoforces‘arrived together’,sothat,overcome bysurprise,‘theMuslims wereunabletomounttheir horsesandtakeuptheir weaponsbeforetheFranks wereamongstthem,killing andcapturingmany’.ALatin contemporaryrecordedthat ‘[Nural-Din’s]armywas almostannihilated[while]the princehimself,indespairof hisverylife,fledinutter confusion.Allthebaggage andevenhisswordwere abandoned.Barefootedand mountedonabeastof burden,hebarelyescaped capture.’Muslimsources confirmthescaleofthis defeatandtheignominyof Nural-Din’sretreat,adding that,inhisdesperation,he mountedasteedwhoselegs werestillhobbledandwas savedonlybythebraveryof oneofhisKurds,whorushed intoseverthetetheratthe costofhisownlife. Stunnedandhumiliated, Nural-Dinscuttledbackto Homswithahandfulof survivors.Thehorrorofthis unheraldeddisasterseemsto haveleftascaronhispsyche andthenatureofhisreaction overthecomingmonthsis revealing.Filledwithrage andimpassioned determination,heissaidto havevowed:‘ByGod,Ishall notshelterunderanyroof untilIavengemyselfand Islam.’Wemightsuspectthis tobepureinvective,butit wasfollowedbypractical action.Atsignificantcost, Nural-Dinpaidforthe replacementofallweapons, equipmentandhorsesoutof hisownpurse–a responsibilitynotusually shoulderedbyMuslim warlords–sothat‘thearmy wasrestoredasifithadnot sufferedanydefeat’.Healso orderedthatthelandsofany slainsoldiersbepassedonto theirfamilies,ratherthan revertingtohiscontrol.Most strikingly,whentheFranks sought,laterthatyear,to agreeatruce,theemirflatly refused.19 Nural-Dinnowsoughtto buildacoalitionwiththe MuslimsofIraqandthe Jazira,gatheringamighty armytoprosecutea retaliatoryattackonthe Latins.Storiesofhisdevout dedicationto‘fastingand praying’spreadthroughthe NearEast,andhealsobegan activelyrecruitingthesupport ofasceticsandholymen throughoutSyriaand Mesopotamia,urgingthemto publicisetheLatins’manifold crimesagainstIslam.The impetusofjihadwas gatheringpace. Bythefollowingsummer, Nural-Dinwasreadyto strike,andhisstrategic objectiveswereaudacious. Numericalestimatesofhis forceshavenotsurvived,but weknowthathewas followedbytroopsfromhis ownSyrianterritoriesaswell asthosefromtheeastern citiesofMosul,DiyarBakr, HisnKifrandMardin.He musthavebeenconfident aboutthestrengthofhis army,becausehesetoutboth tomaketerritorialconquests andtoluretheChristiansinto adecisivebattle.Nural-Din advancedonHarim,which hadremainedinAntiochene handssince1158,laying siegetoitscitadeland initiatingabombardment campaignwithsiegeengines. Ashemusthaveexpected, theFrankssoonsoughtto makeacounterattack.Inearly August1164anarmy probablyinexcessof10,000 men,includingsome600 knights,marchedfrom Antiochunderthecommand ofPrinceBohemondIII, CountRaymondIIIofTripoli andJoscelinIIIofCourtenay, alongsideThorosofArmenia andtheGreekgovernorof Cilicia. Atnewsoftheirapproach, Nural-Dinmarchedhisarmy tothenearbyLatin-held settlementofArtah,onthe Antiocheneplain,hopingto drawhisenemyfurtheraway fromthesecurityofAntioch. Then,on11August,whenthe Christianalliesmadea nervousfeinttowardsHarim, heclosedtoengagetheir forcesonopenground.Asthe battlebegan,Nural-Din’s rightflankmadeafeigned retreat,temptingtheLatin knightsintoahastycharge. Leftisolatedandvulnerable, theChristianinfantryfaceda ruinousassaultandwere swiftlyoverrun.Withthetide ofthebattlemovinginthe Muslims’favour,the mountedFrankishelite reversedtheirheadlong advance,onlytofind themselvesenvelopedasNur al-Din’srightwinghaltedits supposedflightto‘[come] backontheirheels’,andhis centreturnedtoengagethem atclosequarters.AnArabic chronicledescribedhow‘[the Christians’]spiritssankand theysawthattheywerelost, leftinthemiddle,surrounded onallsidesbytheMuslims’. Aghast,aLatincontemporary concededthat:‘Overwhelmed andshatteredbytheswords oftheenemy,[theFranks] wereshamefullyslainlike victimsbeforethealtar... Regardlessofhonourall threwdowntheirarms precipitatelyand ignominiouslybeggedfor life.’Thorosfledthefield, but‘tosavetheirlivesevenat thecostofshameand reproach’,Bohemond, RaymondandJoscelinall surrendered;‘chainedliked thelowestslaves,theywere ledignominiouslytoAleppo, wheretheywerecastinto prisonandbecamethesport oftheinfidels’. Nural-Din’svictorywas absolute,therevengefor Bouqiasweet.Hehad thrashedtheSyrianFranks, reapinganunprecedented harvestofhigh-levelcaptives. Withindayshereturnedto Harimwhich,nowcutoff fromallhopeof reinforcement,promptly surrendered.Fromthistime onwardsthetownwould remaininMuslimhands, leavingtheprincipalityof Antiochcoweringbehindan easternfrontierthathadbeen definitivelydrivenbacktothe RiverOrontes.Justasin 1149,afterhistriumphat Inab,Nural-Dinchosenotto targetthecityofAntioch itself.ThechroniclerIbnal- Athirlaterexplainedthatthe emirwasdeterredbythe strengthofitscitadeland, morerevealingly,byhis reluctancetoprovokea counterattackfromAntioch’s overlord,EmperorManuel, quotingNural-Dinassaying, ‘TohaveBohemondasa neighbourIfindpreferableto beinganeighbouroftheruler ofConstantinople.’Withthis inmind,hesoonagreedto releasetheyoungAntiochene princeinreturnforahefty ransom;herefused,however, togiveRaymondofTripoli, JoscelinofCourtenayorhis otherprincelyprisoner, ReynaldofChâtillon,their freedom.20 InOctober1164NuralDinturnedhisattentiontothe southernfrontierwith Jerusalem.Therethepivotal townofBanyaswas vulnerable,becauseitslord, theConstableHumphreyof Toron,wasinEgyptwiththe kingofJerusalem.Theemir movedinwithheavysiege weaponryandbeganan investment,deployinga combinationofincessant bombardmentandsappingto weakenthefortressandbreak thewillofitssmallgarrison. Bribesmayalsohavebeen usedtobuyoffBanyas’ commander.Withinafew days,surrenderontermsof safeconductwassecuredand Nural-Dininstalledhisown well-suppliedtroops.Justas atHarim,theconquestof Banyasprovedtobea permanentgainforIslam. Thesignificanceofthis turningpointintheregional balanceofpowerwas reflectedinthepunitiveterms Nural-Dinnowimposedon theFranksofGalilee–a shareoftherevenuesof Tiberiasandanannualtribute payment.Threeyearslater, theemirfollowedupthis successbydestroyingthe LatinfortressatChastelNeuf. Thisopenedupanew corridorintoFrankish Palestine,throughtheareaof rollinghillsknownasMarj Ayun,betweentheLitani valleyandtheUpperJordan. Therecouldnowbeno questionthatNural-Din posedarealthreatto Outremer. THEDREAMOF JERUSALEM Nural-Din’sactionsinthe 1160ssuggestthathehad adoptedamoredetermined andaggressivestanceinhis dealingswiththeFranks, embracingandpromotingan activejihadagainstthem. Eversincehisoccupationof Damascusin1154,NuralDinhadsponsoreda monumentalbuilding programmewithinthecity, rejuvenatingandreaffirming itsstatusasoneoftheNear East’sgreatcentresofpower andcivilisation.Thisbegan almostimmediately,withthe constructionofanew hospital,theBimaristan– soontobecomeoneofthe world’sleadingcentresof medicalscienceandtreatment –andaluxuriousbathhouse, theHammamNural-Din, whichremainslargely unalteredandcanbevisited tothisday. Fromthelate1150s onwards,however,these publicworksseemtohave beenincreasinglyimbued withadevotionaldimension; oneinspiredbyand/or designedtoaverNural-Din’s deepeningsenseofpersonal pietyandhispreoccupation withSunniorthodoxy.In 1163hefinancedthebuilding ofanewHouseofJustice, wherehelatersatfortwo dayseachweektohearthe grievancesofhissubjects. Thiswasfollowedbythe constructionoftheDaralhadithal-Nuriyya–anew centrededicatedtothestudy ofthelifeandtraditions associatedwithMuhammad– headedbyNural-Din’sclose friend,therenownedscholar Ibn‘Asakir,whichtheemir attendedinperson. TopromoteDamascusasa hubofSunniIslam,NuralDinbuiltanewsuburb,tothe westofthecity,tohouse pilgrimsenroutetoMecca, andin1159hefoundedthe townofal-Salihiyya,just overonemiletothenorth,to shelterrefugeesfrom Palestine.Nural-Din’s Damascenecourtsoondrew inexpertsinthefieldsof governance,lawandwarfare fromacrosstheMuslim world.Amongthemwasthe PersianintellectualImadalDinal-Isfahani,whowould laterwritesomeofthemost illuminatingandlyrical Arabichistoriesofthisera. EducatedinBaghdad,he joinedtheemirasakatib (secretary/scholar)in1167, laterdescribinghisnew patronas‘themostchaste, pious,sagacious,pureand virtuousofkings’. Throughoutthisperiod, Nural-Dinprojectedan imageofhimselfasadevoted Muslim,thereviverofSunni lawandorthodoxy. Revealingly,themostpotent andportablepropagandatool availabletoNural-Din–the coinsheissued–borethe inscription‘TheJustKing’. Fromtheearly1160s, however,heappearstohave placedgreateremphasisupon theroleofjihadinhisrule, proclaiminghisvirtuesasa heroicmujahidininscriptions adorningpublicmonuments. Thepre-eminentpositionof Jerusalemwithinthe frameworkofjihadideology alsobegantocrystallisein thisperiod.Theemir’s colleagueIbn‘Asakirhelped torevitalisethetraditionof writingtextsextollingthe HolyCity’svirtuesandtook torecitingtheseworksto largepublicgatheringsin Damascus.PoetsinNuralDin’scourtcomposedwidely disseminatedworksstressing theneednotonlytoattackthe Latinsbutalsotoreconquer Islam’sthirdcity.Onewrote encouraginghispatronto wagewarontheFranks‘until youseeJesusfleeingfrom Jerusalem’.Ibnal-Qaysarani, whohadalsoservedZangi, announcedhiswishthat‘the cityofJerusalembepurified bythesheddingofblood’, proclaimingthat‘Nural-Din isasstrongaseverandthe ironofhislanceisdirectedat theAqsa.’Theemirhimself wrotetothecaliphin Baghdadofhisdesire‘to banishtheworshippersofthe CrossfromtheAqsa mosque’. Onefurtherpieceof evidenceatteststo Jerusalem’sincreasingly centralrole,bothwithinthe ideologypropagatedbyNur al-Dinand,perhaps,within hisownheartfeltambitions. In1168–9,hecommissioned themastercarpenteralAkharinitocarvea fabulouslyornateminbar (woodenpulpit)thattheemir hopedtoplaceintheAqsa mosqueoncetheHolyCity wasretaken.Someyears later,theIberianMuslim travellerIbnJubayrremarked onthepulpit’sextraordinary beautywhenhepassed throughtheLevant,asserting thatitsgrandeurwas unrivalledinthemedieval world.Thisminbarwas undoubtedlyintendedasa potentandpublicdeclaration ofintent,emblazonedasit waswiththedescriptionof theemiras‘thefighterof jihadinHispath,theonewho defends[thefrontiers]against theenemiesofHisreligion, thejustking,Nural-Din,the pillarofIslamandthe Muslims,thedispenserof justice’.Yet,insome respects,itmustinaddition beviewedasanintensely personal,almosthumble, offeringtoGod,foritwas alsoinscribedwiththe simple,emotiveappeal:‘May Hegrantconquestto[NuralDin]andathisownhands.’ Uponitscompletion,theemir installedthepulpitin Aleppo’sGreatMosque, where,accordingtoImadalDin,itlay‘sheathedlikea swordinthescabbard’, awaitingthedayofvictory, whenNural-Dinmight achievethedreamof Jerusalem’srecovery.21 HowthenshouldNuralDinberegarded?Dohis attacksontheFranksafterthe humiliationatBouqiaandhis disseminationofjihad ideologyprovethathewas possessedbyanunequivocal commitmenttoholywar? Cantheemir’sownwords, recordedintheDamascus Chronicle,betakenatface value?Hewassaidtohave declared: Iseeknothingbutthegoodofthe Muslimsandtomakewaragainstthe Franks...[If]weaidoneanotherin wagingtheholywar,andmattersare arrangedharmoniouslyandwitha singleeyetothegood,mydesireand purposewillbefullyachieved.22 Therewasamarked differencebetweenNuralDin’sapproachandfocusin the1140sandhisactivitiesin the1160s.Comparisonwith themethodsand achievementsofhisfather Zangiisstriking.But questionmarksandcaveats remain.Giventhecontext, andthecomplexitiesof humannature,any expectationofasingular solution–inwhichNuralDinwaseitherwholly dedicatedtojihadorpurely self-serving–issurely flawed.JustastheChristian FirstCrusadersappearto havebeenmovedbya mixtureofpietyandgreed, Nural-Dinmaywellhave recognisedthepoliticaland militaryvalueof championingareligious cause,whilestillbeing impelledbyauthentic devotion.AsupstartTurkish warlordsinaNearand MiddleEasternworldstill underpinnedbyAraband Persianelites,theZangids’ needforsocial,religiousand politicallegitimationmust havebeenpressing. Inthecourseofthetwelfth centurythenotionofarebirth ofIslamicjihadtookholdin theLevant,andthisprocess acceleratedalmost exponentiallyduringNuralDin’scareer.In1105,when theDamascenepreacheralSulamiextolledthevirtuesof holywar,fewresponded.By thelate1160stheatmosphere inDamascusandAleppowas transformed–Nural-Din maywellhavecultivatedand inspiredthisfervour;atthe veryleast,heunderstoodthat amessageemphasisingthe spiritualdimensionofthe strugglesagainstSunni Islam’senemiesnowwould findareceptiveaudience. THEWEALTHOF EGYPT Formuchofthe1160sthe conflictbetweenZangid IslamandtheLevantine FrankscentredonEgypt,as bothpowerstriedtoassert controlovertheNileregion. Instrategicterms,dominion ofEgyptmightallowNuralDineffectivelytoencircle Outremer–withcontrolof AleppoandDamascus secured,theadditionofCairo couldshiftthebalanceof powerintheNearEast irrevocablyinhisfavour.The divisionbetweenSunniSyria andShi‘iteEgypthadlong underminedanyhopeofa concerteddrivetodefeatthe Latins.Ifthatriftwas somehowovercome,Islam wouldstandunitedforthe firsttimesincethecomingof thecrusades. TheNile’sfabulouswealth wasalsoalluring.Thegreat river’sannualAugustflood bestowedenormousfertility uponthearablelandalongits banksthroughouttheNile Delta.Inagoodyear,Egypt enjoyedanabundant agriculturalsurplusand,by association,bounteoustax revenues.Theregionlikewise benefitedfromburgeoning tradebetweentheIndian OceanandtheMediterranean Sea,becausethecriticalland routelinkingthetwocrossed Egypt.PopularwithItalian andByzantinemerchants,the Nileregionbecameoneofthe world’sleadingcommercial hubs. MEDIEVALEGYPT Egyptoftenischaracterised ashavingbeenaMuslim territoryintheageofthe crusades,butthisisa misleadingsimplification. Theregionwasconqueredin 641CEduringthefirstwave ofArabIslamicexpansion, buttheArabrulingelitewas largelyconcentratedintwo centres:theportcityof Alexandria,foundedby AlexandertheGreatsome 1,500yearsearlier;andthe newsettlementofFustat, establishedbytheArabsat theheadoftheNileDelta. Elsewhere,Egypt’s indigenousCopticChristian populationpredominated. OverthecenturiestheCopts wereArabisedinacultural sense,forexampletakingon theArabiclanguage,buttheir adoptionoftheIslamicfaith wasfarmoregradual.Evenin thetwelfthcenturythis CopticChristianrural underclassremained. From969Egyptwasruled bytheShi‘iteFatimid dynasty,whobrokefreefrom theSunniAbbasidrulersof Baghdad.TheFatimidsbuilt aformidablenavy,with whichtheycametodominate Mediterraneanshipping.They alsoconstructedanewcapital citynorthofFustat,which theynamedCairo(meaning ‘theConqueror’),and establishedarivalShi‘ite caliph(‘successor’tothe MuslimProphet Muhammad),challengingthe universalauthorityofthe SunnicaliphinBaghdad.By thetwelfthcenturythewalled cityofCairowasthepolitical heartofEgypt.Here,two fabulouslyopulent, labyrinthinecaliphalpalaces stoodastestamenttothe limitlesswealthofthe Fatimids–housingexotic menageriesandhordesof courteunuchs.Thecitywas alsohometothetenthcenturyal-Azharmosque, renownedasacentreof Islamicscholasticismand theologicalstudy,whileatthe endofacanalrunningtothe Nile,onthesmallislandof Roda,wastheNilometer,a carefullycalibratedstructure thatallowedthegreatriver’s floodtobemeasured preciselyand,therefore,the harvestpredicted. Cairobecametheseatof Fatimidpower,butancient Alexandriaretaineditsstatus asthefocalpointofEgypt’s economyintothecrusading era.Locatedonthe Mediterraneancoasttothe westoftheNileDelta, possessedofthegreatwonder thatwasPharos’Lighthouse, thisportwasperfectly positionedtoexploitthetrade inluxurygoodssuchas spicesandsilksflowingfrom Asia,throughtheRedSea andontoEurope.OneLatin thenlivinginPalestine observedthat‘peoplefrom theEastandtheWestflockto Alexandria,anditisapublic marketforbothworlds’. Bythetimeofthecrusades theabilityofFatimidcaliphs toexerciserealpowerover theNileregionhaddwindled and,forthemostpart,Egypt wasgovernedbythecaliph’s chiefadministrator,hisvizier. AfterthedeathoftheVizier al-Afdalin1121,however, thispoliticalsystemfaltered andCairowassoongripped byintrigue.Anoxiouscycle ofdissoluteconspiracy, unbridledbrutalityand murderbroughtFatimid Egypttoitsknees.Asone Muslimchroniclerobserved, ‘inEgyptthevizieratewas theprizeofwhoeverwasthe strongest.Thecaliphswere keptbehindtheveiland vizierswerethedefacto rulers...Itwasrarefor anyonetocometooffice exceptbyfightingandkilling andsimilarmeans.’Besetby politicalinstability,theNile regionfellintodecline,and theoncegreatFatimidfleet waslefttodecay.Againstthis backdropofendemic weaknessitwasnowonder thattherulingpowersof SyriaandPalestinebeganto regardEgyptasaprime target.23 THENEW BATTLEGROUND Intheearly1160s,Egyptwas spirallingeverdeeperinto chaos.By1163nominal powerlayinthehandsofthe eleven-year-oldboyCaliph al-Adid(1160–71),whilethe vizieratewasheldbythe formergovernorofUpper Egypt,Shawar.Hecameto powerinearly1163,but withineightmonthshadbeen overthrownbyhisArab chamberlain,Dirgham. Shawarescapedwithhislife toSyriaand,likesomanyof theusurpersbeforehim, Dirgham‘puttodeathmany oftheEgyptianemirstoclear thelandsofrivals’.After decadesofinfightingthe countryhadnowbeenallbut strippedofitsrulingelite.In thisweakenedstate,Egypt wasdesperatelyvulnerableto thepredationsofitsChristian andMuslimneighbours. ThekingdomofJerusalem hadforsomeyearsshown increasinginterestinthe region.Ascalon’sconquestin 1153openedthecoastalroad southfromPalestine–known astheViaMaris–and,in 1160,KingBaldwinIII threatenedaninvasion,but haltedhisplansonthe promiseofahugeannual tributeof160,000gold dinars.Then,uponhis untimelydeathin1163, Baldwin(beingchildless)was succeededbyhisyounger brother,Amalric.Thegreat LatinhistorianofOutremer, WilliamofTyre,whocame toprominenceunder Amalric’spatronage, recordedanintriguinglyfrank descriptionofthenew monarch.Agedtwenty-seven, Amalricwassaidtobe earnestandtaciturn,‘aman ofprudenceanddiscretion’, wholackedhispredecessor’s easycharmandeloquence,in partbecausehesufferedfrom amildstammer.Physically, Amalric‘wasofgoodly height’,with‘sparklingeyes’, a‘veryfullbeard’and slightlyrecedingblondhair. Williampraisedhisroyal ‘bearing’,butacknowledged that,despitehisextremely moderateconsumptionof foodandwine,theking‘was excessivelyfat,withbreasts likethoseofawoman hangingdowntohiswaist’.24 OneofAmalric’sfirst goalsasmonarchwasto reassertJerusalem’s dominanceoverEgypt,with an–albeitabortive–siegeof thecityofBilbais,whichlay uponthebanksofoneofthe Nile’stributaries.Thoughthe Latinswereforcedtoretreat, overthecomingyearsthe Frankishkingwastodedicate muchofhisenergyand resourcestothepursuitof powerinEgypt. ShirkuhibnShadi’sEgyptian campaigns Nural-Din’sattentionwas alsobeingdrawnsouth. Towardstheendof1163,the deposedvizierShawar arrivedinDamascus,hoping tosecurepoliticaland militarysupportfora counter-coup.Historianshave sometimeslaudedNuralDin’sdecisiontosupporthim asvisionary,arguingthathe readilyembracedthe opportunitytowageanew proxywaragainsttheLatins onEgyptiansoil,allthewhile dreamingofthemoment whentheruleofAleppo, DamascusandCairomightbe united,encirclingFrankish Palestine. Infact,atfirstNural-Din wasreticent.Hewasaware thatprotractedentanglement inNorthAfricawouldsap resourcesevenashesought toconsolidatehisholdover Syria,andhedoubted Shawar’sreliabilityasanally (eventhoughShawar promisedtorewardNuralDin’saidwithone-thirdof Egypt’sgrainrevenues).But, aftersomemonths,theemir waspersuadedtotakeaction. Nural-Din’schoicewas drivenpartlybystrategic imperative,because,left unchecked,theJerusalemite Franksmightgainan unassailablefootholdinthe Nileregion,withdisastrous consequencesfortheoverall balanceofpowerinthe Levant.Hewas,however, alsorespondingtothe ambitionsofhislongstandingKurdishlieutenant, Shirkuh,whowassomething ofagnarledveteran,having joinedZangiinthe1130sand thenremainedloyaltoNuralDin.EvenaLatin contemporaryconcededthat, despitebeingblindinoneeye becauseofacataract,‘small ofstature,verystoutandfat [and]advancedinyears’, Shirkuhwasfearedand respectedas‘anableand energeticwarrior,hungryfor gloryandofwideexperience inmilitaryaffairs’.Thiswily oldcampaignerhadalready risentoapositionofpower withinNural-Din’sinner circle,butinEgypthesaw granderopportunitiesfor advancement.Muslim chroniclersdescribedhimas being‘veryeager’tolead forcesintoNorthAfrica,and heplayedapivotalrolein galvanisingandshaping ‘Zangid’involvementinthe regionduringtheyearsto come.25 InApril1164,Nural-Din entrustedShirkuhwith commandofasizeable,wellequippedforce,instructing himto‘restoreShawartohis office’.Atfirstthecampaign proceededwell.Theallies stormedintoEgypt,seizing controlofthetownofFustat, justsouthofCairo.Bylate MayDirghamlaydead,slain byastrayarrowfromoneof hisownmenduringa skirmish,andthecaliph reinstatedShawarasvizier. Butafterthisinitialsuccess, relationsbetweentheallies deteriorated.Shawartriedto buyoffShirkuhwiththe promiseof30,000golddinars inreturnforhisdeparture fromEgypt,buttheKurdish commanderrefused. Thenewlyinstalledvizier nowdemonstratedjustthe sortofelasticityofallegiance thatNural-Dinhadfeared, invitingAmalricofJerusalem tocometoEgypt’srescueon thepromiseofbounteous financialrewards.The Frankishkingwillingly obliged,marchingtolinkup withShawarinmidsummer 1164andlaysiegeto Shirkuh,whohadtaken refugeinBilbais.Thecity wasonlyweaklyfortified, withalowwallandnofosse, butShirkuhorganiseda disciplineddefenceandfor threemonthsastalemate held.Then,inOctober,news ofNural-Din’svictoriesat HarimandBanyasreached Amalric,andhehurriedly negotiatedacessationof hostilitiesinEgypt,suchthat bothLatinsandSyrianswere permittedtoreturntotheir ownlandsinpeace,and Shawarwasleftincontrolof Cairo. Intheyearsthatfollowed, Shirkuhwassaidtohave ‘continuedtotalkaboutthe projectofinvading[Egypt]’. By1167theKurdishwarlord hadamassedaninvasion forcetooverthrowShawar. Shirkuhwasnowactingwith increasingindependence,and, althoughNural-Dindid dispatchseveralwarlordsto accompanyhim,theemir apparently‘dislikedtheplan’ toattackEgypt.The campaignwasalsojoinedby arisingstaroftheDamascene court,Shirkuh’stwenty-nine- year-oldnephew,Yusufibn Ayyub.Renownedasoneof Nural-Din’sfavouritepolo partners,Yusufmayhave foughtattheBattleofHarim in1164andwascertainly appointedinthefollowing yearasDamascus’shihna (theequivalentofpolice chief),inwhichposthe acquiredareputationforfirm lawenforcementand,perhaps lessreliably,forextorting moneyfromprostitutes. InJanuary1167,Shirkuh ledhisforceacrosstheSinai Peninsula.Thisthreat promptedShawartomakea renewedappealforaidfrom Palestine,promisinginhis extremedesperationtopay theFrankstheamazingsum of400,000golddinars. Amalricdulymarchedinto EgyptinFebruary,andNorth Africaonceagainbecamethe proxybattlegroundinawider strugglebetweenMuslim SyriaandOutremer.Thetwo sidesclashedinan inconclusivebattlethat Marchatal-Babayn,inthe desertfartothesouthof Cairo,andYusuflaterproved hiscompetenceasamilitary commanderduringa gruellingsiegeofAlexandria, butneithertheFranksnorthe Syrianswereabletoachieve adefinitivevictory. Justasin1164,Shirkuh limpedbacktoSyriawith littletoshowforhisefforts. Shawarremainedinpower, andrecenteventshadonly servedtoaugmentFrankish influenceintheregion,as Amalricagreedanewpact withthevizierthat guaranteedanannualtribute of100,000dinarsand installedaLatinprefectand garrisonwithinCairoitself. Egyptwasnowaclient-state ofthekingdomofJerusalem. Butfarfrompunishing Shirkuhforthisfailure,Nur al-Dinrewardedhimwiththe commandofHomsand grantedYusufibnAyyub landsaroundAleppo.For now,atleast,thelordof Damascuswasevidentlykeen toredirecttheenergiesof thesetwoKurdish commanderstowardsSyrian affairs,keepingthemcloseat handtocheckanytendencies toindependence. Thissituationmightwell haveendured,totheultimate frustrationofShirkuh’s Egyptianambitions,had Amalricnotsoughtto overplayhishand.Fora numberofyearsthekinghad beentryingtoforgecloser tieswithByzantium,inpart tosecureGreekparticipation inajointinvasionofNorth Africa,andthefirstfruitsof thisdiplomacycameinlate August1167whenhe marriedEmperorManuel’s niece,MariaComnena. Detailedplansforacombined expeditionwerediscussed, andWilliamofTyrewassent asroyalenvoyto Constantinopletofinalise terms.Bythetimehe returnedinautumn1168, however,Amalrichad alreadytakenaction.The kinghadgambledthathe couldprevailwithoutGreek aidandthusforestallany needtodivideEgypt’sriches withManuel.Notcontent withEgypt’sclientstatus, Amalricsoughttoconquer theNile.Withthevocal encouragementofthe Hospitallers,helauncheda surpriseinvasioninlate October,marchingfrom AscalontoattackBilbais.The cityfellafterjustafewdays, on4November,andthe Franksengagedinabloody andrapacioussack,sparing fewamongitspopulaceand lootingatwill. Inthewakeofthisopening victory,however,theLatin offensiveunravelled.Amalric mayhavehopedthatasudden savageassaultwouldshatter Egyptianresistance,butin facthisbetrayalofthetruce withCairoandtheshock causedbytheFranks’ unfetteredferocityatBilbais hardenedMuslimopposition throughouttheNileregion. Tomakemattersworse,the kingnowslowedthepaceof hisinvasion,perhaps believingthattheVizier Shawarwouldreadily surrender,andAmalric allowedhimselftobestalled byoffersofnegotiationand promisesofnewtribute.In fact,theking’sentirestrategy inlate1168hadbeen predicateduponadreadful miscalculation.Believingthat theeventsof1167haddriven awedgebetweenCairoand Damascus,hethoughtthat Shawarwouldbebereftof alliesandthusvulnerable,but hehadunderestimatedthe vizier’sdiplomaticagilityand Zangidambition. ThereturntotheNile WhentheFranksattacked Egypt,Shawardispatcheda flurryofmessagestoNuralDin,beggingforassistance and,notwithstandinghis earliermisgivingsabout involvementinNorthAfrican affairs,theemirnow respondedwithsureandswift resolution.Byearly December1168afullstrengthSyrianexpeditionary force–including7,000 mountedtroopsand thousandsmoreinfantrymen –hadbeenassembledsouth ofDamascus.Shirkuhwas givenoverallcommand,a warchestof200,000dinars andfulltreasuryfundingto equiphisarmy.Buttocurtail theKurd’scapacityfor independent,self-serving action,Nural-Dinalsotook caretosendanumberof othertrustedwarlords, includingtheTurkAynalDaulah.Despitetheirfamilial connection,Nural-Dinalso seemstohaveplaced considerabletrustin Shirkuh’snephew,Yusufibn Ayyub,whoapparently neededsomepersuadingto returntotheNile,hauntedas hewasbydarkmemoriesof theAlexandriansiege. Whennewsreached AmalricthatShirkuhwas marchingacrosstheSinaiat theheadof‘aninnumerable host’,theLatinkingwas horrified.Rushingtomuster hisforcesatBilbais,Amalric marchedeastintothedesert inlateDecember,hopingto intercepttheSyriansbefore theycouldjoinforceswith Shawar.Buthewastoolate. Scoutsreportedbackthat Shirkuhhadalreadycrossed theNileand,judgingthathe wouldnowbetooheavily outnumbered,Amalricmade thedifficultandhumiliating decisiontoretreattoPalestine empty-handed.26 Egypt,atlast,layopento Shirkuh,andhewastedlittle timeinpressinghis advantage.Inthefirstdaysof January1169Shawarmade desperateattemptsto negotiateterms,buthisbase ofpoliticalandmilitary supportwasfaltering.His policyofalliancewiththe Franks–whichhadincluded thedeeplyunpopular,even scandalous,provisionof openingCairoitselftoLatin soldiers–layinruins. ShirkuhrepresentedSunni Syria,traditionalenemyof theShi‘iteFatimids,butfor manyintheEgyptiancapital hewasnonethelesspreferable totheChristiansof Jerusalem,andon10January theCaliphal-Adidappears privatelytohaveindicatedhis ownsupportfortheKurd.On afoggymorningeightdays later,anunsuspectingShawar rodeouttocontinuetalksin Shirkuh’scamp,onlytobe attackedandunhorsedby YusufibnAyyubandanother Syrian,Jurdik.Withinafew hoursthevizierhadbeen executedandhisheadplaced beforethecaliph.Evennow, however,Syriansuccesswas notassured.RidingintoCairo tobeappointedasal-Adid’s newchiefminister,Shirkuh wasconfrontedbyanangry mob.Pennedinamongthe OldCity’snarrowstreets,he wassaidtohave‘fearedfor hislife’,butinamomentof cannyquickthinkinghe redirectedtheunrulythrong tolootthelateShawar’s mansion,andthereby managedtoreachedthe caliphalpalaceinsafety. Intheory,Shirkuh’s elevationtothepostof Fatimidvizierconfirmed ZangidpowerintheNile region,heraldinganeweraof Muslimunityinwhich Aleppo,DamascusandCairo mightjoinforcestoprosecute thejihadagainsttheFranks. ContemporaryMuslim sourcesindicatethat,in publicatleast,Nural-Din celebratedShirkuh’s achievement,orderinghis ‘conquestofEgypt’tobe proclaimedthroughoutSyria, eveniftheemirharboured concernsaboutthefuture loyaltyofhislieutenant.In fact,Shirkuh’strueintentions werenevermademanifest, forbarelytwomonthslaterhe diedofanacute,suppurating throatinfection,having gorgedhimselfoncoarse meats. Recordsdetailingthe emergenceofShirkuh’s successor–bothas commanderoftheSyrian expeditionandasvizier–are confusedandcontradictory. Hewassurvivedbyhis Kurdishnephew,Yusufibn Ayyub,theveteranofalBabaynandAlexandria,who mightcountonthesupportof mostofhisuncle’spersonal militaryentourage(oraskar), madeupof500mamluks (slavesoldiers).Butthere wereother,perhapsmore obviouslypowerful claimants,includingtheproZangidTurk,Aynal-Daulah, andanotherofShirkuh’s lieutenants,thetalented Kurdishwarrioral-Mashtub. Afterdaysofdebateand intrigueitwasYusufwho emergedvictorious. Demonstratingaremarkable giftforthesubtletiesofcourt politics,Shirkuh’snephew playedtheotherSyrian candidatesagainstone another,usingsuggestionand innuendo,emergingasthe compromisecandidate.His spokesmanandadvocate throughoutthisprocesswas Isa,asilver-tonguedKurdish juristandimam.OnlyAynalDaulahremainedimplacable, returningtoDamascuswith thepromisethathewould neverservesuchanupstart. Atthesametime,Yusuf showedthecaliphandhis innercircleofEgyptian advisersadifferentface–one thatledthemtobelievethat, aschiefminister,hewould provepliableandineffectual, anoutsiderwhomightlater bereadilyoverthrownto usherinaFatimidresurgence. InlateMarch1169,his ‘commandofthe[Syrian] troopsandappointmentasalAdid’svizier’wereduly confirmed.27 WhatevertheEgyptian caliph’sexpectations,Yusuf ibnAyyubsoonrevealedhis truequalities,crushingan attemptedpalacecoupand brutallysuppressinga militaryrevoltwithinmonths oftakingoffice.Indeed,in theyearsthatfollowed,it becameclearthathis ambitionsfaroutstripped thoseofhisuncle,Shirkuh. Capable,inturn,ofextreme ruthlessnessandprincipled magnanimity,giftedwith politicalandmilitaryacuity, Yusuf’sachievementswould eclipseeventhoseofhis overlordNural-Din,intime earninghimthegrand appellationbywhichheis morecommonlyknownto history:Salahal-Din,‘the goodnessoffaith’,or,inthe westerntongue,Saladin. SALADIN,LORDOF EGYPT(1169–74) Despitetheseismicimpacthe wouldhaveuponhistoryand thewarfortheHolyLand,no physicaldescriptionof Saladinhassurvived.In1169 fewcouldhaveguessedthat thisthirty-one-year-old Kurdishwarriorwould establishtheAyyubids (namedforSaladin’sfather Ayyub)asthenewrising powerwithinIslam.Some medievalchroniclers,and manymodernhistorians,have suggestedthatSaladin’s relationshipwithhisSyrian overlordNural-Dinsoured almostassoonastheformer tookuptheofficeofEgyptian vizier;thattheshadowsof imminentconflictbetween CairoandDamascuswere immediatelyapparent.In reality,despitealimited degreeoffrictionduringan initialperiodofadjustment, thereisplentifulevidenceto suggestcontinued cooperationandlittleto indicateanearlymove,on Saladin’spart,toassert independence.Thebalanceof powerandinterplayof loyaltybetweenthesetwo potentates–championsofthe ZangidandAyyubid dynasties–would,intime, becomeapressingissue,but in1169Saladinhadmore urgentconcerns.28 Challenges Uponsucceedinghisuncleas viziertotheFatimidCaliph al-Adid,Saladin’sprospects forsurvivalwerebleak. Duringtheprecedingfifteen yearsthevizieratehad changedhandsnofewerthan eighttimes;embittered factionalism,treachery, betrayalandmurderwereall pervasiveandingrained featuresofCairenepolitics. Saladincametothisvolatile, lethalenvironmentasan isolatedoutsider–aSunni KurdinaShi‘aworld– backedbylimitedmilitary andfinancialresources.Few canhaveexpectedhimto prevail. Inspring1169,Saladin’s firstinstinctwastogather swiftlyaroundhimaninner coreofloyalandable supporters.Throughouthis careerheseemstohave placedgreatfaithinthe fidelityofblood;allbutalone inEgypt,heturnedtohis family,askingNural-Dinto allowmembersofthe AyyubidlinetoquitSyriafor theNile.Withinmonths Saladinwasjoinedbyhis elderbrother,Turan-Shah, andnephew,Taqial-Din. Theywerelaterfollowedby others,includingSaladin’s father,Ayyub,andanother, youngerbrother,destinedto risetoprominence,al-Adil. Asvizier,Saladinentrusted keypositionsofpowerwithin Egypttohisrelations,buthe alsowonovermanyofhis lateuncleShirkuh’saskar, whowereknownasthe Asadiyya–aplayonhisfull name,Asadal-DinShirkuh ibn-Shadi. Theseincludedthefellow Kurdal-Mashtub,whohad himselfchallengedforthe vizierate;theforcefuland forthrightmamlukAbu’l HaijatheFat,whoinlaterlife reachedsuchanextremeof obesitythathehaddifficulty standing;andtheastute,but ratherbrutishCaucasian eunuchQaragush.Inyearsto comethesemenwouldprove themselvestobeamong Saladin’smostfaithful lieutenants.Healsobeganto assemblehisownaskar,the Salahiyya.Saladineven foundsomealliesinsidethe fractiousFatimidcourtitself. Thescribe,poetand administratoral-Fadil,a nativeofAscalon,whohad beenemployedbyanumber ofviziers,nowentered Saladin’sservice,becoming hissecretaryandclose personalconfidant.Al-Fadil wasanavidcorrespondent, andcopiesofhisletterstoday serveasavitalcorpusof historicalevidence. Withinmonthsofassuming thevizierate,Saladinneeded thesupportofthesetrusted alliesashefacedaseriesof assaultsonhisposition.He alsorevealedacapacityfor nuancedpoliticaloperationin dealingwiththesethreats– onethatwouldproveasignal characteristicofhiscareer. Whennecessary,Saladin couldactwithpitiless determination,buthewas alsoabletoemploycaution anddiplomacy.Intheearly summerof1169,Mutamin, theleadingeunuchwithinthe caliph’spalace,soughtto engineeracoupagainst Saladin,openingchannelsof negotiationwiththekingdom ofJerusaleminthehopeof promptingyetanother FrankishinvasionofEgyptto toppletheAyyubids.Asecret envoywasdispatchedfrom Cairo,disguisedasabeggar, butpassingnearBilbaisa SyrianTurkspottedthathe waswearingnewsandals whosefinequalityjarredwith hisotherwiseragged appearance.Withsuspicions aroused,theagentwas arrestedandletterstothe Franksdiscovered,sewninto theliningofhisshoes, revealingtheplot.Saladin curtailedtheindependenceof theFatimidcourt,executing theeunuchMutaminin Augustandreplacinghim withQaragush,whofromthis pointforwardpresidedover allpalaceaffairs.29 Saladin’ssevere interventionelicitedan outbreakofunrestamong Cairo’smilitarygarrison.The citywaspackedwithsome 50,000blackSudanese troops,whoseloyaltytothe caliphmadethema dangerouscounterto Ayyubidauthority.Fortwo daystheyriotedthroughthe streets,marchingonSaladin’s positioninthevizier’spalace. Abu’lHaijatheFatwassent tostemtheiradvance,but Saladinknewthathelacked themanpowertoprevailin opencombatandsoon adoptedlessdirecttactics. MostoftheSudaneselived withtheirfamiliesinthealMansuraquarterofCairo. Saladinorderedthattheentire areabesetalight,according tooneMuslimcontemporary leavingit‘toburndown around[therebellingtroops’] possessions,childrenand women’.Withtheirmorale shatteredbythiscallous atrocity,theSudaneseagreed atruce,thetermsofwhich weresupposedtoprovidefor safepassageuptheNile.But onceoutofthecityand travellingsouthinsmaller, disorganisedgroups,theyfell victimtotreacherouscounterattacksfromTuran-Shahand werevirtuallyannihilated. Saladincontinuedtouse cold-bloodedretaliationwhen hethoughtthesituation demandedit,butoftenhe adoptedmoresubtle, piecemealmethodstodeal withhisopponents.Oncein officeasFatimidvizier, Saladinfacedrepeated pressurefromthecaliphin Baghdad,andfromNuralDininDamascus,todepose Egypt’sShi‘itecaliph,a hereticintheeyesofSunni orthodoxy.ButSaladin resisted,makingno incautiousmovetotopplealAdid,cultivatinginsteada mutuallybeneficialalliance withtheyoungruler–one thatmayevenhavebeen shadedbyadegreeofreal friendship.Saladin’sposition intheNileregionwasfartoo precarioustoriskdirect dynasticrevolution.To endureasvizierhe recognisedthat,tobeginwith atleast,heneededthe measureofstability,and, evenmoreimportantly,the bounteousfinancial benefactionattendantupon caliphalsupport. Thispolicyprovedits worthinlatesummer1169. Stillsmartingfromthe humiliationofhisretreat fromEgyptthepreceding winter,KingAmalricof Jerusalemchosethismoment tolaunchanotherassault,this timetargetingtheportof Damietta,intheeastern reachesoftheNileDelta, withtheassistanceofa massiveByzantinefleet.This attackposedagravethreatto Saladin,yetheprovedmore thancapableofmeetingthe challenge.Heraisedand equippedahugearmy, fundedbyatrulycolossal grantof1,000,000gold dinarsfromal-Adid’s treasury.Ratherthan commandthereliefof Damiettainperson,leaving Cairopreytorevolt,Saladin wiselydeputisedhisnephew, Taqial-Din,whilehe remainedinthecapital.When thisforcelinkedupwith SyriantroopssentbyNural- Din,Amalricfoundhimself outnumberedand,unable adequatelytocoordinate Latin-Greekmilitary operations,hisoffensive collapsed.ThisMuslim victoryeffectivelybroughtto anendthecontestforcontrol ofEgypt,wagedagainstthe Latinsthroughoutthe1160s. TheFrankscontinuedto dreamoftheNile’sconquest, butfornowthatregion remainedinthegraspof Islam,andSaladin.30 Havingwithstoodtheearly challengesofhisfirstyearas vizier,Saladin–echoingNur al-Din’sapproachtothe exerciseofpower–initiated programmesofciviland religiousrejuvenation. Alexandria’sfortifications werestrengthened,whilein Cairoanditssouthernsuburb ofFustatnewcentresof SunniIslamiclawwere erected.Saladinlater abolishednon-Koranic taxationoftradeinEgypt (althoughhedidhikeupother formsoflevyinorderto makeupfortheshortfallin stateincome).InNovember 1170healsoappearedtotake upthemantleofmujahid, leadinghisfirstinvasionof FrankishPalestine.Atthe headofasizeablearmy, Saladinoverranthesmall LatinfortressofDarum,just southofGaza,and skirmishedwithKing Amalric’shastilyassembled reliefforcebeforemarching totheshoresoftheRedSea tooccupytheportofAqaba. Whileblowswereevidently struckagainsttheChristians duringthiscampaign, Saladin’sprimaryobjective mayhavebeentoshoreup thelandroutebetweenthe NileregionandDamascus, anditwouldprobablybe wrongtoregardthisventure asthefirstblossomingofhis dedicationtotheholywar. LIEUTENANTOR COMMANDER AsSaladin’scontrolofEgypt solidified,hiscontinuedlack ofindependencecameever moresharplyintofocus.He wasaSunniwarlord, possessedofgrowingpower andresources,yetstillonly secondincommandtoa Shi‘itecaliphandboundby tiesofsubserviencetoNuralDin.Cautionhadserved Saladinwelltothispoint,but bylatesummer1171,with hisholdoverCairosecured, hewasreadytooustthe Fatimids.Evennow, however,hemovedwith markedrestraint,largely forsakingthetraditional aberrationsofEgyptian politics–bloodycoupd’état andwholesalemurder.This approachwas,inpart,made possiblebytheyoungCaliph al-Adid’sfailinghealth. AroundtheendofAugusthe contractedasevereillness and,thoughbarelytwenty yearsold,wassoonatdeath’s door.31 OnFriday10September 1171,Saladintookhisfirst guardedsteptowards autonomy.Forcenturies,the nameoftheShi‘itecaliphhad echoedthroughEgypt’s mosquesduringFriday prayer,recitedinhonorific recognitionofFatimid authority.Onthisday, however,inFustat,al-Adid’s namewasreplacedwiththat oftheSunniAbbasidcaliph ofBaghdad.Saladinwas testingthewater,gauging whetheropenrebellionwould follow,beforeshowinghis handinCairoitself,butno uprisingensued.Thenextday hepresidedoveranimposing militaryparadeinthecapital, asvirtuallytheentiremight ofhisarmiesmarched throughthestreets,prompting hissecretaryal-Fadilto recordthat‘nokingofIslam hadeverpossessedanarmy tomatchthis’.Forhis Egyptiansubjects,andthe LatinandGreekambassadors whohappenedtobevisiting Cairoatthatpoint,the messagewasunambiguous. Saladinwasnowlordof Egypt.Newsoftheseevents reachedthedyingal-Adid andheimploredSaladin,still nominallyhisvizier,tocome tohisbedside,hopingtobeg forthelivesofhisfamily. Fearingaplot,Saladin refused–althoughitwassaid thathelaterregrettedthis hard-hearteddecision–and thecaliphdiedon13 September.Saladinmadea greatshowofaccompanying hisbodytoitsburialandtook nostepstoeliminatehis offspring.Insteadtheywere housedandcaredforwithin thecaliphalpalace,but forbiddenfromhaving childrensothattheirline woulddieout.Regardlessof itspiecemealnature,the consequencesofthis revolutionweredramatic. ThedaysoftheFatimids wereatanend;thereligious andpoliticalschismthathad dividedEgyptfromtherestof theMuslimNearEastsince thetenthcenturyreceded, leavingSaladintoposeasa championofSunni orthodoxy. Giventhecaliph’snearlegendaryreputationfor fabulouswealth,oneofthe immediatebenefitsofalAdid’sdeathforSaladin shouldhavebeenamassive influxofhardcash.Butupon occupyingtheFatimidpalace Saladinfoundasurprisingly smallstoreofmoney,much ofthereserveshavingbeen usedtofundthelateVizier Shawar’sexorbitanttributes toJerusalemandDamascus, andSaladin’sowndefenceof Damiettain1169.What treasureshedidfind–a ‘mountain’ofrubies,ahuge emeraldandanassortmentof giantpearls–werequickly auctionedoff. Saladin’sabolitionofthe Fatimidcaliphateand subjectionofEgyptin1171 were,atleastintheory,not merelypersonalvictories; theywerealsoatriumphfor hisoverlord,Nural-Din, whoserealmcouldnowbe saidtostretchfromEgyptto Syriaandbeyond.Certainly, bothmenweresentsplendid ceremonialrobesofvictory bythecaliphofBaghdadthat autumn.Butbehindthe façadeofSunniunityand ascendancy,signsofstrain betweenthelordandhisever morepowerfullieutenant werebecomingapparent. Withtheunificationof Aleppo,DamascusandCairo andtheresultantencirclement oftheFrankishkingdomof Jerusalem,Nural-Dinmight haveexpectedtodrawupon theNile’swealthand resources,andSaladin’s militarysupport,tolaunchan all-outoffensiveonPalestine. Fromautumn1171,however, asthenewlordofEgypt, Saladinbegantoactasa sovereignrulerinhisown right.Sincethedaysof Shirkuh’sNorthAfrican adventures,Ayyubid involvementintheregionhad alwaysbeengildedwitha self-servingedgeand, ultimately,Egypt’sconquest haddependedaboveallupon Saladin’sownqualities:his acutepoliticalandmilitary vision;hispatience,guileand mercilessness.Nowhemight arguablyclaimtobeNural- Din’sequalandallyrather thanhisservant. Openconflictwas,inpart, avertedbyNural-Din’s preoccupationselsewherein hisrealm.SyriaandPalestine werestruckyetagainbya seriesofdamaging earthquakesintheearly 1170s,forcingthediversion ofresourcesintoextensive rebuildingprogrammes.In Iraq,thedeathofhisbrother, followedbytheAbbasid caliph’sdemise,prompted Nural-Dinoncemoreto involvehimselfin Mesopotamianaffairs,while intheJaziraandAnatolia, newopportunitiesfor territorialexpansionsimilarly commandedhisattention. Then,in1172,adisputewith theFranksovertradingrights alongtheSyriancoast triggeredanumberof punitiveraidsagainstAntioch andthecountyofTripoli. Inspiteofthese distractions,Nural-Dindid seekSaladin’ssupportinone crucialtheatreofconflict,the Latin-helddesertareaeastof theRiverJordanknownas Transjordan.Thisregionwas certainlyavaluableprize: annexedintheearlytwelfth centurybytheconstructionof FrankishcastlesatMontreal andKerak,itgavetheLatins atleastpartialcontrolover themainlandroutefrom DamascustoeitherEgyptor toMeccaandMedina,the sacredcitiesoftheArabian Peninsula.Saladinhasbeen accused,bothbysome medievalchroniclersanda numberofmodernscholars, offailingtocooperatefullyin twoattemptstoconquerthis frontierzoneintheearly 1170s.This‘treachery’ supposedlyrevealedthat Saladinwasdrivenbyselfservingambitionratherthana desiretopromotethewider interestsofIslam.Butdidhe reallyturnhisbackonNuralDin,wreckinganopportunity totriumphinthewarforthe HolyLand? InlateSeptember1171, soonaftertheFatimid caliphate’sabolition,Saladin marchedintoTransjordan withtheapparentintentionof launchingajointoperation withNural-Din.Asthelatter camesouthfromDamascus, Saladinlaidsiegeto Montreal,butafterashort periodhesuddenlydecidedto retreattoEgypt,andthetwo Muslimarmiesnever combined.TheMosuli historianIbnal-Athir,who supportedNural-Din’s Zangiddynasty,sawinthese eventsadefinitivemomentof divisionbetweenSaladinand hisoverlord,assertingthata ‘deepdifference’emerged betweenthem.Hemaintained that,havingreached Montreal,Saladinwas warnedbyhisadvisersabout therealstrategicandpolitical consequencesof Transjordan’sconquest. Counselledthattheopening ofasecureroutefrom DamascustoEgyptwould leadtoNural-Din’sseizure oftheNileregionand cautionedthat‘ifNural-Din comestoyouhere,youwill havetomeethimandthenhe willexercisehisauthority overyouashewishes’, Saladinfled. TheproblemwithIbnalAthir’saccountisthatitrelies uponthenotionofSaladinas anaïvecommander,devoid offoresight.Yet,onthe evidenceofhisstriking successesinEgypt,Saladin wasnoinnocent,butafarsightedandastuteoperator. Hewouldsurelyhave recognisedinadvancethe widerramificationsofthe Transjordanenterprise,long beforeactuallyarrivingat Montrealitself.Frustratingly, theothersurvivingsources shedlittleadditionallight uponevents:accordingtoone account,Saladinexcused himselfbyarguingthat rebellionwasbrewingin Egypt,whileanother contemporaryArabicwriter simplyobservedthat ‘somethinghappened’to causehisprecipitousreturnto Cairo. Ibnal-Athirwentonto accuseSaladinofabandoning asecondjointventurebefore Nural-Dincouldarrive,this timeagainstKerakinearly summer1173.WhileSaladin certainlydidbesiegethat fortressatthispoint,hewas probablyacting independentlyofDamascus, asNural-Dinwasbusywith theaffairsofnorthernSyria andinnopositiontolead troopsintoTransjordan.32 Theevidenceagainst Saladinfortheperiod between1171and1173is,on balance,inconclusive.He cannotbesaidcategorically tohavebetrayedNural-Din, norwashesolelyculpablefor thefailuretoprevailinthe jihad.Publiclyatleast Saladinaffirmedhis continuedsubserviencetothe Zangiddynastyaftertheend ofFatimidrulein1171–Nur al-Dinwasincludedinthe FridayprayerandEgyptian coinsweremintedbearinghis namealongsidethatofthe Abbasidcaliph. Inreality,anyhostility brewingbetweenDamascus andCairointheearly1170s wasprobablynotprimarily relatedtotheissueofunified militaryaction,but,rather, connectedtothequestionof hardcash.Aboveallelse,Nur al-Dinwantedtotapinto Egypt’srichesandbegan demandinganannualtribute fromtheregion.Tothisend hesentanofficialfrom Damascustocarryoutafull auditofEgypt’srevenueat theendof1173.Asthe financialinvestigation proceededapaceinEgypt duringthefirstmonthsof 1174,tensionmounted.Both Nural-DinandSaladin mobilisedtroops,althoughit isnotcertainwhetherthis wasinpreparationforadirect confrontationorarenewed attemptatcollaboration.Inall likelihood,bothmenwere makingashowofstrengthas aprecursortointense diplomaticwrangling,aware thatthismightintime escalateintoopenconflict. Discordwascertainlyinthe air,asevenSaladinhimself lateradmittedtohis biographer:‘Wehadheard thatNural-Dinwould perhapsattackusinEgypt. Severalofourcomrades advisedthatheshouldbe openlyresistedandhis authorityrejectedandthathis armyshouldbemetinbattle torepelitifhishostilemove becameareality.’He apparentlyadded,somewhat lessconvincingly,‘Ialone disagreedwiththem,urging thatitwasnotrighttosay anythingofthesort.’33 Fateintervenedtoprevent whatpotentiallywouldhave beenahugelydamaging Sunnicivilwar.While waitingforhisauditorto reportfromCairo,Nural-Din fellillinlatespring1174. Playingpolooutside Damascuson6May,hewas seizedbysomeformoffit and,bythetimehereturned tothecitadel,wasclearly unwell.Sufferingwithwhat mayhavebeenangina,atfirst hestubbornlyrefusedtocall physicians.Bythetimehis courtdoctor,al-Rahbi, arrived,Nural-Dinwas huddledinasmallprayer room,deepwithinthecitadel, ‘closetodeath...hisvoice barelyaudible’.Whenitwas suggestedthathebetreated withbleeding,Nural-Din bluntlyrefused,saying,‘you donotbleedamanofsixty’, andinthefaceofthisgreat rulernooneargued. On15May1174NuralDindied,hisbodylaterbeing interredinoneofthe religiousschoolshehadhad builtinDamascus.Even amonghisenemiesthe Franks,Nural-Dinwas reveredas‘amighty persecutoroftheChristian nameandfaith...ajustand valiantprince’.Hewasthe firstMuslimleadersincethe adventofthecrusadesto uniteAleppoandDamascus. Hisvisionandquickening senseofdevotionhadushered inaneweraofreligious rejuvenationwithintheSunni world,resuscitatingthe notionofjihadagainst Islam’senemiesasan emblematicandimperative cause.Andyet,athisdeath, theFranksremained unconquered,andthe hallowedcityofJerusalem stilllayinChristendom’s grasp.34 10 HEIRORUSURPER Nural-Din’sdeathinMay 1174appearedtofurnish Saladinwithaperfect opportunitytoemergefrom theshadowofZangidSyrian overlordship,allowingthe lieutenanttobecomeleader, asserthisrighttofully independentruleandassume themantleofchampionin Islam’sholywaragainstthe Franks.Itisonlytooeasyto imaginethehistoryof twelfth-centuryNearEastern Islamasaneraoflinear progression;oneinwhicha swellingtideofjihadi resurgencegatheredpace underZangi,Nural-Dinand, finally,Saladin–withthe torchofleadershippassing smoothly,andalmost inevitably,fromoneMuslim ‘hero’toanother.Thiswas certainlytheimpression fosteredandenergetically promotedbysomeIslamic contemporaries. Thecentralflawinthis admittedlyalluringillusionis thatSaladinwasnot proclaimedNural-Din’sheir in1174.Instead,Nural-Din leftbehindaneleven-year-old son,al-Salih,whohehoped wouldtakeupthereinsof power.ThegreatSyrianlord wasalsosurvivedbyan assortmentofotherblood relationswhomightseekto protectandperpetuateZangid ascendancyintheNearand MiddleEast.Assuchthere was,inreality,nonaturalor immediatepathto advancementopentoSaladin in1174.Insteadhewas presentedwithchoices:to prioritisehisholdoverthe Nileregion,constructinga largelyself-contained Egyptianrealm;ortoseekto emulate,oreveneclipse,Nur al-Din’sachievements,to becomethepremierMuslim leaderintheLevant. AHEROFORISLAM Saladinembracedthislatter objectivewithsingular dedicationandvigour.The fundamentalquestion– similartothataskedofNur al-Din–waswhy?Did Saladinseekpower,forginga despotic,pan-Levantine IslamicEmpire,tofulfilhis ownself-serving,personal ambition?Orwashedriven byahighercause,pursuing Muslimunificationasa meanstoanend–the necessaryprecursorto successinthejihadagainst theChristianFranks?Some attempttounderstand Saladin’smotivesand mentalityhastobemade,not leastbecauseofhisprofound importanceasahistorical figure,particularlyinIslamic culture.Inthemodernworld, Saladinhascometobe regardedasthesupreme Muslimchampionofthe crusadingage;an extraordinarilypowerful talismanoftheIslamicpast, viewedbymanyasarevered hero.Thetaskofstripping awaythelayersoflegend, propagandaandbiasto exploretherealityofhis careeristhusparticularly sensitiveanddemands scrupulousandassiduous care. Inrelativeterms,the contemporarysourcesfor Saladin’slifeareplentiful, buttheyarealsoproblematic. AnumberofMuslim eyewitnesseswroteabouthis remarkableachievements, includingtwoofhisclosest supporters–hissecretary Imadal-Dinal-Isfahani(from 1174)andhisadviserBaha al-DinIbnShaddad(from 1188)–butbothpresented sanitisedbiographiesoftheir masteraftertheevent.Their worksarepredicateduponthe notionthatSaladinwas drivenbyheartfeltreligious devotiontoserveIslamand fighttheFranks.Accordingto Bahaal-Din,Saladin’s spiritualconvictiondeepened afterheassumedpowerover Egyptin1169,forgoing ‘wine-drinkingandturning hisbackonfrivolity’,and fromthispointforwardhe wassupposedlydrivenpious by‘passion,constancyand zeal’.Hiscommitmenttothe holywarwassaidtobe absolute: Saladinwasverydiligentandzealous forthejihad.Ifanyoneweretoswear that,sincehisembarkinguponthe jihad,hehadnotexpendedasingle dinarordirhamonanythingbutthe jihadorsupportforit,hewouldbe tellingthetruthandtrueinhisoath.The jihad,hisloveandpassionforit,had takenamightyholdofhisheartandall hisbeing,somuchsothathetalkedof nothingelse[and]thoughtofnothing butthemeanstopursueit. Thishighlyfavourable depictionisbalanced,tosome extent,byotherevidence. TheIraqichroniclerIbnalAthir,asupporteroftherival Zangiddynasty,offereda moredispassionateviewof Saladin.Manuscriptcopies alsosurviveofthepublicand privatecorrespondence writtenforSaladinbyhis scribeandconfidantal-Fadil. Thiscrucial(yetstill relativelyunder-exploited) corpusofmaterialoffers valuableinsightsinto Saladin’sthinkingandhis ownwidespreaduseof propagandaandinterestin imagecreation.35 Itisalsoimperativeto contextualiseanyjudgements aboutSaladin’scharacterand career.Asamedievalrulerhe operatedwithinaviolentand venomouspolitical environment–tosurviveand advanceitwouldhavebeen virtuallyimpossibleforhim alwaystoactwithpure-bred nobility,honour,justiceand clemency.Indeed,few,if any,ofhistory’sgreatrulers couldclaimsuchqualities, whateveragetheylivedin. Itis,infact,evidentthat Saladinwasnotsimplya bloodthirstytyrant.Inseeking tousurppowerfromNuralDin’sheirs,hecouldhave followedtheexamplesetby Zangi,relyinguponfearand brutalitytoamassand maintainpower.Instead, Saladinchosetopursue policiesthatclosely mimickedthoseofhisformer overlord,Nural-Din– indeed,inthisregardatleast hecouldbesaidtohavebeen Nural-Din’struesuccessor. Saladin’staskin1174was essentiallytorecreatethe achievementsoftheZangids, butinreverse,subduing Damascus,Aleppoand Mosul.Todosoheemployed acautiousfusionofmilitary mightandadeptpolitical manipulation.And throughouthesetgreatstore bynotionsoflegitimacyand justcause.Thisneedfor validationwasamplifiedby Saladin’ssocialandethnic background.Whathadbeen truefortheZangidTurkswas doublysofortheAyyubidsas Kurdishmercenarywarlords –alltooeasilytheycouldbe characterisedasupstart outsidersinaNearand MiddleEasternworld historicallydominatedby ArabandPersianMuslim rulingelites. Throughoutthe1170sand beyond,Saladinsoughtto legitimatehisascenttopower andprominenceby emphasisinghisrolesasa defenderofIslamandSunni orthodoxy,andasthe supposedservantofthe AbbasidcaliphofBaghdad. Healsousedthenotionof jihadtojustifytheneedfor Islamicunityunderoneruler. JustasPopeUrbanIIhad harnessedthepowerofa fearedandthreatening Muslimenemytounite westernEuropeinsupportof theFirstCrusade,soSaladin provedonlytoowillingto presenttheLevantineFranks asmenacingandinimitable foes. Atthesametime,he evidentlyaspiredtoextend hisownpowerandtocreate anenduringdynasty.Inthe 1170shebeganstyling himselfasa‘sultan’(kingor ruler),atitlereflectiveof autonomousauthority.He wasalsobusysiringanew generationofpotentialheirs. Fewdetailssurviveofthe numerouswivesandslave girlswhobegathischildren, butalreadyin1174,attheage ofthirty-six,hehadfivesons, theeldestofwhom,al-Afdal, wasbornin1170. INNURAL-DIN’S WAKE Fromsummer1174itwasnot justSaladinwholookedto exploitthepowervacuumleft intheNearEastbyNuralDin’sdemise.Membersof thelateemir’scourtand extendedfamily–theZangid dynasty–soughttoassert eithertheirownindependence ortheirrighttoact,ineffect, ashissuccessor.Within months,theZangidrealm,so patientlyconstructedover twenty-eightyears,fractured almostbeyondrecognition, usheringabewilderingarray ofprotagonistsontothe stage. Totheeastin Mesopotamia,twoofNuralDin’snephewsheldpower– Saifal-DininMosuland Imadal-DinZangiinnearby Sinjar.Bothnowbeganvying forcontrolofterritorywest towardstheEuphrates.In Syria,Nural-Din’syoung son,al-Salih,becamea politicalpawnasvarious factionsclaimedtobehis ‘protector’.Theboywas eventuallyspiritedawayto Aleppo,wheretheeunuch Gumushteginhademerged, throughbloodyintrigue,as thedominantforce. Meanwhile,inDamascusa groupofemirs,headedbythe militarycommanderIbnalMuqaddam,seizedpower. Notsurprisingly,theLatins toosawachanceforaction thatsummer.KingAmalric’s primaryobjectivewasthe reconquestofBanyas,the frontiersettlementlostto Damascusadecadeearlier. Helaidsiegetothetownfor twoweeks,buttheonsetofill healthpreventedhimfrom pressinganyadvantage,and heagreedatrucewithIbnalMuqaddaminreturnfora cashpaymentandtherelease ofsomeChristiancaptives. Thisurgentflurryof activitygrippedSyria,butin EgyptSaladinbidedhistime. InmidsummeraSicilianfleet attackedAlexandria,whilein UpperEgyptsurviving Fatimidemirstriedtoincite rebellion.Thesethreatswere readilyrepulsed,butSaladin stillapproachedtheissueof thesuccessiontoNuralDin’srealmwithgreat caution.Overtlyconsciousof theneedtocounter accusationsofdespotic usurpation,Saladinforsook theblunttoolsofinvasion andviolentsuppression, insteademployingguileful diplomacyagainstabackdrop ofdeterminedpropaganda. Oneofhisfirstactswasto writetoal-Salih,declaringhis ownloyalty,affirmingthat theyoungruler’snamehad dulyreplacedthatofNuralDinduringtheFridayprayer inEgypt,andthatSaladin stoodreadyandwillingasa ‘servant’todefendal-Salih againsthisrivals.Inanother letter,thesultanproclaimed thathewouldfight‘asa swordagainst[al-Salih’s] enemies’,warningthatSyria wassurrounded‘onallsides’ byfoes,suchastheFranks, whohadtobefought. Thesetwodocuments revealthatwithinweeksof Nural-Din’sdeathSaladin waspublicisingtheofficial agendaunderwhichhewould operatethroughmuchofthe 1170s.Intheyearstocome hesought,withalmost unfailingtenacity,toextend hisownpersonalauthority overtheshatteredremnants ofNural-Din’srealm.But alwaysthisgraspingpursuit ofpowerwasveiledbeneath thepublicavowaloftwinned principles:thatasal-Salih’s appointedguardianSaladin labouredtirelessly,and withoutregardforhisown reward,topreserveZangid authority;andthatthisdrive towardsIslamicunitywasof paramountimportance preciselybecausetheMuslim worldwasengagedina historicstrugglewithan implacableChristianfoe,who evennowretainedpossession ofthesacredcityof Jerusalem.36 Ofcourse,manyofthe sultan’scontemporary opponentswereonlytoo awarethatSaladinactually wastryingtobuildhisown empire,evenifitwasone constructedintheinterestsof jihad,andtheywereoften willingtopublicisetheirfears andaccusations.Underthese circumstances,Saladinrelied uponthepoliticsoffearto lendforcetohisprogramme ofdissimulation.Ifmatters proceededpeacefullyin Syria,thesultanwouldhave noexcusetointervene– somewhatironically,in1174 Saladinthushopedthathis rivalswouldactagainstalSalih’sinterestsandthatthe Frankswouldgoonthe offensive. TheoccupationofDamascus Givenhisbaseofoperations inEgypt,Saladin’sfirst objectiveinseekingto reconsolidateNural-Din’s dominionsunderhisownrule hadtobeDamascus.Seizing uponIbnal-Muqaddam’s decisiontobuypeacewith thekingdomofJerusalemat Banyas,thesultannow levelledallegationsof weaknessagainstthe Damascenecourt,citingits failuretopursuetheholywar asaprobablecauseto interveneinSyrianaffairs. Nural-Din’sformer secretary,thePersianscribe andscholarImadal-DinalIsfahani,recordedthe exchangeofcorrespondence thatfollowed.IbnalMuqaddamchidedSaladin, writing,‘letitnotbesaidthat youhavedesignsuponthe houseoftheonewho establishedyou[as]thisdoes notbefityourgood character’.Thesultan respondedwithaforceful assertionofhisintentions: WechooseforIslamanditspeopleonly whatwillunitethem,andforthe [Zangid]houseonlywhatwillpreserve itsrootanditsbranches...Iaminone valleyandthosewhothinkevilofme areinanother...Ifwehadinclinedto anyotherpath,wewouldnothave chosenthewayofconsultationand writing. Thiswasthemessagethat Saladinwishedtobroadcast throughoutSyria,but,stirring ashiswordsmayhavebeen, theywereunlikelytosway policyontheirown.Inall probabilityitwasfearofa potentialalliancebetween MosulandAleppothat,by summer’send,promptedIbn al-Muqaddamtosidewith Saladin,invitinghimtocome totheaidofDamascus.This waspreciselytheopportunity thatthesultanhadhopedfor. Leavinghisbrotheral-Adilto governEgypt,Saladin marchedintoSyriain October1174equippedwith twoweapons:anarmywith whichtoovercomeany pocketsofresistanceand, perhapsmoreimportantly, tensofthousandsofgold dinarstobuysupport.His entryintotheancientcityon 28Octoberprovedtobea peacefulaffair. OneofSaladin’s contemporarybiographers describedtheday,takingcare toemphasisethesultan’s personalconnectionto Damascus,homeofhis youth,writingthat‘hewent straighttohishouseand peopleflockedtohim rejoicing’.Hislavishlargesse likewisewashighlighted: ‘Thatsamedayhedistributed hugesumsofmoneytothe peopleandshowedhimself pleasedanddelightedwith theDamascenes,astheydid withhim.Hewentupintothe citadelandhispowerwas firmlyestablished.’To emphasisetheorthodox qualityandmagnanimityof hisrule,Saladinwenttopray intheGrandUmayyad Mosque,orderedthe immediaterevocationofnon- Koranictaxationandforbade looting.Helaterjustifiedhis occupationofthecityasa stepontheroadtoretaking Jerusalem,arguingthat‘to holdbackfromtheholywar isacrimeforwhichtherecan benoexcuse’.Butmany remainedunconvincedby Saladin’sclaims–Jurdik,his formerallyinEgypt,forone, sidedwithAleppo.Eventhe FrankslivinginPalestine wereawareoftheincipient powerstruggleandoneLatin contemporarynotedthat Saladin’soccupationof Damascuscontravened‘the loyaltyheowedtohislord andmaster[al-Salih]’.37 Nonetheless,intheclosing monthsof1174,anumberof Syria’sMuslimpotentates decidedtobackSaladin– judgingthatthiswastheir bestchanceofsurvival–and thesultanwasabletoextend hisauthoritynorthwardsina seriesoflargelybloodless campaigns,seizingcontrolof Homs,HamaandBaalbek (whereIbnal-Muqaddamwas dulyrewardedforhissupport withacommand).Once again,Saladintookgreatcare tojustifytheseconquests. AftertakingHomshewrote inapublicdispatchbackto Egypt,‘ourmovewasnot madeinordertosnatcha kingdomforourselves,butto setupthestandardoftheholy war’.HisopponentsinSyria had,heargued,‘become enemies,preventingthe accomplishmentofour purposewithregardtothis war’.Healsostressedthathe hadtakencarenottodamage thetownofHomsitself, ‘knowinghowcloseitwasto theunbelievers’.However,a morepersonalletter,written aroundthesametimetohis nephewFarrukh-Shah(an increasinglyprominent lieutenant),seemstooffera lessgildedviewofevents. HereSaladinbluntly criticisedthe‘feebleminds’ ofHoms’populaceand acknowledgedthatcultivating hisownreputationforjustice andclemencywasthe‘keyto thelands’.Heevenmanaged tojokeabouthisfuture prospects.Hisprimary objectivewasnowAleppo, thenameofwhichinArabic (Halab)alsomeans‘milk’. Saladinforecastthatcity’s imminentfall,writingthat ‘wehaveonlytodothe milkingandAleppowillbe ours’.38 StalkingAleppo Bythestartof1175,Saladin wascertainlyinapositionto threatenAleppo,butinspite ofhisratherboldprediction, thatcityprovedtobean intractableobstacle,stalling theextensionofhisauthority overallSyriaforyearsto come.Aleppo’sformidable citadelandstronggarrison meantthatanyattemptatan assaultsiegewouldrequire patienceandextensive militaryresources.Buteven ifsuccessful,suchadirect approachlikelywouldleadto aprotractedandbloody conflict–notaconquestthat wouldsitcomfortably alongsideSaladin’spreferred imageasahumbleguardian ofIslam.Thesultanmust havehopedthathis opponentswouldgivehim groundstoattackthecity, perhapsbyabusingoreven murderingal-Salih,but Gumushteginwasfartoo astutetomakesuchan obviousblunder.Theyoung Zangidheir,theseedof legitimacy,wasmore valuablealiveasapuppet rulerwithinAleppo.Indeed, Gumushteginevenpersuaded theboytodeliveranemotive, tearfulspeechtothecity’s populace,beggingfortheir protectionagainstSaladin’s tyranny. TocompoundSaladin’s problems,therulersof AleppoandMosulputaside theirdifferencesinorderto uniteagainstthethreatening tideofAyyubidrule.Over thenextyearandahalf SaladinremainedinSyria, prosecutingasuccessionof limitedandlargely inconclusivesiegesofAleppo anditssatellitesettlements.In April1175,andthenagaina yearlaterinApril1176,he metAleppan-Mosuliforcesin pitchedbattle,winning convincingvictoriesonboth occasions.Thesetwo confrontationsenhancedthe sultan’sburgeoning reputationasIslam’sleading general,whileprovingthe markedsuperiorityofhis increasinglyexperienced EgyptianandDamascene armies.Butinpracticalterms theyprovedindecisive. Convincedthatlasting dominionofSyriacouldnot beachievedwhenstained withMuslimblood,Saladin soughttolimitthedegreeof actualinter-Muslimcombat thattookplace,relyingupon troopdisciplineratherthan martialferocitytoprevailand curtailinganyharryingofhis retreatingfoesoncetheyhad beendrivenfromthefield. Hisopponentswerethus permittedtolicktheirwounds andregroup. Bythesummerof1176the combinationoftempered militaryaggressionand incessantpropagandaseemed tohaverunitscourse. Gumushteginremainedin controlofAleppo,alongside al-Salih,whileSaifal-Din continuedtogovernMosul, buttheseallieswereforced, bysteps,toagreetosome concessions.Saladin’sright toruletheSyrianterritoryhe heldtothesouthofAleppo wasacknowledgedinMay 1175,andthispositionwas formalisedsubsequentlybya caliphaldiplomaof investitureissuedinBaghdad. Whenpeacewassettledin July1176,Saladinrecognised thathecouldnolongerclaim tobeal-Salih’ssolelegal guardian(althoughthesultan didcontinuetopresent himselfastheZangid’s servant),butbythispoint Aleppohadagreed,albeitin rathervagueterms,to contributetroopstotheholy war. Throughoutthisperiod, Saladinhadtried,withsome success,todamage Gumushtegin’sandSaifal- Din’sreputationsby repeatedlyaccusingthemof negotiatingwiththeLatins. Saladinoftenwrotetothe caliphcomplainingthatthey hadforgedtreacherouspacts withtheChristianssealedby theexchangeofprisoners. Thisechoedhis condemnationofthe submissivetruceagreedwith JerusalembyIbnalMuqaddamin1174.The sultanwastryingtopresent hisSyriancampaignsasa heartfelt,ideologicalstruggle touniteIslamagainsta forebodingFrankishenemy. Infact,thiswaspure rhetoricalinvective,for Saladinhimselfagreedtwo truceswiththeLatinsinthis period.39 TheOldManoftheMountain Saladin’sattemptstosubdue Syriainthemid-1170swere complicatedby entanglementswiththe Assassins.Bythistimethe Syrianwingofthissecretive orderwasfirmlyensconced intheAnsariyahMountains andwasflourishingunderthe leadershipofaformidable Iraqi,Rashidal-DinSinan, popularlyknownastheOld ManoftheMountain.Ruling theorderforclosetothree decadesinthelatertwelfth century,Sinan’sreputationas amanof‘subtleandbrilliant intelligence’gainedwide currencyamongMuslimsand Christiansalike.Williamof TyrebelievedthatSinan commandedtheabsolute loyaltyandobedienceofhis followers,notingthat‘they regardnothingastooharshor difficultandeagerly undertakeeventhemost dangeroustasksathis command’.40 TheAssassinswerean embedded,independentand largelyunpredictableforcein NearEasternaffairs;andtheir chiefweapon–political assassination–continuedto provehighlyeffective. Saladin’sdrivetodominate Syria,andmorespecifically hiscampaignsagainst Aleppo,broughthimintothe Assassins’orbit.Inearly 1175,Sinandecidedtotarget Saladin,probablyatleastin partonthepromptingofthe AleppanrulerGumushtegin. Withthesultanstationed outsideAleppo,agroupof thirteenknife-wielding Assassinsmanagedto penetratetheheartofhis campandlaunchanassault. Saladin’sbodyguardscameto hisaid,cuttingdownone assailantevenasheleaptto strikethesultanhimself. Althoughtheplotwasfoiled, therewerestillfatalities amongtheSalahiyya.Soon afterwards,Saladinwrote warninghisnephewFarrukhShahtobewatchfulatall times,andbeforelongit becamestandardpracticeto placethesultan’sowntents withinafortifiedandheavily guardedenclosure,isolated fromtherestofthecamp. Inspiteofthese precautions,theAssassins managedtostrikeagainin May1176.WhileSaladinwas visitingoneofhisemir’s tentsfourAssassinsattacked, andthistimecameperilously closetocompletingtheir murderoustask.Inthefirst suddenflurryofmovement, thesultanwasstruckandonly hisarmoursavedhimfroma severewound.Onceagainhis menpouncedonthekillers, butcheringthemtoaman,but Saladinwasleftbloodiedbya cuttohischeekandbadly shaken.Fromthispoint onwards,anymembersofhis entouragewhomhedidnot personallyrecognisewere dismissed. InAugust1176Saladin decidedtodealwiththis troublesomethreat.Helaid siegetothemajorAssassin castleofMasyaf,butafter lessthanaweekhebrokeoff theinvestment,retreatingto Hama.Themotiveforthe sultan’sdepartureandthe detailsofanydealbrokered withSinanremain mysterious.Anumberof Muslimaccountsrepeatthe storythat,underthethreatof anunwaveringAssassin campaigntomurdermembers ofhisAyyubidfamily, Saladinagreedtoapactof mutualnon-aggressionwith theOldMan.OneAleppan chroniclerofferedaneven morechillingexplanation, describinghowthesultanwas visitedbySinan’senvoy. Oncesearchedforweapons, thismessengerwasgranted anaudiencewithSaladin,but insisteduponconferringwith himinprivate.Thesultan eventuallyagreedtodismiss allbuthistwomostskilful andtrustedbodyguards–men heregardedashis‘own sons’. Theenvoythenturnedtothepairof guardsandsaid:‘IfIorderedyouinthe nameofmymastertokillthissultan, wouldyoudoso?’Theyansweredyes, anddrewtheirswordssaying: ‘Commandusasyouwish.’Saladin wasastounded,andthemessengerleft, takingthemwithhim.Andthereafter Saladininclinedtomakepeacewith [Sinan].41 Therealityofthistalemaybe doubted–iftheAssassins hadindeedhadagentsso closetoSaladintheysurely wouldhavesucceededin killinghimin1175or1176– butthestory’simplicit messagewasaccurate.Itwas allbutimpossibletoprotect oneselfpermanentlyfromthe Assassins.Bywhatever means,SaladinandSinan evidentlyachievedsomeform ofaccommodationin1176, becausethesultannever againattackedtheorder’s mountainenclaveandno furtherattemptsweremade onhislife. SALADIN’SAYYUBID REALM Inlatesummer1176Saladin broughtalmosttwoyearsof campaigningagainstAleppo toanend.Withatrucein placeenshrininghis possessionofDamascusand thebulkofSyria,hewillingly perpetuatedthefictionof subserviencetoal-Salih. AcrossSaladin’sdominions, theyoungruler’sname continuedtoappearon coinageandtoberecitedin Fridayprayer.Butthesultan didseekfurthertolegitimise hisownauthorityby marryingNural-Din’swidow Ismat,daughterofUnur,the long-deadrulerofBurid Damascus.Thiswas,firstand foremost,apoliticalunion, forherhandallowedSaladin toconnecthimselftothat city’stwohistoricruling dynasties,butrealfriendship, perhapsevenlove,seemsto haveblossomedbetweenthe couple.13Bythistime,the sultanhadtakenotherstepsto appropriatethemachineryof Zangidgovernment.NuralDin’ssecretary,Imadal-Din al-Isfahani,wastakeninto serviceand,alongsidealFadil,soonbecameoneofthe sultan’sclosestconfidants. InSeptember1176Saladin returnedtoEgypt.Thismove offeredhimsomethingofa respitefromthedangersand confrontationsofrecent months–hepausedin Alexandriawithhissix-yearoldsonal-Afdalforthree daysinMarch1177tolisten totalesoftheProphet Muhammad’slife–butitwas alsoreflectiveofanew realityinthesultan’slife. Presidingoverarealmthat stretchedfromtheNiletothe SyrianOrontes,henowfaced allthepracticaldifficulties attendantupongoverninga geographicallyexpansive kingdominthemedievalage. Oneoverridingissuewas communication.Facingthe sameproblem,Nural-Din hadsupplementedhis networkofhorse-borne couriersandmessengerswith theextensiveuseofcarrier pigeons,andSaladinnow followedsuit.Healso maintainedspiesandscouts inSyriaandPalestineto garnerintelligence.Evenso, nomatterhowtheywere transported,messageswere alwayssubjecttopossible enemyinterception,andthe sultansometimesresortedto writingincode.Asignificant truthoflivingthroughthis era,forMuslimsand Christiansalike,wasthat evenwithinalliedgroupsthe transferofinformationwas hugelyimprecise,while knowledgeofenemy intentionsandmovements wasoftenbaseduponpure guesswork.Ignorance,error anddisinformationallserved toshapedecisionmakingand, intheyearstocome,Saladin alwaysstruggledtomaintain knowledgeofeventsacross theMuslimworld,andto retainevenapartial understandingofFrankish plansandactions.Inthis situation,al-Fadil’sandImad al-Din’srolesas correspondents, communicatorsand propagandistswereof paramountimportance. TheunionofCairoand DamascusunderAyyubid rulealsoforcedSaladinto embracetheuseof lieutenantstogoverninhis absence.Throughouthis careerthesultanturnedfirst tohisbloodrelationstofill suchposts,andsometimes thissystemoftrustinghis extendedfamilyworkedwell. Inautumn1176hereturned tofindthathisbrotheral-Adil andnephewFarrukh-Shah hadgovernedEgyptwith attentiveprudence.InSyria, however,arrangements provedtobelesssatisfactory. Deputisedasrulerof Damascus,Saladin’selder brotherTuran-Shahprovedto beanincompetentliability. Giventoexcessivefinancial liberality–infamously accruingpersonaldebtsof some200,000golddinarsat hisdeath–hewasalsofond oflife’smoredissolute distractions.WithSyria strickenbyaprotracted droughtinthelate1170s,it graduallybecameclearthat Turan-Shahwouldhavetobe replaced.By1178Saladin despairinglyadmittedthat ‘onecanoverlooksmall faultsandkeepsilentabout minormatters,butwherethe wholelandiseatenup... thisshakesthepillarsof Islam’. Thesultanenjoyedgreater successinhisattemptsto balancetheuseofphysical andfinancialresourcesacross thelandshenow commanded.In1177he prioritisedtheNileregion, strengtheningthedefencesof AlexandriaandDamiettaand initiatingtheconstructionofa massivefortifiedwallto enclosebothCairoandits southernsuburbFustat.He alsotookthecostlybutfarsighteddecisiontorebuild Egypt’soncefamousfleet. Someship-buildingmaterials andsailorswerebroughtin fromLibya,butSaladin’s questforthebesttimbersoon ledhimtoforgecommercial linkswithPisaandGenoa. Thiswasjustoneexampleof mountinginternationaltrade inmilitarymaterials, technologyandeven weaponrybetweenAyyubid IslamandtheWestthat continuedevenastheholy warintensified.Thesultan’s investmenthadstriking strategicconsequences,for withinafewyearshe controlledanavyofsixty galleysandtwentytransport vessels.Longbereftofany realpowerovermercantile andmartialshippinginthe Mediterranean,NearEastern Islamcouldonceagainvie forcontrolofthesea.42 THELEPERKING JustasSaladinwas consolidatinghisholdover EgyptandDamascus,anew LatinkingofJerusalemwas findinghisfeet.In1174King Amalrichadbrokenofffrom thesiegeofBanyas complainingofillness.In fact,hehadcontractedan extremecaseofdysentery and,byJuly,thethirty-eightyear-oldsovereignlaydead. Hewassucceededbyhisson, BaldwinIV,ayoung monarchwhosereignwould beshadowedbytragedyand ever-deepeningcrisis. Baldwin’sstatusatthe momentofhisprecipitous elevationtothethronewas peculiar.In1163Amalrichad agreed,ontheinsistenceof theHighCourt,torenounce hiswife,AgnesofCourtenay (daughterofCountJoscelinII ofEdessa),beforeassuming thecrownofJerusalem.The officialgroundsforthe annulmentoftheirmarriage hadbeenconsanguinity– theywerethirdcousins–but theunderlyingcausemay havebeensuspicionsthat Agneswouldseektopromote theinterestsofthenow largelylandlessCourtenay claninPalestineatthe expenseoftheincumbent aristocracy.Amalricand Agneshadalreadyproduced twochildren,Baldwinandhis eldersisterSibylla,anditwas agreedthattheirlegitimacy wouldbeupheld,eventhough Amalricwassoonremarried totheByzantineprincess MariaComnena. BaldwinIV’schildhoodand minority Justtwoyearsoldin1163, Baldwingrewupina dislocatedfamilial environment.Hismother Agnesalsoremarriedalmost immediatelyand,being largelyabsentfromcourt, playedlittleornopartin Baldwin’supbringing,while hisstepmotherMaria maintainedacooldistance, moreconcernedtofurtherthe interestsofherownoffspring withAmalric.Eventheinfant Sibyllawaseffectivelya strangertotheyoungprince, beingbroughtupwithinthe secludedwallsofheraunt Yvetta’sconventatBethany. Intheend,oneof Baldwin’sclosestchildhood companionsturnedouttobe theclericandcourthistorian WilliamofTyre.Appointed astutortotheyoungprince around1170,Williamwas taskedto‘train[theheir designate]intheformationof characteraswellastoinstruct himintheknowledgeof letters’andarangeof academicstudies.William’s historyoftheLatinEast offersapoignantandintimate charactersketchofBaldwin asaboy.Bearingamarked physicalresemblancetohis father,eventotheextentof mirroringtheking’sgaitin walkingandhistoneofvoice, theprincewasdescribedas‘a good-lookingchildforhis age’,quick-witted,withan excellentmemory,belovedof bothlearningandriding.Yet Williamalsowrotewith heart-rendinghonestyabouta momentofdreadful revelationinBaldwin’slife. Oneday,whenhewasnine yearsoldandlivingin William’shousehold,the princewasplayingwitha groupofnoble-bornboys. Theywerecompetingina populartestoffortitude, ‘pinchingeachotheronthe armsandhandswiththeir nails,aschildrenoftendo’to seewhowouldcryoutin pain.Despitetheirbest efforts,noonewasableto makeBaldwinrevealthe barestsignofdiscomfort.At first,itwasassumedthatthis wassimplyasignofhisregal endurance,butWilliam wrote: Whenthishadhappenedseveraltimes andIwastoldaboutit...Ibeganto askhimquestions[and]cametorealise thathalfofhisrightarmandhandwas dead,sothathecouldnotfeelpinching orevenbiting.Ibegantofeeluneasyin mymind...hisfatherwastold,and afterthedoctorshadbeenconsulted, carefulattemptsweremadetohelphim withpoultices,ointmentsandeven charms,butallinvain.Forwiththe passageoftimewecametounderstand moreclearlythatthismarkedthe beginningofamoreseriousandtotally incurabledisease.Itisimpossibleto refrainfromtearswhenspeakingofthis greatmisfortune.43 Baldwinwas,infact, sufferingfromtheearly stagesofleprosy.Itis unlikelythatadefinite diagnosiswasmadeatthis point.Thefinestphysicians wereemployedtooverseethe prince’scare,includingthe ArabChristianAbuSulaiman Dawud,andforthetime beingthereseemstohave beennofurtherserious deteriorationinhiscondition. SothatBaldwinmightstill learnthequintessential knightlyartofmounted warfare,AbuSulaiman’s brotherwasappointedasthe boy’sridingtutor.Trainedto controlamountwithhis kneesalone,leavinghis workingleftarmfreetowield aweapon,theprincebecame aremarkablyskilful horseman. Throughtheearly1170s Amalricsoughtasuitable husbandforPrincessSibylla, hopingtosecurethelineof successionshouldan alternativetoBaldwinprove necessary.Butatthetimeof theking’sownunexpected deathin1174,nomatchfor Sibyllahadyetbeenfound, andtheonlysurvivingchild fromhismarriagetoMaria Comnenawasanothergirl, theinfantIsabella.InJuly 1174PrinceBaldwinwasfar fromanidealcandidatefor thethrone.Bornofaunion thathadlaterbeendissolved, hewasjustthirteen(andthus twoyearsshortofadulthood bythelawsofthekingdom) andwasknowntobe sufferingfromsomeformof debilitatingillness. Nonetheless,theHighCourt agreedtohiselevation,and Baldwinwasdulycrowned andanointedbythepatriarch ofJerusalemintheHoly Sepulchreon15July,the auspiciousanniversaryofthat city’sconquestbytheFirst Crusaders. Historiansusedtoregard BaldwinIV’sreignasan almostunmitigateddisaster fortheLatinEast.Justas Saladinrosetopower, emergingfromEgypttounite theMuslimworld,soitwas argued,FrankishPalestine wasbroughttoitskneesbya feebleandsicklymonarch. Baldwinwascriticisedfor selfishlyretainingthecrown longafterthepointwhenhe shouldhaveabdicated,and blamedforusheringinanera ofembitteredandinjurious factionalism,asOutremer’s nobilityschemedforpower andinfluence. Theyoungking’s reputationhasbeen rejuvenatedsomewhatin recentyears,withnew emphasisbeingplacedonthe burdenheshouldereddueto deterioratinghealth,onthe relativevitalityofhisearly reignandonhisdetermined effortsbothtodefendthe realmandtofindaviable successor.Onetruth, however,remainsinviolate. Thecrusaderstateshadbeen rackedfrequentlyby successioncrises,oftenmost deleteriouslywhenaruler diedsuddenlythroughbattle, injuryorillhealth.Baldwin’s casewasdifferent,andthe damagewroughtduringhis reignwasdeeper,precisely becausehedidnotdie. Lingeringonthethrone,often requiringexecutiveauthority tobewieldedbyaformof regentduringboutsof extremeinfirmity,theleper king’sfalteringrule eventuallyleftJerusalemina precariousandvulnerable stateoflimbo.44 Forthefirsttwoyearsof hisreignBaldwinwasa minor,andmuchofthework ofgovernmentwasdirected byoneofhiscousins,Count RaymondIIIofTripoli, actingasregent.Nowinhis earlythirties,Raymondonly recentlyhadbeenreleased afternineyearsinMuslim captivityandwasthus somethingofanunknown quantity.Aslightlybuilt, somewhatdiminutivefigure ofswarthycomplexionand piercinggaze,thecount’s stiffdeportmentwasalliedto aratheraloofdemeanour. Cautiousbynature,he neverthelesswasdrivenby ambition,andhismarriageto oneofthekingdom’smost eligibleheiresses,Princess EschivaofGalilee,marked himoutasJerusalem’s greatestvassal.Asregent,he adoptedaconciliatory approachindealingwiththe HighCourtandavoided directconfrontationwith Saladin,agreeingtermsof trucein1175duringthe sultan’sdrivetowards Aleppo. Raymond’soverriding concernthroughtheseyears wasthesuccession,forsoon afterhiscoronationBaldwin IV’shealthwentintoterrible decline.Perhapsaggravated bytheonsetofpuberty,his leprosydevelopedintothe mostgrievouslepromatous form,andsoonthetelltale signsofthediseasewere unmistakeable,ashis ‘extremitiesandfacewere especiallyattacked,sothat hisfaithfulfollowerswere movedwithcompassion whentheylookedathim’.In time,hewouldbeleftunable towalk,see,barelyevento speak,butfornowhewas doomedtosufferagrim declineintophysical disability,punctuatedby boutsofsevere, incapacitatingillness.The socialandreligiousstigma attachedtoleprosywas immense.Commonly perceivedasacursefrom God,indicativeofdivine disfavour,thediseasewas alsobelievedtobeextremely contagious,usually promptingthesegregationof sufferersfromsociety.45 Baldwin’ssituationwas deeplyproblematic–asa monarchhewasvulnerableto criticismandunableto providestablerule;andin dynastictermshecouldnot perpetuatetheroyalline,in partbecausecontemporaries believedthatsexualcontact transmittedleprosy,butalso becauseBaldwin’saffliction renderedhiminfertile. Inmanyways,hopesfor thefuturethusrestedwith Baldwin’ssister,Sibylla.Her youthandshelteredconvent upbringingmeantthatshe wasnotwellpositionedto followinthefootstepsofher grandmotherMelisendeby assumingregnalauthorityin herownright.Raymondof Tripolithusbusiedhimself withtheongoingsearchfora suitablehusbandforSibylla. Thecandidateeventually chosenwasWilliamof Montferrat,anorthItalian noblewhowascousintotwo ofthemostpowerful monarchsinEurope,King LouisVIIofFranceandthe GermanEmperorFrederick Barbarossa(thenephewof theSecondCrusaderKing ConradIIIofGermany). SibyllaandWilliamof Montferratweremarriedin late1176,butinJune1177he fellillanddied,leaving Sibyllaapregnantwidow. Shelatergavebirthtotheir sonBaldwin(V)ineither December1177orJanuary 1178,andhebecamea potentialheirtothe Jerusalemitethrone. Inthemid-1170sRaymond ofTripolialsosupported WilliamofTyre’scareer, overseeinghisappointmentas royalchancellorandthenas archbishopofTyre,andin partthismayexplainthe broadlypositiveaccountof Raymond’scareerin William’schronicle.Itwas fromthisprivilegedposition, atthecentreoftheLatin kingdom’spoliticaland ecclesiasticalhierarchies,that Williamobservedand recordedOutremer’shistory. BaldwinIV’searlyreign Inthesummerof1176 BaldwinIVreachedhis majorityandCount Raymond’sregencycameto anend.Theyoungmonarch threwhimselfintothe businessofkingshipdespite thegradualdowngradingof hisleprosy,andimmediately madehismark.Overturning Raymond’spolicyof diplomaticrapprochement, Baldwinrefusedtorenewthe trucewithDamascusandin earlyAugustledaraiding partyintoLebanon’sBiqa valley,defeatingTuran-Shah inaminorengagement.This shiftinpolicytowardsIslam wasaccompaniedbya declineininfluenceforthe countofTripoliand,during theremainderofthedecade, Baldwintendedtolook elsewhereforguidanceand support.Nowreturnedto court,hismotherAgnesof Courtenayseemstohave establishedaclose relationshipwithheronce estrangedson.Shecertainly becameasignificant influenceinhislifeand beforelongherbrother JoscelinIIIwasappointedas royalseneschal,thehighest governmentalofficeinthe realm,withpurviewofthe treasuryandregalproperty. AfterlongyearsinMuslim captivity,Joscelinhadjust beenreleasedby GumushteginofAleppoas partofadealtosecure supportfromFrankish Antioch. Thissamepactbrought libertyforanothernoble destinedtoshapeJerusalem’s history,ReynaldofChâtillon. HehadbeencapturedbyNur al-Dinin1161,whenprince ofAntioch,butmuchhad changedduringfifteenyears ofincarceration.Thedeathof hiswifeConstanceandthe accessionofhisstepson BohemondIIIin1163 deprivedReynaldofruleover theSyrianprincipality,but,at thesametime,theweddingof hisstepdaughterMariaof AntiochtotheByzantine emperorlenthimanauraof prestige.Hethusemerged fromprisonasawell- connected,battle-hardened veteran,albeitonewho technicallywaslandless.This anomalywassoonresolved byReynald’smarriage, blessedbyKingBaldwin,to StephanieofMilly,thelady ofTransjordan,which broughthimlordshipof KerakandMontrealanda positiononthefrontlinein thestrugglewithSaladin. AsaSyrianprince, Reynaldhadareputationfor untamedviolence,garnered fromhisattackonGreek-held Cyprusandhisinfamous attempts,around1154,to extortmoneyfromtheLatin patriarchofAntioch,Aimery ofLimoges.Theunfortunate prelatewasbeaten,dragged tothecitadelandforcedtosit throughanentiredaybeneath theblazingsummersun,with hisbareskinsmearedin honeytoattractswarmsof worrisomeinsects.Inthelate 1170s,however,Reynald becameoneofBaldwin’s mosttrustedallies,furnishing himwithablesupportinthe fieldsofwar,diplomacyand politics. WithEgyptandDamascus unitedunderSaladinand BaldwinIV’shealthfaltering, thePalestinianFranksmade repeatedbutultimately fruitlessattemptstosecure foreignaid.Duringthewinter of1176to1177Reynaldof Châtillonwassentasaroyal envoytoConstantinopleto negotiatearenewedalliance withtheGreekEmperor ManuelComnenus.In September1176the Byzantineshadbeenroundly defeatedattheBattleof Myriokephalon(inwestern AsiaMinor)bytheSeljuq sultanofAnatolia,Kilij ArslanII(whohadsucceeded Ma‘sudin1156).Intermsof manpowerandterritory,the lossesinflicteduponthe Greeksasaresultofthis reversalwererelatively limited.Butseveredamage wasdonetoByzantine prestigeinbothEuropeand theLevant,andManuelspent muchoftheremainderofthe decaderetrenchinghis position.Inthehopeof reassertingGreekinfluence ontheinternationalstage,the emperoragreedtoReynaldof Châtillon’soverture, promisingtoprovidenaval supportforanewallied offensiveagainstAyyubid Egypt.Inreturn,theLatin kingdomwastoaccept subjectstatusasaByzantine protectorateandanOrthodox Christianpatriarchrestoredto powerinJerusalem. Foratime,itseemedasif thisventuremightbearfruit. Inlatesummer1177aGreek fleetdulyarrivedatAcre,and thiscoincidedwiththeadvent intheLevantofCountPhilip ofFlanders,sonofthe committedcrusaderThierry ofFlanders,attheheadofa largemilitarycontingent. Philiphadtakenthecrossin 1175inresponsetotheever morefrequentandvocal appealsfromtheLatinsof Outremerfornewwestern Europeancrusadestothe HolyLand.Yetdespitehis goodintentions,Philip’s expeditionprovedtobea fiasco.Withfinal preparationsafootforan assaultonEgypt,petty argumentsbrokeoutover whoshouldhaverightstothe Nileregionshoulditfalland, amidmutualrecriminations, theprojectedcampaign collapsed.Disgruntledand alienated,theByzantinenavy setsailforConstantinople.In September1177CountPhilip joinedforceswithRaymond IIIofTripoli,andtogether theyspentthewintertrying andfailingtocapturefirst HamaandthenHarim.Areal chancetodisrupt,perhaps eventooverrun,Saladin’s positioninEgypthadbeen squandered.Havingamassed adefensiveforcetocounter theexpectedChristian invasion,thesultansuddenly foundthathewasnolonger underthreat. CONFRONTATION Inlateautumn1177Saladin initiatedhisfirstsignificant militarycampaignagainstthe LatinkingdomofJerusalem sinceNural-Din’sdeath. Despitetheimportanceofthis expedition–thesultan’s openingsalvoinhisselfappointedroleasIslam’snew jihadichampion–hisprecise motivesandobjectivesare somewhatopaque.Inall probabilitythe1177offensive wasnotplannedasafullscaleinvasionofPalestine, targetingthereconquestof Jerusalem,butwasinsteadan opportunisticraid.Withhis armiesalreadyassembledto defendagainstanexpected attack,Saladinseizedthe chancetomakeapractical affirmationofhis commitmenttotheholywar, seekingtoasserthisown martialdominanceoverthe Franks,whileprovidinga counterweighttotheir northernSyrianattack. Saladinmarchedoutof Egyptattheheadofmore than20,000horsemen,setting upaforwardcommandpost atthefrontiersettlementof al-Arish.Leavingbehindhis heavybaggage,hemoved northintoPalestine,reaching Ascalonaround22 November.Therehefoundan alarmedBaldwinIV.With muchofhisrealm’sfighting manpowerabsentinthenorth alongsidePhilipofFlanders andRaymondIII,theking hadhurriedlymusteredwhat troopshecouldatthecoast. AsoneeasternChristian contemporaryputit, ‘everyonedespairedofthe lifeofthesickking,already halfdead,buthedrewupon hiscourageandrodetomeet Saladin’.Baldwinwasjoined byReynaldofChâtillon,his seneschal,Joscelinof Courtenay,aforceofsome 600knightsandafew thousandinfantry,andthe bishopofBethlehemcarrying theTrueCross.Thisarmy madeabriefshowof confrontingtheMuslim advance,but, overwhelmingly outnumbered,theFranks soonwithdrewbehindthe wallsofAscalon,leaving Saladinfreetostrikeinland towardsJudea.46 TheBattleofMontGisard Thesultannowmadea fatefulmiscalculation. Seeminglyadjudgingthatthe Frankswouldremaincowed andcontainedwithin Ascalon,heallowedhis forcestofanout,raiding Latinsettlementssuchas RamlaandLydda,leaving behindnoeffectivenetwork ofscoutstomonitor Baldwin’smovements.The youngking,encouragedand aidedbyReynaldof Châtillon,was,however,in nomoodtositidlybyashis realmwasravaged.Linking upwitheightyTemplar knightsstationedatGaza withtheirmaster,OdoofSt Amand,Baldwinmadethe bold,perhapsevenfoolhardy decisiontoconfrontSaladin. AsWilliamofTyreputit, ‘[theking]feltthatitwas wisertotrythedubious chancesofbattlewiththe enemythantosufferhis peopletobeexposedto rapine,fireandmassacre’. Thiswasapotentiallydeadly gamble. Ontheafternoonof25 November,thesultanwas advancingtotheeastof Ibelin,withmuchofhisarmy spreadoutacrossthe surroundingcoastalplain, whentheLatinarmymadea suddenandunheralded appearance.Saladin’s remainingtroopswerejust thenengagedinfordinga smallrivernearthehill knownasMontGisard.When ReynaldofChâtillon unleashedanear-immediate heavycavalrychargeontheir brokenranks,thesultan provedunabletoorganiseany effectivedefenceandhis numericallysuperiorforce wassoonthrownintoretreat. OneMuslimcontemporary admittedthat‘therout... wascomplete.Oneofthe FrankschargedSaladinand gotclose,almostreaching him,buttheFrankwaskilled infrontofhim.TheFranks crowdedabouthim,sohe departedinflight.’ Whilethesultanbarely escapedthefield,vicious fightingcontinued.Fleeing fortheirlives,hissoldiers abandonedtheirarmourand weapons,evenastheLatins huntedthemdown,giving doggedpursuitformorethan tenmilesuntilnightfall finallyofferedtheMuslims somerespite.Therewere heavycasualtiesonboth sides,foreventhetriumphant Christianssuffered1,100 fatalities,whileafurther750 injuredwerelaterbroughtto theHospitalofStJohnin Jerusalem.But,whilethe exactscaleofMuslimlosses remainsunclear,thesevere psychologicaldamage inflictedwasunquestionable. Saladinwasdeeply humiliatedatMontGisard. Hisclosefriendandadviser Isawastakenprisonerbythe Franksandspentanumberof yearsincaptivitybefore eventuallybeingransomed forthemassivesumof 60,000golddinars.The sultanwasforcedtoscurry fromthescene,themiseryof hisownjourneybackto Egyptcompoundedbyten successivedaysofunusually intense,chillingrainfalland thediscoverythattheoften fickleBedouinshadsacked hiscampatal-Arish.Having sufferedfoodandwater shortages,Saladinfinally limpedoutoftheSinaiin earlyDecember1177,shaken andbedraggled. Theinescapabletruthwas thathisownincautious negligencehadexposedthe armytodefeatandthat,asa consequence,hisreputation forassuredmilitary leadershiphadbeen tarnished.Inpublic,Saladin didhisbesttolimitthe damage,arguingin correspondencethatthe Latinshadactuallylostmore meninthebattleand accountingfortheslowspeed ofhisreturntoCairoby explainingthat‘wecarried theweakandthehelplessand wentslowlysothatstragglers could[catchup]’.Healso expendedtimeandmoney rebuildinghisarmy. Privately,however,Mont Gisardleftitsscars.ImadalDinadmittedthatithadbeen ‘adisastrousevent,aterrible catastrophe’,and,morethana decadelater,thepainful memoryofthis‘terrible reverse’endured,withthe sultanacknowledgingthatit hadbeen‘amajordefeat’.47 Theburdenofblood Anyimmediateprospectof avengingthisinjurywas forcedintothebackgroundby theneedtoaddressthe festeringissueofTuranShah’sineptitude.Saladin returnedtoDamascusin April1178,relievinghis brotherofthegovernorship, butwasthenforcedintoan embarrassingandintractable predicament.Bywayof compensationforhis demotion,Turan-Shah demandedlordshipof Baalbek–therichlyendowed ancientRomancityof Lebanon,locatedinthefertile Biqavalley.Theproblemwas thatthesultanhadalready awardedtheselandstoIbnalMuqaddamintokenof gratitudeforhisaidin negotiatingDamascus’ surrenderin1174,andthe emirwasnowunderstandably reluctanttorelinquishhis prize.Theunravellingofthis affairoverthefollowing monthswasrevealing.Onthe onehand,itunderscoreda consistentproblemthatbeset Saladinthroughouthiscareer. Tobuildhis‘empire’,the sultangenerallyreliedupon hisfamilyratherthan selectinglieutenantsonmerit, butthistrustsometimes provedtobeill-founded. Incompetent,unreliableand potentiallyevendisloyal, figureslikeTuran-Shahwere liabilities–capableof gravelydamagingthegrand dreamofAyyubid domination–yettimeand againSaladinproved reluctanttoturnagainsthis bloodrelations.Inseekingto resolvetheBaalbekdilemma, thesultanalsodemonstrated that,tofurtherhisaims,he wouldwillinglyembrace deviousandduplicitous politicking. Afterasummeroffailed diplomacy,Saladinmovedon Baalbekinautumn1178. AccordingtoImadal-Dinhe beganby‘flatter[ing]IbnalMuqaddam,forallhisage, likeababy’,butwhenthis producednoresult,thesultan blockadedthecitythroughout thecomingwinter.Atthe sametime,Saladininitiateda programmeofblatant propagandatojustifyhis intervention.IbnalMuqqadamwasdeclareda dissidentandvariously accusedinletterstoBaghdad ofemployinganineffective bandof‘ignorantscum’to defendthefrontieragainstthe Franks,andlater,ofactually beingintreacherouscontact withtheseChristianenemies. Bythefollowingspring,the ‘rebel’lord,hisreputation blackened,hadbeenground intosubmissionandadeal wasbrokered.Turan-Shah dulyreceivedhischosen rewardofBaalbek,buteven herehisruleseemstohave beenincompetentandhewas soonpackedofftoEgypt, wherehediedin1180. Meanwhile,havingbentto Saladin’swill,IbnalMuqaddamwaswelcomed backintothefold.Richly endowedwithlandstothe southofAntiochandAleppo, heremainedloyaltothe sultanfortherestofhis career.48 TheHouseofSorrow Whilestillentangledinthe Baalbekdispute,Saladin becameawareofanalarming developmentintheborder zonebetweenDamascusand thekingdomofJerusalem. Lookingtocapitaliseupon themomentumgainedbyhis victoryatMontGisard, BaldwinIVhadinitiateda deeplythreateningscheme, designedtobolster Palestine’sdefencesand destabiliseAyyubiddominion ofSyria. Toappreciatethe significanceoftheseevents, somesenseofhowfrontiers functionedinthetwelfth centuryisnecessary.In commonwithmostofthe medievalworld,Muslimand Frankishterritoryinthe Levantwasrarelydividedby theliteralequivalentofa modernborder,butinstead, roughlydelineatedbyfrontier zones–areasofoverlapping political,militaryand economicinfluence,where neithersideexertedfull sovereignty.Thepositioning oftheseareasofcontested control,akintono-man’s- landsbetweenrealms,was oftencloselyrelatedto topographic/geographic features,betheymountains, rivers,denseforestsoreven deserts.Andattemptsbyone politytoconsolidateor extendinfluenceinsucha regioncouldhaveprofound bearinguponlocalstability andtheoverallbalanceof powerbetweenrivals. Intheearlytwelfth century,acaseinpointhad beentheLatinprincipalityof Antioch’sexpansionofits sphereofauthorityeastwards, beyondthenaturalfrontier zonewithAleppo,the lowlying,rockyBelusHills. Thisintensifiedthreatto Aleppo’ssurvivalultimately promptedMuslimretaliation, culminatingintheBattleof theFieldofBloodin1119.In thelate1170sasimilar confrontationwaslooming betweenBaldwinIVand Saladin.Duringthisperiod, thecriticalborderzone betweentheirrespective realmslaytothenorthofthe SeaofGalileeandbroadly correspondedwiththecourse oftheUpperRiverJordan. Previously,theepicentreof thestrugglefordominance herehadlaininthenortheast,atthefortresssettlement ofBanyas.Butonceitfellto Nural-Dinin1164,Latin influenceeastoftheJordan diminished,andtheresultant statusquofavouredMuslim Damascus. InOctober1178,Baldwin IVmadeaboldnewplayfor pre-eminenceintheUpper Jordanborderzone.Histarget wasnotthereconquestof Banyas,butratherthe constructionofanentirely newfortificationonthewest bankoftheJordan,besidean ancientcrossingknowntothe FranksasJacob’sFordandin ArabicasBaital-Ahzan,the HouseofSorrow(where,it wassaid,Jacobhadmourned thesupposeddeathofhis son).Withswampsupstream andrapidstothesouth,this fordwastheonlycrossingof theJordanformilesand,as such,actedasanimportant gatewaybetweenLatin PalestineandMuslimSyria, offeringaccesstothefertile TerredeSuethregion. Crucially,Jacob’sFordwas alsojustoneday’smarch fromDamascus. Baldwinwashopingtotip thebalanceofregionalpower infavouroftheFranksby buildingamajorcastleonthis site.Hewaspartneredbythe Templars,whoalreadyheld territoryinnorthernGalilee, andtogetherthecrownand theordermadeahuge commitmenttotheproject. BetweenOctober1178and April1179Baldwinactually movedhisseatofgovernment tothebuildingsitesoastobe onhandasbothsupervisor andprotector,settingupa minttoproducespecialcoins withwhichtopaythe massiveworkforce,and issuingroyalchartersonsite. Thiscastlejeopardised Saladin’sburgeoning AyyubidEmpirebecauseit promisedtoservetheFranks asbothadefensivetooland anoffensiveweapon. Medievalstrongholdscould rarely,ifever,hopetosealor blockadeafrontierentirely– attackingarmiesmightmarch aroundafortressor,with sufficientmanpowerand resources,eventuallyforce theirwaypastitsdefences. Butcastlesdidprovidea relativelysecureenvironment inwhichtostationarmed forces,andthesetroopsmight bedeployedtoharassand hamperanyattemptat invasionbyanenemy.The presenceofaTemplar fortressatJacob’sFord wouldcertainlyhave inhibitedthesultan’sability toassaulttheLatinkingdom. Itsgarrisonwouldalsobeina positiontoraidMuslim territory,ransacktrade caravansandthreaten Damascusitself.Andwithhis capitalunderthreat,Saladin’s ambitiousplanstoextendhis authorityoverAleppoand Mesopotamiawouldlikely falter.Thedangerposedby thefortressbeingbuiltbeside theJordan,therefore,was impossibletoignore. Unfortunately,withhistroops entrenchedatBaalbek,a directmilitarystrikeon Jacob’sFordwasnotreally feasible,soinitiallythesultan soughttousebriberyinplace ofbruteforce.Heofferedthe Franksfirst60,000andthen 100,000dinarsiftheyhalted buildingworkandabandoned thesite.But,inspiteofthe fortuneonoffer,Baldwinand theTemplarsrefused. Atfirstsightallthe survivingwrittenevidence seemstosuggestthatthe castleatJacob’sFordhad beenfinishedbyApril1179, whentheleperkinghanded commandofthestrongholdto theTemplars.Williamof Tyrecertainlydescribeditas ‘completeinallitsparts’after havingseenitwithhisown eyesthatspring.Muslim eyewitnessesalsoconfirmed thisfact,withoneArabic sourcedescribingitswallsas ‘animpregnablerampartof stoneandiron’.Untilthe 1990s,historiansalways assumedthatthismeanta fullyfledgedconcentriccastle –onewithaninnerandouter wall–hadbeenbuiltat Jacob’sFord,makingitan incrediblyformidable fortress.But,in1993,the IsraelischolarRonnie Ellenblumrediscoveredthe locationofthislong-lost Frankishfortress.His ongoingarchaeological investigationofthesite,atthe headofaninternationalteam ofexperts,hasreshapedour understandingofeventsand theinterpretationofthe writtensources.Excavations haveprovedconclusivelythat in1179Jacob’sFordwasnot aconcentriccastle–infactit hadjustoneperimeterwall andasingletower,andwas effectivelystillabuilding site.Thissuggeststhatto WilliamofTyreandhis contemporariesa‘complete’ fortresswasonethatwas enclosedanddefensible ratherthanfullyformed,and thatthisparticularstronghold wasactuallyaworkin progress. CruciallyforSaladin,this meantthatJacob’sFordwas stillrelativelyvulnerableand fromspring1179onwards, withBaalbeksubdued,he returnedtoDamascusto addresstheproblemofthis fortress.Themonthsthat followedsawaseriesof inconclusiveskirmishes,as bothsidessoughttosizeone anotherup.Saladinledan expeditionaryforcetotestthe strengthofJacob’sFord,but soonretreatedwhenoneof hiscommanderswaskilled byaTemplararrow. Nonetheless,duringtwoother engagementsthesultan’s troopsbestedBaldwin’s forcesinminorbattles.In one,theking’sconstable– hischiefmilitaryadviser– waskilled;inanother,the TemplarMasterOdoofSt Amandwastakencaptive alongwith270knights.These successesdisruptedthe Christians’militarycommand structureandwentsomeway toredressingtheMuslim humiliationatMontGisard. Withthescalestippingback inSaladin’sfavour,King Baldwinretreatedto Jerusalemtoregroup,while thesultansummoned reinforcementsfromnorthern SyriaandEgypt. BylateAugust1179 Saladinwasreadytolauncha full-scaleattackonJacob’s Ford.OnSaturdaythe24th hebegananassault-based siege,withtheintentionof breakingintothecastleas rapidlyaspossible.Therewas notimeforalengthy encirclement,becausethe leperkingwasbynow stationednearbyatTiberias, ontheshoresoftheSeaof Galilee,justhalfaday’s marchtothesouth-west.As soonasnewsoftheattack reachedhimthekingwould beginassemblingarelief army,sothesiegewas effectivelyarace,inwhich theMuslimsstruggledto crackthestronghold’s defencesbeforetheLatins arrived.Takentogether, contemporarywrittenrecords andthearchaeological evidencenowbeing uncoveredofferavivid pictureofwhathappened overthenextfivegrimdays. Saladinbeganbybombarding thefortresswitharrowsfrom eastandwest–hundredsof arrowheadshavebeen recoveredclusteredonthese fronts–lookingtodemoralise theTemplargarrison.Atthe sametime,specialistminers, probablyfromSyrianAleppo, weresenttotunnelunderthe north-easterncornerofthe walls,hopingtocollapsethe rampartsthroughthe techniqueofsapping.A tunnelwasquicklydugand packedfullofwood,butonce setalightitprovedtobetoo smalltocausearuptureinthe wallsabove.Indesperation, thesultanofferedagolddinar toeachsoldiercarryinga goatskinofwaterfromthe rivertoextinguishtheflames, andworkthencontinued nightanddaytoenlargethe mine.Meanwhile,Baldwin waspreparingtomarchfrom Tiberias. Atdawnon29Augustthe leperkingsetoutwithhis hosttorelievethefortress. Unbeknownsttohim,atthat samemomentfireswere beinglitwithinSaladin’s expandedsiegemine.Its woodenpitpropsdulyburned andthepassagewaycavedin, bringingdownthewalls above.Saladinlaterwrote that,astheflamesspread,the castleresembled‘ashipadrift inaseaoffire’.Ashistroops pouredthroughthebreakin thewallsdesperatehand-to- handcombatensued,while thegarrisonofeliteTemplar knightsmadeabloody,but ultimatelyfutilelaststand.In alast-ditchactofbraverythe Templargarrisoncommander mountedhiswarhorseand chargedintotheburning breach;oneMuslim eyewitnesslaterdescribed how‘hethrewhimselfintoa holefulloffirewithoutfear oftheintenseheatand,from thisbrazier,hewas immediatelythrowninto another–thatofHell’. Withthecastle’sdefences breachedtheLatingarrison waseventuallyoverrunanda bloodysackfollowed.The humanskeletalremains recentlyunearthedwithinthe perimeterwallbearwitnessto theferocityoftheassault. Onemaleskullshowed evidenceofthreeseparate swordcuts,thelastofwhich splitthehead,crushingthe brain.Anotherhadhadhis armchoppedoffabovethe elbowbeforebeing dispatched.Withmuchofthe sitenowinflames,Saladin executedmorethanhalfof thegarrison,amassinga mountainofplunder, including1,000coatsof armour.Bynoononthat Thursday,racingnorthwards, Baldwingothisfirst despairingglimpseofsmoke onthehorizon–telltale evidenceofthedestructionat Jacob’sFord.Hewasjustsix hourstoolate. Inthetwoweeksthat followed,Saladindismantled thecastleofJacob’sFord, razingittothegroundstone bystone.Indeed,helater claimedtohaverippedout thefoundationswithhisown hands.MostoftheLatin dead,alongwiththeirhorses andmules,werethrowninto thestronghold’scapacious cistern.Thiswasaratherilladvisedpolicy,assoonaftera ‘plague’brokeout,ravaging theMuslimarmyand claimingthelifeoftenof Saladin’scommanders.By mid-October,withhis primaryobjectiveachieved, thesultandecidedtoabandon theseeminglycursedsite,and Jacob’sFordbecamean abandoned,forgottenruin.49 Saladin’ssuccessesin summer1179brokethetide ofFrankishmartial momentumthathadbeen buildingsinceMontGisard. TheLatins’attempttoseize theinitiativeintheUpper Jordanborderzoneand pressureDamascuswas stymied.Thesultanhad protectedhisunificationof EgyptandSyria.Butthe workofunifyingIslam throughthesubjugationof AleppoandMosulremained incomplete. 11 THESULTANOF ISLAM AlthoughSaladinhad achievedaseriesofvictories againsttheFranksin1179,in theearly1180shereturnedto thebusinessofempire building,devotingmostofhis energyandresourcesto consolidatinghisholdover EgyptandDamascus,andto extendinghisauthorityover theMuslimsofAleppoand Mosul.Inspring1180,with Syriasufferingfromthe effectsofcontinuingdrought andfamine,heagreedatwoyeartrucewiththeLatins–a pactwhichwasevidently deemedtobeadvantageousto bothsides,giventhatneither paidamonetarytributeto securepeace.Thisdealleft Saladinfreetotacklearange ofissueswithintheMuslim world. THEDRIVETO DOMINATE OneofSaladin’sfirst prioritieswastocounteract thegrowingpowerand influenceofKilijArslanII, theSeljuqsultanofAnatolia. KilijArslanhadbeeninan assertivemoodsincecrushing theByzantinesat Myriokephalonin1176,and couldhimselfclaim,with somejustification,tobethe truerisingchampionof Islamicjihad.Saladin broadcastpropaganda designedtodiscreditthe Seljuqleader,arguingthathe wasanopponentofMuslim unity–Saladineven explainedhisowntrucewith theJerusalemiteFranksin 1180toBaghdadbyclaiming thathecouldnotdeal simultaneouslywiththegrave threatsposedbyKilijArslan andtheLatinChristians.In summer1180,Saladinlefthis nephewFarrukh-Shahin controlofDamascus,andled troopsintothenorth,securing allianceswithanumberof citiesintheUpperEuphrates regioninordertocontain KilijArslan’sambitions withinAsiaMinor.Saladin alsousedmilitarypressureto forcethelatestArmenian rulerofCilicia,RoupenIII,to acceptanon-aggressionpact, effectivelyneutralisingthe ArmenianChristiansas opponentstoAyyubid expansion. Aroundthistimeaseriesof deathsalteredthepolitical landscape.In1180the ByzantineEmperorManuel Comnenuspassedaway, leavingbehindhiman eleven-year-oldsonandheir who,twoyearslater,was supplantedbyManuel’s cousin,Andronicus Comnenus.Thisperiodwas markedbyagradualdecline inrelationsbetweenthe Greeksandthecrusader statesthatservedSaladin’s interests.In1181the Byzantinessecuredapeace treatywiththesultan,afirst signoftheirrealignment towardsneutralityinthe Levant.Andronicus’seizure ofpowerin1182wasthen accompaniedbyamassacre ofLatinslivingandtradingin Constantinopleandthenew emperormadelittleeffortto re-establishcooperativeties withOutremer. Similarshiftstookplacein theEast.In1180theAbbasid caliphandhisvizieralso died.Awarethatthismight heraldadangerousdeclinein thesupportheenjoyedin Baghdad,Saladincarefully cultivatedlinkswiththenew Caliphal-Nasir.TheZangids sufferedtheirownlosses.In summer1180Saifal-Dinof Mosuldiedandwas succeededbyhisyounger brother,Izzal-Din.More significantlystill,late1181 sawthedeathfromillnessof Nural-Din’ssonandofficial heir,al-Salih,attheageof justnineteen.Thiseventwas ofcriticalimportanceto Saladin’sfutureambitions.In recentyears,al-Salihhad beguntoemergeasa potentiallyformidable opponent,following Gumushtegin’sdeathasa resultofcourtintriguein Aleppo.Asthefigureheadof Zangidlegitimacy,al-Salih representedthepromiseof dynasticcontinuityand enjoyedtheabjectloyaltyof theAleppanpopulace.Hadhe survived,al-Salihmighthave posedaseriouschallengeto Ayyubidascendancy;atthe veryleast,hiscontinued presencewouldhave weakenedSaladin’sclaimto bethesole,rightfulchampion ofIslam,andprobablyput paidtothesultan’shopesof absorbingnorthernSyria withoutopenwarfare. AlthoughpowerinAleppo soonpassedtoSaifal-Din’s elderbrother,Imadal-Din ZangiofSinjar,al-Salih’s demisenonethelesspresented Saladinwithalong-awaited opportunitytoextendhis powerwithintheMuslim world.50 Saladinmadecareful preparationsforanew campaignagainsttheZangids ofAleppoandMosul.Having spentmostof1181andearly 1182attendingtothe governanceofEgypt,Saladin setoutforSyriainspring 1182,leavingal-Adiland Qaragushincontrolofthe Nileregion.Alarmedbynews thatthesultanwouldbe passingthroughTransjordan inMay,andparticularly fearfulthattheregion’ssoon tobeharvestedcorncrop mightbedestroyed,Reynald ofChâtillonconvinced BaldwinIVtoassemblethe kingdom’sfullmilitary strengthatKerak.Inthe event,Saladinledhistroops pastthecastleincloseorder, butwithoutofferingany attack,andnobattlewas joined. Thetruceagreedwiththe Franksin1180hadnow lapsedandthatsummerthe Ayyubidsmadeanumberof tentativeattacksontheLatin kingdomofJerusalem.As Saladinmarchedthrough Transjordan,fromhisbasein DamascusFarrukh-Shah exploitedthefactthatLatin Galileehadbeenallbut strippedoftroops,capturing theChristians’smallthreestoreycavefortress,south- eastoftheSeaofGalilee, knownastheCavedeSueth, theirlastfortifiedoutpostin theTerredeSueth.Then,in JulyandAugust,thesultan ledtwoexpeditionsagainst theFranks.Thefirst,an invasioninforceofLower Galileeandabriefsiegeof thefortressatBethsan, promptedKingBaldwinto reassemblehisarmyat Saffurya.Thissite,midway betweenAcreandTiberias, repletewithanabundant springandfinepasturage, wasanaturalstagingpostfor theChristianarmy.An inconclusivemilitary engagementfollowednear Bethsan,foughtbeneatha roastingmidsummersunon 15July.Bakedalive,the LatinclericcarryingtheTrue Crossdiedofheatstroke, while,evenaftertheyhad recrossedtheJordan, Saladin’smenfoundtheir firstcampsiteunbearable; accordingtooneeyewitness thebrackishwaterand pestilentialairmeantthat‘the marketofthedoctorsdida roaringtrade’,andafurther retreattowardsDamascus wassoonmade.51 InAugust1182Saladin attackedagain,thistime targetingthecoastalcityof Beirut.TherebuiltEgyptian navyhadalreadybeenputto usein1179–80,harassing LatinshippingaroundAcre andTripoli,butthesultan nowdeployedhisfleetto launchatwo-pronged offensive,besiegingBeirutby landandsea.Forthreedays hisarcherspepperedthecity whilesapperssoughtto undermineitswalls,butwhen Baldwin’sreliefforce approached,Saladinbrokeoff theassault,ravagingthe surroundingcountrysideashe slippedbackintoMuslim territory. Neitherofthese1182 campaignswastruly determined,buttheywere, rather,opportunisticforays, designedtogaugeFrankish strengthandreactions,while inflictingdamageand snatchinganyavailable territorialormaterialrewards atminimumriskandcost.As such,theysetthetonefor yearstocome.These demonstrationsofapparent commitmenttothejihadalso allowedSaladintojustifyhis ongoingattemptstosubdue MuslimSyriaand Mesopotamia–fairly obviouslyhisrealpriority.A seriesoflettersfromSaladin tothecaliphinBaghdad revealthevocalprotestations anddeviouspolemical argumentsrepeatedlyput forwardbytheAyyubidsin thisperiod.Thesultan complainedthathehad shownhiswillingnessto wageholywaragainstthe Latins,butwasconstantly distractedfromthiscauseby thethreatofZangid aggression–urgentnecessity demandedIslamicunityand Saladinsuggestedthathe shouldbeempoweredto subjugateanyMuslimswho refusedtojoinhiminthe jihad.Atthesametime,the ZangidrulersofAleppoand Mosulwerecharacterisedas rebelliousenemiesofthe state.Theywereaccusedof seizingpowerongroundsof hereditarysuccessionwhen, lawfully,commandofthese citiesshouldhavebeeninthe giftofthecaliph.Izzal-Din ofMosulwassaidtohave agreedasubmissiveelevenyeartrucewithJerusalem (thusbreakingtheprescribed limitoftenyearsforpacts betweenMuslimsandnon- Muslims),promisingtopay theChristiansanannual tributeof10,000dinars. Similaraccusationswerelater levelledatImadal-DinZangi inrelationtohisdealings withAntioch.Courting caliphalsupportandbroader publicopinion,withthis onslaughtofpropaganda Saladinlaidthegroundwork foramajoranti-Zangid offensive. Hiscueforactioncamein latesummer1182,whilestill engagedinthebriefsiegeof Beirut,whenamessage arrivedfromKeukburiof Harran,aTurkishwarlord whohadsofarsupportedthe Zangidsandhadfought againstSaladinin1176. Keukburinowinvitedthe Ayyubidstocrossthe Euphrates,effectively proclaiminghiswillingnessto switchsides.52Inresponse, thesultanassembledanarmy andsetoutthatautumnto prosecuteacampaigninIraq withoutrenewinganytruce withJerusalem. Saladin’scampaignsagainst AleppoandMosul(1182–3) InlateSeptember1182 SaladinusedKeukburi’s invitationasapretextto launchanexpedition, marchingeastwardstojoin thelordofHarrannearthe Euphrates,andthenpushing onintotheJazira.Inthe monthsthatfollowed,the sultanmadequitestrenuous effortstolimittheamountof openwarfarewithhisMuslim rivals,preferringcoercion, diplomacyandpropaganda overthesword.Beforelong hewascallingforadditional fundsfromDamascusand Egyptwithwhichtobuyoff hisopponents.EvenWilliam ofTyrewasawarethatthe sultanusedprofligatebribery toquicklysubjugate‘almost theentireregion...formerly underthepowerofMosul’, includingEdessa.53 InNovemberSaladin marchedontothreatenMosul itself.DespiteKeukburi’s encouragement,thesultan wasreluctanttocommittoa difficultandbloodysiegeof thecity,buthishopesof frighteningIzzal-Dininto submissionwentunrealised. Withastalemateholdingas winterbegan,envoysfrom Caliphal-Nasirarrived, hopingtobrokerapeace.To Saladin’schagrinthey adoptedaneutralposition, favouringneitherthe AyyubidnortheZangid position,andwithlittle progressbeingmadethe sultanwithdrew.In Decemberhemarchedsome seventy-fivemileseastto Sinjar,wherehepressuredthe majorfortifiedtowninto surrenderand,afterabrief pausethroughtheworst winterweather,movednortheastintoDiyarBakrinearly spring1183,capturingthe supposedlyimpregnable capitalcityinApril,after whichsuccesstheArtuqid rulerofMardinagreedtoa submissivealliance.Insix monthsSaladinhadisolated andallbutemasculated Mosul,winningovermuchof theJaziraandDiyarBakr throughamixtureofforce andpersuasion.Throughout, theZangidscoulddolittleto respond.Izzal-DinandImad al-DinZangitriedtoorganise acounter-attackinlate February,butlackedboththe resourcesandthenervetosee itthrough. Saladinhadmade satisfyingprogress,but Mosulitselfremainedbeyond hisgrasp.Thatspringhe initiatedanincreasingly vociferousdiplomatic onslaught,hopingtosway opinioninBaghdadinhis favour.Hisletterstothe caliphaccusedtheZangidsof incitingtheFrankstoattack AyyubidterritoryinSyria, evenoffundingtheChristian wareffort.Thesultanalso appealedtoCaliphal-Nasir’s owndesireforpoliticalas wellasspiritualpower, declaringthattheAyyubids wouldforceMesopotamiato recognisecaliphalauthority. Saladinadded,ratherboldly, thatifonlyBaghdadwould endorsehisclaimtoMosul, hewouldbeinapositionto conquerJerusalem, Constantinople,Georgiaand Morocco.Aroundthesame time,thesultandeviously triedtodisruptZangid solidarity,contactingImadal- DinZangitowarnhimthat Izzal-DinofMosulhad supposedlyofferedtoally withtheAyyubidsagainst Aleppo. Fromlatespringonwards Saladinshiftedthefocusof hiscampaigntoAleppo, recrossingtheEuphratesto stationtroopsaroundthecity on21May1183.Onceagain, thesultanhopedtoavoid openwarfare,butthe Aleppansquickly demonstratedtheir willingnesstodefendtheir property,dailylaunching fierceattacksonhistroops. LuckilyforSaladin,ImadalDinZangiprovedmore malleable.Concludingthat theAyyubidholdoverSyria wasnowunbreakable,and thathisownisolatedposition wasthereforeuntenable,the Zangidrulersecretly negotiatedwiththesultan.On 12Juneheagreedterms, openingthegatesofAleppo’s citadeltoSaladin’stroops, muchtotheshockofthelocal populace.Bywayof recompense,Imadal-Din Zangireceivedaparcelof territoryintheJazira, includinghisformerlordship atSinjar,whilepromisingto furnishthesultanwithtroops whenevercalledupon.Jurdik –theSyrianwarlordwhohad helpedSaladintoarrestthe EgyptianVizierShawarin 1169–wasalsowonover thatsummer.Since1174 Jurdikhadremained staunchlyloyaltoAleppo, refusingtobackthe Ayyubids.Now,atlast,he enteredthesultan’sservice, becomingoneofhismost devotedandadept lieutenants. OnceincontrolofAleppo, Saladinimmediatelysought tolimitcivilunrestand engenderanatmosphereof unity.Non-Koranictaxes wereabolishedand,laterthat summer,alawwasenacted orderingnon-Muslimswithin thecitytoweardistinctive clothing,ameasure seeminglydesignedto promotecohesionamong Aleppo’sSunniandShi‘ite Muslimsandtohastentheir acceptanceofAyyubidrule. Aleppo’soccupationwasa majorachievementfor Saladin.Afteralmosta decadehehadunitedMuslim Syria,andcouldnowclaim dominionoveraswatheof territorybetweentheNileand theEuphrates.Anumberof survivinglettersrevealthe mannerinwhichthesultan celebratedandpublicisedhis success.Asalways,healso tookcaretojustifyhis conquest,declaringthathe wouldhappilyshare leadershipofIslamifhe could,butnotingthat,inwar, onlyonemancould command.Aleppo’s subjugationwasdescribedas astepontheroadtothe recaptureofJerusalemandhe declaredproudlythat‘Islam isnowawaketodriveaway thenightphantomof unbelief’.54 Againstthebackdropof thisrhetoric,itwasobvious bylatesummer1183that Saladinhad,tosomeextentat least,tofulfilthepromise implicitinhispropagandaby attackingtheFranks.To shoreupthedefencesof northernSyriaheagreedtoa trucewithBohemondIIIof Antioch,securingextremely favourabletermsforIslam– includingthereleaseof Muslimprisonersand territorialconcessions– beforetravellingsouthto Damascustoorchestratea showofforceagainstthe kingdomofJerusalem. THEWARAGAINST THEFRANKS Thebalanceofpowerin FrankishPalestinehadshifted significantlyinrecentyears. Inthelate1170s,withKing BaldwinIV’shealth worsening,amarriage alliancehadbeenplanned betweenhiswidowedsister Sibyllaandtheeminent FrenchnoblemanDukeHugh IIIofBurgundy.KingLouis VIIofFrance’sdeathin 1180,leavinghisyoungson PhilipAugustusasheirtothe throne,upsetthisscheme, becausetheattendantpower struggleinFrancemeant Hughwasunwillingto abandonhisdukedom.Anew matchforSibylla,therefore, hadtobefound.Atthispoint RaymondIIIofTripoliand BohemondIIIofAntioch seemtohavedecidedthat,in theinterestsoftheirown ambitionsandJerusalem’s continuedsecurity,Baldwin IVneededtobeedgedfrom power.AroundEaster1180, thepairtriedtoorchestrate whatwas,inessence,acoup d’état,byforcingSibyllato marrytheirchosenally, BaldwinofIbelin,amember oftheincreasinglypowerful Ibelindynasty.Hadthis matchproceeded,theleper kingmighthavebeen sidelined,butBaldwinIV wasunwillingtoforgohis influenceoverthesuccession. Withtheencouragementof hismotheranduncle,Agnes andJoscelinofCourtenay,he seizedtheinitiative.Before RaymondandBohemond couldintervene,thekingwed Sibyllatohisownpreferred candidate,GuyofLusignan,a noble-bornPoitevinknight, recentlyarrivedintheLevant. InpartBaldwin’schoice wasgovernedbynecessity,as Guywastheonlyunmarried adultmaleofsufficiently highbirththenpresentin Palestine.Guy’sconnection withPoitou–aregionruled bytheAngevinKingHenryII ofEngland–mayalsohave beenafactor,forwith CapetianFranceindisarray, England’simportanceasan allywasincreased. Nonetheless,Guy’s emergenceasaleading politicalplayerwasboth suddenandunexpected.With hismarriagetoSibylla,Guy ofLusignanbecameheir designatetotheJerusalemite throne.Hewouldalsobe expectedtofulfiltheroleof regentshouldBaldwinIVbe incapacitatedbyhis affliction.Thequestionwas whetherGuy’sprecipitous elevationwouldalienateand embitterotherleading membersofthecourt, includingRaymondofTripoli andtheIbelins.Guy’s qualitiesasapoliticaland militaryleaderalsoremained untested,asdidhis willingnesstorestrainhis ownambitionsforthecrown whileBaldwinIVlivedon, clingingtopower.55 ThespurofLatinaggression Saladin’sdecisiontolaunch anoffensiveagainstFrankish Palestineinautumn1183was notsimplytriggeredbya desiretoaffirmhisjihad credentials.Toanextent,his attackswerealsoaretaliatory responsetorecentLatin aggression.Inlate1182, duringthesultan’sabsencein Iraq,theFranksraidedthe regionssurrounding DamascusandBosra, retakingtheCavedeSueth. Tothesouthin Transjordan,Reynaldof Châtilloninitiatedamore deliberatelybelligerent campaign;oneforwhichhe hadbeenpreparing,probably inconcertwiththeking,for sometwoyears.Saladin’s intelligencenetworkhad warnedthatthelordofKerak wasplanninganattack,but thesultanwronglyassumed thatthiswouldfocusuponthe routeacrosstheSinailinking EgyptandDamascus,andso taskedal-Adiltostrengthen thefortificationsatthekey musterpointofal-Arish.In fact,Reynald’sschemewas farbolderandmoredaring, evenifitwas,instrategic terms,lessjudicious.Inlate 1182toearly1183,five galleys,constructedin sectionsatKerak,were transportedoncamel-backto theGulfofAqaba, reassembledandlaunchedon totheRedSea.Thiswasthe firsttimeincenturiesthat Christianshipshadplied thesewaters.Reynalddivided hisfleet,withtwovessels blockadingtheMuslim-held portofAqaba,whichhe himselfthenattackedbyland, andtheremainingthree galleyssentsouth,equipped withArabnavigatorsand mannedbysoldiers. Apparently,newsofthe extraordinaryexploitsofthis smallthree-shipflotillanever reachedtheFranks.Asole Latinsourcerecordedthat, aftertheirlaunch,‘nothing washeardofthemand nobodyknowswhatbecame ofthem’,and,having inflictedsomedamageon Aqaba,Reynaldreturned home. IntheMuslimworld, however,theshockingand unprecedentedRedSea expeditioncausedoutrage. ForweeksthethreeChristian galleyswreakedhavocupon theunsuspectingportsof EgyptandArabia,harassing pilgrimsandmerchants,and threateningIslam’sspiritual heartland,thesacredcitiesof MeccaandMedina.Itwas evenrumouredthatthe Christiansintendedtosteal Muhammad’sbody.Only whenal-Adilportagedhis ownfleetfromCairotothe RedSeaweretheyhunted down.Forcedtobeachtheir vesselsontheArabiancoast, theChristiancrewfledinto thedesert,but,oncecornered, 170ofthemsurrendered, probablyinreturnfor promisesofsafeconduct.In theevent,however,theirlives werenotspared. Informedofeventswhile inIraq,Saladininsistedthat anexamplebemade: officially,hearguedthat infidelswhoknewthepaths toIslam’sholiestsitescould notbeallowedtolive;in private,ofcourse,hemust havebeenonlytooconscious ofanuncomfortabletruth.At thisverymomentofinfamous crisishe,theself-proclaimed championofthefaith,was absent,fightingfellow Muslims.Thus,despitealAdil’sevidentdisquiet,the sultandemandedretribution forthe‘unparalleled enormity’oftheLatin prisoners’crimesand, accordingtoArabic testimony,insistedthat‘the earthmustbepurgedoftheir filthandtheairoftheir breath’.Mostofthecaptives weresentsinglyorinpairsto variouscitiesandsettlements acrosstheAyyubidrealmand publiclyexecuted,buttwo wereheldbackforastill moreghastlyfate.Atthetime ofthenextHajjtheywereled toasiteontheoutskirtsof Mecca,wheretraditionally livestockareofferedfor slaughterandtheirflesh giventofeedthepoor,and herethetwounfortunate captiveswerebutchered‘like animalsforsacrifice’beforea bayingpilgrimthrong.The defilementofArabiahad beenpunishedandthe sultan’simageasIslam’s resolutedefenderaffirmed, butthebittermemoryofthe Franks’scandalousRedSea campaignendured,andits architect,Reynaldof Châtillon,nowbecamea despisedfigureofhate.56 Arisingtideofconflict? WhenSaladin’sattackonthe kingdomofJerusalemfinally cameinautumn1183it exposedprofound weaknesseswithinChristian Palestine.Thatsummer, BaldwinIV’shealthagain deteriorated.Bythisstage leprosyhadalreadylefthis bodyinruins,as‘hissight failedandhisextremities werecoveredinulcerations sothathewasunabletouse eitherhishandsorhisfeet’. Nolongerabletorideany distance,hehadbecome accustomedtotravellingupon alitter.Nonetheless,upto thispoint,WilliamofTyre attestedthat‘although physicallyweakand impotent,yetmentallyhewas vigorous,and,farbeyondhis strength,hestrovetohidehis illnessandtosupportthe caresofthekingdom’.Now in1183,however,hewas seizedbysomeformof secondaryinfection,and ‘attackedby[a]fever...he losthopeoflife’.Unmanned bythisinfirmity,desperately fearfulthatSaladinwould unleashanewattackyet whollyunsurewherehe wouldstrike,theyoungking wasinanappallingdilemma. SummoninghisJerusalemite forces,alongwithtroops fromTripoliandAntioch,to assembleatSaffurya,he himselfretiredtoNazareth andtemporarilypassed executivepowertohis brother-in-law,theheir apparent,GuyofLusignan. Asregent,Guythusheld theofficeofFrankish commander-in-chiefwhen SaladininvadedGalileein lateSeptember1183.He stoodattheheadofoneofthe largestFrankishhostsever assembledinPalestine– containingsome1,300 knightsand15,000infantry– albeitonethatwasstill dwarfedbytheMuslimforce. Withlittleornoexperienceof directingsuchanarmyinthe midstoffull-blownwarfare, Guy’sabilitiesweresureto betaxed,butbythemeasure ofmilitarysciencehedidan effective,ifunspectacular job.WhenSaladinonceagain pillagedBethsan,Guymade anorderedadvance,using infantrytoscreenhis mountedknightswhileonthe move,and,barringminor skirmishes,avoided committingtoahastypitched battle.Hopingtotemptthe Latinsintobreaking formation,Saladinwithdrew northashortdistance,butno pursuitwasforthcomingand thetwosidestookup defensivepositionswithina mileofoneanother,nearthe villageofAynJalut.A stalemateheldfornearlytwo weeks,despiteeffortsonthe sultan’sparttoprovokean attack,andinmid-October theMuslimarmyretreated acrosstheJordan.TheFranks hadsurvivedthestorm. Throughoutthecampaign Guyfollowedtheestablished principlesof‘crusader’ defensivestrategyalmostto theletter,maintainingtroop discipline,seekingtolimit enemymobilitybyadvancing toofferathreat,yetsteering clearofriskyconfrontation. Yet,inspiteofthiscautious competence,hewasroundly criticisedbyhisrivalsatcourt forallowingSaladintoraid thekingdomunchallenged, andchidedfortentative timidityunbecomingof knightlyculture.Thereality wasthat,tacticallysoundasit mightbe,guardedinaction wasrarelypopularwithLatin soldiers.Evenestablished sovereignsandseasonedfield commandersstruggledto enforceordersthat,onthe faceofit,appeared humiliatingandcowardly–in 1115RogerofSalernohadto threatentoblindhismento keeptheminline,and,inthe yearstocome,Richardthe Lionheartwouldexperience similardifficultieswithtroop control.Guywasanunproven general,newlyrisentothe regency,whoserighttorule wasopentoquestion.What heneededmostinautumn 1183wasafirmshowof martialdefiance,perhaps evenabrazenmilitary victory,towinoverdoubters andsilencecritics.Atthe veryleast,hehadto demonstratethathepossessed theforceofwilltoquell Jerusalem’sindependentmindedaristocracy.Ineffect, bydoingwhatwasrightfor thedefenceoftherealm,Guy didhimselfagrave disservice.Itisnotsurprising thathispoliticalopponents seizeduponthisopportunity tobesmirchhisreputation.57 Afterabriefpause,inlate October1183Saladinmoved southintoTransjordanto besiegeKerak.Thiswasa moredeterminedattack,for hecameequippedwithheavy siegeweaponry,includinga numberofsiegeengineswith whichtoassailthecastle,but itwasalsoaconvenient opportunitytorendezvous withhisbrotheral-Adil,who hadtravelledfromEgyptto assumelordshipovernewly conqueredAyyubidterritory innorthernSyria.The sultan’sinvestmentofKerak alsocoincided,perhaps deliberately,withthe celebrationofahigh-profile Frankishweddingbetween HumphreyIVofToronand theking’shalf-sister,Isabella, presidedoverbyReynaldof Châtillon,hiswifeStephanie ofMillyandIsabella’s mother,MariaComnena. Saladinmayhavehadone eyeoncapturingsuchan eminentcropofChristian nobles,fortheirransoms wouldproveahandsome boon.14Astorylater circulatedthat–eveninthe midstofthesiege–Lady Stephaniecourteouslysent foodfromthenuptialbanquet outtothesultan,andthatin returnhepromisednotto bombardthatpartofthe fortressoccupiedbythe newly-weds.Ifthereisany truthtothistale,whichisnot mentionedintheMuslim sources,thenSaladin’s apparentgallantrymay,in part,havebeenmotivatedby adesiretopreservethelives ofsuchvaluablehostages. NewsofKerak’ssiege reachedtheLatincourtin Jerusalematamomentwhen theFrankswerealready ensnaredindispute.Against expectations,theleperking’s feverabatedandamodicum ofstrengthreturnedto Baldwin’senfeebledframe. Intheaftermathoftheevents atAynJalut,heandGuyof Lusignansquabbledover rightstotherealmand, perhapswithhismind poisonedbytheviewsof RaymondIIIandtheIbelin brothers,theyoungmonarch turnedonGuy,rescindinghis regency.EvenasKeraklay underthreat,Baldwin convenedacounciltodiscuss theselectionofanewheir and,intheend,thechoicefell toSibylla’sinfantsonbyher firsthusband–thenephew andnamesakeoftheking, Baldwin(V).On20 November1183,thisfiveyear-oldboybecameheir designate,crownedand anointedasco-rulerinthe HolySepulchre.Even WilliamofTyreathadto admitthat‘theopinionsof wisemenoverthisgreat changeweremanyandvaried ...forsincebothkingswere hampered,onebydiseaseand theotherbyyouth,itwas whollyuseless’.The archbishopnonethelessmade hisown,thinlyveiled,views apparent,concludingthatthis settlementhad,atleast, stifledanylingeringhope harbouredbythe‘entirely incompetent’Guyofoneday ascendingtothethrone.58 Withthisnewarrangement sealed,BaldwinIVsetoutfor Transjordan,hopingto relieveKerak.Inlightofthe king’scontinuedfrailty,he probablyhadtobecarried uponalitter,andRaymondof Tripoliwasappointedasfield commanderoftheFrankish army.DespitetheLatins’ delayedreaction,Saladinhad beenunabletoovercome Kerak’sexpansivedrymoat and,withtheChristianhost approaching,thesultan abandonedhissiegeon4 December1183.Overall,his attackhadprovedhalfheartedandhewascertainly unwillingtoconfrontthe Franksinopenbattle.The leperkingwasthusableto enterthedesertfortressinthe guiseofavictorioussaviour. Thatwinteranopenrift developedbetweenBaldwin IVandGuyofLusignan,and throughoutthefirsthalfof 1184theLatinkingdom remainedinaweakenedstate ofdisunity.Saladin,however, focuseduponthediplomatic struggleforMosulandmade nomovetothreatenthe Franksuntillatesummer. Around22Augusthe initiatedanothersiegeof Kerak,butaftertheleperking musteredwhatremainedof hiswaningstrengthto assembleareliefforcethe sultanretreatedonceagain, establishingawell-defended campsomemilestothenorth. WhentheLatinsmadeno efforttoattackhemovedon. Afterprosecutingashort- livedraidingcampaignupthe Jordanvalleyandabrief attackonNablus,Saladin retiredtoDamascus. Throughouthistwo expeditionsagainstthe kingdomofJerusalem,in 1183andagainin1184, Saladinpursuedastrategyof cautiousaggression, continuingtopressureand testtheFranks,taking minimalrisksandavoiding battlewhentheenemy refusedtofightonhisterms andatasiteofhischoosing. Theseencountershaveoften beenpresentedasmeasured, graduallyescalatingstepson thepathtoall-outinvasion, buttheymightequallybe interpretedastentativejabsin astrugglethatwas,asyet,of onlysecondaryimportanceto thesultan.Itisnotablethat, throughouttheearly1180s, Saladin’sjihadioffensives againsttheLatinswere focused,almostexclusively, upontwospecificregions whichwereofstrategic, politicalandeconomic significancefortheAyyubid realm:Transjordan,the cruciallandroutelinking EgyptandDamascus,which alsoservedasamajor thoroughfareforcommercial caravansandpilgrimtraffic toArabia;andGalilee,the Latin-heldregionwhich posedthegreatestthreatto Damascus. Thetruthisthat,inthis period,Saladinshowedno determinationtoprosecutea decisiveinvasionofPalestine andmadenodoggedattempt toconfronttheFranksinopen battle.Inrealterms,Latin dominionofJerusalem remainedunchallenged.The sultandidwagewaragainst Outremer,buthisefforts seem,atleastinpart,tohave beendrivenbytheneed publiclytosubstantiatehis declareddedicationtojihad– onoccasionhisattacks appearalmostastoken gestures.Lookingbackwith thebenefitofhindsight,itis evidentthat,becauseofthe Franks’extreme vulnerability,acommitted Ayyubidoffensiveagainstthe kingdomofJerusalemmight havebroughtSaladinoutright victory,particularlyin1183– 4.Inthesultan’sdefence, however,itisfarfromcertain thatheactuallyknewthetrue, cripplingdepthofdissension andweaknesstowhichthe Christianshadbeenbrought. Itisalsoimportantto recognisethat,whileArabic andLatinchroniclesand biographies,concernedwith politicalandmilitaryevents, conveyasenseofmounting tensionbetweenChristian OutremerandAyyubidIslam inthe1180s,other contemporarysourcesoffera differentperspective.The IberianMuslimpilgrimand travellerIbnJubayrpassed throughtheHolyLandinthis preciseperiod,joininga Muslimtradecaravanfrom DamascustoAcreinautumn 1184andwitnessingadegree ofcross-culturalcontactand coexistencethathefound extraordinary: Oneoftheastonishingthingstalkedof isthatthoughthefiresofdiscordburn betweenthesetwoparties,Muslimand Christian,twoarmiesofthemmaymeet anddisposethemselvesinbattlearray, andyetMuslimandChristiantravellers willcomeandgobetweenthemwithout interference.Inthisconnectionwesaw Saladin[depart]withalltheMuslim troopstolaysiegetothefortressof Kerak,oneofthegreatestChristian strongholdslyingastridetheroad[to MeccaandMedina]andhinderingthe overlandpassageoftheMuslims... Thissultaninvestedit,andputitto sorestraits,andlongthesiegelasted, butstillthecaravanspassed successivelyfromEgypttoDamascus, goingthroughthelandsoftheFranks withoutimpedimentfromthem.Inthe samewaytheMuslimscontinuously journeyedfromDamascustoAcre [throughFrankishterritory],and likewisenotoneoftheChristian merchantswasstoppedorhindered[in Muslimterritory]. Thisfascinatingandrevealing evidencesuggeststhata pulsingcurrentofcommerce continuedunabated throughouttheseyears, connectingthetwoworldsof ChristendomandIslam.Ibn Jubayr’stestimonyseemsto belieanynotionofthesetwo rivalpowersbeingpitted againstoneanotherina vehementandimplacable conflict.Ifhisvisionofthe Levantineworldwas representative–andithasto berememberedthatIbn Jubayrwasanoutsiderwho spentonlyafewmonthsin theregion–thenSaladin’s apparentfailureurgentlyto prioritisejihadperhaps becomesmore understandable.59 Whateverthetruedepthof enmitybetweenIslamandthe Franks,overthenextyearthe crisisofleadershipwithinthe kingdomofJerusalem deepened.Inautumn1184 BaldwinIV’sconditiononce againdeterioratedandit eventuallybecameclearthat hewasdying.Despitehis owncontinuedmisgivings aboutRaymondofTripoli’s loyalty,Baldwinappointed thecountasregent–theonly realisticalternativeforthe postbeingReynaldof Châtillon,whowasclosely engagedinthedefenceof Transjordan.AroundmidMay1185BaldwinIVdiedat theageofjusttwenty-three, andwasburiedalongsidehis fatherAmalricintheHoly Sepulchre.Formuchofhis troubledreignBaldwin struggledwithanightmarish predicament–awarethathe wasincapableofruling effectively,yetunableto secureanacceptable replacementortoorchestrate asuccessfultransferof power,evenasthethreatof Musliminvasionincreased. Throughoutheshowedgreat physicalcourageinenduring hisdisability.Evenso,he failedtocontainorcontrol theambitionsofhismost powerfulsubjectsand sufferedsignificantlapsesof judgement,mostnotablyin hisdecisiontowithdrawhis supportforGuyofLusignan inlate1183.Hemustbe rememberedasatragicfigure –onewhostrovetodefend theHolyLand,yetpresided overadecadeofperilous decline. TRANSFORMATION In1185,Saladinonceagain turnedhisattentiontothe subjectionofMuslim Mesopotamia.Renewed attemptstoreachanegotiated settlementwithMosulin early1184hadfailed,evenas thesultancontinuedtoextend hisinfluenceintheregion, winningthesupportof neighbouringIraqi settlementsthroughamixture ofintimidation,persuasion andoutrightbribery.By 1185,however,itwasclear thatasecondexpedition beyondtheEuphrateswould benecessaryifAyyubid authoritywastrulytobe imposed,andMosulbentto hiswill.WithSyriaand Egyptaffordedamarginof protectionbyaone-yeartruce agreedwithRaymondof Tripolithatspring,Saladin setouteastfromAleppowith alargearmyinthecompany ofIsaandal-Mashtub,and theywerelaterjoinedby Keukburi. Stillconcernedtouphold hisimageasadefenderand unifierofMuslims,Saladin dispatchedenvoysto Baghdadtojustifythis campaign,drawingupona nowfamiliararrayof allegations.Atfirst,itseemed thatIzzal-DinofMosul wouldbewillingtonegotiate asettlement,buthisattempts atdiplomacyproved desultoryandwereprobably designedsimplytostymie Ayyubidmilitaryimpetus. Beforelong,thesultan committedtoasecondsiege ofMosulthroughthe scorchingsummer.This provedtobealargely uneventfulaffair–indeed, progresswassoslowthat Saladinevenconsidereda wildlyambitiousplanto breakMosuliresistanceby divertingthemightyRiver Tigrisawayfromthecity, cuttingitswatersupply.In Augusthemovednorthto mopupeasierconquestsin theDiyarBakrregionofthe UpperTigrisandbyautumn mostofMesopotamia’s Muslimpotentateshadeither beenwonovertohiscauseor forcedintosubmission.As yet,Izzal-Dinremained unbowed,buthisresistance appearstohavebeenebbing. Facingmortality Itwasatthispoint,on3 December1185,thatthe sultanfellillwithafeverand retiredtoHarran.Asthe weeksturnedintomonths,his strengthwanedandthe concernsofthosearoundhim deepened.Throughoutthis period,Imadal-Din,whohad travelledeastwithSaladin, exchangedastreamof anxiousletterswithal-Fadil backinDamascus.Their wordslaybarethedeepening concern,fearandconfusion thatnowgrippedtheAyyubid world.Twiceitseemedthat thesultan’shealthwas returning,andthatthedanger waspast–atonepointalFadilevenhappilyreported thathehadreceivedanote writteninSaladin’sownhand –yetonbothoccasionsthe sultanrelapsed.Hiscourt physicians,whohadnow arrivedfromSyria,wereleft toargueaboutpossible treatments,evenasSaladin’s minddriftedinandoutof lucidityandhisbodybecame emaciated.Byhisside throughout,Imadal-Din wrotethat‘as[thesultan’s] painincreased,sotoodidhis hopeinGod’sgrace’,and grimlyobservedthat‘the spreadofbadnews...could notbeconcealed,especially whenthedoctors[came]out andsaidthattherewasno hope...thenyoucouldsee peoplesendingofftheir treasures’.Inearly1186,alFadilwrotethatinDamascus ‘hearts[are]palpitatingand tongues[are]fullof rumours’,beggingthatthe sultanbebroughtbackfrom thefrontiersofhislandsto thesecurityofSyria. InJanuary,Saladin dictatedhiswilland,bymidFebruary,al-Adilhadarrived fromAleppotolendhis support,butalsotobeon handtotakeupthereinsof powershouldthatprove necessary.Meanwhile, anotherAyyubidslipped awayfromHarrantofoment rebellion.Nasiral-Din, Shirkuh’sson,seemstohave harbouredacancerous jealousyofhiscousin Saladin’srisetopowerin Egypt,aregionwhichhe himselfmighthaveclaimed asShirkuh’sheirbackin 1169.ThegiftofHomshad boughtgrudgingloyaltyin the1170s,butwiththe sultan’sdemiseseemingly imminent,Nasiral-Dinnow sawachanceforhisown advancement.Quietly amassingtroopsinSyria,he laidfurtiveplansforthe seizureofDamascus.His timingproveddisastrous.In thefinaldaysofFebruary,the sultan’sconditionturneda cornerandhebegantomake aslowbutlastingrecovery. By3MarchNasiral-Dinwas dead.Officiallyhehad succumbedtoadiseasethat worked‘fasterthantheblink ofaneye’,butrumourhadit thathehadbeenpoisonedby oneofSaladin’sDamascene agents. Saladinhadbeenbrought facetofacewithhisown mortalityinearly1186.Ithas oftenbeensuggestedthathe emergedachangedman, havingpausedtoconsiderhis life,hisfaithandhis achievementsinthemany warsfoughtagainstthe Franksandhisfellow Muslims.Certainlysome contemporariesrepresented thisasamomentofprofound transformationinthesultan’s career,afterwhichhe dedicatedhimselftothecause ofjihadandthepursuitof Jerusalem’srecovery.Atthe heightofhisillness,he apparentlyvowedtocommit allhisenergytothisend, regardlessofthehumanand financialsacrificeexacted. Imadal-Dinwrotethatthis afflictionhadbeendivinely appointed,‘towake[Saladin] fromthesleepof forgetfulness’,andnotedthat thesultansubsequently consultedIslamicjuristsand theologiansabouthisspiritual obligations.Al-Fadil,who hadlobbiedagainsttheMosul campaigninthefirstplace, nowlookedtoconvince Saladintorenounce aggressionagainstMuslims. Inpracticalterms,Saladin’s infirmityforcedhimtoaccept acompromisewithMosulin March1186.TheZangid rulerIzzal-Dinremainedin power,butrecognisedthe sultanasoverlord,including hisnameintheFridayprayer andpromisingtocontribute troopstotheholywar.60 Saladin’scareerto1186 Formodernscholars–most notablyintheclassicpolitical biographyofSaladinby MalcolmLyonsandDavid Jacksonpublishedin1982– Saladin’sbrushwithdeath provedrevelatoryinanother regard,foritraisedthe pointedquestionofhow Saladinmightberegardedby historyhadfate’scourse transectedadifferentpath, bringinghislifetoanendat Harraninearly1186.Lyons’ andJackson’sswingeing conclusionthatSaladinwould berememberedas‘a moderatelysuccessfulsoldier [and]adynastwhoused Islamforhisownpurposes’is instructive,ifsomewhat blunt.Uptothispoint,the sultanhadmadeonlya limitedcontributiontothe jihad,spendingsomethirtythreemonthsfightingagainst Muslimssince1174andonly elevencombatingtheFranks. Hewasausurperwithan obviousappetiteforpower andamarkedfacilityforits accumulation–anaggressive autocratwhorepeatedly seizedMuslimterritoryto whichhehadnorightful claimandmadefulsomeuse ofpropagandatojustifyhis actionsandblackenthe namesofhisopponents.Of course,notallhistorianshave acceptedthisviewofSaladin. Somestillpersistin suggestingthathewas obsessedwiththeholywar againsttheFranksthroughout hiscareer–alwaysbuilding towardsafull-scaleattackon thekingdomofJerusalemand everseekingtobringhis Christianenemiestobattle– but,onbalance,the contemporaryevidence suggeststhattheyare wrong.61 Itisnotsurprisingthat Saladin’saimsupto1186 continuetobedebated, becauseevencontemporaries disputedthisissue.Some praisedthesultan.Writing shortlybeforehisdeath (probablyin1185),William ofTyrebelievedthatthe Ayyubidrulerposedagrave andimmediatethreattothe continuedsurvivalof Outremer,butnonetheless commendedhimas‘aman wiseincounsel,valiantin battleandgenerousbeyond measure’.62Nevertheless, otheropponentsand supporters–fromtheproZangidIraqichroniclerIbn al-Athirtothesultan’s personalsecretaryal-Fadil– knewonlytoowellthat Saladin’slackof wholehearteddedicationto thejihadlefthimdangerously exposedtoaccusationsof self-servingempirebuilding. Hadthesultandiedinearly 1186thequestionofhis intentionswouldhave remainedunanswered.Asit was,helivedon,withthecall toholywarharkeninginhis ears. 12 HOLYWARRIOR Inthespringof1186,with theworstofhisillnessbehind him,Saladin–nowsome forty-eightyearsold– returnedtoDamascus.Much oftheremainderofthatyear wasgivenovertohis protractedconvalescence,and thecalmerrecreationsof theologicaldebate,hawking andhunting,ashisphysical vitalityslowlyrekindled. Thatsummer,onemarked distractionwasprovidedby thepredictionofan impendingapocalypse.For decades,astrologershad foretoldthat,on16 September1186,a momentousplanetary alignmentwouldstirupa devastatingwindstorm, scouringtheEarthoflife. Thisbleakprophecyhad circulatedamongMuslims andChristiansalike,butthe sultannonethelessthoughtit ridiculous.Hemadeapoint ofholdingacandlelit,openairpartyontheappointed nightofdisaster,evenas ‘feeble-mind[ed]’fools huddledincavesand undergroundshelters. Needlesstosay,theevening passedwithoutevent;indeed, oneofhiscompanions pointedlyremarkedthat‘we neversawanightascalmas that’. Whilehishealthgradually improved,Saladinlookedto reorganisethebalanceand distributionofpowerwithin whatcouldnowbetermedhis AyyubidEmpire.One prioritywasthepromotionof hiseldestsonal-Afdalas primaryheir.Theyoung princeling,nowaround sixteen,wasbroughtnorth fromEgypttoSyria.Entering Damascustocelebrationsfit forasultan,al-Afdalbecame nominaloverlordofthecity, althoughintheyearstocome Saladinoftenkepthimbyhis side,tutoringhiminthearts ofleadership,politicsand war.TwoofSaladin’s youngersonsweresimilarly rewarded.Uthman,aged fourteen,wasappointedruler ofEgypt,andthesultan’s trustedbrotheral-Adil returnedfromAleppotothe Nileregiontoactasthe youngboy’sguardianand governor.Aleppoitself passedtothethirteen-yearoldal-Zahir.Theonly problemspawnedbythis extensivereshufflewas Saladin’snephewTaqialDin.AsgovernorofEgypt since1183,hehadshown worryingtendenciestowards independentaction.Withthe aidofQaragush(whom Saladinhadappointedto overseetheCairenecourtin 1169),Taqial-Dinhadlaid plansforacampaign westwardsalongtheNorth Africancoastthatwouldhave deprivedthesultanof valuabletroops.Rumours alsoaboundedthat,duringthe sultan’sillness,Taqial-Din hadbeenpreparingtodeclare hisautonomy.Inautumn 1186,Isa,everthe consummatediplomat,was taskedwiththedelicate missionofpersuadinghimto relinquishhisholdonEgypt andreturntoSyria.Arriving unexpectedlyatCairo,Isa wasinitiallygreetedwith prevarication,butthen apparentlyadvisedTaqialDinto‘Gowhereveryou want.’Thisseeminglyneutral statementpossessedanicily threateningundertone,and Saladin’snephewsoonleft forDamascus,wherehewas welcomedbackintothefold andrewardedwithhisformer lordshipatHamaandfurther landsinthenewlysubdued regionofDiyarBakr.63 ThequestionofTaqialDin’scontinuedsubservience reflectedawiderissue.To sustainhisburgeoning empire,Saladinreliedupon thesupportofhiswider family,butthesultanwas alsodeterminedtoprotectthe interestsofhissons,the directperpetuatorsofthe Ayyubidbloodline.Saladin hadtoachieveadelicate balance–heneededto harnessthedriveand ambitionofkinsmenlike Taqial-Din,becausetheir energywasvitaltothe continuedpreservationand expansionoftherealm;butat thesametime,their independencehadtobe curbed.InTaqial-Din’scase, Saladinhopedtoensure loyaltybyofferinghis nephewtheprospectof continuedadvancementin UpperMesopotamia. ISLAMUNITED? Saladin’sattemptstoshape thedynasticfortunesofthe AyyubidEmpirein1186 were,tosomeextent,adirect functionoftheincreased powerandterritoryhehad nowaccumulated.Since emergingasapoliticaland militaryforcein1169,hehad mastermindedthesubjugation ofNearEasternIslam, extendinghisauthorityover Cairo,Damascus,Aleppoand largestretchesof Mesopotamia.TheFatimid caliphate’sabolitionhad broughtthecripplingdivision betweenSunniSyriaand Shi‘iteEgypttoanend, usheringinaneweraofpanLevantineMuslimaccord. Theseachievements, unparalleledinrecenthistory, surpassedeventhoseofNur al-Din.Onthefaceofit, SaladinhadunitedIslam fromtheNiletothe Euphrates;hiscoinage, circulatingthroughouthis realmandfarbeyond,now boretheinscription‘the sultanofIslamandthe Muslims’,starkproclamation ofhisall-encompassing, almosthegemonicauthority. Thisimagehasoftenbeen acceptedbymodern historians–anattitude typifiedbyonescholar’s recentassertionthatafter 1183‘theruleofallSyriaand Egyptwasin[Saladin’s] hands’.64 YetthenotionthatSaladin nowpresidedoveraworldof completeandenduring Muslimunityisprofoundly misleading.His‘empire’, constructedthroughamixture ofdirectconquestand coercivediplomacy,wasin truthmerelyabrittle amalgamofdisparateand distantpolities,manyof whichwereadministeredby client-rulerswhoseallegiance mighteasilyfalter.Evenin Cairo,DamascusandAleppo –thelinchpinsofhisrealm– thesultanhadtorelyupon thecontinuedfidelityand cooperationofhisfamily, virtuesthatwerenever assured.Elsewhere,inthe likesofMosul,AsiaMinor andtheJazira,Ayyubid supremacywaslargely ephemeral,dependentupon loosealliancesandtaintedby barelysubmergedantipathy. In1186thespellheld.But itdidsoonlybecauseSaladin hadsurvivedhisillnessand stillpossessedthewealth, mightandinfluenceto manifesthiswill.Intheyears thatfollowed,theworkof sustainingandgoverning suchageographically expansiveandpolitically incongruentempiretestedthe sultantobreakingpoint.And thestruggletocounteractthe ingrainedcentrifugalforces thatcouldsoreadilyripapart theAyyubidEmpireproved constantandconsuming. Evenaftersomeseventeen yearsofunrelentingstruggle, Saladin’sworkwasnotdone. Amidsttheholywartocome, hecouldcallupona dedicated,loyalistcoreof battle-hardenedtroops,but forthemostpartthesultan stoodattheheadofafragile, oftenrestive,coalition,ever consciousthathisrealm mightbedisruptedby insurrection,rebellionor cessation.Thisfactwasof paramountimportance,forit shapedmuchofhisthinking andstrategy,oftenforcing himtofollowthepathofleast resistancetoseekswift,selfperpetuatingvictories. Contemporariesandmodern historiansalikehave sometimescriticised Saladin’squalitiesasa militarycommanderinthis laterphaseofhiscareer, arguingthathelackedthe backbonetoprosecutecostly andprolongedsieges.Infact, hedependeduponspeedof actionandongoingsuccessto maintainmomentum,clearin theknowledgethatifthe Muslimwarmachineground toahalt,itmightwell collapse. Atafundamentallevel, Saladin’sempirehadalso beenforgedagainstthe backdropofjihad;atevery stephejustifiedtheextension ofAyyubidauthorityasa meanstoanend.Unity beneathhisbannermayhave beenboughtataheavyprice, buthearguedthatitwas directedatonesolepurpose: thejihadtodrivetheFranks fromPalestineandliberate theHolyCity.This ideologicalimpulsehad provedtobeanenormously potentinstrument,fuelling andlegitimisingthemotorof expansion,butitcameata near-unavoidablecost.Unless Saladinwishedtoberevealed asafraudulentdespot,allhis promisesofunbending devotiontothecausemust nowbefulfilledandthelongawaitedwarwaged. Certainly,intheaftermathof hisillness,andwhatmay havebeenaperiodof deepeningspirituality,the sultan’spromulgationofthe jihadbecameevermore active.ReveredIslamic scholarslikethebrothersIbn QudamaandAbdal-Ghani, bothlong-timeproponentsof Saladin’scause,wereamong thosewhocontributedtoa quickeningofreligious fanaticism.InDamascus,and acrosstherealm,religious tractsandpoemsonthefaith, theobligationofjihadandthe overridingdevotional significanceofJerusalemall wererecitedatmassedpublic gatheringswithincreasing regularity.Bytheendof 1186,itappearsthatthe sultanhadnotonly recognisedthepolitical necessityforanall-out assaultontheLatins,buthad alsoembracedthestruggle aheadatapersonallevel. Thisisborneoutbythe testimonyofoneofSaladin’s fewcriticsamong contemporaryMuslim commentators,theMosuli historianIbnal-Athir. Recordingawarcouncilfrom early1187,thechronicler wrote: Oneof[Saladin’s]emirssaidtohim: ‘Thebestplaninmyopinionisto invadetheirterritory[and]ifany Frankishforcestandsagainstus,we shouldmeetit.Peopleintheeastcurse usandsay,“Hehasgivenupfighting theinfidelsandhasturnedhisattention tofightingMuslims.”[Weshould]take acourseofactionthatwillvindicateus andstoppeople’stongues.’ Ibnal-Athir’sintentionwas tocensureAyyubid expansionism,whileevoking thetideofpublicpressureand expectationnowattendanton thesultan.Buthewentonto suggestthatSaladin experiencedabrief,but significant,momentofselfrealisationatthismeeting. AccordingtoIbnal-Athir,the sultandeclaredhis determinationtogotowar andthenmournfullyobserved that‘affairsdonotproceedby man’sdecision[and]wedo notknowhowmuchremains ofourlives’.Perhapsitwas thesultan’sownsenseof mortalitythatmovedhimto action;whateverthereason,a changedoesseemtohave occurred.Realquestions remainaboutthetrueextent ofhisdeterminationto combattheFranksinthelong yearsbetween1169and 1186,butregardlessofwhat hadgonebefore,in1187 Saladinbroughtthefullforce ofhisempiretobearagainst thekingdomofJerusalem.He wasnowdoggedlyresolved tobringtheChristianstofull anddecisivebattle.65 AKINGDOM UNDONE ThisupsurgeofAyyubid aggressioncoincidedwitha deepeningcrisisinLatin Palestine.Atsomepoint betweenMayandmidSeptember1186theyoung KingBaldwinVofJerusalem died,andarancorous successiondisputeerupted. CountRaymondofTripoli, whohadbeenactingas regent,schemedtoseizethe throne,buthewas outmanoeuvredbySibylla (BaldwinIV’ssister)andher husband,GuyofLusignan. Havingwonthesupportof PatriarchHeraclius,alarge proportionofthenobilityand theMilitaryOrders,Sibylla andGuymanagedtohave themselvescrownedand anointedasqueenandking. Raymondtriedtoengineeran outrightcivilwar, proclaimingHumphreyof ToronandhiswifeIsabellaas therightfulmonarchsof Jerusalem.But,perhaps mindfuloftheterrible damagethatmightbe wroughtshouldthisclaimbe pursued,Humphreydeclined tostepforward. Asking,oneofGuy’sfirst stepswastobuytimeto restoresomesenseoforderto therealmbyrenewingthe treatywithSaladinuntilApril 1187inreturnforsome 60,000goldbezants.Guywas adivisivefigure–Baldwinof Ibelinwassodisgustedbyhis elevationthathegaveuphis lordshipandmovedto Antioch–and,asking,Guy’s policyofputtingfamily membersfromPoitouinto positionsofpowercaused furtherunease.Todealwith hismostpowerfulenemy, RaymondofTripoli,Guy seemstohavehatchedaplan toseizethelordshipof Galileebyforce.Butin response,Raymondtookthe quitedrasticstepofseeking protectionfromSaladin himself.Muslimsources indicatethatmanyofthe sultan’sadviserswere suspiciousofthisapproach, butthatSaladinrightly judgedittobeanhonestoffer ofalliance,theproductofthe desperatedivisionthatnow afflictedtheFranks.Tothe evidenthorrorofmanyofhis Latincontemporaries, RaymondwelcomedMuslim troopsintoTiberias,tobolster thetown’sgarrison,andgave Ayyubidforceslicenceto travelunhinderedthroughhis Galileanlands.Atthisworst moment,thecount perpetratedanactoftreason, engenderingevengreater disunityamongthe Christians. Then,inthewintermonths of1186and1187,Reynaldof Châtillon,lordofKerak, contravenedthetrucewith theAyyubidsbyattackinga Muslimcaravantravelling throughTransjordanonits wayfromCairotoDamascus. Hismotivesremainopento debate,butbasicgreed probablycombinedwitha realisationthatSaladinwas buildingtowardsamajor offensivetospurReynald intoaction.Certainlyinthe weeksthatfollowedhemade noefforttorepairrelations, bluntlyrefusingthesultan’s demandsforrestitutionofthe stolengoods.Evenwithout Reynald’sraid,Saladin wouldalmostcertainlyhave refusedthatspringtorenew thetrucewithFrankish Palestine,sotheoncepopular contentionthatthelordof Kerakeffectivelyignitedthe wartocomeshouldprobably bediscarded.Nonetheless, Reynald’sexploitsdid reinforcehisstatusasthe Muslimworld’sabhorred enemy.Theyalsoprovided Saladinwithaclearcausefor warfurthertoinflamethe heartofIslam. TOTHEHORNSOF HATTIN Inthespringof1187Saladin begantoamasshisforcesfor aninvasionofPalestine. DrawingtroopsfromEgypt, Syria,theJaziraandDiyar Bakr,heassembledamassive army,withsome12,000 professionalcavalrymenatits heart,supportedbyaround 30,000volunteers.One Muslimeyewitnesslikened themtoapackof‘oldwolves [and]rendinglions’,while thesultanhimselfdescribed howthedustcloudraised whenthisswarminghorde marched‘dark[ened]theeye ofthesun’.Marshallingsuch ahugeforcewasafeatin itself–amusterpointwas appointedinthefertile Hauranregionsouthof Damascusand,withsoldiers comingfromsofarafield,the mobilisationtookmonthsto complete.Thetaskwas overseenbySaladin’seldest son,al-Afdal,inhisfirst majorcommandrole.66 Duringtheearlystagesof the1187campaign,Muslim strategylargelyfollowedthe patternestablishedby Ayyubidattacksinprevious years.InApril,thesultan marchedintoTransjordanto linkupwithforcesadvancing fromNorthAfrica,while prosecutingaseriesof punitiveraidsagainstKerak andMontreal,includingthe widespreaddestructionof crops.ButtheFranksoffered littleornoreactiontothis provocation.Meanwhile,on1 May,al-Afdalparticipatedin acombinedreconnaissance andraidingmissionacross theJordan,testingTiberias’ defenceswhileKeukburiled amountedassaultforceof aroundseventhousandto scouttheFranks’own preferredmusterpointat Saffuriya.Thatnightthey werespottedbywatchmenin Nazareth,andasmallpartyof TemplarsandHospitallers, thentravellingthrough Galileeandledbythemasters ofbothorders,decidedto givebattle.Abloody skirmishfollowedatthe springsofCresson.Vastly outnumbered,around130 Latinknightsand300 infantrywerekilledor captured.TheTemplar MasterGerardofRidefort wasoneofthefewtoescape, buthisHospitaller counterpartwasamongthe dead.Anearlyblowhadbeen struck,buoyingMuslim moraleanddentingChristian manpower.Intheaftermath ofthisshockingdefeat,with theoverwhelmingAyyubid threatnowimpossibleto ignore,KingGuyand RaymondofTripoliwere begrudginglyreconciled,and thecountbrokeoffcontact withSaladin. InlateMaythesultan himselfmarchedintothe Hauranand,asthelasttroop contingentsarrived,movedto theadvancestagingpostof Ashtara,aroundaday’s marchfromtheSeaof Galilee.Henowwasjoined byTaqial-Din,returnedfrom northernSyria,whereaseries ofviciousraidshadforced theFrankishPrince BohemondIIItoagreeterms oftrucethatsafeguarded Aleppofromattack. ThroughoutJune,Saladin madehisfinalplansand preparations,carefully drillinghistroopsand organisingbattleformations, sothathisimmensearmy mightfunctionwith maximumdisciplineand efficiency.Threemain contingentswereformed, withtherightandleftflanks underTaqial-Dinand Keukburirespectively,anda centralforceunderSaladin’s personalcommand.Atlast, onFriday27June1187,the Muslimswerereadyforwar. AcrossingoftheJordanwas madejustsouthoftheSeaof Galileeandtheinvasionof Palestinebegan. Inresponsetotheterrible spectreofIslamicattack, KingGuyhadfollowed standardFrankishprotocol, amassingtheChristianarmy atSaffuriya.Giventhe unprecedentedscaleof Saladin’sforces,thekinghad takenthedrasticstepof issuingageneralcalltoarms, gatheringtogetherpractically everylastscrapofavailable fightingmanpowerin Palestineandusingmoney sentbyKingHenryIIof EnglandtotheHolyLand(in lieuofactuallycrusading)to payforfurthermercenary reinforcements.Amemberof thesultan’sentouragewrote thattheLatinscame‘in numbersdefyingaccountor reckoning,numerousas pebbles,50,000oreven more’,but,inreality,Guy probablypulledtogether around1,200knightsand between15,000and18,000 infantryandTurcopoles.This wasoneofthelargesthosts everassembledbeneaththe TrueCross–theFranks’ totemicsymbolofmartial valourandspiritualdevotion –butitwas,nonetheless, heavilyoutnumberedbythe Muslimhorde.Inmustering thisarmy,theChristianking hadalsotakenaconsiderable gamble,leavingPalestine’s fortressesgarrisonedbythe barestminimumofsoldiers. Shouldthisconflictendina resoundingLatindefeat,the kingdomofJerusalemwould standallbutundefended.67 Saladin’soverriding objectivewastoachievejust suchadecisivevictory, drawingtheFranksaway fromthesafetyofSaffuriya intoafull-scalepitchedbattle ongroundofhischoosing. Butallhisexperienceofwar withJerusalemsuggestedthat theenemywouldnoteasily begoadedintoareckless advance.Inthelastdaysof June,thesultanclimbedout oftheJordanvalleyintothe Galileanuplands,campingin forceatthesmallvillageof KafrSabt(aboutsixmiles south-westofTiberiasand tenmileseastofSaffuriya), amidstanexpansive landscapeofbroadplainsand undulatinghills,peppered withoccasionalrocky outcrops.Hebeganbytesting theenemy,dispatching raidingsortiestoravagethe surroundingcountryside, whilepersonally reconnoitringGuy’s encampmentfromadistance. Afterafewdaysitbecame obviousthat,asexpected,a Latinreactionwouldonlybe elicitedbybolder provocation. On2July1187,Saladin laidhistrap,leadingadawn assaultontheweakly defendedtownofTiberias, whereChristianresistance soonbuckled.Onlythe citadelheldout,proffering precariousrefugetoLady Eschiva,Raymondof Tripoli’swife.Thisnews racedbacktoSaffuriya (indeed,thesultanprobably allowedEschiva’s messengerstoslipthrough) bearingentreatiesforaid. Saladin’shopewasthatthe tidingsofTiberias’stricken conditionwouldforceGuy’s hand.Aseveningfell,the sultanwaitedtoseewhether thisbaitwouldbringforthhis quarry. Lodgedsixteenmiles away,theFrankswerelocked indebate.Atagatheringof therealm’sleadingnobles, presidedoverbyKingGuy, CountRaymondseemsto haveadvisedcautionand patience.Hearguedthatthe riskofdirectconfrontation withsoformidableaMuslim armymustbeavoided,even atthecostofTiberias’fall andhisownspouse’scapture. Giventime,Saladin’shost wouldbreakapart,likeso manyIslamicforcesbeforeit, compellingthesultanto retreat;thenGalileemightbe recovered,andEschiva’s ransomarranged.Others, includingReynaldof ChâtillonandtheTemplar MasterGerardofRidefort, offeredadifferentview. CounsellingGuytoignore thetraitorous,untrustworthy count,theywarnedofthe shameattendantupon cowardlyinactionandurged animmediatemovetorelieve Tiberias.Accordingtoone versionofevents,theking initiallyelectedtoremainat Saffuriya,but,duringthe night,waspersuadedby Gerardtooverturnthis resolution.Infact,themost decisivefactorshapingLatin strategywasprobablyGuy’s ownexperience.Confronted withanear-identicalchoice fouryearsearlier,hehad eschewedbattlewithSaladin and,inconsequence,faced derisionanddemotion.Now, in1187,heembracedbold pugnacityand,onthe morningof3July,hisarmy marchedforthfromSaffuriya. OncenewsreachedSaladin thattheFrankswereonthe move,heimmediately climbedbackintothe Galileanhills,leavingasmall bodyoftroopstomaintainthe footholdgainedinTiberias. Theenemywereadvancing eastwardsincloseorder, almostcertainlyfollowingthe broadRomanroadthatran fromAcretotheSeaof Galilee,withRaymondof Tripoliinthevanguard,the Templarsholdingtherearand infantryscreeningthe cavalry.AMuslim eyewitnessdescribedhow ‘waveuponwave’ofthem cameintosight,remarking that‘theairstank,thelight wasdimmed[and]thedesert wasstunned’bytheir advance.GuyofLusignan’s preciseobjectivesthatfirst dayaredifficulttodivine,but hemay,ratheroptimistically, havehopedtoreachTiberias oratleasttheshoresofthe Galileansea.Thesultanwas determinedtopreventeither eventuality.Sending skirmishersforwardtoharass theChristiancolumn,heheld thebulkofhistroopsonthe openplateaunorthofKafr Sabt,blockingtheirpath. Saladin’sHattinCampaign Saladinrightlygraspedthat accesstowaterwouldplaya crucialroleinthisconflict. Duringhighsummer,soldiers andhorsescrossingsucharid terrainmighteasilybecome dangerouslydehydrated.With thisinmind,heorderedany wellsintheimmediateregion tobefilledin,whileensuring thathisowntroopswerewell suppliedfromthespringat KafrSabtandwithwater ferriedoncamel-backfrom theJordanvalleybelow.Only theamplespringinthe villageofHattinremained,on thenorthernfringeofthe escarpment,andthe approachestothiswerenow heavilyguarded.Thesultan hadcreatedwhatwas,in effect,awaterlesskilling zone.68 Aroundnoonon3July,the Frankspausedforbrief respitebesidethevillageof Turan,whoseminorspring couldtemporarilyquench theirthirstbutwasnot adequatetotheneedsof manythousandmen.Guy musthavebelievedthathe couldstillbreakthroughto Tiberias,fornowheturned hisbackoneventhis insubstantialsanctuary, continuingthecreeping marcheastwards.Buthehad underestimatedthesheer weightofnumbersat Saladin’sdisposal.Holding hiscentralcontingentinplace toblockandhamperthe Christianadvance,thesultan sentKeukburi’sandTaqialDin’sflankingdivisions racingtotakepossessionof Turan,barringanypossibility ofLatinretreat.AstheFranks marchedontheyenteredthe plateauareasocarefully preparedbySaladinforbattle andvictory.Thetraphad beensprung. Neartheday’send,the Christiankinghesitated.A committedfrontalassault, eithereasttowardstheSeaof Galileeornorth-eastto Hattin,mightstillhavehad somechanceofsuccess, enablingtheLatinstobreak throughtowater.Butinstead, Guymadetheforlorn decisiontopitchcampinan entirelywaterless, indefensibleposition,amove thatwastantamounttoan admissionofimpending defeat.Thatnightthe atmosphereinthetwoarmies couldnothavebeenmore different.Hemmedinby Muslimsoldiers‘soclosethat theycouldtalktoone another’andsotightlythat even‘a[fleeing]cat...could nothaveescaped’,theFranks stoodtointheheavy darkness,weakeningeach hourwithterrible,unslaked thirst.Thesultan’stroops, meanwhile,filledtheairwith chantsof‘Allahakhbar,their couragequickening,‘having caughtawhiffoftriumph’,as theirleadermadefinal assiduouspreparationsto deliverhiscoupdegrâce. Fullbattlewasnotjoined withthecomingofdawnon4 July.Instead,Saladinallowed theChristianstomake pitifullyslowprogress, probablyeastwardsalongthe mainRomanroad.Hewas waitingfortheheatoftheday torise,maximisingthe witheringeffectsof dehydrationupontheenemy. Then,tofurtherexacerbate theiragony,Saladin’stroops setscrubfires,sendingclouds ofstiflingsmokebillowing throughthefalteringLatin ranks.Thesultanlaterchided thatthisconflagrationwas‘a reminderofwhatGodhas preparedfortheminthenext world’;itwascertainly enoughtopromptpocketsof infantryandevensome namedknightstobreakranks andsurrender.OneMuslim eyewitnessremarked,‘the Frankshopedforrespiteand theirarmyindesperation soughtawayofescape.But ateverywayouttheywere barred,andtormentedbythe heatofwarwithoutbeing abletorest.’69 Sofar,Muslimskirmishers hadcontinuedtoharassthe enemy,butSaladin’s deadliestweaponhadnot beenunleashed.The precedingnighthehad distributedsome400bundles ofarrowsamonghisarchers andnow,aroundnoon,he orderedafull,scything bombardmenttobegin.As ‘bowshummedandthe bowstringssang’arrowsflew throughtheair‘likeaswarm oflocusts’,killingmenand horses,‘open[ing]greatgaps in[theFrankish]ranks’.With thepanickinginfantrylosing formation,Raymondof Tripolilaunchedacharge towardsTaqial-Din’s contingenttothenorth-east, buttheMuslimtroopssimply partedtodefusetheforceof theiradvance.Finding themselvesbeyondthefray, Raymond,ReynaldofSidon, BalianofIbelinandasmall groupofaccompanying knightsthoughtbetterof returningtothebattleand madegoodtheirescape.A Muslimcontemporarywrote that: Whenthecountfled,[theLatins’] spiritscollapsedandtheywerenearto surrendering.Thentheyunderstoodthat theywouldonlybesavedfromdeathby facingitboldly,sotheycarriedout successivecharges,whichalmostdrove theMuslimsfromtheirpositions despitetheirnumbers,haditnotbeen forGod’sgrace.However,theFranks didnotchargeandretirewithout sufferinglossesandtheyweregravely weakened...TheMuslimssurrounded themasacircleenclosesitscentral point.70 Indesperation,Guysought tomakealaststand,beatinga pathnorth-easttowards higherground,wheretwinned rockyoutcrops–theHornsof Hattin–stoodguardovera saddleoflandandabowl-like craterbeyond.Here,two thousandyearsearlier,Iron Agesettlershadfashioneda rudimentaryhillfort,andits ancientruinedwallsstill offeredtheFranksadegreeof protection.Defiantlyrallying histroopstotheTrueCross, thekingpitchedhisroyalred tentandpreparedthose knightswhoremainedfora final,desperateattack.The Christians’onlyhopenowlay instrikingdirectlyatthe Ayyubidarmy’sheart–at Saladinhimself.For,should thesultan’syellowbanner fall,thetideofbattlemight turn. Yearslater,al-Afdal describedhowhewatched alongsidehisfather,indread, astwicetheFrankslaunched driving,heavychargesover thesaddleoftheHorns, spurringtheirhorsesdirectly towardsthem.Onthefirst occasiontheywerebarely heldback,andtheprince turnedtoseethathisfather ‘wasovercomebygrief... hiscomplexionpale’. Anothereyewitnessdescribed thefearfuldamageinflicted upontheLatinswhenthey wereturnedbacktothe Horns,asthepursuing Muslims’‘pliantlances danced[and]werefedon entrails’andtheir‘sword bladessuckedawaytheir livesandscatteredthemon thehillsides’.Evenso,asalAfdalrecalled: TheFranksregroupedandcharged againasbefore,drivingtheMuslims backtomyfather[butwe]forcedthem toretreatoncemoretothehill.I shouted,‘Wehavebeatenthem!’but myfatherroundedonmeandsaid,‘Be quiet!Wehavenotbeatenthemuntil thattentfalls.’Ashewasspeakingto me,thetentfell.Thesultandismounted, prostratedhimselfinthankstoGod Almightyandweptforjoy. Withtheking’sposition overrun,theTrueCrosswas capturedandthelastshreds ofChristianresistance crumbled.Guyandallthe Latinkingdom’snobles,bar thosefewwhohadescaped, weretakenprisoner,along withthousandsofFrankish survivors.Stillthousands morehadbeenslain.71 Astheclamourofbattle subsided,Saladinsatinthe entrywaytohispalatial campaigntent–muchof whichwasstillbeing hurriedlyerected–toreceive andreviewhismost importantcaptives. Conventionsuggestedthat theybetreatedwithhonour and,intime,perhaps ransomed,butthesultan calledforthtwoinparticular forapersonalaudience:his adversary,thekingof Jerusalem;andhisavowed enemy,ReynaldofChâtillon. Withthepairseatedbeside him,SaladinturnedtoGuy, ‘whowasdyingfromthirst andshakingwithfearlikea drunkard’,graciously profferingagoldenchalice filledwithicedjulep.The kingsuppeddeeplyuponthis rejuvenatingelixir,butwhen hepassedthecuptoReynald, thesultaninterjected,calmly affirmingthroughan interpreter:‘Youdidnothave mypermissiontogivehim drink,andsothatgiftdoes notimplyhissafetyatmy hand.’For,byArabtradition, theactofofferingaguest sustenancewastantamountto apromiseofprotection. AccordingtoaMuslim contemporary,Saladinnow turnedtoReynald,‘berat[ing] himforhissinsand... treacherousdeeds’.Whenthe Frankstaunchlyrefusedan offertoconverttoIslam,the sultan‘rosetofacehimand struckoffhishead...After hewaskilledanddragged away,[Guy]trembledwith fear,butSaladincalmedhis terrors’,assuringhimthathe wouldnotsufferasimilar fate,andthekingof Jerusalemwasledawayinto captivity.72 Thesultan’spersonal secretary,Imadal-Din, summonedforthallhis powersofevocationtodepict thescenehewitnessedas duskfelloverGalileethat evening.‘Thesultan’,he wrote,‘encampedonthe plainofTiberiaslikealionin thedesertorthemooninits fullsplendour’,while‘the deadwerescatteredoverthe mountainsandvalleys,lying immobileontheirsides. Hattinshruggedofftheir carcasses,andtheperfumeof victorywasthickwiththe stenchofthem.’Pickinghis wayacrossabattlefieldthat ‘hadbecomeaseaofblood’, itsdust‘stainedred’,ImadalDinwitnessedthefullhorror ofthecarnageenactedthat day. Ipassedbythemandsawthelimbsof thefallencastnakedonthefieldof combat,scatteredinpiecesoverthesite oftheencounter,laceratedand disjointed,withheadscrackedopen, throatssplit,spinesbroken,necks shattered,feetinpieces,noses mutilated,extremitiestornoff, membersdismembered,partsshredded. Eventwoyearslater,whenan IraqiMuslimpassedbythe battlescene,thebonesofthe dead‘someofthemheaped upandothersscatteredabout’ couldbeseenfromafar. On4July1187,thefield armyofFrankishPalestine wascrushed.Theseizureof theTrueCrossdealta cripplingblowtoChristian moraleacrosstheNearEast. Imadal-Dinproclaimedthat ‘thecrosswasaprizewithout equal,foritwasthesupreme objectoftheirfaith’,andhe believedthat‘itscapturewas forthemmoreimportantthan thelossofthekingandwas thegravestblowthey sustainedinthatbattle’.The relicwasfixed,upsidedown, toalanceandcarriedto Damascus.73 SomanyLatincaptives weretakenthatthemarketsof Syriawerefloodedandthe priceofslavesdroppedto threegolddinars.Withthe exceptionofReynaldof Châtillon,theonlyprisoners tobeexecutedwerethe warriorsoftheMilitary Orders.Thesedeadly Frankish‘firebrands’were deemedtoodangeroustobe leftaliveandwereknownto belargelyworthlessas hostagesbecausetheyusually refusedtoseekransomfor theirrelease.Accordingto Imadal-Din,‘Saladin,his facejoyful,wassittingonhis dais’on6July,whensome 100to200Templarsand Hospitallerswereassembled beforehim.Ahandful acceptedafinalofferof conversiontoIslam;therest weresetuponbyaragged bandof‘scholarsandSufis.. .devoutmenandascetics’, unusedtoactsofviolence. Imadal-Dinlookedonasthe murderbegan. Thereweresomewhoslashedandcut cleanly,andwerethankedforit;some whorefusedandfailedtoact,andwere excused;somewhomadefoolsof themselves,andotherstooktheirplaces ...Isawhow[they]killedunbeliefto givelifetoIslamanddestroyed polytheismtobuildmonotheism. Saladin’svictoryoverthe forcesofLatinChristendom hadbeenabsolute.Justsix dayslaterhewrotealetter relivinghisachievement, affirmingthat‘thegleamof God’sswordhasterrifiedthe polytheists’and‘thedomain ofIslamhasexpanded’.‘It was’,heasserted,‘adayof grace,onwhichthewolfand thevulturekeptcompany, whiledeathandcaptivity followedinturns’;amoment when‘dawn[broke]onthe nightofunbelief’.Intime,he erectedatriumphalDomeon theHornsofHattin,thefaint, ruinedoutlineofwhichcan stillbeseentothisday.74 THEFALLOFTHE CROSS Intheaftermathofthe triumphatHattin,thedoor stoodopentofurtherMuslim success.Thehugelossof Christianmanpoweron4July leftthekingdomofJerusalem inastateofextreme vulnerability,becauseits cities,townsandfortresses hadbeenallbutstrippedof theirgarrisons.Nevertheless, theimmenseadvantagefor Islammightstillhavebeen squanderedhadSaladinnot demonstratedsuchfocused determinationandbeenina positiontodrawuponsodeep awellofresources.Asitwas, throughthatsummer, FrankishPalestinecollapsed withbarelyawhimper. Tiberiascapitulatedalmost immediatelyand,withinless thanaweek,Acre– Outremer’seconomichub– hadlikewisesurrendered.In theweeksandmonthsthat followed,Saladindirected mostofhiseffortsto sweepingupPalestine’s coastalsettlementsandports, andfromnorthtosouththe likesofBeirut,Sidon,Haifa, CaesareaandArsuffellin shortorder.Meanwhile,the sultan’sbrother,al-Adil,who hadbeenalertedimmediately afterHattin,sweptnorthfrom Egypttoseizethevitalport ofJaffa,evenasothersorties wonfurthersuccessesinland. Ascalonofferedstiffer resistance,butbySeptember eventhatporthadbeen forcedintosubmission,and thefallofDarum,Gaza, RamlaandLyddafollowed. EventheTemplarseventually gaveuptheirfortressat Latrun,intheJudeanfoothills enroutetoJerusalem,in returnforthereleaseoftheir master,GerardofRidefort. Themercurialspeedand broadextentofthese successesweredue,inpart,to thesheerweightoftroop numbersandthearrayof reliablelieutenants,likealAdilandKeukburi,at Saladin’sdisposal.This allowedanumberofsemiautonomousAyyubidwar bandstorangeacrossthe kingdom,significantly increasingthescaleandpace ofoperationsandprompting oneLatincontemporaryto observethattheMuslims spread‘likeants,coveringthe wholefaceofthecountry’.In truth,however,theshapeof eventsthroughthatsummer waslargelydeterminedby Saladin’sstrategy.Conscious thatIslamicunitycouldonly bepreservedbymomentum inthefield,hesoughtto diffuseChristianresistance byembracingapolicyof clemencyandconciliation. Fromthestart,generous termsofsurrenderwere offeredtoFrankish settlements–forinstance, evenLatinsourcesadmitted that‘thepeopleofAcre’were presentedwithanopportunity toremaininthetown,living underMuslimrule,‘safeand sound,payingthetaxwhich iscustomarybetween ChristiansandSaracens’, whilethosewhowishedto leave‘weregivenfortydays inwhichtotakeawaytheir wivesandchildrenandtheir goods’.75 Similartermsseemtohave beengiventoanytownor fortresscapitulatingwithout resistanceand,crucially, thesedealswereupheld.By keepinghiswordandnot simplyransackingtheLevant, Saladinquicklyaugmented hisreputationforintegrity andhonour.Thisprovedtobe apowerfulweapon,forwhen confrontedwithachoiceof hopelessdefianceorassured survival,mostenemy garrisonssurrendered.Bythis means,thekingdomof Jerusalemwasconquered withstartlingrapidityandat minimalcosttoresources. Nonetheless,thisapproach wasnotwithoutits drawbacks.FromJuly1187 onwards,largeswathesofthe Latinpopulationbecame refugeesand,truetohis promises,thesultanallowed themsafeconducttoaport, fromwhere,itwasexpected, theywouldtakesail,perhaps toSyriaortheWest.Infact, hundredsandthenthousands ofFrankssoughtsanctuaryin whatbecamePalestine’ssole remainingFrankishport–the heavilyfortifiedcityofTyre. Saladinwasnow confrontedwithamomentous choice.Muchofthecoastline andinteriorhadbeen subjugated,but,asthe summerwaned,itwas apparentthatonlyonefinal pushtowardsconquestmight bepossiblebeforetheonset ofwinterbroughtthefighting seasontoanend.Aprimary targetneededtobeidentified. Instrictlystrategicterms, Tyrewastheobvious priority:strengtheningwith eachpassingday,abastionof Latinresistance,itoffereda lifelineofnaval communicationwith Outremer’ssurviving remnantstothenorthand withthewiderChristian worldbeyond.Assuch,its continueddefiancegiftedthe enemyaclawingfoothold, fromwhichanattemptto rebuildtheshatteredcrusader kingdommight,intime,be launched.Nonetheless,the sultanelectedtoleaveTyre untouched,twicebypassing theportonhisjourneysnorth andsouth.TheIraqi chroniclerIbnal-Athirsawfit tocriticisethisdecision, arguingthat‘Tyrelayopen andundefendedfrom Muslims,andifSaladinhad attackedit[earlierinthe summer]hewouldhavetaken iteasily’,andsomemodern historianshavefollowedthis lead,suggestingalackof foresightonthesultan’spart. Suchviewsdepend,inlarge part,uponwisdombornof hindsight.InearlySeptember 1187,Saladinrecognisedthat aprotractedsiegeatTyre mightwellbringhisentire campaigntoagrindinghalt, causingtheAyyubid-led Islamiccoalitiontosplinter. Ratherthanhazardthis,the sultanprioritisedhiscore ideologicalobjective,turning inlandtodirectthefullforce ofhisarmyeast,towards Jerusalem.76 ToJerusalem IsolatedamidtheJudean hills,theHolyCity’svalueas amilitaryobjectivewas limited.Butdecadesof preachingandpropaganda, engineeredbyNural-Dinand Saladin,hadreaffirmed Jerusalem’sstatusasIslam’s mostsacredsiteoutside Arabia.Thecity’s compelling,almostmesmeric, spiritualsignificancenow drewtheMuslimson.Fora warpredicateduponthe notionofjihaditwasthe inevitableandultimategoal. Havingsagelybroughtthe Egyptiannavynorthto defendJaffaagainstChristian counter-attack,andwiththe Latinoutpostsdefendingthe easternapproachestoJudea readilysubdued,Saladin’s armiesdescendedupon Jerusalemon20September 1187.Thesultanhadcome withtensofthousandsof troopsandheavysiege weapons,readyfora prolongedconfrontation,but despitebeingpackedwith refugees,thecitywas desperatelyshortoffighting manpower.Within,Queen SibyllaandPatriarch Heracliusprofferedsome direction,buttherealburden ofleadershipfelltoBalianof Ibelin.Afterescapingfrom thedisasteratHattin,Balian hadtakenrefugeinTyre,but Saladinlatergrantedhimsafe passagetotheHolyCityso thatBalianmightescorthis wifeMariaComnenaandher childrentosafety.The understandingwasthatBalian wouldremaininJerusalem forjustonenight,butupon arrivalhewasquickly persuadedtorenegeonthis agreementandstayonto organiseresistance.With onlythebaresthandfulof knightsathisdisposal,Balian tooktheexpedientstepof knightingeverynoble-born maleovertheageofsixteen andafurtherthirtyof Jerusalem’srichercitizens. Healsosoughttostrengthen thecity’sfortifications whereverpossible.Inspiteof hisbestefforts,Muslim numericalsuperiority remainedutterly overwhelming. Saladinbeganhisoffensive withanattackonthewestern walls,butafterfivedaysof inconclusivefightingbythe TowerofDavid,shiftedfocus tothemorevulnerable northernsector,aroundthe DamascusGate–perhaps unwittinglyfollowingthe precedentsetbytheFirst Crusaders.On29September, inthefaceoffiercebut ultimatelyfutileresistance, Muslimsappersachieveda majorbreachinJerusalem’s walls.TheHolyCitywas nowallbutdefenceless. Hopingforamiracle, Frankishmothersshavedtheir children’sheadsinatonement andtheclergyledbarefoot processionsthroughthe streets,butinpracticalterms nothingcouldbedone; conquestwasinevitable. Saladin’sintentionsin September1187 Thesultan’sreactiontothis situationandtheprecise mannerofJerusalem’s subjugationareimmensely significantbecausetheyhave beeninstrumentalinshaping Saladin’sreputationinhistory andinpopularimagination. Somefacts,attestedinboth MuslimandChristian sources,areirrefutable. Ayyubidtroopsdidnotsack theHolyCity.Instead, probablyon30September, termsofLatinsurrenderwere agreedbetweenthesultanand BalianofIbelin,and,without furtherspillingofblood, SaladinenteredJerusalemon 2October1187.Overthe centuries,greatweighthas beenattachedtothis ‘peaceful’occupation,and twointerconnectednotions havegainedwidespread currency.Theseeventsare seentodemonstrateastriking differencebetweenIslamand LatinChristianity,because theFirstCrusade’sconquest in1099involvedabrutal massacre,whereasthe Ayyubids’momentof triumphseemstoreveala capacityfortemperanceand humancompassion.Ithas alsobeenwidelysuggested thatSaladinwasonlytoo consciousofthecomparison withtheFirstCrusade,being awareofwhatanegotiated surrendermightmeanforthe imageofIslam,for contemporaryperceptionsof hisowncareerandforthe markhewouldleaveupon history.77 Theproblemwiththese viewsisthattheyarenot supportedbythemost importantcontemporary testimony.Twostrandsof evidencearevital–the accountwrittenbyImadalDin,Saladin’ssecretary,who arrivedinJerusalemon3 October1187;andaletter fromSaladintothecaliphin Baghdad,datingfromshortly afterJerusalem’ssurrender. Thepointisnotthatthis materialshouldbetrusted simplybecauseitwas authoredbythoseclosestto events,butratherthatitoffers aninsightintohowthesultan himselfconceivedofand wishedtopresentwhat happenedattheHolyCity thatautumn. Bothsourcesindicatethat, bytheendofSeptember 1187,Saladinintendedto sackJerusalem.Accordingto Imadal-Din,thesultantold Balianattheirinitialmeeting: ‘Youwillreceiveneither amnestynormercy!Ouronly desireistoinflictperpetual subjectionuponyou...We shallkillandcaptureyou wholesale,spillmen’sblood andreducethepoorandthe womentoslavery.’Thisis confirmedinSaladin’sletter, whichnotedthatinresponse totheFranks’firstrequests forterms‘werefusedpoint blank,wishingonlytoshed thebloodofthemenandto reducethewomenand childrentoslavery’.Atthis point,however,Balian threatenedthat,unless equitableconditionsof surrenderwereagreed,the Latinswouldfighttothevery lastman,destroying Jerusalem’sIslamicHoly Placesandexecutingthe thousandsofMuslim prisonersheldinsidethecity. Thiswasadesperategambit, butitforcedthesultan’s hand,andbegrudginglyhe agreedadeal.Theeyewitness sourcesrevealanunderlying awarenessthatthisaccord mightbeperceivedasasign ofAyyubidweakness.Inhis letter,Saladincarefully justifiedhisdecision, stressingthathisemirshad convincedhimtoaccepta settlementsoastoavoidany furtherunnecessarylossof Muslimlifeandtosecurea victorythatwasalreadyall butwon.Imadal-Din reiteratedthisidea,describing atlengtha‘councilmeeting’, duringwhichthesultan soughttheadviceofhis leadinglieutenants.78 Thisevidenceoffersa glimpseofSaladin’sown mindsetin1187.Itsuggests thathisprimaryinstinctwas nottopresenthimselfasa justandmagnanimousvictor. Norwasheimmediately concernedtoparallelhisown actionswiththoseoftheFirst Crusadersor,throughsome grandgesture,torevealIslam asaforceforpeace.Infact, neitherthesultan’sletternor Imadal-Din’saccountmakes anyexplicitreferencetothe 1099massacre.Instead, Saladinactuallyfelttheneed toexplainandexcusehis failuretobutchertheFranks insideJerusalemoncea breachinthecity’sdefences wasmade.Thiswasbecause, aboveallelse,hefearedan attackuponhisimageasa warriordedicatedtothejihad –asarulerwhohadforced IslamtoacceptAyyubid dominationonthepromiseof waragainsttheFranks. Thisinsightmightcause somere-evaluationof Saladin’scharacterand intentions,butitshouldnot promptthependulumto swingtowardsatotal,polar opposite.Thesultan’s behaviourmustbejudgedin itspropercontext,against contemporarystandards.By thismeasure,Saladin’s conductinautumn1187was relativelylenient.79 Accordingtothecustomsof medievalwarfare–which, broadlyspeaking,were sharedandrecognisedby LevantineMuslimsand FrankishChristiansalike– theinhabitantsofabesieged citywhostaunchlyrefusedto capitulaterightupuntilthe momentthattheir fortificationswerebreached orovercomecouldexpect harshtreatment.Typically,in suchasituation,the defenders’opportunityto negotiatehadpassedandtheir menwouldbekilled,their womenandchildren enslaved.Evenifthefinal settlementinJerusalemwas heavilyinfluencedby Balian’sthreats,bythenorms ofthedaythetermsthat Saladindidagreewere generous–and,more importantstill,theywere honoured. Thesultanalsoactedwith amarkeddegreeofcourtesy andclemencyinhisdealings withhisaristocratic‘equals’ amongtheFranks.Balianof Ibelinwasforgivenfor breakinghispromisenotto remaininJerusalem,andan escortwasevenprovidedto takeMariaComnenatoTyre. ReynaldofChâtillon’s widow,StephanieofMilly, waslikewisereleasedwithout anydemandforransom. Theconditionsofsurrender settleduponaround30 Septembercontaineda numberoffundamental provisions.Jerusalem’s Christianpopulacewasgiven fortydaystobuytheir freedomataprescribedcost oftendinarsforaman,five forawomanandonefora child.Inaddition,theywould begivensafeconducttothe LatinoutpostsatTyreor Tripoliandtherighttocarry awaytheirpersonal possessions.Onlyhorsesand weaponryhadtobeleft behind.Afterfortydaysthose unabletopaytheransom wouldbetakencaptive.Inthe main,thisagreementwas followedand,insome instances,Saladinshowed evengreatergenerosity. Balianforinstancewasable, inreturnforonelumpsumof 30,000dinars,tosecurethe releaseof7,000Christians, andattemptsappeartohave beenmadetoarrangea generalamnestyforthepoor. Onceenacted,thetermsof capitulationresultedina near-constantstreamof refugeesfromJerusalem,as bandsofdisarmedFranks wereescortedtothecoast.In practice,thesystemof ransomsprovedtobean administrativenightmarefor Saladin’sofficials.ImadalDinadmittedthatcorruption, includingbribery,wasrife, andhebemoanedthefactthat onlyafractionofthemoney owedwaseverlodgedinthe sultan’streasury.Many Latinsapparentlyslipped throughthenet:‘Some peoplewereletdownfrom thewallsonropes,some carriedouthiddeninluggage, somechangedtheirclothes andwentoutdressedas [Muslim]soldiers.’The sultan’swillingnesstoallow theFrankstodepartwiththeir possessionsalsolimitedthe amountofplunder.Patriarch Heracliusapparentlyleftthe cityweigheddownwith treasures,but‘Saladinmade nodifficulties,andwhenhe wasadvisedtosequestratethe wholelotforIslam,replied thathewouldnotgobackon hisword.Hetookonlythe tendinarsfrom[Heraclius], andlethimgotoTyreunder heavyguard.’Attheendof theallottedfortydays,atotal of7,000menand8,000 womenweresaidtohave remainedunransomed,and theyweretakencaptiveand enslaved.80 Onbalance,Saladincannot besaidtohaveactedwith saintlyclemencythatautumn, butneithercanhebeaccused ofruthlessbarbarismor duplicity.Intheversionof eventshebroadcasttothe Muslimworld,thesultan clearlypresentedhimselfasa mujahidwilling,eveneager, toputtheJerusalemiteFranks tothesword,butitis impossibletodetermine whetherthiswashistrue intent.Asitwas,once confrontedbyBalian’s threats,Saladinchose negotiationover confrontationandwentonto showaconsiderabledegree ofrestraintinhisdealings withtheLatins. Jerusalem’striumphant reconquestmarkedthe apogeeofSaladin’scareerto date.Crucially,hecouldnow drawuponthisepochal achievementtolegitimisehis unificationofIslamandto refuteanychargesofselfservingdespotism.Thesetwo themesofastoundingvictory and‘innocence’affirmed permeatedhislettertothe caliph–theyalsoformedthe backboneofafurtherseventy letterswrittenbyImadal-Din thatautumn,publicisingthe Ayyubids’success.81 Jerusalemrepossessed ThedayofJerusalem’s formalsurrenderwasselected withsomecare,soasto emphasisethesultan’simage asaprovenchampionofthe faith.Centuriesearlier, Muhammadhimselfwassaid tohavemadehisNight JourneytoJerusalem, ascendingfromthereto Heavenon2October. Drawingclearparallels betweenhisownlifeandthat oftheProphet,Saladinchose thatsamedatein1187to makehistriumphalentrance. Oncewithinthewallsofthe HolyCity,thetransformative workofIslamicisationbegan apace.ManyChristian shrinesandchurcheswere strippedoftheirtreasuresand closed;somewereconverted intomosques,madrasas (teachingcolleges)or religiousconvents.Thefate oftheHolySepulchrewas debatedintensely,withsome advocatingitstotal destruction.Moremoderate voicesprevailed,arguingthat Christianpilgrimswouldstill continuetoreverethesite evenifthebuildingwere razedtotheground,and Saladinwasremindedthat Umar,Jerusalem’sfirst Muslimconqueror,hadleft thechurchuntouched. Thespiritualdimensionof Saladin’sachievementwas manifestedmostclearlyinthe assiduouscarewithwhichhe andhismensetabout ‘purifying’Jerusalem’sholy places.Chiefamongthese weretwositeswithinthe Haramas-Sharif(nowalso knownastheTempleMount) –theDomeoftheRockand theAqsamosque.Intheeyes ofIslam,theFrankshad subjectedbothofthesesacred buildingstothegravest desecration.Nowthiswork wasdutifullyundone.Under Latinrule,theDome–built byMuslimsinthelate seventhcenturyandbelieved tohousetherockuponwhich Abrahampreparedto sacrificehissonandfrom whichMuhammadascended toheavenduringhisNight Journey–hadbeen transformedintotheTemplum Domini(ChurchofOur Lord),itsresplendentgoldenhueddomeadornedwitha hugecross.Thissymbolwas rippeddownimmediately,the Christianaltarwithinandall picturesandstatuesremoved, androsewaterandincense usedtocleansetheentire structure.Afterthis,one Muslimeyewitnessproudly proclaimedthat‘theRockhas beencleansedofthefilthof theinfidelsbythetearsofthe pious’,emerginginastateof purity,like‘ayoungbride’. Later,aninscriptionwas placedupontheDome, commemoratingthesultan’s achievement:‘Saladinhas purifiedthissacredhouse fromthepolytheists.’ Similarworkwas undertakenattheAqsa mosque,whichtheFranks hadfirstusedasaroyal palaceandthenreshapedas partoftheTemplars’ headquarters.Awallcovering themihrab(anicheindicating thedirectionofprayer)was removedandtheentire buildingrejuvenated,sothat, inthewordsofImadal-Din, ‘truthtriumphedanderror wascancelledout’.Herethe firstFridayprayerwasheld on9Octoberandthehonour ofdeliveringthesermonthat daywashotlycontestedby oratorsandholymen.Saladin eventuallychoseIbnal-Zaki, animamfromDamascus,to speakbeforethethronged, expectantcrowd.IbnalZaki’ssermonappearsto havestressedthree interlockingthemes.The notionofconquestasaform ofpurificationwas emphasised,withGodpraised forthecleansing‘ofHisHoly Housefromthefilthof polytheismanditspollutions’ andtheaudienceentreated‘to purifytherestoftheland fromthisfilthwhichhas angeredGodandHis Apostle’.Atthesametime, thesultanwaslavishly praised,acclaimedas‘the championandprotectorof [God’s]holyland’,his achievementscomparedto thoseofMuhammadhimself, andtheefficaciousnatureof jihadexhortedwiththe words:‘Maintaintheholy war;itisthebestmeans whichyouhaveofserving God,themostnoble occupationofyourlives.’82 Saladin’sachievement Thesummerof1187brought Saladintwostunning victories.Seizingthemoment aftertheBattleofHattin,he reconqueredJerusalem, eclipsingtheachievementsof allhisMuslimpredecessors intheageofthecrusades. Decadesearlier,hispatron Nural-Dinhadorderedthe constructionofastaggeringly beautiful,ornatepulpit, imaginingthathemightone dayoverseeitsinstallation withinthesacredAqsa.Now, inafinal,tellingactof appropriation,thesultan fulfilledhispredecessor’s dreamandshoulderedhis legacy,bringingthepulpit fromitsrestingplacein AleppotoJerusalem’sgrand mosque,whereitwould remainforeightcenturies. Tellingly,evenSaladin’s contemporaryMuslimcritic Ibnal-Athiracknowledged theunrivalledgloryofthe sultan’saccomplishmentsin 1187:‘Thisblesseddeed,the conqueringofJerusalem,is somethingachievedbynone butSaladin...sincethetime ofUmar.’Al-Fadil,writingto thecaliphinBaghdad, emphasisedthe transformativenatureofthe sultan’sdefeatoftheFranks: ‘Fromtheirplacesofprayer hecastdownthecrossandset upthecalltoprayer...the peopleoftheKoran succeededtothepeopleofthe cross.’83Eighty-eightyears aftertheFirstCrusaders’ stunningtriumph,Saladinhad repossessedtheHolyCityfor Islam,strikingamomentous blowagainstOutremer.He hadreshapedtheNearEast andnowseemedpoisedto achieveultimateandenduring victoryinthewarforthe HolyLand.Butasnewsof theseextraordinaryevents reverberatedthroughoutthe Muslimworldandbeyond, elicitingshockandawe,Latin Christendomwasstirredto action.Avengefullustfor holywarawakenedinthe Westand,onceagain,vast armiessetoutfortheLevant. SoonSaladinwouldbeforced todefendhishard-won conquestsagainstaThird Crusade,battlingatowering newchampionofthe Christiancause–Richardthe Lionheart. III THETRIALOF CHAMPIONS 13 CALLEDTO CRUSADE Inlatesummer1187,with Outremerstillreelingfrom thecataclysmatHattinand Saladin’sdismembermentof FrankishPalestineproceeding apace,ArchbishopJosciusof TyresetsailfortheWest.He boretidingsofChristendom’s calamitousdefeattothefrail PopeUrbanIII,who promptlydiedofshockand grief.Intheweeksand monthsthatfollowed,the devastatingnewsracedacross Europe,elicitingalarm, anguishandoutrage– triggeringanewcalltoarms forthecampaignknownto historyastheThirdCrusade. Themostpowerfulmeninthe Latinworldtookupthecross, fromFrederickBarbarossa, mightyemperorofGermany, toPhilipIIAugustus,the astuteyoungkingofFrance. ButitwasRichardthe Lionheart,kingofEngland– oneofthegreatestwarriorsof themedievalage–who emergedaschampionofthe Christiancause,challenging Saladin’sdominionofthe HolyLand.Aboveall,the ThirdCrusadebecamea contestbetweenthesetwo titans,kingandsultan, crusaderandmujahid.After almostacentury,thewarfor theHolyLandhadbrought theseheroestobattleinan epicconfrontation:onethat testedbothmentobreaking point;inwhichlegendswere forgedanddreams demolished.1 THEPREACHINGOF THETHIRDCRUSADE Theinjuriessufferedby ChristendomatHattinand Jerusalemin1187movedthe LatinWesttoaction, rekindlingfiresofcrusading fervourthathadlaindormant fordecades.Afterthefailure oftheSecondCrusadeinthe late1140s,Christian Europe’senthusiasmforholy warhadwaneddramatically. Atthetime,somebeganto questionthepurityofthe papacyandthecrusaders. OneGermanchronicler describedtheSecondCrusade indamningterms,writing: ‘GodallowedtheWestern Church,onaccountofits sins,tobecastdown.There arose,indeed,certainpseudoprophets,sonsofBelial,and witnessesoftheanti-Christ, whoseducedtheChristians withemptywords.’Even BernardofClairvaux,archpropagandistandpassionate advocateofcrusading,could offerscantconsolation, merelyobservingthatthe setbacksexperiencedbythe FrankswerepartofGod’s unknowabledesignfor mankind.Christiansinwas alsoadvancedasan explanationfordivine punishment–and,moreoften thannot,thesupposedly dissoluteFrankslivinginthe Levantweretargetedas transgressors.2 Notsurprisingly,attempts tolaunchmajorcrusading expeditionsafter1149 foundered.Muslimstrength andunityintheNearEast increasedunderNural-Din andSaladin,whileOutremer facedasuccessionofcrises: PrinceRaymondofAntioch’s deathintheBattleofInab; thedefeatatHarimin1164; theincapacitationofBaldwin theLeperKing.Throughout, theLevantineFranksmade evermoredesperateand frequentappealstotheWest foraid,and,whilesomefew cametodefendtheHoly Landinminorcampaigns,in themainthecallswent unanswered. Meanwhile,western monarchs,nowcrucialtoany majorcrusadingventure,had theirownkingdomsto preserveanddefend–tasks, soitwaswidelybelieved, thatwerethemselvesdivinely appointed.Caughtupinthe concernsofpolitics,warfare, tradeandeconomy,the prospectofspendingmonths, evenyears,intheEast crusadingoftenprovedless thaninviting.Inertiarather thanactionpredominated. Thisproblemwas exacerbatedbydeepening rivalriesbetweenLatin Europe’sleadingpowers.In 1152powerinGermany passedtotheHohenstaufen FrederickBarbarossa(orRed Beard),aveteranofthe SecondCrusade.Frederick assumedthetitleofemperor threeyearslater,butspent decadestryingtosubdue warringfactionswithinhis ownrealmandseekingto securecontrolofnorthern Italy,allthewhileenmeshed inarancorousconflictwith thepapacyandNorman Sicily.InFrancetheCapetian dynastyretainedthecrown, butintermsofterritorial dominionandpolitical controltherealauthority wieldedbyKingLouisVII andhissonandsuccessor PhilipIIAugustus(from 1180)wasstillseverely constrained.TheCapetians werechallenged,aboveall, bytheriseofthecountsof Anjou. In1152,justafewshort yearsafterthe disappointmentsofthe SecondCrusade,LouisVII’s wife,EleanorofAquitaine, pushedfortheannulmentof theirmarriage–theirunion hadproducedtwodaughters, butnosons,andEleanor deridedLouis’desultory sexualappetite,likeninghim toamonk.Eightweekslater, shewaswedtothemore vigorousCountHenryof Anjou,amantwelveyears herjunior,whohadalready addedtheduchyof Normandytohisdominions. By1154,hehadascendedto thethroneofEnglandto becomeKingHenryII,and togetherthepaircreateda new,sprawlingAngevin ‘Empire’,unitingEngland, Normandy,Anjouand Aquitaine.Controllingmost ofmodern-dayFrance,their wealthandpowerfar outstrippedthoseofthe Frenchking,eventhough, nominallyatleast,theywere stillsubjectsoftheCapetian monarchfortheircontinental territories.Underthe circumstances,itwasallbut inevitablethattheAngevin andCapetianhouseswould becomeentrenched opponents.Andthroughout themid-tolatetwelfth century,thefestering antipathyandresentment betweenthesetwodynasties severelycurtailedwestern participationinthewarfor theHolyLand.Lockedinto thisstruggle,HenryIIof Englandprovedunwillingor unabletohonourrepeated promisestogooncrusade, usuallyprovidingfinancial supporttoOutremerbyway ofrecompense.3 Onlythetrulyepochal eventsof1187brokethis deadlock,promptingreal engagement.Oldquarrels werenotforgotten–indeed, Angevin–Capetianenmity hadaprofoundeffectupon thecourseoftheThird Crusade.Butthedreadful newsfromtheNearEast causedsuchuproarthatthe rulersofLatinChristendom notonlyheededthecallto arms;thistime,theymade goodontheirpromisesand actuallywenttowar. Acauseforweeping Uponhisdeathon20October 1187,PopeUrbanIIIwas replacedbyGregoryVIII, andbytheendofthemontha newpapalencyclical–Audita Tremendi–hadbeenissued, proclaimingtheThird Crusade.Asusual,carewas takentoestablisha justificationfortheholywar. ThedisasteratHattinwas describedas‘agreatcausefor mourning[for]thewhole Christianpeople’;Outremer, itwassaid,hadsuffereda ‘severeandterrible judgement’;andtheMuslim ‘infidels’weredepictedas ‘savagebarbariansthirsting afterChristianbloodand [profaning]theHolyPlaces’. Theencyclicalconcludedthat anysaneman‘whodoesnot weepatsuchacausefor weeping’mustsurelyhave losthisfaithandhis humanity. Twonewthemeswere sewnintothisfamiliar,if particularlyimpassioned, exhortation.Forthefirsttime, evilwaspersonified.Earlier callstoarmshadprojected Muslimsassadisticbut facelessopponents.Now, Saladinwasnamed specificallyastheenemyand likenedtotheDevil.This movebespokebothgreater familiaritywithIslamandthe mammothscaleoftheblow struckbythesultan’s ‘crimes’.AuditaTremendi alsosetouttoexplainwhy Godhadallowedhispeople to‘beconfoundedbysuch greathorror’.Theanswerwas thattheLatinshadbeen ‘smittenbythedivinehand’ aspunishmentfortheirsins. FrankslivingintheLevant wereidentifiedastheprime transgressors,havingfailedto showpenitenceafterthefall ofEdessa,butChristians livinginEuropewerealso guilty.‘Allofus[should] amendoursins...andturn totheLordourGodwith penanceandworksofpiety’, theencyclicaldeclared,‘[and only]thenturnourattention tothetreacheryandmaliceof theenemy.’Inlinewiththis themeofcontrition,crusaders wereencouragedtoenlistnot ‘formoneyorworldlyglory, butaccordingtothewillof God’,travellinginsimple clothing,withno‘dogsor birds’,readytodopenance ratherthan‘toeffectempty pomp’. AuditaTremendireferred tothe‘misfortunes... recentlyfallenupon JerusalemandtheHoly Land’,butperhapsbecause newsofSaladin’sactual conquestoftheHolyCityhad yettoreachtheWest,special emphasiswasplacedupon thephysicallossatHattinof theTrueCross–therelicof Christ’scross.Fromthis pointforward,therecoveryof thereveredtotemofthefaith becameoneofthecrusade’s primaryobjectives. Incommonwithearlier crusadingencyclicals,the closingsectionsofthe1187 proclamationdetailedthe spiritualandtemporal rewardsonofferto participants.Theywere assuredfullremissionofall confessedsins,andthosewho diedoncampaignwere promised‘eternallife’.For thedurationoftheexpedition, theywouldenjoyimmunity fromlegalprosecutionand interestondebts,andtheir goodsandfamilieswouldbe undertheprotectionofthe Church.4 Spreadingtheword Theunprecedentedscaleand significanceofthedisasters enduredbytheFranksin 1187allbutensureda massiveresponseintheWest. Eveninitsbarestform,the newscarriedtoEuropeby JosciusofTyrehadthepower toterrifyandinspire– indeed,beforemeetingthe pope,thearchbishopfirst madelandfallintheNorman kingdomofSicilyand immediatelyconvincedits rulerWilliamIItosenda fleetofshipstodefend Outremer. Nonetheless,Audita Tremendisetthetonefor muchofthepreachingofthe ThirdCrusade.Infact,the wholeprocessof disseminatingthecrusading messagewasincreasingly subjecttocentralised ecclesiasticalandsecular control,andthemethodsused toencouragerecruitmentever morerefinedand sophisticated.Thepope appointedtwopapallegates– JosciusofTyreandCardinal HenryofAlbano,former abbotofClairvaux–to orchestratethecalltothe crossinFranceandGermany respectively.Large-scale recruitmentrallieswerealso timedtocoincidewithmajor Christianfestivals,with assembliesduringChristmas 1187atStrasbourgandEaster 1188atMainzandParis, whencrowdswerealready gatheredandprimedfora devotionalmessage. Preachingwithinthe AngevinlandsofEngland, Normandy,Anjouand Aquitainewasplanned carefullyatconferencesatLe MansinJanuary1188and Geddington,in Northamptonshire,on11 February.Atthelatter meetingBaldwin,archbishop ofCanterbury,anotherformer Cistercianabbot,tookthe crosshimselfandthereafter ledtherecruitmentdrive.He carriedoutanextensivetour ofWales,spreadingtheword, whilealsoreinforcing Angevinauthorityoverthis semi-independentarea,and endedupenlistingthree thousandWelshmen‘skilled intheuseofarrowsand lances’.5 Fromthispointforward, theactofcrusadingseemsto haveattainedamoredistinct identity,althoughitisnot clearwhetherthiswasa responsetocentralised controlorsimplyabyproductofgradual recognitionanddefinition overtime.Whereas previouslycrusadershadbeen variouslydubbedpilgrims, travellersorsoldiersof Christ,now,forthefirsttime, documentsbegantodescribe themascrucesignatus(one signedbythecross)–the wordthatultimatelyledtothe terms‘crusader’and ‘crusade’. TheThirdCrusadewas alsopublicisedand popularisedwithinsecular society.Inthecourseofthe twelfthcentury,troubadours (courtsingerswhooftenwere themselvesnobles)cameto playincreasinglyimportant rolesinaristocraticcircles, andnotionsofcourtlylifeand chivalrybegantodevelop, particularlyinregionssuchas south-westernFrance.Forty yearsearlier,thefirsttraces ofcourtlycommentaryabout theSecondCrusadehadbeen apparent.Now,after1187, troubadoursongsaboutthe comingholywarpouredout, drawingupon,andinplaces extending,themessage inherentinAuditaTremendi. ConondeBéthune,a knightfromPicardywho joinedtheThirdCrusade, composedonesuchOld Frenchversebetween1188 and1189.Here,familiar themeswereechoed– lamentationatthecaptureof theTrueCrossandthe observationthat‘everyman oughttobedowncastand sorrowful’.Butelsewhere, newemphasiswasplaced uponthenotionsofshame andobligation.Cononwrote: ‘Nowwewillseewhowillbe trulybrave...[and]ifwe permitourmortalenemiesto stay[intheHolyLand]our liveswillbeshamefulfor evermore’,addingthatany whoare‘healthy,youngand richcannotremainbehind withoutsufferingshame’. TheHolyLandwasalso portrayedasGod’simperilled patrimony(orlordship).This impliedthat,inthesameway avassalwasobligedto protecthislord’slandand property,Christians,asGod’s servants,shouldnowrushto defendhissacredterritory.6 Thecalltocrusade promptedtensofthousands ofLatinChristianstoenlist. Accordingtoonecrusader, ‘suchwastheenthusiasmfor thenewpilgrimagethat already[in1188]itwasnota questionofwhohadreceived thecross,butwhohadnotyet doneso’.Thiswassomething ofanexaggeration,asmany morestayedintheWestthan setoutfortheHolyLand,but theexpeditionnonetheless causedastaggeringupheaval inEuropeansociety. ParticularlyinFrance,whole tranchesofthelocal aristocracyledarmed contingentstowar.The involvementofkingsproved critical,justasithaddonein the1140s,promptingachain reactionofrecruitmentacross theLatinWestthroughtiesof vassalageandobligation. Around1189thecrusader GauclemFaiditcommented onthisphenomenon,arguing inasongthat:‘Itbehoves everyonetoconsidergoing there,andtheprincesallthe moresosincetheyarehighly placed,forthereisnotone whocanclaimtobefaithful andobedienttohimifhe doesnotaid[hislord]inthis enterprise.’7 Yetevenbeforethe ominousnewsofSaladin’s victoriesspread,beforethe feverofenthusiasmtook hold,oneleadermadean immediatecommitmenttothe cause.InNovember1187 RichardCoeurdeLion(the Lionheart)tookthecrossat Tours–thefirstnobletodo sonorthofAlps. COEURDELION TodayRichardtheLionheart isoneofthemostwidely rememberedfiguresofthe MiddleAges,recalledas England’sgreatwarrior-king. ButwhowasRichard?Thisis avexedquestion,because eveninhisownlifetimehe becamesomethingofa legend.Richardcertainlywas awareoftheextraordinary powerofreputationand activelysoughttopromotea cultofpersonality, encouragingcomparisons withthegreatfiguresofthe mythicpastsuchasRoland, scourgeoftheIberianMoors, andKingArthur.Richard evensetoutoncrusadewitha swordnamedExcalibur, althoughadmittedlyhelater soldittopayforadditional ships.Bythemid-thirteenth centurystoriesofhisepic featsabounded.Oneauthor triedtoaccountforRichard’s famousappellationby explainingthathehadonce beenforcedtofightalion withhisbarehands.Having reacheddownthebeast’s throatandrippedoutitsstillbeatingheart,Richard supposedlyatetheblooddrippingorganwithgusto. Acontemporary eyewitnessandardent supporterofferedthisstirring portraitofhisphysical appearance: Hewastall,ofelegantbuild;thecolour ofhishairwasbetweenredandgold; hislimbsweresuppleandstraight.He hadquitelongarms,whichwere particularlyconvenientfordrawinga swordandwieldingitmosteffectively. Hislonglegsmatchedthearrangement ofhiswholebody. Thesamesourceclaimedthat Richardhadbeenendowed byGod‘withvirtueswhich seemedrathertobelongtoan earlierage.Inthispresent age,whentheworldis growingold,thesevirtues hardlyappearinanyone,asif everyonewerelikeempty husks.’Incomparison: RichardhadthevalourofHector,the heroismofAchilles;hewasnotinferior toAlexander...Also,whichisvery unusualforonesorenownedasa knight,Nestor’stongueandUlysses’ wisdomenabledhimtoexcelothersin everyundertaking,bothinspeakingand acting.8 Perhapsnotsurprisingly, scholarshavenotalways acceptedthisstartlingimage oftheLionheartasanalmost superhumanhero.Asearlyas theeighteenthcentury, Englishhistorianswere criticisingRichardbothasa monarchandasaman– accusinghimofexploiting Englandforhisownendsand ofbeingpossessedofa brutishandimpulsive character.Inrecentdecades theexceptionalUniversityof LondonscholarJohn Gillinghamhasreshapedthe perceptionandunderstanding oftheLionheart’scareer. Gillinghamacknowledged thatRichardbarelyspentone yearoutofteninEngland duringhisreign,but contextualisedthisfact, stressingthathehadbeennot justakingofEngland,butthe rulerofanAngevinEmpireat amomentofcrisisin Christendom.Likewise,the Lionheart’sheadstrongnature wasrecognised,buthisimage asasavageandtempestuous bruteoverturned.Richardis nowgenerallyregardedas havingbeenawell-educated ruler,adeptinpoliticsand negotiation,andabovealla manofaction,belovedof warfareandimbuedwitha visionaryflairformilitary command.Althoughmuchof thisreassessmentstillholds true,inseekingtorejuvenate theLionheart’sreputation Gillinghammayhave overstatedsomeofRichard’s achievementsontheThird Crusade,sparinghim criticismwhenitwas justified.9 Richard,countofPoitou, dukeofAquitaine TheLionheartmayhave becomekingofEngland,but hewasmostassuredlynot Englishbyeitherbirthor background.Hisnative tonguewasOldFrench,his heritagethatofAnjouand Aquitaine.Hewasbornin Oxfordon8September1157 toKingHenryIIofEngland andEleanorofAquitaine. Withsuchparentage,the youngprincewasalmost predestinedtoleavehismark onhistory,butRichardwas notexpectedtoinheritthis vastAngevinrealm;that gloryfelltohiselderbrother, knowntohistoryasHenrythe Younger.Tobeginwith,at least,Richardwasgroomed tobealieutenant,nota commander.IntwelfthcenturyEurope,however, highratesofinfantand adolescentmortalitymeant thatachangeinprospects wasalwayspossible. Asaboy,Richardwas associatedwithAquitaine.On theexpectationthathewould notinheritthethroneof England,andperhapsthrough theinfluenceofhismother, theyoungprincewas designatedasrulerofthis vastregionofsouth-western France.In1169Richardpaid homagetotheFrenchKing LouisVIIforAquitaineand then,in1172attheageof fifteen,hewasinstalled formallyasdukeofAquitaine (withtheassociatedtitleof countofPoitou).Richardwas furtherwovenintothe complexwebofrelations betweentheAngevinand Capetiandynastiesthrough hisbetrothal,in1169,toKing Louis’daughterAlice– althoughtheFrenchprincess spenthertimefromthispoint onwardsinKingHenryII’s courtratherthanwith Richard,andreputedly becameHenry’smistress. Aquitainewasamongthe wealthiestandmostcultured regionsofFrance–a flourishingcentreofmusic, poetryandart–andthese factorsseemtohavelefttheir marksonRichard.Hewasa generouspatronof troubadoursandhimselfa keensinger,andawriterof songsandpoetry.Helikewise possessedanexcellent knowledgeofLatinanda good-natured,ifacerbic,wit. Hisduchywasalsonotable foritsassociationswiththe legendaryholywarsagainst IslamwagedinSpainduring thetimeofCharlemagne. Churcheswithintheregion claimedtohousethebodyof Roland,themightyheroof thecampaign,andthevery hornwithwhichhehad soughttosummonaidagainst theMoors. Forallitsveneerof civility,Aquitainewasa quarrelsomehotbedof lawlessnessandcivildiscord –reallyitwasjustaloosely agglomeratedcollectionof fiercelyindependent territories,peopledby powerful,recalcitrantfamilies liketheLusignans.Given this,Richardlookedsetto ruleapolitythatwasallbut ungovernable,butheproved toberemarkablycompetent. Throughthe1170sand1180s henotonlymaintainedorder, quellingnumerousrebellions, butevenmanagedtoexpand hisducalterritoryatthe expenseofthecountyof Toulouse.Thesetrials providedtheLionheartwith valuablemilitaryexperience, particularlyinthefieldof siegecraft,andherevealeda markedaptitudeforwarfare. Richardalsohadto contendwiththefractious realityofcontemporary politics.Throughouthisearly career,hewasenmeshedina complex,constantlyshifting powerstrugglewithinthe Angevindynasty–with HenryIIskilfullydefending hisownpositionagainstthe risingpowerofhissonsand theambitionsofhiswife, whiletheLionheartandhis brotherssquabbledoverthe Angevininheritanceasoften astheyunitedagainsttheir father.Asearlyas1173, Richardwasinvolvedina full-scalerebellionagainst HenryIIalongsidehis brothers.TheLionheart’s statuswastransformedin 1183when,inthemidstof anotherrebellion,hisbrother HenrytheYoungerdied, leavingRichardasHenry’s eldestsonandheirdesignate. Farfromresolvingthe internecinefeuding,this simplymadeRicharda clearertargetforattacksand intrigue,asHenrysoughtto recoverpossessionof Aquitaineandtorearrange thedistributionofAngevin territoryinfavourofhis youngestsonJohn.Richard certainlydidnotprevailinall oftheseconvoluted machinations,butbyand largeheheldhisownagainst HenryII,perhapsthemost deviousandadroitLatin politicianofthetwelfth century. AsanAngevin,Richard wasalsopartytothe continuedrivalrywiththe Capetianmonarchyandoften foundhimselfdrawninto disputeswithKingLouisVII andthen,after1180,hisheir PhilipAugustus.The lingeringmatterofRichard’s betrothaltoAliceofFrance wasalsoatissue,because Henrycontinuedtousethe proposedunionasa diplomatictoolandno marriagehadyettakenplace. Thispatternofconfrontation lookedsettocontinueinJune 1187whenKingPhilip invadedAngevinterritoryin Berry,promptingHenryII andRichardtoallyandmove inforacounter-attack.A majorpitchedbattleseemed imminent,butatthelast minutearapprochementwas reachedandatwo-yeartruce brokered.Butoncethis agreementwasfinalised, Richardsuddenlyswitched sides,ridingbacktoParis withPhilipinadeliberately publicdemonstrationof friendship.Thiswasanagile diplomaticmanoeuvrethat eventhenow-ageingHenryII hadnotforeseen,andthe messageitsentwasclear. ShouldtheAngevinmonarch seektodepriveRichardof Aquitaineofhiswider inheritance,theLionheart wasmorethanwillingto breakwithhisfamilyandside withtheCapetianenemy. Outplayed,Henry immediatelysoughttorepair relationswithRichard, confirmingallhisterritorial rights.Theoldkingwonhis sonbackintotheAngevin foldand,fornow,anuneasy standoffheld,butthe shadowsofamoredecisive confrontationinvolving Henry,RichardandPhilip werelooming. Richardandthecrusade Barelyaweeklater,Saladin defeatedtheJerusalemite FranksatHattinon4July 1187.ByNovemberthat sameyear,Richardhadtaken thecrossatTours,evidently withoutconsultinghisfather. Underthecircumstances,the Lionheart’sdecisionwas extraordinary.In1187 Richardwasdeeplyimmersed inthepowerpoliticsof westernEuropeandhad shownanabsolute determinationtoretainthe duchyofAquitaineand assumecontrolofthe AngevinEmpireafterHenry IIdied.Richardthenjoined thecrusade,seemingly withoutconsideringthe consequences–amovethat threatenedhisownprospects andthoseofhisdynasty. KingHenrywasenragedby whathedeemedtobeanillconsideredandunsanctioned actoffolly.PhilipAugustus, too,wasaghastatthe prospectofsuchapotentially criticalallyheadingoffto holywar.TheLionheart’s enlistmentintheThird Crusadepromisedtodisrupt massivelythedelicately balancedwebofpowerand influenceinEnglandand France.Onthefaceofit, Richardhadlittletogainand everythingtolose. Howthencanthis apparentlyanomalousdeed beexplained?Aware,with thebenefitofhindsight,that theWestsoonwouldbe sweptbycrusadeenthusiasm –indeed,thatHenryIIand PhilipAugustusthemselves wouldtakethecrosswithina fewmonths–scholarshave allbutpassedoverRichard’s decision,presentingitas normativeandinevitable. Yet,takenonitsownterms andincontext,hischoicewas quitetheopposite. Perhapsamultiplicityof factorswasatwork. Impulsivenessprobably playeditspart.Ifthe Lionhearthadaweakness,it washisemergingstreakof overconfident,reckless arrogance.Evenoneof Richard’ssupportersadmitted that‘hecouldbeaccusedof rashactions’,butexplained that‘hehadanunconquerable spirit,couldnotbearinsultor injury,andhisinnatenoble spiritcompelledhimtoseek hisduerights’.Inaddition, Richardmaywellhavebeen moved,likesomany crusadersbeforehim,bya heartfeltandauthenticsense ofreligiousdevotion.Such feelingssurelywouldhave beenintensifiedbyhis familialandseigneurial connectionstoFrankish Palestine,beingthegreatgrandsonofFulkofAnjou, kingofJerusalem(1131–42), cousintoQueenSibyllaand formerfeudaloverlordtothe Poitevin,GuyofLusignan. TheLionheartwasalso strugglingtoemergefromthe shadowofhisparents.Much ofhislifehadbeendevoted toemulatingandeclipsingthe achievementsofhisfather (andtoadegreethoseofhis mother).Before1187the fulfilmentofthatgoalhad lainindefendingAquitaine andsucceedingtothe Angevinrealm.ButHattin andthelaunchingofthe ThirdCrusadeopenedup anotherpathtogreatness–a newchancetoleavealasting markonhistoryasaleaderof menandamilitary commander,inasacredwar farbeyondtheconfinesof Europe.Thecrusademayalso haveappealedtoRichardas anardentwarrior,bornintoa worldinwhichideasabout knightlyhonourandchivalric conductwerebeginningto coalesce.Forthecoming campaignwouldserveasthe ultimateprovinggroundof prowessandvalour.10 Thetruebalancebetween thesevariousstimuliis impossibletodetermine.In alllikelihood,Richard himselfwouldhavebeen unabletodefineasingular motiveorambitionthat shapedhisactionsinlate 1187.Certainly,intheyears thatfollowed,heshowed flashesofangerand impetuosity.Italsobecame clearthathewaswrestling withadeep-seatedcrisisof identityandintention– strivingtoreconcilehisroles asacrusader,aking,a generalandaknight. THETAKINGOF THECROSS TheshockofRichard’s enlistmentintheThird Crusadepromptedapolitical crisis,withPhilipofFrance threateningtoinvade Angevinterritoryunless HenryIImadeterritorial concessionsandcompelled theLionhearttomarry Philip’ssister,Aliceof France.On21January1188 theCapetianandAngevin monarchs,PhilipandHenry, metnearthebordercastleof Gisors,inthecompanyof theirleadingmagnates,to discussasettlement.But ArchbishopJosciusofTyre alsoattendedtheassembly. Heproceededtopreacha rapturoussermononthe imperilledstateoftheHoly Landandthemeritsofthe crusade,speaking‘in[such]a wonderfulway[thathe] turnedtheirheartstotaking upthecross’.Atthismoment across-shapedimagewas supposedlyseeninthesky– a‘miracle’whichprompted manyotherleadingnorthernFrenchlordstojointhe expedition,includingthe countsofFlanders,Blois, ChampagneandDreux.11 Amidanimpassioned groundswellofcrusading enthusiasm,HenryIIand PhilipAugustusmadepublic declarationsoftheir determinationtofightinthe Levantineholywar.Itisnot knownwhetheroneking pledgedhiswillingnessfirst, thusallbutforcingtheother tofollowsuit.Whatiscertain isthat,bythemeeting’send, bothwerecommitted.The effectivelysimultaneous natureofthisenrolmentwas telling,becauseitreflecteda widerdeterminationonlyto actintandem.Angevinand Capetianalikehadvowedto crusadeintheEast,butitwas soonobviousthatneither wouldleaveEuropewithout theother.Todosowould havebeentantamountto politicalsuicide–the abandonmentofone’srealm totheprivationsofadespised arch-enemy.Theabsolute necessityforcoordinated actionandsynchronised departurehadaprofound effectontheThirdCrusade, contributingtoaseriesof interminabledelaysasthe EnglishandFrenchmonarchs eyedoneanotherwith suspicionanddistrust. FrederickBarbarossaandthe Germancrusade In1187,Frederick Barbarossa,theHohenstaufen emperorofGermany,was Europe’selderstatesman. Throughamixtureoftireless militarycampaigningand shrewdpoliticking,hehad imposedanunprecedented degreeofcentralised authorityoverthenotoriously independent-mindedbarons ofGermanyandreached advantageous accommodationswith northernItalyandthepapacy. Nowinhismid-sixties, Frederickcouldclaim dominionoveraswatheof territoryfromtheBalticcoast totheAdriaticandthe Mediterranean.Intermsof wealth,martialresourcesand internationalprestige,his powereasilyoutstrippedthat oftheAngevinsand Capetians.Naturally,most contemporariesexpectedhim toplayaleadingroleinthe ThirdCrusade. Thefirstcalltoarmsin Germanywasmadeat Barbarossa’s1187winter courtinStrasbourg.This securedastreamofeager recruits,buttheemperor bidedhistime,gaugingthe scaleofpublicsupportforthe expedition,beforetakingthe crossatasecondgreat assemblyatMainz,on27 March1188,andannouncing hisfirmintentiontosetoutin justoveroneyear.Frederick thenmaderelativelyswiftbut assiduouspreparationsforhis departure:exilinghispolitical enemyHenrytheLion; leavinghiseldestson,Henry VI,inGermanyasheir designate,whiletakinghis secondson,Frederickof Swabia,withhimoncrusade. Barbarossamarshalledhis owneconomicresources, establishingasignificant imperialwarchest,but otherwisedevolvedfinancial responsibilityforfundingthe expeditionontoindividual crusaders,requiringeach participanttocarrytheirown moneyeast. SomeGermancrusaders sailedtotheLevant– includingthosefrom Cologne,Frisiaand, eventually,thoseunderDuke LeopoldVofAustria–but Frederickelectedtoleadthe vastmajorityalongtheland routeusedbyearlier expeditions.Hopingtoease thejourneyeastwards,he initiateddiplomaticcontacts withHungary,Byzantium andeventheMuslimrulerof SeljuqAnatoliaKilijArslan II.On11May1189,only marginallylaterthan scheduled,hesetoutfrom Regensburgattheheadofa massivearmy,including elevenbishops,around twenty-eightcounts,some fourthousandknightsand tensofthousandsofinfantry. TheGermancrusaders madegoodprogressontheir marchuntiltheyreached ByzantiuminlateJune.There EmperorIsaacIIAngelushad rejectedFrederick’sattempts tonegotiatesafepassage throughGreekterritory.Isaac hadalreadyformedapact withSaladinagreeingto delayanycrusaderadvance andwasalsonervousof Barbarossa’sdealingswith KilijArslan,suspectingthat thepairmighttrytolauncha combinedoffensiveon Constantinople.Moving south-east,Frederick occupiedthecityof Philippopolisandthen marchedtoAdrianoplein November1189,amidstopen warfarewiththeGreeks. Barbarossarestedhisarmy throughthedepthsofwinter, butleftopenthethreatofa directassaultonthe Byzantinecapital.In February1190,however,a compromisewasreached withIsaac.Keepingtheir distancefromConstantinople, theGermanstravelledto Gallipoli,andfromthere crossedtheHellespontto AsiaMinorinlateMarch withthehelpofPisanand Greekships.Frederick’s experienceasaseasoned campaignerhadprovedits worth.Decisiveand formidableasaleader,anda sternadvocateoftroop discipline,hehad successfullyguidedthe Germancrusadetotheedge oftheMuslimworld.12 DELAYSIN ENGLANDAND FRANCE Thoughtheyenlistedmonths beforeFrederickBarbarossa, themonarchsofEnglandand Francetookfarlongertoset outoncrusade.Infact,more thantwoandahalfyears passedbeforethemain AngevinandCapetianarmies evenlefttheirhomelands. Preparationsforthe expeditionwereinitiatedin early1188,butafterabrief respitethetwodynasties resumedtheirfeuding.To makemattersworse,Richard wasdistractedfurtherbya rebellioninAquitaineand warfarewiththecountyof Toulouse. Fromthatspringonwards theLionheartfacedaseriesof probingattacksfromPhilip Augustus,whileHenry waitedonthesidelinesdoing littletointervene,happytolet histwoyoungerrivals squabbleamongthemselves. Butbylateautumn1188 Richardhadhadenoughof hisfather’sdouble-dealing anddeliberateprevarication overthesuccession. Convincedthattheoldking wasabouttodeclareJohnhis heir–theprincehavingrather pointedlynottakenthecross –theLionheartswitched sides,onceagainjoining forceswithPhilipandmaking adramaticpublicshowof allegiancetotheCapetian monarchinNovember.This timetherewastobeno reconciliationwithHenryII. Throughthatwinterill healthimmobilisedtheold kingattheverymoment whenheneededtoprovehe couldstilldominatethefield. Withthebalanceofpower shiftinginexorably,scoresof onceloyalsupportersamong theAngevinaristocracy begantoswitchallegianceto Richard.WhentheLionheart andPhiliplauncheda blisteringoffensiveagainst NormandyinJune1189, sweepingupasuccessionof castlesaswellasLeMans andTours,Henryhadlittle optionbuttosueforpeace. Ataconferenceon4July 1189heaccededtoallterms, confirmingRichardashis successor,agreeingtopay Philipatributeof20,000 marksandpromisingthat togetherallthreeofthem wouldsetoutoncrusadethe followingLent.Bynow Henrywasphysically shattered–barelyabletosit astridehishorse–buthewas saidstilltohavemusteredthe energyforonefinal, vituperativebarb.Leaning forwardtosealtheaccordby conferringtheritualkissof peaceuponhisson,Henry apparentlywhispered,‘God grantthatImaynotdieuntilI havehadmyrevengeon you.’Hewasthenborne awaytoChinononalitter, wherehepassedawaytwo dayslater.13 RichardI,kingofEngland TheeventsofearlyJuly1189 transformedRichardthe Lionheartfromascheming princeandwilfulcrusader intoaroyalmonarchand rulerofthemightyAngevin dynasty.AtRouen,on20 July1189,hewasinstalledas dukeofNormandyandthen, on3September1189, crownedkingofEnglandin London’sWestminster Abbey.Richardmayhave achievedhisambition throughintrigueandbetrayal, butonceinpowerheassumed amoreregaldignity, comportinghimselfwith sobermaturity.Visitingthe abbeychurchatFontevraud, wherehisfather’sbodywas laidinstate,Richardwassaid tohaveshownnoflickerof emotion.Thatsummerhe madeapointofrewardingnot onlyhisowntrusted supporters,menlikeAndrew ofChauvigny,butalsothose whohadremainedloyalto HenryIIthroughout,suchas thefamedknightWilliam Marshal.Thosewhohad turnedawayfromtheold kinginhisfinalmonthswere shownlessfavour. Richard’selevationalso broughtaboutaprofound changeinthetenorofhis relationshipwithPhilip Augustus.Asalliesthepair haddefeatedHenryII.Now, withRichardasheadofthe Angevindynasty,theywere pittedagainstoneanotheras adversaries.Thepotentialfor rancourwasheightenedby thepeculiaritiesoftheir respectivestandings.Richard wasjustshyofhisthirtysecondbirthdaywhenhe becameking,makinghimsix yearsolderthanPhilip.But theLionheartwasnewlyrisen tothethrone,whiletheyoung Capetianwasexperienced, havingshoulderedthe burdensofmonarchyfor almostadecade.Ascrown rulersthetwowereequals, butinrealityRichard possessedthemorepowerful realm,eventhoughhewas officiallyPhilip’svassalfor theAngevinlandsinFrance suchasNormandy,Anjou andAquitaine.Thetwoalso weresomewhatdissimilarin theirnaturesandattributes. Richardwasamanofwar andactionwhowas, nonetheless,politicallyastute. Philipwasmoresinglemindedinhisdedicationto theCapetiancrown,subtle andcautious. Fromthesummerof1189 onwardsbothrulersfacedone overbearingquestion:when wouldtheysetouton crusade?Theproblemwas thatneitherkingwaswilling toleavewithoutfirm assurancesoftrucefromthe otherandthearrangementof acarefullycoordinated, simultaneousdeparture.In theenditwasthebestpartof anotheryearbeforethey begantheirjourney.During thattime,aconsiderable numberofFrenchcrusaders, includingJamesofAvesnes andHenryofChampagne, wentonahead. Theyearslosttodelay throughrivalryanddispute certainlyhadamarked impactuponthecourseofthe ThirdCrusade,anditwould beeasytocensurethe AngevinandCapetianrulers fornotputtingasidetheir differencesinthewider interestsofChristendomand thecrusade.Intruth,though, RichardandPhilipstillmade significantsacrificesandtook realriskstofighttheholy war.Asarecentlycrowned king,whosepositionwas threatenedbyagrasping youngerbrother,John,the Lionheartmightsensibly havestayedintheWestto consolidatehisauthority. Instead,Richardtriedtopull offadangerousbalancingact: departingforalongabsence intheEast,leavingtrusted supporters,includinghis motherEleanorofAquitaine andWilliamofLongchamp, toguardtheAngevinrealm. TheEnglishkingalsorelied uponanear-constantstream ofexchangedcorrespondence tokeepabreastofeventsin Europe.Philipcouldhave calledoffhiscrusadeinmidMarch1190whenhiswife diedinchildbirth,alongwith theirtwins.Thisleft arrangementsfortheCapetian successioninaprecarious state,withtheking’sthreeyear-oldsonLouisastheonly extantheir,but,evenso, PhilipleftFrancebehind. PREPARATIONS, FINANCESAND LOGISTICS TheAngevinsandCapetians mayhavetakentheirtimeto startthecrusade,buttheyat leastmadedetailedand comprehensivecampaign preparations.Thismeantthat RichardIleftEuropewiththe twelfthcentury’smost organisedandbest-funded crusadingarmy.Soonafter takingthecrossinJanuary 1188,HenryIIandPhilip Augustusimposedaspecial crusadingtaxinbothEngland andFrance,withtheaimof amassingthefortuneneeded tofinancetheirexpeditions. KnownastheSaladinTithe, thislevyoftenpercentonall movablegoodswasenforced bythethreatof excommunication.Members oftheTemplarand Hospitallerorderswerealso draftedintoaidingathering theduty. Amongthosestayinginthe West,thisunprecedentedtax proveddeeplyunpopular, withvolublecomplaints raisedwithinsecularsociety andtheecclesiastical hierarchyalike.Butinthe AngevinEmpire,atleast,the titheworked.Beforehis death,HenryIImanagedto amassaround100,000marks. Richardthenintensifiedand broadenedmoney-raising efforts.Accordingtoone eyewitness,inEngland‘he putupforsaleallhehad, offices,lordships,earldoms, sheriffdoms,castles,towns, lands,everything’.The Lionheartwasevensupposed tohavejokedthathewould havesoldLondonifhe could.14 Themountainofcash raisedhadadirectbearing uponthefortunesoftheThird Crusade.Inpartthiswas becausebothRichardand Philipwereexpectedtopay theirsoldiers’wagesforthe durationoftheexpedition,so areadysupplyofmoney wouldbecriticaltothe maintenanceofmoraleand martialmomentum.The Lionheartalsomade extensivebutjudicioususeof hisfiscalresourcesbefore leavingEuropetosecurethe logisticalunderpinningsof hiscampaign.Thankstothe unusuallyfastidiousattitude towardsrecordkeepingin England,somedetailsof thesepreparationscanbe recovered.Inthefinancial year1189–90(thenmeasured fromMichaelmason29 September)Richardspent around£14,000–the equivalentofmorethanhalf oftheannualcrownrevenue fromallEngland.Heisalso knowntohaveordered 60,000horseshoesfromthe ForestofDeanand Hampshire,14,000curedpig carcasses,anabundantsupply ofcheesesfromEssexand beansfromKentand Cambridgeshire,aswellas thousandsofarrowsand crossbowbolts. PhilipAugustushadfar lesssuccessimplementingthe SaladinTithe.Helackedthe absoluteregnalauthority enjoyedbyEnglishkings sincethetimeoftheNorman Conquest,norcouldherely uponthesamedeveloped governmentaland administrativemachineryat Henry’sandRichard’s disposal.Thus,although Philip’srighttoexactthelevy wasacceptedatParisin March1188,withinayearhe hadtowithdrawthetaxand actuallyapologisedforever havingsoughtitsimposition. TheCapetianmonarch thereforebeganthecrusade withaconsiderablysmaller warchest,eventhoughthe Lionheartdoesseemtohave paidoffthe20,000markshis fatherpromisedPhilipatthe settlementofJuly1189. Carefuleconomicplanning andpreparationwereallthe moreimperativebecausethe AngevinsandCapetians decidedtotraveltothe Levantbyship.Thisformof transportwaspotentially quickerandmoreefficient. Giventhecostsinvolved,it alsodrasticallycurtailedthe abilityofpoor,ill-equipped non-combatantstofollowthe crusade.Thesefactorssuited Richard’sandPhilip’splans toleadmorecompetent, professionalarmiestothe Eastandtominimisethe amountoftimespentaway fromtheirrespectiverealms. However,hiringor commissioningshipswasan expensivebusiness,involving massiveupfrontoutlayeven beforethecampaignwas properlybegun.Andnaval transportalsocarriedwithit considerablerisks–suchas difficultiesofnavigationand coordination,andtheever presentthreatofshipwreck. Attentionwasneededif militarydisciplinewastobe maintainedduringaconfined, uncomfortableandperilous seajourney.Withthisin mind,Richardenacteda detailedsetofregulationsin 1190,mandatingharsh penaltiesfordisorder:a soldierwhocommitted murderwouldbetiedtothe corpseofhisvictimand thrownoverboard(andifthe offencetookplaceonland,he wouldbetiedtothebodyand buriedalive);attacking someonewithaknifewould costyouyourhand,whilefor hittingsomeonewithafist youwouldbeplungedinto theseathreetimes;thieves wouldbeshavedoftheirhair, andthenhaveboilingpitch andfeatherspouredovertheir heads‘sothat[they]maybe known’.15 InthecourseoftheThird Crusade,RichardIandPhilip Augustusmanaged,byand large,tonegotiateallofthe potentialproblemswithnaval transport.Indoingsothey establishedanimportant precedentand,fromthispoint onwards,itbecamefarmore commonforcrusadearmies todependonseatravelto reachtheirobjectives. TOTHEHOLY LAND RichardIandPhilip Augustusmettodiscussfinal preparationsforthecrusade on30December1189and againon16March1190.At last,on24June,theLionheart tookuphispilgrimscrip (satchel)andstaffinapublic ceremonyatTours,whilethe Frenchkingperformedan identicalritualthatsameday atStDenis(followinginthe footstepsofhisfatherLouis VII).On2Julythetwo monarchsmetatVézelayand agreedtoshareany acquisitionsmadeduringthe comingcampaign.Then,on4 July1190,exactlythreeyears aftertheLatindefeatat Hattin,themainAngevinand Capetiancrusadingarmiesset outtogether.Todistinguish betweenthetwohostsithad beendecidedthatPhilip’s menwouldwearredcrosses, whileRichard’sborewhite. Thesetwoforcesseparatedat Lyonsontheunderstanding thattheywouldregroupat MessinainSicilybefore settingsailfortheLevant. Richardhadbeenableto musterandequipalargehost –drawingupontheresources oftheexpansiveAngevin realmandtheriches accumulatedthroughthe SaladinTithe.Heprobably departedfromVézelaywitha royalcontingentofaround 6,000soldiers,althoughby thetimeheleftEuropehe mayhaveaccumulatedatotal forceof17,000men.The Lionheartmadehiswaysouth toMarseilles,whencehetook shipdowntheItaliancoastto arriveatMessinaon23 September,whileaportionof hisarmysailedondirectlyto theHolyLandunderthe commandofArchbishop BaldwinofCanterbury. Richardhadalsomanagedto prepareafleetofsomeone hundredvesselsfrom England,Normandy,Brittany andAquitaine,whichsailed roundIberiatorendezvous withthekinginSicily.Philip Augustus’personal contingentappearstohave beenfarsmaller.FromLyons hemarchedtoGenoaand therenegotiatedtermsof carriagetoSicilyandthe NearEast,payingahireprice of5,850marksonshipsfor 650knightsand1,300 squires.TheCapetianking reachedMessinainmidSeptember. Withwinterfast approachingandtheseas becomingmoretreacherous, itwasdecidedthatthe onwardjourneytotheLevant wouldhavetowaituntilthe followingspring.Inanycase, Richardhadpolitical concernstoresolve.William II,kingofSicily,the Lionheart’sbrother-in-law throughmarriagetohissister Joanne,haddiedin November1189,leaving Sicilyinthegripofa successiondisputewhich, uponhisarrival,Richard quicklyresolved.Oncepeace hadbeenrestored,the crusadersspentthewinter refittingtheirfleetsand amassingfurtherstoresof weaponsandequipment– Richard,forexample,secured asupplyofmassivecatapult stones.Inthisperiodthe Lionheartalsometwith JoachimofFiore,aCistercian abbotwhowasgaininga notablereputationfor prophecy.Joachimpromptly announcedavisionpredicting Richard’scaptureof Jerusalemandtheimminent onsetoftheLastDaysof Judgement,apparently affirmingthat‘theLordwill giveyouvictoryoverhis enemiesandwillexaltyour nameabovealltheprincesof theearth’–wordsthatserved merelytobolsterthe Lionheart’segotistical confidence.16 Theongoingproblemof Richard’sbetrothaltoPhilip II’ssisterAliceofFrancewas alsoresolved.TheLionheart hadskirtedaroundtheissue sincetakingtheEnglish crown,despitetheFrench king’srepeateddemandsthat themarriagetakeplace.Now, withthejourneytotheHoly LandbegunandPhilip committedtothecampaign, Richardrevealedhishand.He hadnodesireorintentionto wedAlice.Instead,anew marriagealliancehadbeen arrangedwithNavarre–an IberianChristiankingdom whosesupportwouldprotect thesouthernAngevinEmpire againstthecountofToulouse duringRichard’sabsence.In February1191theNavarrese heiressPrincessBerengaria arrivedinsouthernItaly, chaperonedbythe Lionheart’sindefatigable mother,EleanorofAquitaine, whowasnowinher seventies. PhilipAugustuswas confrontedwithafait accompli.WhenRichard threatenedtoproduce witnesseswhowouldtestify tothefactthatAlicehadbeen HenryII’smistressandhad bornetheoldkingan illegitimatechild,the Capetianmonarchcuthis losses.Inreturnfor10,000 marks,hereleasedthe Lionheartfromhisbetrothal. Openconflicthadbeen averted,butPhilipwas humiliatedandthewhole sordidaffairrestokedhis simmeringhostilitytowards theAngevinking. Finally,withthecomingof spring,thesealanesreopened andthecrusadingkings beganthelaststageofthe journeytotheHolyLand. Philipsetsailon20March 1191andon10April Richard’sfleetfollowedsuit, withJoanneandBerengaria amongitspassengers.Almost fouryearshadpassedsince theBattleofHattin.Inthat timemuchhadchangedinthe Levant. 14 THECONQUEROR CHALLENGED Jerusalem’scaptureon2 October1187wasthe crowninggloryofSaladin’s career–thefulfilmentofa passionatelyheldpersonal ambitionandtherealisation ofapubliclyavowedand doggedlypursuedcampaign ofjihad.TheLatinkingdom wasonthebrinkof extinction,itsrulerin captivity,itsarmies decimated.Itiseasyto imaginethat,inthewakeof suchatitanicvictory,the Muslimworldwouldrallyto thesultan’scauseasnever before,unitedintheir admirationforhis achievements,nowalmost abjectintheiracceptanceof hisrighttoleadIslam.Surely Saladinhimselfhadearneda moment’spause,tolookback onallthathehadachieved,to celebrateasthefirstchillof autumnbrushedtheHoly City?Infact,theconquestof Jerusalembroughthimlittle ornorespite,but,rather, begatnewburdensandnew challenges. INTHE AFTERMATHOF VICTORY Jerusalem’srepossessionwas atriumph,butitwasnotthe endofthewaragainstLatin Christendom.Saladinnow hadtobalancethe responsibilitiesofgoverning hisexpandedempireand completingthedestructionof theFrankishsettlementsin theEast,allwhilepreparing todefendtheHolyLand againstthewrathfulswarmof westerncrusaderswho,he rightlyguessed,wouldsoon seektoavengeHattinand retakeJerusalem.Evenso, Saladinshouldhavebeenin theascendantin1187.In reality,fromthispointonhis strengthgraduallybeganto ebb.Amidstthebittertrialsto come,heoftenseemed shockinglyisolated–aonce greatgeneralhumbled, desertedbyhisarmies, strivingjusttosurvivethe stormoftheThirdCrusade. Empireshavealways provedeasiertobuildthanto govern,butSaladinfaceda profusionofdifficultiesafter October1187.Resources wereofparamount importance.Thatautumn, Saladin’ssubjectsandallies wereexhausted,andthe sultan’sill-managedfinancial resourceswerealready drainedbythecostsof intensecampaigning.Inthe followingyears,asthestream ofwealthfromnewconquests turnedfromatorrenttoa trickle,theAyyubidtreasury struggledtoslakethegreedof Saladin’sfollowers,andit provedincreasinglydifficult tomaintainhugearmiesin thefield. TheseizureoftheHoly Cityhadother,lessobvious, consequences.Saladinhad assembledanIslamic coalitionunderthebannerof jihad.Butwiththecentral goalofthatstruggleachieved, thejealousies,suspicionsand hostilitiesthathadlain dormantwithintheMuslim worldbegantoresurface.In time,thesenseofpurpose thathadbrieflyunitedIslam beforeHattindissolved.The historicsuccessatJerusalem alsopromptedsometo wonderwhereSaladinwould nexttrainhisall-conquering gaze–tofearthathewould provehimselfatyrannical despot,bentupon overthrowingtheestablished order,sweepingawaythe Abbasidcaliphatetoforgea newdynastyandempire. AsaKurdishoutsiderwho usurpedauthorityfromthe Zangids,Saladinhadnever enjoyedtheunequivocal supportofTurkish,Araband PersianMuslims.Norcould heclaimanydivinerightto rule.Instead,thesultanhad carefullyconstructedhis publicimageasadefenderof Sunniorthodoxyanda dedicatedmujahid.Following theadviceofcounsellorslike al-FadilandImadal-Din, Saladinhadalsotakenpains tocultivatethesupportofthe AbbasidCaliphal-Nasirin Baghdad,becausehisbacking broughtwithitthesealof legitimacy.After1187the sultanperseveredwiththis policyofshowingdeference toal-Nasir,butwithAyyubid mightnowseemingly unassailable,relations becameincreasingly strained.17 DrivingtheFranksintothe sea Saladin’soverridingstrategic concerninlate1187wasto sweepuptheremainingLatin outpostsintheLevant, sealingtheNearEastagainst anycrusadelaunchedfrom westernEurope.Butthework oferadicatingtheremaining vestigesofFrankishpower promisedtobeneitherswift noreasy.Inthewakeofthe victoryatHattin,muchof Palestinehadbeen conquered,andthemajor portsofAcre,Jaffaand AscalonwerenowinMuslim hands,butanumberof Frankishstrongholdsin GalileeandTransjordanstill heldout.Elsewhere,the northerncrusaderstatesof TripoliandAntiochwerestill intact,eventhoughoneof Saladin’spotentialopponents, CountRaymondIIIof Tripoli,haddiedfromillness thatSeptember,having escapedthebattlefieldat Hattinandtakenrefugein northernLebanon. Themostpressingissue wasTyre.Throughsummer 1187theportcityhad becomeafocalpointofLatin resistanceinPalestine,and Saladinhadallowed thousandsofChristian refugeestocongregatewithin itswalls.Tyremightwell havefallentothesultan’s armiessoonafterHattinhad notcommandofitsgarrison anddefencesbeenseizedby Conrad,themarquisof Montferrat.AnorthernItalian noblemanandbrotherofthe lateWilliamofMontferrat (SibyllaofJerusalem’sfirst husbandandfatherto BaldwinV),Conradhadbeen servingthelatestByzantine EmperorIsaacIIAngelusin Constantinople.Butafter murderingoneofIsaac’s politicalenemiesinearly summer1187,themarquis decidedtocuthislossesand makeapilgrimagetothe HolyLand,arrivingin PalestineinJuly1187– coincidentallyjustdaysafter Hattin. ConradfoundTyreina beleagueredstate.The marquis’arrivalprovedtobe amajorboonfortheFranks andanunforeseen, troublesomeintrusionfor Saladin.Conradwas profoundlyambitious– guilefulandunscrupulousas apoliticaloperator, competentandauthoritative asageneral–andhe embracedtheopportunityfor advancementpresentedby Tyre’spredicament,quickly assumingcontrol. GalvanisingtheLatin populacetoaction,he immediatelysetabout bolsteringthecity’salready formidablefortifications. Saladin’sdecisiontochannel hisenergyintothesiegeof JerusaleminSeptember1187 affordedthemarquisa valuablebreathingspace;one whichheputtogoodeffect, drawinginthesupportofthe MilitaryOrdersandPisanand Genoesefleetstoprepare Tyreforattack. ByearlyNovember,when Saladinfinallymarchedon Tyre,hefoundthecitytobe allbutinvulnerable.Built uponanislandand approachablebylandonlyvia anarrowman-made causeway,thiscompact fortresssettlementwas protectedbydouble battlements.AMuslim pilgrimwhovisitedafew yearsearliercommendedits ‘[marvellous]strengthand impregnability’,notingthat anyone‘whoseeksto conqueritwillmeetwithno surrenderorhumility’.Tyre wasalsorenownedforits excellentdeep-water anchorage,itsnortherninner harbourbeingprotectedby wallsandachain.18 Formorethansixweeks, intothedepthsofwinter, SaladinlaidsiegetoTyreby landandsea,hopingto pummelConradinto submission.Fourteen catapultswereerectedbythe Muslims,‘andnightandday [thesultanhadthem] constantlyhurlingstonesinto [thecity]’.Saladinwasalso soonreinforcedbyleading membersofhisfamily:his brotherandmostvaluedally, al-Adil;al-Afdal,thesultan’s eldestson,heirapparentto theAyyubidEmpire;andalZahir,oneofSaladin’s youngersons,nowdesignated asrulerofAleppo,who receivedhisfirstexperience ofbattleatTyre.The Ayyubidfleet,meanwhile, wassummonedfromEgyptto blockadetheport.Yet, despitethesultan’sbest efforts,littleprogresswas made.Around30December theFranksscoredanotable victory,initiatingasurprise navalattackandcapturing elevenMuslimgalleys.This setbackseemstohave dampenedAyyubidmorale. ATemplarlaterwroteina dispatchtoEuropethat Saladinhimselfwasso distressedthat‘hecuttheears andtailoffhishorseandrode itthroughhiswholearmyin thesightofall’.Withthe moraleofhisexhaustedarmy faltering,thesultandecided tothroweverythingintoone finaloffensive.On1January 1188,heunleasheda blisteringfrontalassault alongthecauseway,buteven thiswasturnedback.Beaten toastandstill,Saladinraised thesiege,leavingConradin possessionofTyre. Saladinhasoftenbeen criticisedforthisfailure.The IraqicontemporaryIbnalAthirofferedawithering appraisalofthesultan’s generalship,observingthat: ‘ThiswasSaladin’scustom. Whenatownheldoutagainst him,hewouldgrowwearyof itandthesiegeandleave... noonecanbeblamedinthis matterexceptSaladin,forit washewhosentarmiesofthe FrankstoTyre.’Inpart,the sultan’sdecisioncanbe justifiedbytheinherent weaknessesofhismilitary regime.Bytheendof1187, aftermonthsofcampaigning, withAyyubidresources stretchedtobreakingpoint andtheloyaltyofsomeofhis allieswavering,Saladinwas obviouslystrugglingtokeep soldiersinthefield.Judging thathisbaseofsupport dependedonhiscontinued abilitytopayandrewardhis troops,reluctanttostickwith thetaskandriskinsurrection, hechosetomoveonto pursuelessintractablequarry. Intruth,though,thesmarting humiliationatTyrewas telling.Thesultan’searlier decisioninSeptember1187 toprioritisethedevotional andpoliticalobjectiveof Jerusalemhadpossesseda certainlogic.Butbyturning hisbackonanunconquered TyreinJanuary1188,the sultanlaidbarehis limitations.Foralltheenergy exertedinunitingIslam,all thepreparationsmadefor holywar,ultimatelySaladin possessedneitherthewillnor theresourcestocompletethe conquestofthePalestinian coastline.Forthefirsttime sinceHattinitappearedthat theall-conqueringAyyubids mightfailtodrivetheFranks intothesea.19 Sweepinguppawns Saladinspenttheremainder ofthatwinterrestinginAcre. Anxiousabouttheprospectof aChristiancounter-offensive, heconsideredrazingthecity tothegroundtopreventit fallingintoenemyhands,but eventuallyelectedtoleave this‘lockforthelandsofthe Coast’intact,summoning QaragushfromEgyptto overseeAcre’sdefence.From spring1188onwards,Saladin begantomarchthroughSyria andPalestine,seekingout vulnerableLatinsettlements, outpostsandfortresses, sweepinguprelativelyeasy conquests.Passingthrough DamascusandtheBiqa valley,thatsummerhe launchedattacksonthe principalityofAntiochand thenorthernreachesofthe countyofTripoli.Themajor SyrianportofLatakiawas captured,whiledownthe coasttheMuslimqadi (religiousjudge)ofLatinheldJabalaengineeredthat port’ssurrender.Thesultan alsoseizedcastlessuchas BaghrasandTrapesacinthe AmanusMountainsnorthof AntiochandSaoneand Bourzey,inthesouthern Ansariyahrange. Saladinmadesignificant gainsinthenortherncrusader states,butshowedaprofound reluctancetocommittoany prolongedinvestments.The imposingHospitallerand TemplarcastlesatKrakdes Chevaliers,Marqaband Safitawereallbypassed,and norealeffortwasmadeto threatentheLatincapitalsof TripoliandAntioch–with Saladinagreeinganeightmonthtrucewiththelatter (albeitonpunitiveterms) beforereturningto Damascus.Thesultanthen prosecutedawintercampaign inGalilee,securingthe surrenderoftheregion’slast remainingFrankish strongholds:Templar-held SafadandHospitaller Belvoir.Aroundthesame time,Ayyubidtroops capturedKerakin Transjordan,andsixmonths laternearbyMontreal capitulated.Thekeyfactorin thesesuccesseswasLatin isolation.Surrounded,deepin whatwasnowMuslim territory,thegarrisonsofall fourofthesemighty ‘crusader’castlesfound themselvesinhopeless situations.Withnopossible prospectofholdingout indefinitely,theylaiddown theirarms,allowingSaladin toconsolidatehisdominion overPalestine.Sweeping throughtheLevant,thesultan hadmaintainedmartial momentumthroughout1188, butatthecostofleaving Antiochinviolateandthe countyofTripoliallbut untouched. Inthecourseofthatyear’s campaigning,Bahaal-Dinibn ShaddadjoinedSaladin’s innercircleofadvisers.A highlyeducatedMosuli religiousscholartrainedin Baghdad,Bahaal-Dinhad actedasanegotiatorforthe Zangidsin1186when,inthe wakeofthesultan’ssevere illness,heagreedtermswith Izzal-DinofMosul.In1188 Bahaal-Dintookadvantage oftherecentMuslim conquestoftheHolyLand, makingapilgrimageto MeccaandthenJerusalem.It wasatthispointthatSaladin invitedBahaal-Dintojoin theAyyubidcourt,evidently impressedbytheMosuli’s piety,intellectandwisdom. Whenthetwomet,BahaalDinpresentedacopyofhis newlyauthoredtreatiseon TheVirtuesofJihadtothe sultanandwasthenappointed asqadiofthearmy.He rapidlybecameoneof Saladin’sclosestandmost trustedcounsellors,staying withhimalmostconstantly throughouttheyearsthat followed.Bahaal-Dinlater composedadetailed biographyofhismaster, whichnowservesasa criticallyimportanthistorical source,particularlyforthe periodafter1188.20 Thelossoffocus Despitehavinglaidplansto launchnew,moredetermined offensivesagainstTripoliand Antiochwiththeonsetofthe newfightingseason,Saladin failedtoreturntothenorthin 1189.Instead,seemingly worndownbytheburdenof ruleandnear-incessant campaigning,thesultan becameuncharacteristically indecisiveandineffectual. Witheachpassingmonth,the prospectofwestern retaliationloomedlarger. Saladincertainlyappearsto havebeenawarethatthe ThirdCrusadewasafoot–in aletterwrittenlaterthatyear, hisadviserImadal-Din demonstratedanincredibly detailedandaccurate understandingofthe crusade’sscope,organisation andobjectives.Yetthesultan madenolast-ditchattemptto overcomethelikesofTyre beforetheinevitablestorm struck.Instead,inexplicably, hewastedthespringand earlysummerof1189in protractednegotiationsover thefateofBeaufort,a relativelyinsignificantand isolatedLatinfortress, perchedinthemountainsof southernLebanon,high abovetheLitaniRiver. Anotherquestionable decisionprovedstillmore costly.Asvictoronthefield ofbattleatHattininJuly 1187,SaladinhadtakenGuy ofLusignan,theLatinkingof Jerusalem,prisoner.In summer1188,however,the sultandecidedtoreleaseGuy fromcaptivity(apparently afterrepeatedappealsfrom Guy’swifeSibylla).The motivebehindthisseemingly injudiciousactof magnanimityisdifficultto divine.PerhapsSaladin judgedGuytobeaspent force,incapableofrousing theFranks,orpossiblyhoped thathemightcausedispute anddissensionamongthe Christians,challenging ConradofMontferrat’s growingpowerinTyre. Whateverhisreasons,the sultanprobablydidnot expectGuytohonourthe promiseshemadein exchangeforhisrelease–to relinquishallclaimtothe Latinkingdomand immediatelyleavetheLevant –pledgeswhichGuy renouncedalmostassoonas hewasatliberty.21 IfSaladindidtakeGuyfor abrokenman,hewassorely mistaken.AtfirsttheLatin kingstruggledtomakehis willfeltamongtheFranks, andConradtwicerefusedhim entrytoTyre.Butbysummer 1189,Guywaspreparingto makeanunexpectedlybold andcourageousmove. THEGREATSIEGE OFACRE Theblisteringheatof midsummer1189found Saladinstillbentuponthe conquestoftheintractable strongholdofBeaufort.Butin lateAugustnewsreachedhim inthefoothillsofthe Lebanesehighlandsthat stirredfeelingsofdreadand suspicion–theFrankshad goneontheoffensive.In 1187–8ConradofMontferrat hadplayedacrucialrole defendingTyreagainstIslam, yethestillbaulkedatthe notionofinitiatingan aggressivewarofreconquest. Securewithinthebattlements ofTyre,Conradseemed contenttoawaittheadventof theThirdCrusadeandthe greatmonarchsofLatin Europe–willing,byand large,towaitoutthecoming war,lookingforany opportunityforhisown advancement. Now,theunlikeliestof figuresdecidedtoseizethe initiative.Thedisgracedking ofJerusalem,Guyof Lusignan,whoseignominious defeatatHattinhad condemnedhisrealmto virtualannihilation,was attemptingtheunthinkable.In thecompanyofhis redoubtablebrother,Geoffrey ofLusignan,arecentarrival intheLevant,aswellasa groupofTemplarsand Hospitallersandafew thousandmen,Guywas marchingsouthfromTyre towardsMuslim-heldAcre. Heseemedtobemakinga suicidalattempttoretakehis kingdom. TheSiegeofAcreduringtheThird Crusade AtfirstSaladingreetedthis movewithscepticism. Believingthatitwasmerelya feintdesignedtolurehim awayfromBeaufort,heheld hisground.Thisallowed KingGuytonegotiatethe narrowScandelionPass, where,oneFrankwrote,‘all thegoldinRussia’couldnot havesavedthemhadthe Muslimsmovedtoblocktheir advance.Realisinghis mistake,Saladinbegana cautiousadvancesouthto MarjAyunandtheSeaof Galilee,waitingtoassessthe Christians’nextmovebefore turningwesttowardsthe coast.Benefitingfromhis enemy’scircumspection,Guy followedtheroadsouthto arriveoutsideAcreon28 August1189.22 Acrewasoneofthegreat portsoftheNearEast.Under Frankishruleithadbecome animportantroyalresidence –avibrant,crowdedand cosmopolitancommercial hub,andthemainpointof arrivalforLatinChristian pilgrimsvisitingtheHoly Land.In1184oneMuslim travellerdescribeditas‘a portofcallforallships’, notingthat‘itsroadsand streetsarechokedbythe pressofmen,sothatitishard toputfoottoground’and admittingthat‘[thecity] stinksandisfilthy,beingfull ofrefuseandexcrement’. Builtuponatriangular promontoryoflandjutting intotheMediterranean,Acre wasstoutlydefendedbya squarecircuitofbattlements. Acrusaderlaterobservedthat ‘morethanathirdofits perimeter,onthesouthand west,isenclosedbythe flowingwaves’.Tothenortheast,thelandwardwallsmet atamajorfortification, knownastheCursedTower (where,itwassaid,‘thesilver wasmadeinexchangefor whichJudastheTraitorsold theLord’).Inthesouth-east cornerthecitywallsstretched intotheseatocreateasmall chainedinnerquay,andan outerharbour,protectedbya massivewallrunningnorthsouththatextendedtoa naturaloutcropofrock–the siteofasmallfortification knownastheTowerofFlies. Thecitystoodatthenorthern endofalargebayarcing southtoHaifaandMount Carmel,surroundedbya relativelyflat,opencoastal plain,sometwentymilesin lengthandbetweenoneand fourmilesinbreadth.About onemilesouthoftheportthe shallowBelusRiverreached thecoast. Thecitystoodatthe gatewaytoPalestine–a bastionagainstanyChristian invasionfromthenorth,by eitherlandorsea.Here Saladin’sresilience,martial geniusandjihadidedication wouldbetestedtothelimit, asIslamandChristendom becamecaughtupinoneof themostextraordinarysieges ofthecrusades.23 Earlyencounters WhenKingGuyreached Acrehisprospectswere incrediblybleak.One Frankishcontemporary remarkedthathehadplaced hismeagreforce‘betweenthe hammerandtheanvil’, anotherthathewouldneeda miracletoprevail.Eventhe Muslimgarrisonapparently feltnofearandbeganjeering fromAcre’sbattlements whentheycaughtsightofthe ‘handfulofChristians’ accompanyingtheking.But Guyimmediately demonstratedthathewas developingamoreacute senseofstrategy;having surveyedthefieldthatnight, underthecoverofdarkness, hetookupapositionontop ofasquathillcalledMount Toron.Some120feethigh, lyingthree-quartersofamile eastofthecity,thistell affordedtheFranksa measureofnaturalprotection andacommandingviewover theplainofAcre.Withina fewdaysagroupofPisan shipsarrived.Inspiteofthe punishingsiegetocome, manyoftheItaliancrusaders onboardhadbroughttheir familieswiththem.These hardymen,womenand childrenproceededtolandon thebeachsouthofAcreand makecamp.24 Themeasuredpaceof Saladin’sadvancetothecoast almosthaddisastrous consequences.Outnumbered andexposedashewas outsideAcre,Guydecidedto riskanimmediatefrontal assaultonthecityeven though,asyet,hehadno catapultsorothersiege materials.On31Augustthe Latinsattacked,mountingthe wallswithladders,protected onlybytheirshields,and mighthaveoverrunthe battlementshadnotthe appearanceofthesultan’s advancescoutsonthe surroundingplainprompteda panickedretreat.Overthe nextfewdaysSaladinarrived withtheremainderofhis troops,andanyhopesthe Latinsentertainedofforcing aspeedycapitulationofAcre evaporated;instead,they facedthedreadfulprospectof awarontwofronts–andthe near-certaintyofdestruction atthehandsofthevictorof Hattin. Yet,attheverymoment thatSaladinneededtoact withdecisiveassurance,he wavered.AllowingGuyto reachAcrehadprovedtobea mistake,butthesultannow madeanevengravererrorof judgement.True,Saladin lackedoverwhelming numericalsuperiority,buthe outnumberedtheFranksand, throughacarefully coordinatedattackin conjunctionwithAcre’s garrison,hecouldhave surroundedandoverwhelmed theirpositions.Asit happened,headjudgeda rapid,committedassaulttobe tooriskyandinsteadtookup acautiousholdingpositionon thehillsideofal-Kharruba, aboutsixmilestothesoutheast,overlookingtheplainof Acre.Unbeknownsttothe Latins,hemanagedtosneaka detachmentoftroops (presumablyshieldedbythe darknessofnight)intothe citytobolsteritsdefences and,whileskirmisherswere dispatchedregularlytoharass Guy’scamponMountToron, Saladinchosetoholdback thebulkofhisforcesand waitpatientlyfor reinforcementbyhisallies. Onthisoccasion,such caution,sooftenthehallmark ofthesultan’sgeneralship, wasinappropriate,the productofasignificant misreadingofthestrategic landscape.Onecrucialfactor meantthatSaladincouldill affordtobidehistime–the sea. WhenSaladinreached AcreinearlySeptember 1189,thecitywasinvested byGuy’sarmyandthe Pisans.Butintheaftermath ofHattinandthefallof Jerusalem,itwasalmost inevitablethattheFrankish siegeofthiscoastalport wouldbecomethecentral focusofLatinEurope’s retaliatoryanger.Duringan inlandsiege,theking’sforces couldhavebeenreadily isolatedfromsupplyand reinforcement,andSaladin’s circumspectionwouldhave madesense.AtAcre,the Mediterraneanactedlikea pulsing,unstemmableartery, linkingPalestinewiththe West,andwhilethesultan waitedforhisarmiesto assemble,shipsbeganto arriveteemingwithChristian troopstobolsterthebesieging host.Imadal-Din,thenin Saladin’scamp,later describedlookingoutover thecoasttoseeaseemingly constantstreamofFrankish shipsarrivingatAcreanda growingfleetmooredbythe shoreline‘liketangled thickets’.Thisspectacle unnervedtheMuslimsinside andoutsidetheport,andto boostmoraleSaladin apparentlycirculatedastory thattheLatinswereactually sailingtheirshipsawayevery nightand‘whenitwaslight. ..[returning]asiftheyhad justarrived’.Inreality,the sultan’sprevaricationgave Guyadesperatelyneeded periodofgraceinwhichto amassmanpower.25 Asignificantgroupof reinforcementsarrived around10September–afleet offiftyships,carryingsome 12,000FrisianandDanish crusadersaswellashorses. Thewesternsourcesdescribe itsadventasamomentof salvation,atippingpoint beyondwhichtheLatin besiegershadatleastsome chanceofsurvival.Among thenewtroopswasJamesof Avesnes,arenownedwarrior fromHainaut(aregiononthe modernborderbetween FranceandBelgium). Likenedbyonecontemporary to‘Alexander,Hectorand Achilles’,askilledveteranin theartofwarandthepolitics ofpower,Jameshadbeenone ofthefirstwesternknightsto takethecrossinNovember 1187. InthecourseofSeptember, crusaderscontinuedtoarrive, swellingtheranksofthe Frankisharmy.Amongtheir numberwerepotentates drawnfromtheupperranks ofEurope’saristocracy. PhilipofDreux,thebishopof Beauvais,saidtobe‘aman moredevotedtobattlesthan books’,andhisbrother RobertofDreuxcamefrom northernFrance,asdid Everard,countofBrienne, andhisbrotherAndrew.They werejoinedbyLudwigIIIof Thuringia,oneofGermany’s mostpowerfulnobles.Bythe endofthemontheven ConradofMontferrathad decided,apparentlyat Ludwig’sinsistence,tocome southfromTyretojointhe siege,bringingwithhim some1,000knightsand 20,000infantry.26 Saladintoowasreceiving aninfluxoftroops.Bythe secondweekofSeptember thebulkoftheforces summonedtoAcrehad arrived.Joinedbyal-Afdal, al-Zahir,Taqial-Dinand Keukburi,thesultanmoved ontotheplainofAcre,taking uppositiononanarcingline runningfromTellalAyyadiyainthenorth, throughTellKaisan(which laterbecameknownasthe ToronofSaladin)tothe BelusRiverinthesouth-west. Justashesettledintothis newfront,theFrankstriedto throwaloosesemi-circular cordonaroundAcre– runningfromthenorthern coast,throughMountToron andacrosstheBelus(which servedasawatersupply)to thesandybeachtothesouth. Saladinsawoffthisfirst Latinattemptatablockade withrelativeease.Asyet,the crusaderslackedthe resourcestoeffectivelyseal offeveryapproachtothecity, andacombinedassaultby Acre’sgarrisonanda detachmentoftroopsunder Taqial-Dinbrokethe weakestpartoftheirlinesto thenorth,enablingacamel trainofsuppliestoenterthe cityviaStAnthony’sGateon Saturday16September. Bymid-morningthatday Saladinhimselfhadentered Acre,climbingitswallsto surveytheenemycamp. Lookingdownfromthe battlementsuponthe throngedcrusaderhost huddledontheplainbelow, nowsurroundedbyaseaof Muslimwarriors,hemust havefeltasenseofassurance. Withthecitysaved,his patientlyamassedarmycould turntothetaskofannihilating theFrankswhosoarrogantly hadthoughttothreatenAcre, andvictorywouldbe achieved.Butthesultanhad waitedtoolong.Forthenext threedayshistroops repeatedlysoughteitherto overruntheLatinpositionsor todrawtheenemyintoa decisiveopenbattle,alltono avail.IntheweekssinceKing Guy’sarrivaltheswelling crusaderrankshadduginto theirpositions,andtheynow repulsedallattacks.One Muslimwitnessdescribed themstanding‘likeawall behindtheirmantlets,shields andlances,withlevelled crossbows’,refusingtobreak formation.AstheChristians clungwithstubborntenacity totheirfootholdoutsideAcre, thestrainofthesituation begantotellonSaladin.One ofhisphysiciansrevealed thatthesultanwassoracked withworrythathebarelyate fordays.Frankish indomitabilitysoonprompted indecisionanddissension withinSaladin’sinnercircle. Withsomeadvisersarguing thatitwouldbebetterto awaitthearrivalofthe Egyptianfleetandothers advocatingthatthe approachingwintershouldbe allowedtowreakits depredationsuponthe crusaders,thesultanwavered, andtheattacksonthe Christianlinesgroundtoa halt.Alettertothecaliphin Baghdadofferedapositive summaryofevents–the Latinshadarrivedlikea flood,but‘apathhadbeen cuttothecitythroughtheir throats’andtheynowwere allbutdefeated–butin reality,Saladinmusthave beguntorealisethatthesiege ofAcremightprovedifficult tolift.27 Thefirstbattle Theweeksthatfollowedsaw intermittentskirmishing, whileFrankishships continuedtobringmoreand morecrusaderstothesiege. ByWednesday4October 1189theChristianswere numerousenoughto contemplategoingonthe offensive,launchinganattack onSaladin’scampinwhat wastobethefirstfull-scale pitchedbattleoftheThird Crusade.Leavinghisbrother GeoffreytodefendMount Toron,KingGuyamassedthe bulkoftheFrankishforcesat thefootofthetell,carefully drawingupanextendedbattle linewiththehelpofthe MilitaryOrdersand potentatessuchasEverardof BrienneandLudwigof Thuringia.Withinfantryand archersinthefrontranks, screeningthemounted knights,theChristianssetout tocrosstheopenplain towardstheMuslims, marchingincloseorderand atslowpace.Thiswastobe nolightningattack,but, rather,adisciplinedadvance inwhichthecrusaderstriedto closewiththeenemyen masse,protectedbytheir tightlycontrolledformation. Surveyingthefieldfromhis vantagepointatopTellalAyyadiya,Saladinhadample timetoarrangehisown forcesontheplainbelow, interspersingsquadronsunder trustedcommanderslikealMashtubandTaqial-Din withrelativelyuntested troops,suchasthosefrom DiyarBakrontheUpper Tigris.Holdingthecentre withIsa,butlookingtoplaya mobilecommandrole, boostingmoraleand disciplinewherenecessary, thesultanpreparedtofacethe Franks. ThesceneoutsideAcreat dawnthatdaywas spectacularandunsettling. Formorethantwohours, thousandsofcrusadersin packedranks,resplendent bannersraised,advancedat walkingpace,inching towardsbattlewithSaladin’s men.Soldiersonbothsides musthavestruggledtohold theirnerve.Thenatlast, aroundmid-morning,fighting beganastheChristians’left flankreachedtheMuslim linestothenorth,whereTaqi al-Dinwasstationed.Hoping toluretheFranksintoa formation-shatteringcharge, Taqial-Dinsentin skirmishersandthenfeigned alimitedretreat. Unfortunatelyhismanoeuvre wassoconvincingthat Saladinbelievedhisnephew wasunderrealthreatand dispatchedtroopsfromhis centretoreinforcethenorth. Thisunbalancingoftheline gavethecrusadersan opportunity.Advancingwith rigiddiscipline,theyattacked therightofSaladin’scentral division‘asoneman,horse andfoot’,quicklysendingthe inexperiencedDiyarBakris stationedthereintofullflight. Panicspreadandtheright halfofthesultan’scentral divisioncrumbled. Foramoment,Saladin lookedtobeonthevergeof defeat.Withtheway suddenlyopentotheMuslim camponTellal-Ayyadiya, Franksbeganracingupthe hill.Adetachmentof crusadersactuallyreachedthe sultan’spersonaltent,and oneofSaladin’swardrobe staffwasamongthosekilled. Buttheverylureofvictory and,ofcourse,ofbooty, broughtareversaloffortune. Inthethrillofthemoment, thecrusaders’formation, preserveduntilthenwithsuch care,brokeapart:many turnedtoplundering,while theTemplarsdoggedly pursuedtheretreating Muslims,onlytodiscover that,unsupported,theyhad becomeseparatedfromthe mainforce.Astheyattempted adesperatewithdrawal, Saladinralliedhistroops. Accompaniedbyjustfive guards,hespedalongthe line,strengtheningresolve andlaunchinganattackon theretreatingTemplars.In theensuingskirmishthe brothersofthatproudorder weredecimated.Their master,GerardofRidefort, theveteranofHattin,was caughtupinthemidstofthe fighting.With‘histroops beingslaughteredonall sides’,Gerardrefusedtoflee tosafetyandwasslain. Withthebalanceofthe battlealreadyshiftingin Saladin’sfavour,twoevents sealedtheChristians’fate.As combatragedontheplain betweenMountToronand Tellal-Ayyadiya,theMuslim garrisonofAcresalliedoutof thecity,threateningboththe crusaders’campandtheir fieldarmy’srear.Sensingthat theysoonwouldbe surrounded,strugglingto maintainasemblanceof formation,theFrankswere closetopanic.Asmallpiece ofmisfortunepushedthem overtheedge.Agroupof Germansstillengagedin pillagingSaladin’scamplost controlofoneoftheirhorses and,astheanimalbolted backtowardsAcre,theygave chase.Thesightofanother crusaderdetachment seeminglyinfullflightthrew theChristianhostinto disarray;asfearcoursed downtheranks,afully fledgedroutbegan.With thousandsnowracingforthe relativesafetyoftheLatin entrenchments,hotlypursued bySaladin’smen,chaos reigned.‘Onandonwentthe killing’,wrotetheeyewitness Bahaal-Din,‘untilthe fugitivesthatsurvived reachedtheenemycamp.’ AndrewofBriennewascutto thegroundwhiletryingto halttherout,andalthoughhe calledouttohispassing brothertosavehim,Count Everardwastooterrifiedto stop.Elsewhere,Jamesof Avesneswasunhorsed,but oneofhisknightsgaveuphis ownmounttoenableJames toescapeandthenturnedto facehisdeath.Itevenwas saidthatKingGuyrescued ConradofMontferratwhen themarquisbecame surroundedbyMuslims. Saladinprovedunableto presshomehisadvantageas thebattledrewtoaclose. Latintroopsstationedinthe crusadercampfiercely resistedMuslimattemptsto overruntheirpositions,and, perhapsmoreimportantly,the sultan’scampwasstillina stateofconfusion.Whenthe crusadersfoughttheirwayon totheslopesofTellalAyyadiya,scoresofservants intheMuslimarmyhad decidedtocuttheirlosses, lootwhatevertheycouldand flee.JustwhenSaladin neededtodirectthefull weightofhismilitarymight againsttheretreatingFranks, largeswathesofhisarmy wereengagedinchasingtheir ownthievingdomestics. Nonetheless,onthefaceof it,thiswasavictoryfor Islam.TheChristianshad comethatmorningseeking battleandhadbeendefeated, leavingsome3,000to4,000 oftheirnumberdeadordying ontheplainsofAcreas darknessfell.Thehorrorand humiliationoftheday’s eventswerebroughthometo thecrusaderhostwhena mutilated,half-nakedfigure crawledintocampinthe middleofthenight.Thispoor wretch,aknightnamed Ferrand,maimedinthe courseofthefighting,had hiddenamonghisfallen comradesonlytobestripped andleftfordeadbyMuslim pillagers.Whenheeventually reachedthesafetyofthe Frankishlines‘hewasso disfiguredbyhiswoundsthat hispeoplecouldnot recognisehimandhewas barelyabletopersuadethem tolethimin’.Thenext morningSaladinchoseto sendhisenemiesastark message:gatheringthe Christiandead,hepitched theirremainsintotheBelus sothattheyfloated downstream,intotheLatin encampment.Itwassaidthat thestenchfromthismassof corpseslingeredlongafter theywereburied.28 Despiteallthis,thebattle on4Octoberdidmorelasting harmtoSaladin’sprospects. IntermsofMuslimdeadand injuredlosseshadbeen minimal,butthosemembers ofthesultan’sarmythatfled thefieldthatdaydidnot return–indeed,rumourhadit thatsomeofthemdidnot stoprunninguntilthey reachedtheSeaofGalilee– andtheyprovedhardto replace.Worsestill,the debacleinSaladin’scamp crushedmoraleandsowed distrust.Bahaal-Dinnoted thatinthelooting‘peoplelost vastsums’andthat‘thiswas moredisastrousthantherout itself’.Saladinmadeearnest attemptstorecoverasmuch lostpropertyaspossible, amassingavastmoundof plunderinhistentthatcould bereclaimedifpeopleswore onoaththatitwastheirs,but thepsychologicaldamagehad beendone. Intheaftermathofthe battleSaladindecidedto reviewhisstrategy.After fiftydaysonthefrontlinehis troopswerecomplainingof exhaustion,whilehehimself hadbeguntosufferfrom illness.Around13October hisforcesandbaggagetrain beganmovingbackfromthe contaminatedbattlefieldto themoredistantsiege positionofal-Kharrubato awaitthearrivalofal-Adil. Thiswasatacitadmissionof failure;anacknowledgement that,inthisfirstcrucialphase ofthesiege,Saladinhadbeen unabletodislodgethe crusaderforce.Bythelogic ofmilitaryscience,the Frankshadachievedthe impossible–thesuccessful establishmentofan investment,deepinenemy territory,whilefacingan opposingfieldarmy. Historianshavebeen consistentlyperplexedbythis apparentanomaly.Yetthe explanationisclear:the coastalnatureofthesiege certainlyfurnishedtheFranks withavitallifeline,but,more significantly,thefirst exchangesofthisconflict confirmedSaladin’s deepeningcrisisofmanpower whileexposinghisown inabilitytocommandwith resolutedetermination. Fallingbackonhishabitual avoidanceoffull-scale confrontationwhenlacking overwhelmingmilitary superiority,thesultan believedthathewassteering thesafestcourse.Butatthis criticaljunctureaction,not caution,wasneeded. Committingtoafrontal assaultonthecrusaders’ positionsatthestartofAcre’s siegewouldhavebeena gamble,butonethatSaladin stoodagoodchanceof winning,albeitat considerablecost.Withthe decisiontostepbackfromthe lineinOctober,thechanceto snuffouttheChristianthreat beforeitbecamefully embeddedslippedaway.It wasnottoreturn.29 Capitalisingonthe welcomebreathingspacethey hadbeenafforded,the crusaderssetaboutsecuring theirpositionsoutsideAcre. Inmid-Septembertheyhad begunthrowingup rudimentaryearthwork defences.Now,withthe threatofanimmediate offensiveslackened,they ‘heapedupturframpartsand dugdeeptrenchesfromseato seatodefendthetents’, creatinganelaboratesystem ofsemi-circularfortifications thatenclosedAcreand offeredfargreaterprotection fromMuslimassault,whether fromthecity’sgarrisonor fromSaladin.Tohinder mountedattackers,thenoman’s-landbeyondthe trencheswaspepperedwith themedievalequivalentof minefields–deep,spikeladen,concealedpits, designedtocripplehorseand rider.Reflectingonthese measures,Saladin’ssometime criticIbnal-Athir sardonicallyobserved:‘Now itbecameclearhowwell advisedSaladinhadbeento retire.’Atthesametime, throughoutOctoberMuslim scoutsreportedthenear-daily influxofLatin reinforcements,prompting Saladintowritetothecaliph inBaghdadproclaimingthat theChristianswerebeing suppliedbyshipsmore numerousthanthewavesand bemoaningthefactthatfor everycrusaderkilled1,000 tookhisplace.30 Hiatus Thecomingofwinterin December1189broughta furtherlullinthesiege.Faced withrougheningseasand lackingaccesstothesafetyof Acre’sinnerharbour,the Latinfleetwasforcedtosail northtoTyreandbeyondin searchofshelter.Conradof Montferratalsoreturnedto Tyre.Worseningweather forcedalullinhostilitiesas rainturnedtheground betweenthecrusaders’ trenchesandSaladin’scamp atal-Kharrubatomud,across whichitwasimpracticalto launchattacks.Thesultan sentthebulkofhistroops home,remaininginperson, whiletheFrankshunkered downtowaitouttheseason, hopingtosurvivethe predationsofdiseaseand hunger,devotingtheirenergy totheconstructionofsiege engines. Accordingtohisconfidant, Bahaal-Din,Saladinnow recognised‘howmuch importancetheFranks... attachedtoAcreandhowit wasthetargetatwhichall theirdeterminedplanswere directed’.Thedecisionto winteroutsidethecity indicatesthatthesultannow regardeditasthewar’s criticalbattleground.Hemay havelackedthenerveforan all-outassaultonthecrusader campearlierthatautumn,but atleasthedidshowanew, steadfastdeterminationto perseverewiththecampaign. Havingspentthetwoyears thatfollowedHattinscooping upeasyconquests,avoiding drawn-outconfrontations,he evidentlydecidedthataline mustbedrawnatAcreand theLatinadvanceinto Palestinehaltedinitstracks. Knowingfullwellthe devastationthatwouldbe raineduponAcrecome spring,thesultansetabout ‘[pouringin]sufficient provisions,supplies, equipmentandmentomake himfeelconfidentthatitwas secure’.Itwasprobablyat thispointthatSaladin installedAbu’lHaijatheFat asthecity’smilitary commander,alongside Qaragush.Eventhecrusaders wereimpressedbythese measures,withonelater commentingthat‘neverwas thereacastlenorcitythathad somanyarms,suchdefence, suchprovisionoffood,at suchexpense’.Amidthe flurryofactivity,thesultan sufferedagravepersonalloss whenhisclosefriendand shrewdcounsellorIsadiedof illnesson19December 1189.31 Thelongmonthsof stalematewerenotsolelythe domainofgrim-eyed exchangesandfrenetic preparation.Thewinter affordedthefirst opportunitiesfor fraternisationandthe blossomingofafamiliarity thatwouldremainan undercurrentofthecampaign. OneofthelastLatinshipsto arrivein1189hadcarrieda differentbreedof reinforcement:‘300lovely Frankishwomen,fullof youthandbeauty,assembled frombeyondthesea[tooffer] themselvesforsin’.Saladin’s secretary,Imadal-Din,tooka certainscandalisedpleasure indescribinghowthese prostitutes,havingsetup shopoutsideAcre,‘brought theirsilverankletsupto touchtheirgoldenearrings [and]madethemselves targetsformen’sdarts’,but notedwithevidentdisgust thatsomeMuslimsalso ‘slippedaway’topartakeof theircharms. AnotherMuslim eyewitnessnotedthatthe ChristianandMuslim enemieseventually‘gotto knowoneanother,inthat bothsideswouldconverse andleaveofffighting.At timespeoplewouldsingand otherswoulddance,so familiarhadtheybecome.’In thelaterperiodsthesheer proximityofthetwo entrenchedsidesmusthave contributedtothisfamiliarity, astheMuslimsweresaidto be‘facetofacewiththe enemy...withbothsetsof campfiresvisibletoeach other.Wecouldhearthe soundoftheirbellsandthey couldhearourcalltoprayer.’ Thecity’sgarrison,atleast, earnedthecrusaders’ begrudgingrespect,withone commentingthat‘neverwas thereapeopleasgoodin defenceasthesedevil’s minions’.Thisimageof burgeoningfriendshipand acquaintanceshouldnotbe stretchedtoofar.Recent scholarshiphasunearthedan intriguingLatinsurveyofthe forcesamassedbySaladinat Acre,quiteprobablywritten duringthesiege. Characterisedbyamixtureof patchyknowledgeand animosity,thisdocument offersupprecisedetailsof Muslimtroopcharacteristics andarmament,pepperedby persistentdefamationand fantasy.Arabsweresaidto ‘circumcise’theirears,while Turkswereapparently renownedforindulgingin homosexualityandbestiality, allinaccordancewiththe supposedpreceptsof Muhammad. Theinformal‘rules’of engagementthatgradually builtupbetweenthese entrenchedfoesalsowere sometimestransgressed.An understandingappearsto haveexistedthattroops leavingthesafetyoftheir camptorelievethemselves wouldnotbeattacked.The crusadersweretherefore appalledwhen,onone occasion,‘[aknight]doing whateveryonehastodo... wasbentover’whena mountedTurkracedfromhis frontlinehopingtoskewer himwithhislance.Wholly unawareofthedanger,the knightwaswarnedinthenick oftimebytheshoutsof‘Run, sir,run’fromthetrenches.He ‘gotupwithdifficulty...his businessfinished’,just managingtododgethefirst charge,andthen,facinghis enemyunarmed,felledthe horsemanwithawell-thrown rock.32 THESTORMOF WAR Withtheadventof‘thesoft seasonofspring’,open warfarereturned,andthefirst battletobefoughtwasfor dominionofthesea.Inlate March1190,shortlyafter Easter,newsreachedAcre thatfiftyLatinshipswere approachingfromTyre.Inthe courseofthewinter,Conrad hadagreedapartial reconciliationwithGuy, becomingthe‘king’sfaithful man’inreturnforrightsto Tyre,BeirutandSidon.The fleethenowledsouthsought tore-establishChristian controloverthe Mediterraneanseaboardto reconnectthecrusaders’ lifelinetotheoutsideworld. Thiswasastrugglethat Saladincouldillaffordto lose,asperhapshisbesthope ofoverallvictoryatAcrelay inisolatingtheFrankish besiegers.Heresolvedto resisttheoncomingshipsat allcosts,promptingoneof thetwelfthcentury’smost spectacularnaval engagements. Thebattleforthesea WhentheLatinfleet appeared,drivendownthe coastbyanorthwind,around fiftyofSaladin’sshipssailed outofAcre’sharbourinpairs tomeetit,flyinggreenand goldbanners.TheFranks possessedtwomaintypesof vessel:‘long,slenderand low’galleys,fixedwith batteringramsandpowered bytwobanksofoars(one belowandoneondeck);and ‘galliots’,shorter,more manoeuvrablewarshipswith asinglebankofoars.Asthe fleetapproached,shieldwalls wereerectedondecksandthe Christianshipsformedintoa V-shapedwedge,withthe galleysatitspoint.Witha cacophonyoftrumpets soundingonbothsides,the twoforcesploughedintoone anotherandbattlewasjoined. Sea-bornecombatwasstill arelativelyrudimentaryaffair in1190.Largershipsmight trytoramandsinkenemy craft,butonthewhole fightingtookplaceatclose quartersandconsistedofthe exchangeofshort-range missilesandattemptstodraw inopposingvesselswith grapplinghooksandboard them.Thegreatesthorror,as farassailorswereconcerned, wasGreekfire,becauseit couldnotbeextinguishedby water,andinthisengagement bothsidespossessedsupplies ofthisweapon.TheMuslim fleetcameclosetogaining theupperhandonanumber ofoccasions.OneFrankish galleywasbombardedwith Greekfireandboarded, promptingitsoarsmentoleap intotheseainterror.Asmall numberofknightswhowere weigheddownbytheirheavy armour,andwhodidnot knowhowtoswimanyway, chosetoholdtheirground‘in sheerdesperation’and managedtowinbackcontrol ofthehalf-burntvessel.Inthe end,neithersideachievedan overwhelmingvictory,but theMuslimfleetcameoffthe worst,beingforcedback behindAcre’sharbourchain. Oneoftheirgalleyswas drivenashoreandransacked, itscrewdraggedontothe beachandsummarily butcheredandbeheadedbya mercilesspackofknifewieldingLatinwomen.Ina grimaside,acrusaderlater notedthat‘thewomen’s physicalweaknessprolonged thepainofdeath’becauseit tookthemlongerto decapitatetheirfoes. ThisbattlecostSaladin controloftheseafortherest of1190.Thecrusaderswere abletopolicethewaters aroundAcre,penningthe sultan’sremainingships withintheharbourand disruptinganyattemptsto resupplythecity’sgarrison. Forthenextsixmonths Acre’sinhabitantslivedon theedgeofstarvation.Bylate springtheirstoresofsupplies wereexhaustedandtheywere forcedtoeat‘alltheirbeasts, hoovesandinnards,necks andheads’andexpelanyold orweakprisoners(theyoung werekepttoloadcatapults). Saladinmaderepeated attemptstobreakthenaval cordon,withvaryingdegrees ofsuccess.Inmid-June,part ofatwenty-five-ship-strong fleetmanagedtofightitsway through.AroundlateAugust, thesultanarrangedfora round-belliedtransportship tobepackedwith400sacks ofwheat,aswellascheese, corn,onionsandsheep.To beattheblockadeitsailed fromBeirutunderthecloak ofdisguise.Itscrew‘dressed upasFranks,evenshaving theirbeards’,whilepigswere placedondeckinplainview andcrossesflown.The crusaderswerefooledandthe vesselsuccessfullyranthe gauntlet.Butthesewere meagrevictoriesforacity thatneedednear-constant supply.Atthestartof September,Qaragush managedtosmuggleouta letterinformingSaladinthat intwoweeksAcrewouldbe entirelyemptyoffood.The sultanwassoalarmedthathe keptthenewssecretforfear thatitwouldbreakhisarmy’s morale.Threemoregrainladensupplyshipsweredue fromEgypt,butbadwinds delayedtheirprogress.Baha al-Dindescribedhow,on17 September,Saladinstoodon theshore‘likeabereftmother ...hishearttroubled’, watchingastheyfinally sailedupthecoasttowards Acre,knowingfullwellthat thecitywouldfallifthey failedtogetthrough.After fiercefighting‘theships camesafelyintoharbour,to bemetlikerainsafter drought’.33 Onesavinggrace throughoutallthesestruggles wasthatthecrusadersnever succeededintakingcontrolof Acre’sinnerharbour.Had theydoneso,thegarrison’s positionwouldhavequickly becomeuntenable.Lateinthe summerof1190theFranks madeaconcertedeffortto seizetheTowerofFlies,the fortbuiltonarockyoutcrop inthebayofAcrethat controlledthechainguarding theport’sharbour.They fortifiedtwoorthreeships, creatingwhatamountedto elaboratefloatingsiege towers,buttheirassaultfailed whenthesewereburned downbyGreekfire. Withtheexceptionofthis attack,theFranksnever attemptedanavalassaulton Acreand,inreality,from theirperspectivethebattlefor theseafunctionedasa platformandanaddendumto theirland-basedsiege.Access tonavalsupportwasutterly indispensableinthatit continuedtofurnishthe crusaderswith reinforcements,provisions andmilitarysupplies,andthe blockadeofAcrecertainly addedanimportantelement ofattritiontotheir investment,butformostof 1190theiroverallstrategy wasgroundedinwarfareon land. Thestruggleonland Herethefightingseason beganagaininearnestinlate AprilandearlyMay1190. Withspring,Saladinrecalled histroopsfromSyriaand Mesopotamia.On25Aprilhe movedhiscampbacktothe frontlineatTellKaisanwith thesupportofhissonal- Afdal.Overthenexttwo monthstheywerereinforced bydetachmentsfromthelikes ofAleppo,HarranandMosul. Atthesametime,ofcourse, withtheseaopenthecrusader campwasagainfloodedby freshrecruits,manyofwhom wereearlyarrivalsfromthe armiesoftheFrenchand Englishkings.Chiefamong themwasHenryIIof Champagne,countofTroyes, nephewofbothRichardIand PhilipAugustus.Henry reachedAcreinAugustinthe companyofhisuncles,Count TheobaldVofBloisand Stephen,countofSancerre, alongwithsome10,000 fightingmen,and immediatelytookover militarycommandofthe siege.Alargecontingentof Englishcrusadersarrivedin lateSeptember,headedby ArchbishopBaldwinof Canterbury,theformidable HubertWalter,bishopof Salisbury,andHubert’s uncle,RanulfofGlanville, onceoneofKingHenryIIof England’sclosestadvisers.34 Inspiteoftherenewed influxofwesterncrusaders, Saladinshouldhave possessedthemanpowerto balance,perhapseven overwhelm,theChristian besiegersduringthelong fightingseasonof1190.But onefactorstayedhishand– thecomingoftheGermans. Asearlyasautumn1189 Saladinhadreceivedreports thatEmperorFrederick Barbarossawasmarchingto theHolyLandattheheadof aquarterofamillion crusaders–tidingsthat,not surprisingly,‘greatlytroubled thesultanandcausedhim anxiety’.Theimpending threatposedbytheexpected arrivalofthishordemeant thatfromApriltoSeptember thesultanwasneverableto directthefullmightofhis militaryresources,norfocus hisstrategicthinking,upon theproblematAcre. Convincedthattheemperor’s vasthostwouldsweepsouth throughSyriaandLebanon likeanunstoppabletide, Saladinsetaboutpreparing forabitterlyfoughtwaron twofronts.Almostassoonas thesultan’stroopsarrivedat Acrethatspringhebegan sendingthemawaytobolster thedefencesofthenorth. Inlandcitieswereorderedto storetheirharvestsincaseof siege,whilealongthecoast Saladinjudgedthatthelikes ofLatakiaandBeirutwould havenochanceofresisting Frederick,andthusordered theirwallstoberazedtothe groundtopreventthem becomingLatinstrongholds. Thesemeasuresmade completestrategicsense– indeedSaladinwouldhave beenmadtoignore Barbarossa’sapproach–but theyalsoservedtocripple MuslimeffortsatAcreby forcingamassiveredirection ofresources.Inthisway, evenbeforetheysetfootin theLevant,theGermans madeasignificant contributiontotheThird Crusade.35 Weakenedanddistracted, Saladinhadtoadoptalargely reactiveapproachtothe defenceofAcre.Hecould hopetofrustratetheFranks’ attempttoseizethecity,but anyplansactuallytomakea concertedattemptto annihilatethebesiegerswere againsidelined.Bythefirst daysofMaythesultanhad re-establishedafront-line position,penninginthe crusadersbetweenhisarmies andAcre’swalls.This allowedSaladintomount almostinstantaneouscounterattackstoanyLatinassaulton thecity,forcingthecrusaders tofighttheirowndraining struggleontwofronts. Meanwhile,thesultansought tomaintaincontactwith Qaragushandhisgarrison, butwiththecitysubjecttoa closelandandseablockade thiswasnosimplematter. Carrierpigeonswereoneof themainstaysofthe communicationand intelligencesystemthat spannedthefar-flung AyyubidEmpire,butatAcre theyseemtohaveplayeda limitedrole,perhapsbeing tooeasyatargetforenemy archers.Here,Saladinrelied insteaduponagroupof guilefulandcourageous messengerswhowouldseek toswimintoAcre’sinner harbourundercoverof darkness,carryingletters, moneyandevenflasksof Greekfiresealedinotter-skin bags.Thiswasperilouswork. Ononemissionan experiencedswimmernamed Isa,who‘usedtodiveand emergeonthefarsideofthe enemy’sships’,disappeared, onlytobewashedup drownedintheharbourafew dayslater,hisconsignmentof messagesandgoldstilltied roundhiswaist.36 Forthegreaterpartof 1190,Saladinfacedanenemy drivenbyonecoreobjective –thebreachingofAcre’s landwarddefences.Lackinga singleuniversally acknowledgedleader(with powerpassingbetweenthe likesofKingGuy,Jamesof AvesnesandHenryof Champagne),theirattacks sometimeslackedresolve,but thethreattheyposedwas severenonetheless.The Franksadoptedanassaultbasedsiegestrategy,looking toovercomethecity’swalls throughacombinationof bombardment,scalingand sapping.Havingconstructed anumberofcatapultsthrough thewinter,theynowinitiated anear-dailybarrageofstone missiles.Thesemachines seemtohavebeenoffairly limitedstrength,incapableof propellingtrulymassive boulders,sotheattackswere probablydesignedtoharass andinjuretheMuslim garrisonasmuchasto weakenAcre’swalls.Of course,thiswasnoone-sided affair.Withinthecity, Qaragushhadhisownarray ofheavyweaponswithwhich hesoughttodestroythe crusaders’siegeengines, oftenwithgreatsuccess.One wassaidtobeparticularly massive,capableofloosing stonesthatonimpactwould burythemselvesafootinto theground. Acre’slandwardwalls wereencircledbyadrymoat, designedtohamperany groundassaultandprevent large-scalesiegetowersfrom beingdrawnupagainstits battlements.Thecrusaders madearduousattemptstofill sectionsofthisditchwith rubble,oftenunderthecover ofaerialbombardment.The garrisondiditsbestto hampertheseefforts, showeringtheworkerswith arrows,buttheywere determined.OneFrankish woman,mortallywoundedas shecarriedforwardstones, evenrequestedthatherbody bethrownintothemoattoact asinfill.ByearlyMay1190, totheMuslims’horror,apath tothefootofthewallshad beenopened. Panicnowstartedto spread.ForweeksQaragush andSaladinhadwatcheda frenzyofconstructionwithin thecrusaders’camp,asthree massivesiegeengines graduallyroseintotheair. Builtwithwoodspecially broughtfromEuropetoa heightofsomesixty-fivefeet, thesewheeledthree-storey behemothswerecoveredin vinegar-soakedhide,to dampentheeffectoffire,and hungwithropenettingto weakentheimpactofcatapult attack.OneMuslim eyewitnesswrotethat, toweringabovethe battlementsofAcre,‘[they] seemedlikemountains’. Around3May,KingGuy, JamesofAvesnesand LudwigofThuringiapacked themwithtroops– crossbowmenandarcherson theroof,spearandpikemen below–andbeganinching themachinestowardsthe city.Thisdreadfulspectacle appalledtheMuslims.In Saladin’scamp‘everyone totallydespairedforthecity andthespiritsofthe defend[ers]werebroken’, whilewithinAcre‘Qaragush wasoutofhismindwith fear’,preparingtonegotiatea surrender.Aswimmerwas hurriedlydispatchedtowarn thesultanthatcollapsewas imminentandSaladinquickly launchedacounter-attack. Simultaneously,thegarrison beganpeltingthetowerswith flasksofGreekfireoncethey cameintorange,butnoneof thishaltedtheirinexorable advance. Thedaywassavedbya youngunnamedmetalworker fromDamascus.Fascinated bythepropertiesofGreek fire,hehaddevelopeda variationonitsformula whichpromisedtoburnwith evengreaterintensity. Qaragushwassceptical,but eventuallyagreedtotrythis newinvention,andthe metalworker‘concoctedthe ingredientshehadgathered withsomenaphthaincopper vats,untilthewholemixture waslikeaburningcoal’. Earlierintheday,fruitless attemptstousestandard Greekfirehadpromptedthe Frankstodanceaboutand makejokesatoptheirtowers, butwhenaclaypotofthis newformulationstruck,their jeersweresilenced.‘Hardly hadithitthetargetbeforeit burstintoflamesandthe wholebecamelikea mountainoffire’,observed oneMuslimonlooker.The tworemainingtowerssoon sufferedasimilarfate. Trappedcrusadersonthe upperlevelsdiedinthe conflagration,whilebelow thosewhocouldescapedto watchtheirgreatengines ‘burntocinders’.Fornow,at least,Acrewassafe.37 Inthemonthsthat followed,theMuslims’ superiormasteryof combustibleweapon technologyprovedadecisive element.InAugust,whenthe Frankssoughttointensify theirbombardment,operating inshiftsthroughdayand night,buildingevermore powerfulcatapults,Qaragush andAbu’lHaijalauncheda lightningsortie,sending ‘Greekfirespecialists’to burntheenemy’smachines, killingseventyChristian knightsintheprocess.In Septemberamassivestonethrower,builtunderthe ordersofHenryof Champagneatthecostof 1,500golddinars,was similarlydispatchedina matterofminutes.Not surprisingly,thecrusaders developedanintensehatred ofGreekfire.One unfortunateTurkishemirthus paidaheavypricewhen woundedinaskirmishbeside aFrankishsiegetower.He hadbeencarryingacontainer ofGreekfire,hopingto destroytheengine,butnowa Latinknight‘stretchedhim outontheground,emptying thecontentsofthephialon hisprivateparts,sothathis genitalswereburned’.38 Other,moreinsidious, battlesragedthatsummer. Thecarefulnurturingof moralewithinone’sown armyandthestruggleto breakthewilloftheenemy hadlongbeencommon featuresofmedievalsiege warfare.And,althoughevents atAcredonotseemtohave beenmarkedbyrepeatedacts ofdeliberatelycallous brutalityorbarbarismon eitherside,Qaragush’s garrisonoccasionally employedsuchtactics.Latin deadhadalreadybeenhung fromAcre’sbattlementsin November1189inanattempt toenragethecrusaders.Now, in1190,Muslimtroops occasionallydraggedcrosses andimagesoftheChristian faithtotheparapettosubject themtopublicdefilement. Thismightinvolvebeatings withsticks,spittingandeven urination,althoughone soldierwhoattemptedthe latterwasreportedlyshotin thegroinbyaFrankish crossbowman. Therecurrentissuesofany protractedinvestment– starvationanddisease–also casttheirshadowsoverAcre in1190.Hungerand discontentseemtohave promptedpoorersectionsof thecrusaderhosttolaunchan ill-disciplinedandultimately fruitlessattackonSaladin’s campinsearchoffoodon25 July,atthecostofatleast 5,000lives.Withtheir corpsesrottinginthesummer heatandgreatswarmsofflies descending,makinglife unbearableinbothcamps, diseaseinevitablyspread acrosstheplainsofAcre. Saladinonceagainsought tocleansethebattlefieldby throwingtheremainsofthe Christiandeadintotheriver, sendingagruesomemixture of‘blood,bodiesandgrease’ downstreamtowardsthe crusaders.Thetacticworked. OneLatindescribedhow‘no smallnumberof[crusaders] diedsoonafter[theyarrived] fromthefoulair,polluted withthestinkofcorpses, wornoutbyanxiousnights spentonguard,andshattered byotherhardshipsand needs’.Thelethal combinationofmalnutrition andatrocioussanitary conditionspoisonedthecamp fortherestoftheseason,and themortalityraterocketed. Lossesamongthepoorwere severe,butevennobleswere notimmune:Theobaldof Blois‘didnotsurvivemore thanthreemonths’,whilehis compatriotStephenof Sancerre‘alsocameanddied withoutprotection’.Ranulfof Glanvillelastedjustthree weeks.Acrewasfast becomingthegraveyardof Europe’saristocracy.39 ThefateoftheGerman crusade ElsewhereintheNearEast anotherdeathwastochange thecourseofthecrusade.In lateMarch1190Emperor FrederickBarbarossasecured termswiththeByzantines andledtheGermancrusade acrosstheHellesponttoAsia Minor.TheGermansforgeda routesouth-eastthrough Greekterritory,crossinginto TurkishAnatoliainlate April.Internalpower struggleswithintheSeljuq sultanateofKonyameantthat Frederick’searlierattemptsto negotiatesafepassage throughtoSyriahadalimited impactontheground,andthe crusaderssoonencountered concertedMuslimresistance. Despitesupplyshortages, Barbarossamanagedto maintaindisciplineamonghis men–Muslimsources claimedthathethreatenedto cutthethroatofanycrusader deemedtohavecontravened orders–andtheGerman marchingcolumncontinued tomakeheadway.On14May amajorTurkishassaultwas beatenbackandFrederick movedontoattackKonya itself,occupyingthelower townoftheSeljuqcapitaland forcingtheTurksinto temporarysubmission. WiththecrossingofAsia Minoralmostcompleted, Barbarossapushedsouth towardsthecoastandthe ChristianterritoryofCilician Armenia.TheGerman crusadehadsuffered substantiallossesintermsof menandhorses,butallinall Frederickhadachieveda strikingsuccess,prevailing wherethecrusadesof1101 and1147hadfailed.Then, justastheworsttrialsseemed tobeover,disasterstruck. ApproachingSifilkeon10 June1190,theemperor impatientlydecidedtoford theRiverSalephaheadofhis troops.Hishorselostits footingmid-stream,throwing Frederickintotheriver–ona scorching-hotdaythewater provedshockinglycold,and unabletoswim,theGerman emperordrowned.Hisbody wasdraggedashore,but nothingcouldbedone. WesternEurope’smost powerfulmonarch,the mightiestrulerevertotake thecross,laydead. Thissuddenunheralded cataclysmstunnedLatinsand Muslimsalike.OneFrankish chroniclerremarkedthat ‘Christendomsufferedmuch harmby[Frederick’s]death’, whileinIraqanother contemporaryjoyfully proclaimedthat‘Godsaved usfromhisevil’.The Germancrusaderswere grippedbyacrisisof leadershipandmorale. Barbarossa’syoungerson FrederickofSwabiatriedto salvagetheexpedition. Assumingcommand,hehad thelateemperor’sbody wrappedandembalmed,and thenheledthewayinto northernSyria.Butenroute ‘diseaseanddeathfellupon them[leavingthem]looking asthoughtheyhadbeen exhumedfromtheirgraves’. Thousandsdied,whileothers deserted.AtAntioch,someof Barbarossa’sremainswere buriedintheBasilicaofSt Peter,besidethesiteofthe HolyLance’sdiscovery;his boneswerethenboiledand collectedinabaginthehope thattheymightbelaidtorest inJerusalem(asitwas,they wereeventuallyinterredin theChurchofStMaryin Tyre).FrederickofSwabia limpeddowntheSyriancoast withwhatremainedofthe Germanarmy,facingattacks fromAyyubidtroops stationedinthenorth.40 Itisnotclearprecisely whennewsofBarbarossa’s deathreachedSaladin– accordingtoBahaal-Din,he wasinformedoftheeventby aletterfromBasilofAni, headoftheArmenian ChristianChurch,butnodate wasprovided.Thetidings certainlycausedcelebration amongtheMuslims.A crusaderwrotethat‘inside Acre...therewasdancing andplayingofdrums’,and recalledthatmembersofthe Ayyubidgarrisongleefully climbedthebattlementsto shout‘manytimes,inaloud voice...:“Youremperorhas drowned.”’Nonetheless,the sultanwasstilldispatching troopstodefendSyriaaslate as14July1190andthefull strengthofhisarmiesdidnot reassembleatAcreuntilearly autumn.Thus,eventhough Barbarossa’sdemisecrippled theGermancrusade,Saladin stilllostvitalmilitary resourcesthatsummer. FrederickofSwabia eventuallyreachedAcrein earlyOctober1190inthe companyofperhaps5,000 troops.Saladinseemstohave expectedthat,inspiteofall theirlosses,theGermans’ arrivalwouldreinvigoratethe crusadersiege,butinreal termsitdidlittletoadvance theFrankishcause.41 STALEMATE Inonesensethefighting seasonof1190hadbeena successforSaladin.Acrehad shruggedoffeveryLatin assault,itsgarrison counteringtheartificeofthe Franks’experimentalmilitary technology.Thesultanhad managed,albeitwithsome difficulty,tomaintain channelsofcommunication andresupplywiththecity, whiledeployinghisown troopstoharassanddistract thebesiegingcrusaders.After twelvemonths’investment, Acrestillheld. Nevertheless,inthewider schemeofthings,Saladinhad failed.Forcedtoredeployhis martialresourcestomeetthe perceivedthreatofthe Germancrusade,helacked themanpowerwithwhichto seizetheinitiativeatAcre. Witharmiesatfullstrength, thatsummerhemighthave riskedaconcertedfrontal assaultontheFrankish positionsanddriventhe crusadersfromPalestine.As itwas,bythetimehistroops hadregroupedatAcrein earlyOctober,Saladinseems tohavedecidedthat,fornow atleast,theopportunityfor decisiveinterventionhad passed.This,combinedwith theonsetofa‘biliousfever’, promptedhimtomovehis armybacktoadistantwinter encampmentatSaffaram (abouttenmilessouth-eastof Acre)inmid-October, effectivelybringingthe fightingseasontoaclose. Withhisconfidenceevidently shaken,Saladinorderedthe demolitionofCaesarea,Arsuf andJaffa–thekeyports southofAcre–andeven mandatedthedismantlingof Tiberias’walls.Inthemonths thatfollowed,Saladinfaceda constantstruggletomaintain hisforcesinthefield.Some, likethelordsofJaziratand Sinjar,repeatedlypetitioned toreturntotheirlands; others,likeKeukburi,were dispatchedtooverseethe governanceofthesultan’s neglectedMesopotamian interestsandwerelosttothe jihad.42 Inpullingbackfromthe frontline,justashehada yearearlier,Saladinwas relyingupontheravagesof naturetoweakenhisenemy, waitingtoseeifthecrusaders couldsurviveasecondcruel winterhuddledoutsideAcre. Beforelongthechangeof seasonbegantobite.Asin 1189,autumn’sendheralded theclosingoflong-distance searoutesandtheeffective isolationoftheFrankishhost. ByNovember,thecrusaders’ supplieswerealreadyrunning short,forcingthemtoattempt aforagingexpeditionsouth towardsHaifawhichwas beatenbackafterjusttwo days. Ordeals InlateNovemberSaladinat lastdisbandedhisarmyfor winter,onceagainremaining inpersonwithonlyasmall forcetowatchoverAcreas the‘seabecamerough[and therains]heavyand incessant’.FromtheMuslim perspective,themonthsthat followedprovedfarharsher andmoretryingthanthe winterof1189.Thecity’s garrisonwasfaltering,while Saladinandhismenwere exhaustedandill-tempered. Withsupplylinesstretched, therewerewidespread shortagesoffoodand weapons,andtoofewdoctors availabletodealwiththe frequentoutbreaksofillness. ‘Islamasksaidfromyou’,the sultanwroteinanimploring lettertothecaliph,‘asa drowningmancriesforhelp.’ Andyet,theseproblemswere butapalereflectionofthe tormentsfacedbythe crusaders.OneMuslim eyewitnessacknowledged this,writingthatbecause‘the plain[ofAcre]becamevery unhealthy’and‘theseawas closedtothem’,there‘was greatmortalityamongstthe enemy’with100to200men perishingdaily. TheLatins’sufferingmay havebeenobviousto onlookers,buttheviewfrom insidetheChristiancampwas evenmoreanguished.Cutoff fromtheoutsideworld,the crusaders’storesoffood simplyranout.Bylate Decemberpeoplehadturned toskinning‘finehorses’, eatingtheirfleshandguts withgusto.Asthefamine intensified,onecrusader wrotethattherewere‘those whohadlosttheirsenseof shamethroughtheirhunger [who]fedinsightof everyoneonabominablefood whichtheyhappenedtofind, nomatterhowfilthy,things whichshouldnotbespoken of.Theirdiremouths devouredwhathumansare notpermittedtoeatasifit weredelicious.’Thismaybe anindicationthattherewere outbreaksofcannibalism. Weakenedbyhunger,the Franksfellpreytoillnesses suchasscurvyandtrench mouth: Adiseaseranthroughthearmy...the resultofrainsthatpoureddownsuchas haveneverbeenbefore,sothatthe wholearmywashalf-drowned. Everyonecoughedandsoundedhoarse; theirlegsandfacesswelledup.Onone daytherewere1,000[menon]biers; theyhadsuchswellinginthefacesthat theteethfellfromtheirmouths. Theresultantmortalitywas onascalenotseensincethe FirstCrusaders’siegeof Antioch.Thousandsdied, amongthemsuchpotentates asArchbishopBaldwinof Canterbury,Theobaldof BloisandevenFrederickof Swabia.Thesedarkdaysof winterwitnessedacollapsein Christianmorale.One crusadercommented‘thereis noragelikethatbornof starvation’,observingthat,in themidstofthishorror,anger anddespaircausedalossof faithanddesertion.‘Manyof ourpeoplewenttotheTurks andturnedrenegade’,he wrote;‘theydenied[Christ], theCrossandbaptism– everything.’Receivingthese apostates,Saladinmusthave hopedthatthesiegeofAcre wouldsoonfalter. Butstillthecrusaders clungon.Someresortedto grazingongrassandherbs ‘likebeasts’,othersturnedto eatingunfamiliar‘carobbeans’indigenoustothearea, whichtheyfound‘sweetto eat’.HubertWalter,bishopof Salisbury,playedamajorrole inrestoringsomesemblance ofordertothechaos-stricken camp,organisingcharitable collectionsfromtherichso thatfoodcouldbedistributed tothepoor.Whenscoresof hungrycrusaderssinnedby eatingwhatlittlemeatthey couldfindduringLent, Hubertenforcedapenance uponthem–threeblowson theirbackswithastick, administeredbythebishop himself,‘butnotheavy blows’,ashe‘chastisedlikea father’.Finally,aroundlate FebruaryorearlyMarch,the firstsmallChristiansupply shipbearinggrainreachedthe camptobegreetedwithgreat celebration,andwithspring thecrisisofsupplyended. Havingpassedthrougha tempestofdeathandmisery, theFrankswerestillthronged outsideAcre.43 ForIslam,thecrusaders’ tenacityspelleddisaster.As hehadayearearlier,Saladin soughttousethewinter seasontostrengthenAcre,but thistimehiseffortsmetwith lesssuccess.Al-Adilwassent toorganiseasupplydepotat Haifafromwhichresources couldbeferriedfromEgypt upthecoasttothegarrison. On31December1190seven fullyladentransportships reachedAcre’sharbouronly tobedashedagainsttherocks andsunkbythetreacherous seas.Food,weaponsand moneythatcouldhave sustainedthecityformonths werelost.Thenon5January 1191anintenserainstorm causedasectionofAcre’s outerwalltocollapse, suddenlyexposingthecityto attack.Rackedbystarvation andillness,thecrusaders wereinnopositionto capitaliseonthisopportunity andSaladin’smenhurriedly filledthebreach,butthe omensforIslamwerebleak. Withagrowingsenseof apprehension,thesultan soughttoreorganiseAcre’s defences.Abu’lHaijatheFat wasrelievedofhismilitary commandoftheporton13 February,tobesubstitutedby al-Mashtub,although Qaragushwasleftinhispost asgovernor.Theexhausted troopsofthegarrisonwere alsoreplaced,butSaladin’s secretaryImadal-Dinlater criticisedthismeasure,noting thataforceof20,000men andsixtyemirswas exchangedforjusttwenty emirsandfarfewertroops becauseSaladinstruggledto findvolunteerswillingto manthecity. Thesultan’sfrustrationis apparentinalettersenttothe caliphthatsamemonth,in whichhewarnedthatthe popemightbecomingtolead thecrusadersandbemoaned thefactthat,whenMuslim troopsarrivedatAcrefrom thefarcornersoftheNear East,theircommanders’first questionwaswhentheycould leave.Atthesametime,the manifoldpressuresof maintaininghisenormous realmwhilelockedinthe struggleatAcrewere beginningtotell.InMarch, Saladinbegrudgingly assentedtoTaqial-Din’s repeateddemandstobemade rulerofthenorth-eastern citiesofHarranandEdessa. Whilethesultancouldill affordtolosehisnephew fromthejihad,heneededto safeguardhiscontroloverthe UpperEuphratesorriskthe unravellingofhisempire.44 ByApril1191Saladin’s prospects,andthoseofAcre, seemedalmosthopeless.For ayearandahalfthesultan hadbeenimmobilisedbythe crusaders’siegeofthecity, unabletoconsolidatefullyhis victoriesof1187,cowedinto astrategyofreactivedefence. Hehadsoughttoturnback thevengefultidethathad sweptfromwesternEurope ontotheshoresofPalestine, andhehadfailed.Frederick Barbarossa’ssuddendeathin June1190hadbeen extraordinarilyprovidential, butatAcreitselfSaladinhad beenlessfortunate,facinga seeminglyindomitable Frankishenemy.Acreheld, butsotoodidtheLatinsiege. Battered,butnotbroken,the crusadershadachieveda staggeringfeatofarms–the maintenanceofasiegedeep inenemyterritorywhilebeset byanopposingfieldarmy. Inoneimportantregard, Saladin’shandlingofthe titanicstruggleoutsideAcre waslaudable.Forthefirst timeinthewarfortheHoly Land,hehadrefusedtoback awayfromaprolongedand entrenchedmilitary confrontation,showing doggeddetermination throughoneandahalfyears andtwoharshwinters.Yet,in spiteofalltheobstacleshe faced,thesultan’sinabilityto crushtheChristiansbetween 1189and1191mustbe harshlycriticised.Forhe knewthatalltheFrankish mightthathadgathered beforeAcre,alltheforceof armslaunchedagainstits walls,werebuttremors beforetheearthquakethat wouldstrikewiththecoming ofthekingsofEnglandand France.AndstillSaladin lackedthewillandvisionto act.Now,withthegatewayto theHolyLandajar,Islam wouldhavetofacethefull strengthofLatin Christendom’scrusading wrath. 15 THECOMINGOF KINGS Sailingdownthecoastof Palestineonthemorningof Saturday8June1191,King RichardIofEnglandgained hisfirstglimpseofthe terriblespectaclethatwasthe siegeofAcre.Thetowersand rampartsofthecityitself cameintoview,thenthe swarmedranksoftensof thousandsofcrusaders, drawn‘fromeveryChristian nationunderheaven’,‘the floweroftheworld’ encirclingitsprey.Finally, ‘hesawtheslopesandthe mountains,thevalleysand theplains,coveredwith Turksandtentsandmenwho haditintheirheartstoharm Christianity’,withSaladinin theirmidst.Threeandahalf longyearsaftertakingthe cross,Richardhadatlast reachedtheHolyLand.The Franksgreetedhisappearance withrapturouscelebration. Onememberofhisarmy wroteofthefestivitiesthat followedthatevening: Greatwasthejoy,clearwasthenight.I donotbelievethatanymother’sson eversawortoldofsuchelationasthe armyexpressedovertheking’s presence.Bellsandtrumpetsall sounded.Finesongsandballadswere sung.Allwerefullofhope.Somany lightsandcandles[werelit]thatit seemedtotheTurksintheopposing armythatthewholevalleywasablaze. WithinSaladin’scamp,one ofthesultan’sadvisers recordedthat‘theaccursed kingofEnglandcame[with] greatpomp,[attheheadof] twenty-fivegalleysfullof men,weaponsandstores... hewaswiseandexperienced andhiscominghadadread andfrighteningimpactonthe heartsoftheMuslims’.The Lionhearthadarrived.45 JOURNEYINGTO THEHOLYLAND Richardhadscoredanotable victoryevenbeforehe reachedtheNearEast.The crusaderarmiesofFranceand EnglandsailedfromSicilyin spring1191.PhilipII AugustusleftMessinaon20 Marchandarrivedinthe Levantonemonthlater. RichardI,meanwhile,headed forCreteon10Aprilwitha fleetthathadgrownto includemorethan200 vessels.Butafterthreedaysa galeblewaroundtwenty-five oftheseshipsoffcourseto Cyprus–anislandruledsince 1184bytheByzantineIsaac Comnenusasanindependent Greekterritory.Amongthem wasthecraftcarryingthe Lionheart’ssisterJoanneand hisfiancéeBerengaria.Three shipswerewreckedoffthe islandandthosewhomade landfallwerebadlytreatedby thelocalpopulation.Some attemptwasalsomadetotake thetwoLatinprincesses captiveastheywaitedat anchornearLimassol,onthe southcoast. AfterarrivingonRhodes around22AprilKingRichard learnedoftheseeventsand decidedtolaunchan immediatenavalassaulton Cyprus,despiteitsstatusasa Christianpolityandhis positionasacrusader.The Lionheartmadeadaring beachlandingatLimassolon 5Mayandreadilybeatback Isaac’stroops,forcingthe GreektoretreattoFamagusta ontheeasterncoast.During thelullinhostilitiesthat followed,Richardand Berengariaweremarriedin thechapelofStGeorgein Limassolon12May. Isaacthenmadehalfheartedoverturestowards peace,butRichardeventually sailedontoFamagusta, defeatedtheGreeksinbattle forasecondtimeand proceededtosubduethe entireislandwithremarkable efficiency.Isaacsurrendered on1Juneandwaspromptly clappedinspecially commissionedsilvershackles (theLionhearthaving promisednottoplacehimin irons). Richardthusbeganhis crusadingcampaignwitha majorvictory,albeitone scoredagainstafellow Christianterritory.Cyprus’ conquestprovidedthe Angevinarmywithamassive influxofwealthand resources.Thekinglevieda fiftypercenttaxonthe Cypriotpopulaceandthen,a fewweeksafterhisdeparture, soldtheislandtothe Templarsfor100,000gold bezants(althoughheonly everreceivedtheinitialdown paymentof40,000).The islandalsoservedasacritical stagingpostthroughoutthe crusade.Inthelongerterm, theLatinoccupationof Cypruswouldprovetohavea profoundbearinguponthe futurehistoryofthecrusades andthecrusaderstates. InthemidstoftheCyprus campaign,Richardreceived anembassyfromGuyof Lusignan.TheLionheart,as countofPoitou,wasthe feudaloverlordofthe LusignandynastyandGuy nowsoughttocapitaliseupon thisbond,beggingRichardto lendhimsupportinthepower strugglewithConradof Montferrat.Newsalsobegan toarrivefromPalestine, intimatingthatPhilip Augustuswasmakingreal progressatAcre.According toonecrusader,‘whenthe [Angevin]kingheardthis,he gaveagreatandheartfelt sigh,[andsaid,]“Godforbid thatAcreshouldbewonin myabsence.”’Stirredto action,theLionheartleft Cypruson5June1191and, uponmakinglandfallin Syria,hadIsaacComnenus internedintheHospitaller castleofMarqab.Richard headedsouth,butwasrefused entryatTyrebyConradof Montferrat’sgarrisonandso sailedontoreachAcreon8 June.46 THEIMPACTOF THEKINGS RichardtheLionheart’s arrival,alongsidethatof PhilipAugustus,transformed theLatins’prospects.The adventofthesetwomonarchs revitalisedthecrusade, bringingnewvigourand determinationtothe investmentofAcre, supplyinganempowering injectionofresources– financial,humanandmaterial –thatpromisedtobringthis fiercelycontestedsiegetoa victoriousend. ThearrivalofPhilip Augustus Inonesense,therumoursthat RichardheardonCyprus wereright:KingPhiliphad madesignificantprogressat Acresincehisarrivalon20 April1191.Whilenotingthat hereachedthecitywitha modestfleetofjustsixships, Bahaal-Dinconcededthat theFrenchmonarchwas‘a greatmanandrespected leader,oneoftheirgreat kingstowhomallpresentin thearmywouldbeobedient’. Hecamewithmuchofthe remainingmightofthe Frenchnobility;menlikethe veterancrusaderCountPhilip ofFlanders(whosurvived onlyto1June)andtheproud andpowerfulCountHughof Burgundy.Although contemporarywriterspartisan totheLionhearttendedto downplaytheFrenchking’s achievementsatAcre,in realityPhilipimmediately madehispresencefelt, workingtointensifythe militarypressureonAcre’s garrisonwhileconsolidating theFrankishposition. Having‘orderedhis crossbowmenandarchersto shootcontinuouslysothatno onecouldshowafinger abovethewallsofthecity’, thekingoversawtheerection ofsevenmassivestonethrowingmachinesandthe strengtheningofthepalisade surroundingthecrusaders’ trenches.On30May,withhis catapultsreadyforaction, Philipinitiatedadetermined bombardmentcampaignof suchintensitythat‘stones rainedon[Acre]nightand day’,forcingSaladintomove histroopsbacktothefront line.ReachingTellalAyyadiyaby5June,the sultanlauncheddailyattacks ontheLatintrenches,hoping tointerrupttheiraerial offensive,butnothingseems tohavestilledtheFrench siegeengines.Atthesame time,thecrusaderswere preparingforafrontalground assault,makingrenewed attemptstofillsectionsof Acre’sdrymoatsothatthey couldgainaccesstothe walls.WiththeFranks throwingdeadhorsesand evenhumanremainsintothe ditch,theMuslimgarrison wasleftwiththedesperate taskoftryingtoemptythe channelfasterthantheLatins couldfillit.OneMuslim witnessdescribedhowthe defendersweresplitinto threegroups:one‘going downtothemoatandcutting upcorpsesandhorsesto makethemeasytocarry’, anothertransportingthis grislyburdentotheseaanda thirddefendingagainst Christianattack.Itwassaid that‘nostout-heartedman couldendure’suchappalling work,‘yettheywereenduring it’,fornowatleast.OneproFrenchnear-contemporary laterobservedthat,withthe momentumgrowingtowards aFrankishassault,King Philip‘couldeasilyhave takenthecityhadhewished’, butelectedtowaitfor Richard’sarrivalsothatthey couldshareinthevictory. Thismayhavebeenan exaggeration,anditis doubtfulthatPhiliptruly wouldhaveshownsuch forbearance,butitisalltoo easy,amidsttheglareofthe Lionheart’slegend,toforget thatitwastheCapetianand nottheAngevinmonarch whofirstbreathednew, reinvigoratinglifeintothe ThirdCrusade.47 TheLionheartatAcre Evenso,Richard’sgrand, drama-ladenlandfallatAcre on8Junedidservetotipthe balanceofmilitarypowerin theLatins’favour. ComparingthetwoChristian monarchs,aMuslim eyewitnessobserved:‘[The Englishking]hadmuch experienceoffightingand wasintrepidinbattle,andyet hewasintheireyesbelowthe kingofFranceinroyalstatus, althoughbeingricherand morerenownedformartial skillandcourage.’The LionheartarrivedintheNear EastwithmanyofEngland’s andNormandy’smost powerfulnobles–thelikesof RobertIV,earlofLeicester, andRogerofTosny–men whoheldmajorestateson bothsidesoftheChannel.He wasalsoaccompaniedbyan innercircleoffamiliares,or householdknights–fiercely loyalwarriorslikeAndrewof Chauvigny.48 RichardcametotheHoly Landwithmoremen,far deeperfinancialreservesand amuchlargernavythanKing Philip.Indeed,attheheadof thetwenty-five-ship-strong advanceguardofhisfleet,the Englishmonarchmanagedto scorehisfirstmilitarysuccess againstSaladinevenbefore settingfootontheLevantine mainland.Sailingsouthfrom Tyre,enroutetoAcre, Richardcameacrossahuge Muslimsupplyshipinthe regionofSidon.Thisvessel hadsetoutfromAyyubidheldBeirut,packedwith sevenemirs,700elitetroops, food,weaponsandmany phialsofGreekfire,aswell as200‘verydeadlysnakes’ which‘[theMuslims] intendedtoletlooseamong the[Christian]army’.Witha dropinthewindRichard managedtocatchuptothis craftand,seeingthroughits Muslimcrew’sattemptto passthemselvesoffas Frenchmen,launchedan attack.Facingfierce resistance,unabletoboard andcapturetheshipintact, Richardsettledforramming andsinkingittoensurethat itspreciouscargonever reachedtheenemy.To capitalisefullyuponthe demoralisingeffectofthis defeat,asingleprisonerwas latermutilatedandsentinto Acrebearingnewsofthe disaster. Uponreachingthesiege, Richardsetuphiscampto thenorthofthecity,Philip havingtakenupapositionto theeast.TheLionheart immediatelysetabout assessing‘howthecitycould beseizedintheshortesttime, whatmeans,whatcunning, whatsiegeenginesmustbe used’.Butjustashewas readyinghimselfforwar, barelyaweekafterhavingset footintheHolyLand,the kingwasunmannedby illness.Instarkcounterpoint tohisnavaltriumphandthe majestyofhisarrival, Richardsuddenlyfound himselfconfinedtohistent fordaysbyascurvy-like afflictioncalledarnaldiaby contemporaries;soonhis teethandfingernailsbeganto loosenandpatchesofhishair fellout.Thehumiliationmust havebeenhardtobear,not leastbecausesicknesscould soeasilybeinterpretedasa signofdivineillfavour.In Saladin’scamptheking’s miserywasseenasa blessing,becauseit ‘discouraged[theFranks] frommakingtheirattacks’. Yeteveninastateof infirmity,Richardproved himselfcapableofadvancing thecrusaders’cause.49 Showingasubtletythat mightseemtobeliehis reputationforrawbellicosity, theEnglishmonarch immediatelysetabout openingdiplomaticchannels ofcommunicationwith Saladin.Experienceinthe Westhadtaughtthe Lionheartthatinthemedieval worldvictorycametothose whocouldmarrythe disciplinesofpoliticsand warfare.Heshowed absolutelynocompunctionin employingnegotiationasa weaponinthestrugglewith thesupposed‘infidel’, althoughfornowatleast thesecontactswerekept secretfromthecrusaderhost. Richardbegan,evenbefore theonsetofhisillness,by seekingapersonalmeeting withSaladin.Anenvoywas dispatchedtorequesta parley,butthesultan respondedwithacourteous butfirmrejection:‘Kingsdo notmeetunlessanagreement hasbeenreached’,he apparentlyreplied;‘itisnot goodforthemtofightafter meetingandeatingtogether.’ Richardsooncameback withaproposalforan exchangeofgiftsand,on1 July,releasedaNorthAfrican ‘whomtheyhadcaptureda longtimeago’asasignof goodwill.Alittlelater, Saladinreceivedavisitfrom threeAngevinenvoys requesting‘fruitandice’for theirking.Richardseemsto havedelightedinaskingfor suchdelicacies,possiblyas partofamischievous diplomaticgame,perhapsto gaugehowfarhecouldpush theboundariesofhospitality, butalsobecausehesimply seemstohavedevelopeda tasteforthefinerthingsof theOrient,mostnotably peachesandpears.Saladin, himselfanacutepractitioner ofthediplomaticarts,hadthe threeFrankstakenonatour ofhisarmy’smarketplaceso thattheymightbedazzledby itsspectaculararrayofshops, bathsandsupplies.BahaalDin,whoaspartofSaladin’s innercirclewasprivytothese earlyexchanges,soberly observedthatsuchembassies werereallyspyingmissions, designedtogaugethelevelof Muslimmorale,andthatthey wereacceptedsoastogain thesameintelligencefrom theenemy.Richardwasnot aloneinseekingtonegotiate withIslamatAcre.Philip Augustusheldhisown privatetalkswiththe commandersofthecity’s garrison,althoughthey similarlyachievedlittleof substance.Buttheveryfact thatthetwokingswere competinginthefieldof diplomacysuggestedthatthe ingrainedrivalrythathadso delayedtheirarrivalinthe HolyLandwasstill simmering.50 Rivalryorunity? Theinitialsignsupon Richard’sarrivalatAcrehad suggestedthatunityof purposemightovercome discord.Philipwentinperson togreettheLionheartashe disembarked,withthetwo monarchs‘showingeach othereveryrespectand deference’.TheFrenchking evenheldincheckhisanger atRichard’smarriageto Berengaria,thefinalsealon hisownsister’srejection.But cracksintheveneerofamity soonstartedtoappear. Richardwentoutofhisway toprovethathiswealth exceededthatofhisFrench counterpart,offeringfour goldbezantspermonthto ‘anyknight,ofanyland,who wishedtotakehispay’after Philiphadtenderedthree. Thismayhavesmackedof pure,arrogantoneupmanship,butithadthe verypracticaleffectoffurther swellingtheranksofthe Lionheart’sarmy,andthus ensuringthatheheldthe balanceofmilitarypower amongthecrusaders.51 Thethornyissueofthe kingdomofJerusalem’s politicalfuturealsoservedto perpetuateAngevin–Capetian rivalry.Eversincehis disastrousdefeatandcapture atHattinin1187,Guyof Lusignan’srighttothethrone ofJerusalemhadbeenopen tochallenge.Conrad,marquis ofMontferrat,stalwart defenderofTyre,saviourof theLatinEast,appearedto manytobethenaturalchoice forthethrone.WhenConrad refusedGuyaccesstoTyre, aftertheking’sreleasefrom captivity,thedisputeerupted intoanopenfeud.Thecrisis thendeepenedintheearly autumnof1190whenQueen Sibylla(BaldwinIV’ssister) andhertwoinfantdaughters succumbedtoillnesswhile stayinginthecrusadercamp outsideAcre.Theirdeaths wereadireblowtoGuy’s politicalsecurity,removing astheydidhisonlyblood linktothethroneof Jerusalem.Withthelegality ofGuy’srighttothecrown nowopentoquestion,much ofthesurvivingnobilityof theLatinkingdomdecidedto backConrad. InNovember1190arather unsavourypoliticalsolution wasengineered.The bloodlineoftheJerusalemite thronenowdevolvedupon Sibylla’sbeautifulyounger sister,Isabella,soacoalition ofGuy’senemiesarranged forhertobemarriedto Conrad.Therewereafew detailstobeironedoutbefore thisunioncouldbefinalised. Rumourhaditthatatleast oneofConrad’stwoprevious wiveswasstillalive somewhereintheWest. Worsestill,Isabellaalready hadahusband–Humphreyof Toron.Indeed,thecouple werecampedwiththe crusaderarmyoutsideAcre. Abductedfromhertent, browbeatenbyhermother MariaComnenainto acceptingadubious annulment,Isabellafinally acquiescedandwaswedto Conrad.Decadeslaterapapal commissionwouldcondemn theirmarriageasboth bigamousandincestuous (becauseIsabella’ssisterhad oncebeenmarriedto Conrad’sbrother)butfornow theneedforstrongmilitary leadershipoverruledthe nicetiesoflaw.Conrad stoppedshortofhaving himselfandIsabellacrowned inGuy’sstead,retiring insteadtoTyre,leavingthe ‘king’s’authorityintatters. Bythesummerof1191the wholeaffairwasindesperate needofresolution.Not surprisingly,Richardand Philipendedupbacking differentcamps.Ascountof Poitou,theLionheartwasthe overlordoftheLusignan family,soitwasexpected thatRichardwouldlendhis supporttoGuy,afact confirmedwhenthelatter cametoCyprusinMay, supplicatinghimselfbefore thekingevenbeforehe arrivedatAcre.Philip, meanwhile,promotedthe interestsofhisrelative Conrad,whohadnow returnedtothesiege.Outside Acre,on7May1191,the Frenchkingactedascosignatorytoacharter– buyingthesupportofthe Venetiansinreturnfor tradingprivileges–inwhich Conradboldlystyledhimself as‘kingelect’.Withthe Genoesealreadyalliedtothe FrenchandthePisansbought outbyRichard,acomplex webofoverlappingfactions andinterrelateddisputes lookedsettoriptheThird Crusadeapart.Andyet,the flamesofopenconflictnever reallytookhold.With Richard’ssupport,Geoffrey ofLusignanaccusedConrad oftreasoninlateJune,butthe marquischoseflighttoTyre overpossiblearrestandthe quarrelwas,forthemoment, puttooneside.52 Infact,despitethemanifest tensionandillwillbetween RichardandPhilip,they managedtomusterenough begrudgingcooperationto ensurethatprogresswas madeonthemilitaryfront. ThroughoutJuneandearly July1191Angevinand Capetiantroopscoordinated androtatedtheirattacks–one forceholdingthetrenches againstSaladinwhilethe otherassaultedthecity. TowardstheendofJune Philipbecameimpatientwith thedelaycausedbyRichard’s continuedillnessanddecided tomounthisownfrontal assaultonAcre,anattackthat enjoyedlittlesuccess.But evenonthisoccasion, Richard’sallieshelpedto defendthecrusadercamp, withGeoffreyofLusignan alonekillingtenMuslims withhisbattleaxe. Thecrusaders’siegestrategy Withsome25,000crusaders deployedaroundAcreby earlysummer1191,Richard andPhilipimplementeda relativelycoherentand coordinatedassault-based siegestrategy.Teamsof sappersweredeployedtodig minesbeneaththecity’swalls inthehopeofcollapsingits battlements,andintermittent attemptswerealsomadeto stormAcre’swallsthrough frontalassault.ThroughJune, however,thebattleplanof bothmonarchscentredupon theuseofincessantaerial bombardmenttoshatterboth Acre’sphysicaldefencesand itsgarrison’spsychological resistance.Togetherthe Frankishkingscircledthe citywithamightyarrayof stone-throwingcatapults.So dreadfuladestructiveforce hadneverbeforebeen witnessedonthefieldof crusadingconflictandthe Acrecampaignmarked somethingofashiftinthe practiceofsiegewarfare. Ofcourse,bombardment hadbeenafeatureof siegecraftintheseholywars fromtheverystart,withboth attackersanddefendersusing varioustypesofstone- throwingengines.Tillnow, though,therelativeweakness ofthesemachineshadlimited thesizeandweightof projectilesthatcouldbe launchedandtheireffective range.Besiegersmightthus usecatapultfiretoinjureand demoraliseanenemy garrison,butusuallythere waslittlehopethat bombardmentalonecould demolishthewallsortowers ofawell-fortifiedtarget. RichardI,andperhapsalso PhilipAugustus,seemto havebroughtmoreadvanced formsofcatapulttechnology tobearduringthesiegeof Acre,employingmachines capableofprojectinglarger missilesfurtherandwith greateraccuracy.The increasedtempoofaerial attackestablishedbyPhilip wasfurtherintensifiedafter Richard’sarrival,withmore andmoresectionsofAcre comingundernearcontinuousbombardment.By nowthecrusadershad christenedthemostpowerful Frenchcatapult‘Mal Voisine’,or‘BadNeighbour’, whilenicknamingtheMuslim stone-throwerthattargetedit forcounter-bombardment ‘MalCousine’,or‘Bad Relation’.Timeandagain Acre’sgarrisonmanagedto damage‘BadNeighbour’,but Philipsimplyhaditrebuilt, focusingitsfireontheCursed Towerinthecity’snortheasterncorner.TheFranks paidforanotherengine, whichtheycalled‘God’sown catapult’,outofacommunal fund–‘apriest,amanof greatprobity,alwaysstood nexttoit’,notedone contemporary,‘preachingand collectingmoneyforits continualrepairandforhiring peopletogatherstonesforits ammunition’. Amongthestone-throwers operatedbyRichard’smen weretwonewlybuilt machines‘madewith remarkableworkmanshipand materials’thatcouldpropel themassivecatapultstones thatthekinghadbrought fromMessina.Itwas rumouredamongtheFranks thatjustoneofthesemissiles killedtwelveofAcre’smen andwaslatersentfor inspectiontoSaladin,butthis soundslikemorale-boosting campgossipandwasnot confirmedbyMuslim witnesses.Anotherofthe Lionheart’smachines possessedsuchpowerthatit couldthrowamissileintothe heartofthecitytoreach Butchers’Row,astreetwhich seemstohaveruncleardown totheharbour.53 BylateJunetheforceof thisintensecrusader offensivewasstartingtotell. InSaladin’scampone observernotedthatthe Franks’‘constantbatteringof thecitywalls’meantthatthe battlementshadbegunto ‘shake’andcouldbeseenby thecrusaderstobe‘tottering’. ‘Thedefendersinthecity’,he wrote,‘hadbecomevery weakandthenoosearound themverytight.’Troop shortagesinsideAcremeant thatsoldierscouldnotbe rotatedonandoffdutyona regularbasis,andmostwere goingwithoutsleepfordays andnights.Messagesbegan toarriveinthesultan’scamp warningthatthegarrison, exhaustedbytheconstant fighting,wasfaltering. Saladindidwhathecould torelievethepressure, launchingregularcounterattacksontheLatintrenches. Throughoutlatespringand earlysummertheranksofhis armyswelledastroopsfrom aroundtheempirereturnedto Acre.Indeed,attheendof Junesizeablearmiesarrived fromMesopotamiaand Egypt.Butbythenthe crusaderswereentrenched toofirmlyintheirpositions. FromtimetotimeMuslim raidingpartiessucceededin breakingintotheenemy camp–ononeoccasionthey madeapointofstealingthe Franks’cookingpots–but theywerealwaysbeaten back.Atnight,Saladintried usingmorefurtivetactics. Stealthythievesweretasked withslippingpasttheLatin pickets,where,onceamong thetents,theywouldselecta victim.Bahaal-Dindescribed how‘theyseizedmenwith easebycomingtothemas theyweresleeping,puttinga knifetotheirthroat,then wakingthemandsaying throughgestures,“Ifyou speak,weshallcutyour throat”’,leadingthemaway tocaptivityandinterrogation. But,ultimately,theserather desperateattemptstohaltthe Christianoffensiveanderode crusadermoralefailed.Bythe startofJulyitwasclearthat Acrewasonthevergeof collapse.Surveyingthecity’s defencesfromhorseback, Saladinwassaidbyone Muslimeyewitnesstohave beenhorrified:‘Tearsflowed fromhiseyes...ashe lookedtowardsAcreandsaw thetormentshewasin.’ Badlyshaken,‘thatdayhe consumednofoodatall[but] merelydranksomecupsofa drinkthathisdoctoradvised himtotake.[Hewas] overcomebytiredness, dejectionandgrief.’54 THEFATEOFACRE Around2July1191the crusadersadjustedtheir strategy.Havingbattered Acretothebrinkof submission,theynowsought toexploitthedamagedoneto thecity’sdefences.The CursedTowerhadbeen weakenedandaten-metre lengthofnearbywallwas beginningtocrumble;tothe north,asecondmajortower wasclosetocollapse.With Latinsappersintensifying theireffortstoundermine thesetargets,aboveground theaerialbarrageslackened andattentionturnedinstead totheprosecutionofafrontal assault,astheFrankssetout ‘withgreatseriousnessof purpose’tobreakintoAcre. Afterthefirstdayofthese attacksSaladinreceivedan urgentmessagefrom Qaragushandal-Mashtub statingthat‘tomorrow,ifyou donotdosomethingforus, wewillseektermsand surrenderthecity’.An eyewitnessintheMuslim campreportedthat‘thesultan wasdevastated’.Appalledby thisimpendingdisaster,he orderedal-Adiltolead anotherfranticattackonthe Christiancampon3July,but ‘theFrankishinfantrystood behindtheirdefenceslikea solidwallwiththeirweapons, theircrossbows,boltsand arrows’.Atthesametime, neartheCursedTower, Frenchsapperscompleteda tunnel.Oncesetalight,this wood-packedminecavedin, bringingdownmuchofthe parapetaboveit.Scoresof Franksracedtowardsthe ruinedbarrierwithscaling ladders,whiletheMuslim garrisonmountedtherubble, girdingthemselvesforhandto-handcombat. ThefirstLatinupaladder wasAuberyClements, marshalofFrance,oneof Philip’sleadingknights.It wassaidlateramongthe Christians’forcesthat,before climbingthebreach,Aubery hadcalledoutdefiantly: ‘EitherIshalldietoday,or Godwilling,Iwillenter Acre.’Uponreachingthetop, Aubery’sladdercollapsed beneaththeweightof crusadersclamouringto followhimandtheFrankish assaultfaltered.Suddenly isolated,Auberywasreported tohavefoughtonalonewith ‘exceptionalvalour’,leaving hisstrickencompatriotsto watchfrombelowas‘the Turkssurroundedand crushedhim,stabbinghimto death’.Thatatleastwasthe crusaders’versionofevents. Muslimwitnessestestified thatAuberymadeapathetic attempttopleadforhislife, offeringtoarrangethe withdrawaloftheentire crusade,beforebeing butcheredbyazealousKurd. TheLatinattackmayhave foundered,butithadbeena close-runaffair,andthe parlousstateofAcre’s defencessentarippleoffear andpanicthroughthecity. Thatnightthreeemirsfled thecityinsmallboatsunder coverofnight;oneofthem madethemistakeofseeking refugeinSaladin’scampand waspromptlythrowninirons. Butinrealitytheiractions merelyreflectedatruththat wasnowobvioustoall:Acre wasabouttofall.55 Thedefinitivebreachcame atthesectionofthenorthern defencestargetedbyRichard I.Theailingking,stilltoo weaktowalk,hadtakento beingcarriedtothefrontline onaregalstretcher,covered ‘inagreatsilkenquilt’. Shootingfrombehindthe protectionofasiegescreen, hepickedoffhaplessMuslim trooperswithhiscrossbow, amongthemonewarriorwho hadill-advisedlyelectedto donAuberyClements’ armour.On5Julyhissappers torchedanothermine, topplingthenortherntower andcausingthepartial disintegrationoftheadjoining walls.JustasattheCursed Tower,thecrusaderswere nowpresentedwitharubblestrewnfissure,throughwhich itwouldbedifficulttomount anoverwhelmingassault. Richard’sresponse demonstratedbothhis ingenuityandhisappreciation ofthebaserealitiesofwar. Knowing,asone contemporarydrylyobserved, that‘everyoneisattractedby thesmellofmoney’,theking offeredtwogoldcoinsto anyonewhocouldcarryoffa stonefromthedamagedwall. Thiswasnear-suicidalwork: arrowsandcrossbowbolts hadtobedodged,the Muslims’furioushand-tohanddefenceofthebreach confronted.Yetmany volunteered,particularlyonce theLionheartraisedthe rewardtothree,andthen four,goldcoins.Despitethe garrison’sbestefforts,over thenextfivedaysRichard’s ployborefruit:by11Julya substantialgapinthewalls hadbeenopened,albeitat greathumanandfinancial cost.Elsewhere,the crusaders’catapultswere againputintoaction, ratchetingupthepressureto suchanextentthat,in despair,someMuslimschose tojumpfromthewallsto theirdeaths.56 Negotiation Withdefeatnowseemingly imminentandallbut inevitable,thecommanders ofAcre’sgarrisonbegan exploringtheoptionof surrender,evenasintense fightingcontinued.Theexact detailsandchronologyofthe city’scapitulationare confused.Itispossiblethat al-MashtubandQaragush openedchannelsof negotiationasearlyas4July anditthuswouldbewrongto giveRichardmorecreditthan Philipforfinallybringingthe siegetoasuccessful conclusion.Itwasthe combinedmightofthe AngevinandCapetianarmies thatultimatelypummelled Acreintosubmission.Whatis clearisthatthegarrisonhad reachedthelimitsofits physicalandpsychological endurance.Onecrusader eyewitnesssummarisedthe Muslims’predicament: Theywereafraidofthemiraclethat theynowbeheld,howthewholeworld wascoming[to]annihilatethem;they sawtheirwallsbrokendown,pierced anddestroyed;theysawtheirpeople injured,killedandcutintopieces. [There]remainedwithinthecity6,000. ..buttheywerenotsufficient. AMusliminSaladin’s campmeanwhileobserved, withstarkclarity,thatAcre’s garrison‘lookeddeathinthe face’thatJuly.Fearingthat theywouldbebutcheredtoa manoncethecitywas stormed,theMuslimschose submissionandlife.Around6 JulyRichardandPhilipgave permissionforMuslim envoystoleavethecityunder abannerofsafeconduct,so thattheymightdiscussterms ofsurrenderwithSaladin,but nodealwasagreed.The sultanwasstillnursinghopes thattotaldefeatmightbe averted.Aplanwashatched tobreakthegarrisonoutof thecityduringthenight,but theschemewasbetrayedto theChristiansbyarenegade mamlukwhodefectedfrom theAyyubidarmy. Forewarnedoftheattack,the crusadersputextraguardson dutyand,althoughSaladin’s troopsspenttheentirenight underarms,nobreakinthe Frankishlinescouldbe found.Atthesametime, furtherSyrianreinforcements werearrivingintheMuslim camp,excitingthoughtsofa last-ditchcounter-attack. Butinthecrusader trenchesRichardandPhilip knewtheyhadtheupper hand.Inthedaysthat followedtheyadoptedan iron-hardbargainingposition, blanklyrefusinganyoffer thatfellshortoftheir ambitiousdemands.The precisenatureofSaladin’s involvementinthese negotiationsisunclear. Muslimeyewitnessestook painstodistancehimfrom theentireprocess,strivingto maintainhisauraof invincibility.Itwasevensaid that,uponreceivingadraftof thefinalterms,thesultan ‘expressedhisgreat disapproval’,butthathis plannedcondemnationofany surrenderwaswreckedby Acre’sprecipitous capitulation.YetChristian contemporariestestifiedthat Saladin‘agreedtothe surrenderofthetownwhenit couldnolongerbedefended’, empoweringitscommanders to‘makethebestpeaceterms thattheycould’.Itiscertainly unlikelythatthecrusader kingswouldhavepursued peacetalkswithoutfirm assurancesthatthesultan wouldhonourafinalised settlement.57 Surrender Inanyevent,on12July1191 adealwasstruckthat concludedthesiegeofAcre. Thecityandallitscontents weretobesurrenderedtothe Franks,thelivesofthe Muslimswithinspared.The captivegarrisonwouldthen beheldhostageasguarantors againstthefulfilmentof furtherpunitiveterms:the paymentof200,000gold dinars;thereturnoftherelic oftheTrueCrosscapturedat Hattin;andthereleaseof some1,500Frankish prisoners‘ofcommon, unremarkablebackground’, aswellas100to200named captivesofrank.Concessions ofsuchmagnitudesignalleda categoricalvictoryforLatin Christendom. Afterclosetotwoyearsof embitteredstruggle,thebattle forAcreendednotinaferal, blood-stainedsack,butin suddenpeace.Withthetruce agreed,apubliccrierwas sentoutamongthecrusader armiestoannouncean immediateendtohostilities, orderingthat‘nooneshould venturetodoorsayanything toinsultorprovokeanyof theTurks;norshouldthey fireanymoremissilesatthe wallsoratanyTurksthey mighthappentoseeonthe ramparts’.Astrangecalm descendedonthescene,as ‘theChristianswatchedwith verycuriouseyesasthose Turkishpeoplewandered aroundonthetopofthewalls thatday’.Thecitygateswere atlastthrownopenandthe garrisonmarchedouttomake theirsubmission.Witnessing thisspectacle,many crusadersweretakenaback: thefacelessenemyofrecent monthswasrevealed,notasa savagerabble,butas‘menof admirableprowess[and] exceptionalvalour... unalteredbyadversity,their expressionsresolute’.Some Franksshowedless equanimity,bemoaningthe desecrationofAcre’s‘broken anddefaced’churchesbythis ‘accursedrace’,butbyand largethesurrenderpassed withoutviolentincident.58 LiketheirMuslimenemies, thesoldiersoftheThird Crusadehadshownenormous resilienceatAcre,tenaciously maintainingtheirsiege throughblisteringheatand bitingcold,facinghunger, diseaseandincessantbattle. Thousands,perhapseventens ofthousands,perishedinthis endeavour–noaccurate estimateoftheoverall numberofdeadispossible. Amongthearistocracy,who aremorereadilytraced,the losseswereunprecedented:a patriarch,sixarchbishopsand twelvebishops;someforty countsand500greatnobles. ThekingsofEnglandand Francehadnotbegunthis struggle,butagoodmeasure ofthecreditforbringing aboutitstriumphant resolutionwastheirs.Before theirarrival,thecombatants hadfoughteachothertoa standstill.Theresourcesand renewedvigourthatRichard andPhilipinjectedtippedthe balanceinthecrusade’s favour.Ultimately,thiswasa victorythatthetwomonarchs could,anddid,claimastheir own.Withthecity’sgarrison disarmed,theymovedinto claimtheirprize. BackintheWest,Richard andPhiliphadagreedto divideequallytheirconquests intheHolyLand.Their bannersthuswerejointly raisedaboveAcre,with Richardoccupyingtheroyal palaceandtakingcustodyof al-Mashtubandhalfofthe prisoners,whilePhilip acquiredtheTemplars’old quarters,alongwithQaragush andtheremainingcaptives. However,their acquisitivenessleftlittlein thewayofspoilsforothers. Inamovetoassertroyal rights,Richardstrippedfrom thewallsabannerbelonging toDukeLeopoldVof Austria,acrusaderwhohad arrivedatAcrethatApril. Thishasoftenbeencitedby historiansasevidenceofthe Lionheart’shot-tempered, brutishnature,butthisisto dohimadisservice.Richard certainlylivedtoregrettheill feelingsthisepisode engendered,butatthetime hismindwasontherobust defenceofhisinalienable rightsandhistreatmentof LeopoldreceivedPhilip’s tacitapproval.Therewere pocketsofdisgruntlement amongthecrusadersabout thepitifulshareofthespoils received;butformuchofthe Frankishhost,thetasteof life,freefornowfromthe threatofdeath,wassweet. TheysweptintoAcre‘with dancingandjoy’,where,one Latincontemporaryrather primlyobserved,theywere ‘nowfreetoenjoythemselves andberefreshedwithmuchdesiredrest’.Infact,before longmosthadlostthemselves inthetraditionalsoldierly recreationsofdrinking, gamblingandwhoring.59 TheeffectofAcre’sfall Acre’scapturewasbyno meanstheendofthecrusade, butitwasamomentousstep towardsthereconquestofthe HolyLand.Inpartthiswas becausetheportnowcould actasabeachheadforthe armiesoftheChristianWest, butthisnotionofAcreasthe vital‘gatewaytoPalestine’ shouldnotbeoverplayed. Tyre,tothenorth,remained inLatinhandsthroughout and,hadAcrenotfallen, couldhaveactedasa secondaryfootholdonthe Levantinemainland.Thereal significanceofAcre’sfalllay elsewhere. Saladin’sEgyptianfleet, thejewelofhismilitary arsenal,wasmooredwithin Acre’sshelteredinner harbour.Soessentialasa lifelinetothecity,thebulkof thesultan’snavy–some seventyshipsinall–had graduallybeentrappedwithin theencircledportasthesiege progressed.Thecrusaders nowtookpossessionofthis armada,vastlyaugmenting theirownnavalstrengthand, inasingleblow,ending Saladin’shopesof challengingChristiancontrol oftheMediterranean.Forthe remainderoftheThird CrusadetheFrankswould enjoyunquestioned supremacyatsea. Acre’scapturealsohad lesstangibleeffects.Asa boosttoLatinmoraleitwas bothtimelyandpotentially energising.Perhapsnowthe crusaderscouldbelievethat thecornerhadbeenturned: thatthehorrorsof1187,of HattinandJerusalem’sfall, werebehindthem;thatthey mightonceagaintriumphin God’swar.Thetaskof channellingthisburgeoning confidenceandconviction towardstheconquestofthe HolyCityfelltoRichardI andPhilipAugustus. Incontrast,Saladinwas confrontedbyanaltogether moredesolatereality.For twenty-onemonthshehad dedicatedhimselftoAcre’s preservation,marshallingthe resourcesofhisvastempire inpursuitofthisonetask. Alwaysbeforeinthejihadhe hadshownareluctanceto committothegrinding attritionofsiegewarfare.But here,atAcre,hehadmade hisstand.And,facedbythe seeminglyinnumerable armiesoftheThirdCrusade, thesultanhadfailed.At criticalmoments–most notablyinautumn1189and summer1190–his generalshiphadproved indecisive.Physically,hewas weakenedbyrepeatedillness. ThroughouttheAcre campaignhestruggledto mustersufficientmanpower andresources,distractedby thedemandsofempireand theneedtodefendSyria againsttheGermans,battling allthewhiletogalvanisea Muslimworldweariedby longyearsofholywar. Intermsoflossoffighting manpower,evenintermsof Acre’sstrategicsignificance asaport,thisreversalwasfar fromdecisive.Butthe damagedonetoSaladin’s martialreputation,tohis imageasthetriumphant championofIslam,was immeasurable.Itwashisaura ofpiousinvincibility,so painstakinglycultivated,that hadunitedIslam;themythof Salahal-Dinal-Nasir(the Defender),theidolised mujahid,thatheldhisarmies inthefield.Thecracksinthat façadenowrandeep. Surroundedbythe‘cries, moans,weepingandwailing’ ofhisshockedtroops,Saladin orderedageneralretreatto Saffaram,theretorebuildhis reputationandcontemplate revenge.60 THEONEKING WithindaysofAcre’s conquest,Richardthe Lionheart’sroleintheThird Crusadewastransformed.He hadlefttheWestasanewly crownedking,onewho exceededPhilipAugustusin age,wealthandmilitary might,yethestillfound himselfoperatingpartlyin theCapetianmonarch’s shadow.Butinmid-July 1191,rumoursbeganto spreadthatPhilipwas preparingtoleavetheHoly Land.On22July,after Richardhadsoughttoissuea jointproclamationconfirming thatthetworulerswould remainintheEastforthree yearsoruntilJerusalemhad beenrecovered,theFrench kingcameclean.WithAcre conquered,heconsideredhis crusadingvowfulfilledand wouldnowreturntoFrance withallhaste.‘God’smercy! Whataturnaround!’wrote onecrusader. Unpickingthemotives behindPhilip’sshock decisionisnosimplematter, withcontemporarytestimony awashwithcontradictionand partisanpolarisation. Differentsourcesvariously claimedthatPhilipwas desperatelyill;thatRichard engineeredamalicious rumourthattheCapetian monarch’ssonandheirhad diedbackinEurope;orthat thecowardlyFrenchking callouslyabandonedthe crusade,leavinghisarmies penniless.Intruth,one overridingconsideration seemstohaveshapedPhilip’s thinking:hewasakingfirst andacrusadersecond.Holy warmightbeGod’swork, andPhilipwaswillingtoplay hispartinthestruggle,but hisheartwasalways dedicatedtothepreservation, governanceandenlargement ofhisrealm.Withthislatter thoughtinmind,anobvious opportunityhadpresented itself.CountPhilipof FlandershaddiedatAcrethat June,leavingKingPhilipas heirtoaportionofhis county,theprosperousregion ofArtois.Topresshomethis valuableclaim,theFrench sovereignneededtobein westernEurope.Quite reasonably,Philipprioritised theinterestsofhiskingdom abovethoseofthecrusade. Whatevertherealityof Philip’smotivation,onething wasobvious.Hisdeparture washumiliating.Evensome ofRichardI’sharshestcritics inEuropedenouncedthe Frenchking’sflight.Tomake mattersworse,thevast majorityoftheFrench aristocracychosetoremainin theHolyLand,withonly PhilipofNeversjoiningthe sovereign’sexodus.Philip Augustus’withdrawalmay havegarneredwidespread condemnationamonghis contemporaries,prompting onemoderncommentatorto declarethat‘hiscrusading recordremainedapermanent sluruponhisreputation’,but thisshouldnotblindustothe factthatPhilipdidmakea realcontributiontotheThird Crusade.Manywerethe kingsofLatinChristendom whoforsworetheircrusading oathsinthismedievalage, nevertosetfootinOutremer –amongthem,Richard’sown father,themuch-celebrated HenryIIofEngland.Perhaps Philipdidnotweep,asoneof hisremainingsupporters wouldhaveusbelieve,when hisshipfinallysetsailinto thewest.Buthehad, nonetheless,advancedthe causeoftheholywar.61 ForRichardI,the announcementofPhilip’s imminentdeparturewas,in mostrespects,ablessing. True,hewouldbeleftto shoulderthefinancialburden oftheentireexpedition,but hispocketsweredeepenough forthat.WiththeFrenchking gone,theLionheartwouldat lasthaveuncontestedcontrol ofthecrusade.And,as virtuallytheentirecontingent ofFrenchcrusaderswould remainintheLevant, deputisedunderthecommand ofHughofBurgundy,the Latinhostwouldnotbe weakened.Presentedwith thisopportunitytoforgehis legendinthegrandtheatreof holywar,Richardwastedno timeinseizingtheinitiative. Hebeganbyseekingthe mostfavourablesolutionto thedisputeoverthekingdom ofJerusalem’sfuture.With Philipabouttoleave,a politicallyisolatedConradof Montferratwasforcedto makeabegrudging submissiontotheEnglish kingon26July,agreeingto abidebythedecisionofa councilofreconciliationthat wouldinevitablyfavour Richard’sinterests.Twodays latertheAngevinand Capetianmonarchs proclaimedtheirsettlement. GuyofLusignanwasto remainkingfortheduration ofhislife.Therevenuesof hisrealmwouldbeshared withConrad,andthen,upon Guy’sdeath,thecrownwould passtothemarquis.Conrad, meanwhile,wouldbe rewardedimmediatelywith Tyre,BeirutandSidon,tobe heldinhereditaryright. ShouldbothGuyandConrad die,thekingdomwould devolveuponRichard. Withthisdealdone, Richardturnedtotheone outstandingdifficulty presentedbyPhilip’sreturn toEurope.Thetwomonarchs hadtakensuchpainstoset outoncrusadetogether preciselybecauseneither couldtrusttheothernotto invadetheirlandsintheir absence.OncetheFrench kingreachedtheLatinWest, theAngevinworldwouldbe ominouslyexposed.Richard didhisbesttominimisethe danger,convincingPhilipto swearadetailedoathofpeace on29July.Intime-honoured manner,theCapetianking heldacopyoftheGospelsin onehandandtouchedsaintly relicswiththeother,allto reinforcethesacredand bindingnatureofhis promises.Noattackon Angevinforcesorlands wouldbemadewhileRichard wasstilloncrusade.Oncethe LionheartreturnedtoEurope, fortydays’warningwouldbe givenbeforetheresumption ofhostilities.Asfurther confirmation,Hughof BurgundyandHenryof Champagneweretoactas guarantorsofthisagreement. On31July1191Philip sailednorthtoTyrewith Conrad,takingwithhimhalf ofAcre’scaptivegarrison, andafewdayslaterthe FrenchkinglefttheHoly LandandtheThirdCrusade. Oathornot,Richard remaineddeeplysuspicious ofPhilip’sintentions, immediatelydispatchinga groupofhismosttrusted followerstoshadowtheking onhisreturnjourneyand deliverwarningofhis homecomingtoEnglandand beyond.Alettercomposedby Richardon6Augusttoone ofhisleadingEnglish officialsoffersaglimpseof hisstateofmindatthispoint, hisdesiretocapitaliseupon Philip’swithdrawalplaying alongsidenewfears: Withinfifteendays[ofAcre’sfall]the kingofFranceleftustoreturntohis ownland.We,however,placethelove ofGodandHishonouraboveourown andabovetheacquisitionofmany regions.Weshallrestorethe[Latin kingdom]toitsoriginalconditionas quicklyaspossible,andonlythenshall wereturntoourlands.Butyoumay knowforcertainthatweshallsetsail nextLent. Uptothispoint,Richardhad beenabletofocusuponthe prosecutionoftheThird Crusade.WithPhilipbyhis sidehehadenjoyedadegree ofconfidenceaboutthe securityofhiswesternrealm. Fromnowon,hisconcerns wouldmount–eachday spentintheEastwastime giftedtohisrival.Never againcouldtheLionheart affordtobesosingle-minded inthepursuitoftheHoly Land’srecovery.62 INCOLDBLOOD Richard’sfirstconcern,now thathepossessedsole commandofthecrusade,was toseethetermsofAcre’s surrenderfulfilledsothatthe reconquestoftheLatinEast mightcontinue.Withtime nowaburningissue,the maintenanceofmomentum becamecrucial.Barelytwo monthsofthenormalfighting seasonremained,soanear- immediatemarchsouth wouldbenecessaryto achieveoverallvictorybefore theonsetofwinter.Richard neededafewweeksto rebuildAcre’sfortifications toensurethatthecitywould bedefensibleinhisabsence, butatthesametimehebegan pressuringSaladinfora precisetimetableforthe implementationofthepeace settlement’sterms. Bothsidesnowentered intoadelicate,butpotentially deadly,diplomaticdance.The sultanknewthat,forRichard, speedwasoftheessence.But solongasthekingstillhad thousandsofprisonersandan immenselyprofitabletreatyto cashin,hewouldeffectively beimmobilised.If negotiationscouldbestrung out,thecrusadersmighteven findthemselvesmiredatAcre throughoutthatautumnand winter.TheLionheart,too, wasclearlyawarethathis opponentwouldseekto employjustsuchdelaying tactics.BothheandSaladin recognisedthatagamewas beingplayed;whattheycould notyetgaugewastheir adversary’stemperament. Wouldtherulesbeadhered to,indeed,weretheir respectiverulesthesame? Andwhatrisksandsacrifices wouldtheotherbeprepared tocountenance? Forbothparties,the dangersinherentina miscalculationweregrave. Richardstoodtolosea considerablefortunein ransom,andtoforgothe repatriationofmorethan 1,000Latincaptivesand Outremer’smostrevered relic.Butmoresignificantly, ifhepermittedpostponement andprocrastinationtocreep intoproceedings,herisked thecollapseoftheentire crusade.Forwithoutforward progress,theexpedition wouldsurelyfounderunder theweightofdisunity, indolenceandinertia.The equationconfrontingSaladin wasperhapssimpler:thelives ofsome3,000captive Muslimsbalancedagainstthe needtostiflethecrusade. Thepactagreedon12July originallystipulateda timescaleofthirtydaysfor thefulfilmentofterms.While Saladinshowedawillingness toaccommodateFrankish demands–allowingone groupofLatinenvoystovisit Damascustoinspect Christianprisonersand anothertoviewtherelicof theTrueCross–heseemed equallydeterminedtobuy himselfmoretime.Richard, inundatedbydelegationsof silky-tongued,gift-laden Muslimnegotiators,appeared torelenton2August.Even thoughhisforceswerenearly readytomoveoutofAcre, theLionheartagreedtoa compromise:thetermsofthe surrenderwouldnowbemet intwotothreeinstalments, thefirstofwhichwouldsee thereturnof1,600Latin prisonersandtheTrueCross andthepaymentofhalfthe moneypromised,100,000 dinars.Saladinmaywellhave readthisasanindicationthat theEnglishkingcouldbe manipulated,butifsohewas badlymistaken.Infact, Richardhadhisownreasons foraccedingtoashortdelay inproceedings–withConrad ofMontferratstubbornly refusingtoreturnPhilip Augustus’shareofthe Muslimcaptives,now ensconcedatTyre,the Lionheartwas,forthe moment,innopositionto meethisendofthebargain. Bymid-August,however, thisdifficultyhadbeen redressed,themarquisforced intolinebyHughof Burgundyandthecaptives returned.Witheverythingin placeRichardwasnoweager toproceed.Fromthispoint forward,thecontemporary evidenceforthisepisode becomesincreasingly muddled,withbothLatinand Muslimeyewitnesses pepperingtheiraccountswith mutualrecrimination, cloudingtheexactdetailsof events.Itdoesappear, however,thatSaladin misjudgedhisopponent. Moderncommentatorshave oftensuggestedthatthe sultanwashavingdifficulty amassingthemoneyand prisonersrequired,butthisis notsupportedby contemporaryMuslim testimony.Itseemsmore likelythat,withthedeadline forthefirstinstalment–12 August–nowpassed,he begandeliberatelyto equivocate.ToRichard’s evidentdisgust,Saladin’s negotiatorsnowsoughtto insertnewconditionsintothe deal,demandingthatthe entiregarrisonshouldbe releaseduponsettlementof thefirstinstalment,with hostagesexchangedas guarantorsthatthelater paymentoftheremaining 100,000dinarswouldbe made.Whentheking respondedwithbluntrefusal, animpassewasreached. Settledinhiscampat Saffaram,thesultanmust haveimaginedthattherewas stillroomfornegotiation,that Richardwouldtolerate furtherdelayinthehopeof aneventualresolution.He waswrong.Ontheafternoon of20August,Richard marchedoutofAcreinforce, settingupatemporarycamp beyondtheoldcrusader trenches,ontheplainsof Acre.Watchingfromtheir vantagepointonTellalAyyadiya,Saladin’sadvance guardwaspuzzledbythis suddenflurryofactivity. TheywithdrewtoTell Kaisan,dispatchinganurgent messagetothesultan. Richardthenshowedhis hand.ThebulkofAcre’s Muslimgarrison–some 2,700men–weremarched outofthecity,boundin ropes.Herdedontotheopen groundbeyondtheFrankish tents,theyhuddled,rankwith fearandconfusion.Werethey tobereleasedafterall? Thenasoneman,[theFranks]charged them,andwithstabbingsandblows withtheswordtheyslewthemincold blood,whiletheMuslimadvanceguard watched,notknowingwhattodo. Toolatetointervene, Saladin’stroopsmounteda counter-attackbutweresoon beatenoff.Withthesun setting,Richardturnedback toAcre,leavingtheground stainedredwithbloodand litteredwithbutchered corpses.Hismessagetothe sultanpossessedastark clarity.Thiswashowthe Lionheartwouldplaythe game.Thiswastheruthless single-mindednessthathe wouldbringtothewarforthe HolyLand. NoeventinRichard’s careerhaselicitedmore controversyorcriticismthan thiscalculatedcarnage. Describingasearchofthe plainmadebyMuslimtroops onthefollowingmorning, Saladin’sadviserBahaal-Din reflectedontheevent: [They]foundthemartyrswherethey hadfallenandwereabletorecognise someofthem.Greatsorrowanddistress overwhelmedthemfortheenemyhad sparedonlymenofstandingand positionorsomeonestrongandablebodiedtolabourontheirbuilding works.Variousreasonsweregivenfor themassacre.Itwassaidthattheyhad killedtheminrevengefortheirmen whohadbeenkilledorthatthekingof Englandhaddecidedtomarchto Ascalontotakecontrolofitanddidnot thinkitwisetoleavethatnumberinhis rear.Godknowsbest. Bahaal-Dinnotedthatthe Lionheart‘dealttreacherously towardstheMuslim prisoners’,havingreceived theirsurrender‘oncondition thattheywouldbeguaranteed theirlivescomewhatmay’, atworstfacingslaveryshould Saladinfailtopaytheir ransom.Thesultanmetthe executionswithameasureof shockandrage.Certainly,in theweeksthatfollowed,he beganorderingthesummary executionofanycrusader unfortunateenoughtobe captured.Butequally,by5 September,hehadsanctioned there-establishmentof diplomaticcontactwiththe Englishkingandsome membersofhisentourage wentontodevelopclose, almostcordial,relationswith Richard.Onbalance,they andSaladinseemedtohave takenthewholegrimepisode forwhatitprobablywas:an actofmilitaryexpediency, designedtoconveyabrutal, bluntstatementofintent. Moregenerally,theslaughter seemstohavesentatremor offearandhorrorthrough NearEasternIslam.Saladin recognisedthat,inthefuture, hisgarrisonsmightchooseto abandontheirpostsrather thanfaceasiegeandpossible capture.ButevenforMuslim contemporaries,theeventsof 20Augustdidnotpromptthe universalorunmitigated vilificationoftheEnglish king.Heremainedboth‘the accursedman’and‘Melec Ric’,or‘KingRic’,the spectacularlyaccomplished warriorandgeneral.Intime, themassacretookitsplace alongsideothercrusader atrocities,likethesackof Jerusalemin1099,asacrime thatdidnot,inreality,spark anunquenchablefirestormof hatred,butcouldbereadily recalledintheinterestsof promotingjihad.63 Ofcourse,Richard’s treatmentofhisprisonersalso impacteduponhisimage withinwesternChristendom, insomewayswithafarmore lastingandpowerfuleffect. Calculatedorotherwise,his actionscouldbepresentedas havingcontravenedtheterms agreedwhenAcre surrendered.ShouldRichard beseentohavebrokenhis promise,hemightbeopento censure,thetransgressorof popularnotionsregarding chivalryandhonour.Fearof suchcriticismcanbedetected inthemeasuredandcarefully managedmannerinwhichthe kingandhissupporters soughttopresentthe executions. Thedominantissuewas justification.InRichard’s ownlettertotheabbotof Clairvaux,dated1October 1191,hestressedSaladin’s prevarication,explainingthat becauseofthis,‘thetime limitexpired,and,asthepact whichhehadagreedwithus wasentirelymadevoid,we quiteproperlyhadthe Saracensthatwehadinour custody–about2,600of them–puttodeath’.Some Latinchroniclerslikewise soughttoshiftblameonto thesultan–affirmingthat Saladinbegankillinghisown Christiancaptivestwodays beforeRichard’smass execution–andalso explainedthattheLionheart actedonlyafterholdinga council,andwiththe agreementofHughof Burgundy(whowasnow leadingtheFrench).Despitea fewtracesofcensureinthe West–theGermanchronicler ‘Ansbert’,forexample, denouncedthebarbarityof Richard’sact–theEnglish kingseemstohaveescaped widespreadcondemnation. Meanwhile,assessmentsby modernhistorianshave fluctuatedovertime.Writing inthe1930s,whenthe generalviewoftheLionheart asarashandintemperate monarchstillheldsway,René Groussetcharacterisedthe massacreasbarbarousand stupid,concludingthat Richardwasmovedtoactby rawanger.Morerecently, JohnGillingham’sforceful andhugelyinfluential scholarshiphasdonemuchto rejuvenatetheking’s reputation.InGillingham’s reconstructionofeventsat Acre,theLionheartcomes acrossasacalculatingand clear-headedcommander;one whorecognisedthatthe resourcestofeedandguard thousandsofMuslim prisonerscouldnotbespared, andthusmadeareasoned decision,drivenbymilitary expediency.64 Intruth,KingRichard’s motivesandmindsetin August1191cannotbe recoveredwithcertainty.A logicalexplanationforhis actionsexists,butthisin itselfdoesnoteliminatethe possibilitythathewasmoved byireandimpatience. 16 LIONHEART KingRichardIofEngland wasnowfreetoleadthe ThirdCrusadeontovictory: Acre’swallshadbeenrebuilt anditsMuslimgarrison ruthlesslydispatched; Richardhadsecuredthe supportofmanyleading crusaders,includinghis nephewHenryII,countof Champagne;evenHughof BurgundyandConradof Montferrathadshownatleast nominalacceptanceofthe Lionheart’srightto command,althoughConrad remainedensconcedin Tyre.65Nowtheexpedition’s nextgoalhadtobe determined.Littleornothing couldbeachievedbystaying atAcre,buttoleavethecity bylandwouldexposethe crusadetothefullferocityof Saladin’stroops.Inthe MiddleAgesanarmywasat itsmostvulnerablewhileon themoveinenemyterritory. Richard’sonlyalternativeto alandadvancewasthesea, butheseemsquicklytohave rejectedtheideaofastrategy basedpurelyonnavalpower. Largeashisfleetnowwas, thetransportationofthe entiremilitarymachineryof thecrusadewouldbea formidablechallenge;even moresignificantly,shouldhe failtocaptureasuitableport tothesouth,thewhole offensivewouldcollapse.The Lionhearteventuallysettled onacombinedapproach–a fightingmarchthatwould hugtheMediterranean coastlinesouth,closely shadowedandsupportedby theLatinnavy.Thisruledout aninlandadvanceon Jerusalem,butinanycasethe obviousroutetotheHoly Cityransouthalongthecoast roadtoJaffaandtheneast intotheJudeanhills–apath similartothattakenbythe FirstCrusadersalmosta centuryearlier. However,Richard’s strategicintentionsinsummer 1190areunclear.TheThird Crusadehadbeenlaunchedto recoverJerusalem,butitis farfromcertainthatthiswas theking’sfirstobjectivethat August.Hemaywellhave beenplanningtousetheport ofJaffaasaspringboardfora directadvanceontheHoly City.Butamoreoblique approachalsopresented itself;onethattargetedthe coastalcityofAscalontothe south,disruptingSaladin’s linesofcommunicationwith Egypt.Giventhesultan’s relianceuponEgypt’swealth andresources,thislatter policypromisedtocripplethe Muslimmilitarymachine, openingthedoortothe eventualreconquestof Jerusalem,or,perhaps,tothe seizureoftheNileDelta itself. Ofcourse,thelackof claritysurroundingRichard’s planswas,inpart,adirect resultoftheking’sown deliberateevasiveness.It madeperfectsenseforhimto concealhisstrategyfrom Saladin,becausethisforced thesultantodilutehis resourcesbypreparingforthe defenceoftwocitiesrather thanjustone.Muslimsources certainlyindicatethat,toan extent,thisruseworked.By lateAugustSaladinhadheard rumoursthatthecrusaders wouldmarchonAscalon,but knewthatoncetheyreached Jaffatheycouldjustaseasily strikeinland.Soberly informedbyoneofhis generalsthatbothAscalon andJerusalemwouldrequire garrisonsof20,000men,the sultaneventuallyconcluded thatoneofthetwowould havetobesacrificed. Infact,itisquitepossible thatRichardhadnotyet settleduponadefinitivegoal. Thebulkofhisarmymight havehadtheireyesfirmly fixedupontheHolyCity,but heperhapslookedtoretaina flexibilityofapproach, hopingtoreachthe intermediaryobjectiveof Jaffaandthendecide.This mighthaveseemedasensible strategyatthetime,butin truththekingwasmerely storingupproblemsforthe future. THEFINESTHOUR Richard’simmediate intentionwastomarchthe armiesoftheThirdCrusade– totallingbetween10,000and 15,000men–downthecoast ofPalestine,atleastasfaras theportofJaffa.Butitwas notterritorialconquest,nor eventhepursuitofbattle,that dominatedtheLionheart’s tacticaloutlookuponleaving therelativesafetyofAcre. Instead,survivalwashis guidingprinciple–the preservationofhuman manpowerandmilitary resources,toensurethatthe crusadingwarmachine reachedJaffaintact.Thisin itselfpresentedenormous challenges.Richardknew that,whileonthemove,his armywouldbehorribly vulnerable,subjecttovicious, near-constantskirmishing attacksfromenemysoldiers nowbayingwithvengeful wrathforFrankishblood.He couldalsoexpectthatSaladin wouldseektolurethe crusadersintoopenbattleon groundofhischoosing. Withallthisinmind,it mightatfirstglancebe imaginedthatspeedwasthe answer;thatRichard’sbest chancelayinprosecutingthe eighty-one-milemarchto Jaffaasquicklyaspossiblein thehopeofevadingthe enemy.Afterall,theground couldbecoveredinfourto fivedaysandthekingwas shortoftime.Infact,Richard resolvedtoadvancefrom Acreatanincredibly measured,almostponderous pace.Latinmilitarylogicof thedaydictatedthatcontrol wasthekeytoasuccessful fightingmarch:troopsneeded rigidlytomaintainatightly packedformation,relying uponstrengthofnumbersand theprotectionaffordedby theirarmourtoweatherthe stormofenemychargesand incessantmissileattacks. Richardsetouttotakethis theorytoextremelimits. Historianshavelavished praiseupontheLionheart’s generalshipinthisphaseof theexpedition,describingthe advancefromAcreas‘a classicdemonstrationof Frankishmilitarytacticsat theirbest’andcommending thecrusaders’‘admirable disciplineandself-control’. Inmanyways,thiswas Richard’sfinesthourasa militarycommander.Oneof hisgreatestmomentsof geniuswastheformulationof astrategycoordinatingthe landmarchwiththe southwardprogressofhis navy.Withtheeastern Mediterraneannowfirmlyin Latincontrol,thekingsought tomaximisetheutilityofhis fleet.Anarmyengagedina fightingmarchcouldill affordtheburdenofalarge baggagetrain,butequally couldnotriskrunningoutof foodandweapons.Thus, whilethelandforcewasto carrytendays’supplyof basicrations,madeupof ‘biscuitsandflour,wineand meat’,thevastbulkofthe crusade’smartialresources wereloadedontotransport shipsknownas‘snacks’. Theseweretorendezvous withthemarchatfourpoints alongthecoast–Haifa, Destroit,CaesareaandJaffa– whilemorelightlystocked smallerboatswouldsailclose totheshore,keepingpace withthearmytooffernearconstantsupport.One crusaderwrote:‘Soitwas saidthattheywouldjourney intwoarmies,onetravelling byland,onebysea,forno onecouldconquerSyriaany otherwayaslongasthe Turkscontrolledit.’ Richard’scoastline-hugging routesouthalsopromisedto offerhistroopsprotection fromenemyencirclement. Whereverpossible,the crusaderswouldadvancewith soldiersontherightflank practicallywadinginthesea, therebyeliminatingany possibilityofattackonthat front.Bythesemeasures Richardhopedtominimise thenegativeimpactof marchingthroughenemy territory.Thissophisticated schemewasevidentlythe productofadvancedplanning andprobablyreliedinpart upontheMilitaryOrders’ localknowledge.Success woulddependuponthe maintenanceofmartial disciplineandinthisregard Richard’sforceofpersonality andunshakeablevalour wouldbecritical. Inspiteofallofthis, neithertheLionheart’s achievementsnorthe mechanisticprecisionofthis marchshouldbeexaggerated. Eveninthisphaseofthe crusadeRichardfaced difficulties,afactgenerally ignoredbymodern commentators.Indeed,his firstproblem–theactual commencementofthemarch –wasnothinglessthanan embarrassment.Onemight expectthat,asthe expedition’sonlyremaining monarch,Richard’sauthority wouldhavebeen unquestioned;afterall,hehad eventakenthetroubleof payingpotentiallyintractable Frenchcrusaders,likeHugh ofBurgundy,toensuretheir loyalty.Nevertheless,the Englishkinghadan inordinateamountoftrouble actuallyconvincinghisfellow FrankstoleaveAcre. Theproblemwasthatthe porthadbecomea comfortable,evenenticing, refugefromthehorrorsofthe holywar.Packed‘sofullof peoplethatitcouldhardly holdthemall’,thecityhad transformedintoafleshpot, offeringupallmannerof illicitpleasures.Onecrusader concededthatit‘was delightful,withgoodwines andgirls,somevery beautiful’,withwhommany Latincrusaderswere‘taking theirfoolishpleasure’.Under theseconditionsRichardhad toworkhardtoeduce obedience.Onthedayafter hismassacreoftheMuslim captives,heestablisheda stagingpostontheplains south-eastoftheport,just beyondtheoldcrusader trenches.Hismostloyal followersaccompaniedhim, butotherswerereluctant.One supporteradmittedthatthe Lionhearthadtoresorttoa mixtureofflattery,prayer, briberyandforcetoamassa viableforce,andeventhen manywerestillleftinAcre. Indeed,throughoutthefirst stageofthefightingmarch stragglerscontinuedtojoin themainarmy.Tobeginwith atleast,therestrainedpaceof Richard’sadvance–nowso admiredbymilitaryhistorians –seemsprimarilytohave beenadoptedtoallowthese recruitstocatchup.66 Themarchbegins Themainarmystruckout southonThursday22August 1191.Tostampoutany residual‘wantonness’among histroops,Richardordered thatallwomenweretobeleft behindatAcre,althoughan exceptionwasmadefor elderlyfemalepilgrimswho, itwassaid,‘washedthe clothesandheads[ofthe soldiers]andwereasgoodas monkeysatgettingridof fleas’.Forthefirsttwodays, Richardrodeintherearguard ofhisforces,ensuringthe maintenanceoforder,but despiteexpectationsonly negligibleresistancewasmet. Saladin,unsureofthe Lionheart’sintentionsand perhapsfearingafrontal attackonhiscampat Saffaram,deployedonlya tokenprobingforceatthis stage.Havingcoveredbarely tenmilesintwodays,the crusaderscrossedtheBelus Riverandmadecamp,resting forthewholeof24August, ‘wait[ing]forthoseofGod’s peoplewhomitwasdifficult todrawoutofAcre’.67 RichardtheLionheart’sMarchfrom AcretoJaffa Atdawnthenextday Richardsetouttocoverthe remainingdistancetoHaifa. Thearmywassplitintothree divisions–thekingtakingthe vanguard,acentralbodyof EnglishandNorman crusaders,andHughof BurgundyandtheFrench bringinguptherear.Fornow, coordinationbetweenthese groupswaslimited,butthey wereatleastunitedbythe sightofRichard’sroyal standardaloftinthecentreof thehost.Asthecrusade inchedsouth,sotoodidthe king’sdragonbanneratthe army’sheart,affixedtoa hugeiron-cladflagpole, drawnonawheeledwooden platformandprotectedbyan eliteguard.Visibletoall, includingtheenemy(who likeneditto‘ahugebeacon’), solongasitflewthistotem signalledtheFranks’ continuedsurvival,helping mentoholdtheirfearin checkinthefaceofMuslim onslaught.ThatSunday,such resolvewouldbesorely needed. ToreachHaifa,Richard hadledthecrusadeontothe sandybeachrunningsouth fromAcre.Unbeknownstto theLatins,Saladinhad brokencampthatmorning (25August),dispatchinghis baggagetraintosafetyand orderinghisbrotheral-Adilto testthestrengthandcohesion oftheChristians’fighting march.Aconfrontationwas coming.Asthedayworeon anatmosphereofpalpable uneasesettledontheslowly advancingcrusaderarmy.On theirleft,amongtherolling dunes,Muslimtroops appeared,shadowingtheir march,watchingandwaiting. Thenafogdescendedand panicbegantospread.Inthe confusion,theFrench rearguard,containingthe lightsupplytrainofwagons andcarts,sloweddown, breakingcontactwiththerest ofthearmy,andatthat momental-Adilstruck.One crusaderdescribedthesudden Muslimattackthatfollowed: TheSaracensrusheddown,singlingout thecarters,killedmenandhorses,took alotofbaggageanddefeatedandputto routthosewholed[theconvoy], chasingthemintothefoamingsea. Theretheyfoughtsomuchthattheycut offthehandofaman-at-arms,called Evrart[oneofBishopHubertWalter’s men];hepaidnoattentiontothisand madenofuss...buttakinghissword inhislefthand,stoodfirm. Withtherearguard‘brought toastandstill’,anddisaster impending,newsoftheattack racedupthelinetoRichard. Recognisingthatdirectand immediateinterventionwould benecessaryifadeadly encirclementoftheFrench wastobeavoided,the Lionheartrodebackatspeed. AChristianeyewitness describedhow‘galloping againsttheTurks[theking] wentintotheirmidst,quicker thanaflashoflightning’, beatingofftheMuslim skirmishersthroughsheer forceofarms,reconnecting therearguardwiththemain bodyofthearmy.Withthe enemymeltingbackintothe dunes,theLatinarmywas leftshakenbutintact.Having survivedthisfirstchallenge, thecrusadersreachedHaifa eitherthatnightorearlythe nextmorning,campingthere throughout26and27 August.68 Itwasclearthatthe crusaderswouldhaveto regroup.Modernscholarship hasemphasisedtheskillwith whichRichardorganisedand upheldtheFrankishmarching formationuponleavingAcre. Butthisignoresthefactthat, toasignificantdegree,the Lionheartandhismen actuallyhadtolearnbytheir mistakes.Onecrusaderwrote that,aftertheexperiencesof 25August,theFranks‘made greateffortsandconducted themselvesmorewisely’. Whilecontinuingtowaitfor thearmytomusterfully–for troopswerestillarrivingfrom Acre,nowmostlybyship– thekingsetaboutreordering hisforces.Equipmentwas pareddown;thepoor especiallyhadbegunthe marchoverburdened‘with foodandarms’,sothat‘a numberofthemhadtobeleft behindtodieofheatand thirst’.Atthesametime,afar morestructuredmarching orderwasestablishedandthis seemstohavebeenfollowed fortheremainderofthe journeysouth. Thecrusaderscontinued whereverpossibletoclingto thecoastline,maintaining evenclosercontactwiththe fleet.Elite,battle-hardened TemplarsandHospitallers weregiventhecrucialjobof holdingthevanand rearguard,whilethekingand acentralmassofmounted knightswerescreenedonthe exposedleftflankbydense ranksofwell-armoured infantry.AMuslim eyewitnesswhobeheldthe armyafewdayslater describedthislatterunitasan impenetrable‘wall’. Protectedby‘full-length, well-madechainmail’,allbut invulnerabletolightmissile fire,‘arrowswerefallingon themwithnoeffect’,such thathesaw‘Frankswithten arrowsfixedintheirbacks, pressingoninthisfashion quiteunconcerned’.These infantrymenmightusebow andcrossbowfiretodeter skirmishers,butinthemain theyfocuseduponsustaining theirinexorableadvance unabated.Recognisingthat thisshieldingrolewouldtake anenormousphysicaland psychologicaltoll,Richard splittheinfantryintotwo divisions,rotatingthemin andoutofservice,leavingthe restedgrouptorecuperateas theymarchedonthe protectedright,seaward, flankalongsidethearmy’s lightenedbaggagetrain.69 Adoptingthisformation, theChristiansleftHaifaon28 August,clearinthe knowledgethattheywould, fromthispointon,face intenseandunceasing harassmentfromSaladin’s troops.Richardnowtook greatcaretoconservehis army’senergy,following eachstageofthemarchwith oneoreventworestdays. Muslimforcescertainly trailedtheireverystep,even picketingtheLatins’campsat night,allthewhilelooking foranyopportunitytocrack theirmarchingorder.What remainedunclear,however, waswhetherthesultanwould attempttochallengethemina full-scalepitchedbattle. Historianshaveconsistently misjudgedSaladin’s intentionsinthisregard, suggestingthathehadfrom thestartsettleduponsuitable groundtothesouth,near Arsuf.Therichlydetailed eyewitnesstestimonyofBaha al-Din,whowaswiththe sultanthroughoutthisperiod, presentsaverydifferent picture.Saladin,itseems,was ratherbewilderedby Richard’stactics.Taken abackbytheking’s unexpecteddecisiontotake repeatedrestdays,thesultan misjudgedthespeedofthe Frankishadvanceand thereforethelengthoftime hisowntroopswouldhaveto stayinthefield,prompting foodshortages.Forthe moment,Saladinseemedto havebeenoutplayedbythe Lionheart,forcedtoadopta reactivestrategyshotthrough withdesperation.Troops wereindeeddispatchedto stalktheChristians,butthe sultanalsobeganarather franticsearchforasuitable battlefield,personally reconnoitringthecoastal routesouth,evenassessing thevulnerabilityofthe crusaders’likelycampsites. Throughoutthisperiodhe wasactivelylookingtostop theLatinsintheirtracks. Foreightdaysthe crusadersmadeslow, gruellingprogress. Advancingfromtheruined fortificationatDestroitto CaesareaonFriday30 August,theybegantofalter underthebeatingsummer sun.ALatinmarchinginthe armydescribedhow: Theheatwassointolerablethatsome diedofit;thesewereburiedatonce. Thosewhocouldnotgoon,thewornoutandexhausted,ofwhomtherewere oftenmany,thesickandinfirm,the king,actingwisely,hadcarriedinthe galleysandthesmallboatstothenext stage. Thenextday,enrouteto thegrimlynamedDead River,theFranksscoreda notablesuccessinthemidst ofaprolongedskirmish. Amongtheenemyonthatday wasAyastheTall,oneof Saladin’smostcelebratedand ferociousmamluks,laying wastetoallbeforehimwitha massivelance.Whenalucky blowbroughtdownhishorse, Ayas,weigheddownbyhis armour,wasoverrunand butchered.Bahaal-Din admittedthat‘theMuslims grievedforhimgreatly’,but, perhapsmoreimportantly,the victoryhelpedtobuoy Christianmorale.Sotoodid thecrusaders’ritualeach nightofchantingenmasse ‘HolySepulchre,helpus’ beforetheysettleddownto snatchafewrestlesshoursof sleep.Buttheundoubtedkey totheircontinuedcomposure inthefaceofsuch unrelentingpressurewasthe presenceoftheLionheart, unbending,everreadytostep intothefray,tobolsterthe line.Richardseemstohave takengreatcaretomonitor themoodofhismen,seeking toensurethathedidnot overstretchtheirendurance. BythestartofSeptember, withfoodshortages beginningtobite,arguments startedbreakingout. Infantrymenwouldswarm roundthecarcassesof‘the fattestofthedeadhorses’to havefallenduringeachday’s march,brawlingovertheir flesh,tothedisgustofthe steeds’knightlyowners.The kinginterceded,proclaiming thathewouldreplaceanylost mountsolongasthemeatof thedeceasedanimalwas offeredupto‘worthymen-atarms’.GratefulFranks‘ate [the]horsemeatasifitwere game.Flavouredwithhunger ratherthansauce,they thoughtitwasdelicious.’70 Ofcourse,thebenefitsof Richard’svisiblepresence cameatconsiderablerisk. MarchingonfromtheDead Riveron3September,a ‘wild’stretchofcoastline forcedthecrusaderstoturn inlandforatime.Saladinhad chosenthismomenttoseek battle,personallyleading threedivisionsoftroops againstthecrusaders’massed ranks.Timeandagainthe Muslimsbombardedthe Christianswitharrowsand thenchargedtheirlines.Baha al-Dinwatchedtherepeated attacksunfold: Isaw[Saladin]actuallyridingamong theskirmishersastheenemy’sarrows flewpasthim.Hewasattendedbytwo pageswithtwosparemountsandthat wasall,ridingfromdivisiontodivision andurgingthemforward,orderingthem topresshardupontheenemyandbring themtobattle. Thesultanemerged unscathed,butRichardwas lessfortunate.There,as always,inthethickofthe fighting,thekingwas suddenlystruckinthesideby acrossbowbolt.Fortunately, hemanagedtostayinthe saddleascombatragedon aroundhim.Thistimehehad beenlucky:hisarmourhad absorbedmostoftheimpact and‘hewasnotseriously hurt’.Buttheepisode highlightedtheimmense,but necessary,riskshetookasa medievalwarrior-kingpar excellence.Hadhefallenthat day,thewholecrusademight soonhavecollapsed.Equally, however,withouthis tangible,seemingly indestructible,presenceinthe frontline,Frankishresistance wouldprobablyhave buckled.Asitwas,bothhe andSaladinsurvivedthisfirst confrontation.Bytheendof thedayarathershell-shocked Christianarmyhadreached theRiverofReeds.Asthey madecamponitsbanksthey seemtohavebeenunaware that,justamileorso upstream,theMuslimstoo werepitchingtheirtents. Bahaal-Dinreflectedwith someironythat‘wewere drinkingfromthehigher reacheswhiletheenemywere drinkingfromthelower’.71 THEBATTLEOF ARSUF RichardwasnowjusttwentyfivemilesfromJaffa. Perilousandexhaustingas themarchhadsofarbeen,it hadalsoprovedastunning success.Butthekingmust havesuspectedthatSaladin nowwouldcommithisevery resourcetohaltingthe Frankishadvance,fortheloss ofJaffawouldbeagrave blowtoIslam.Theroute aheadranthroughtheForest ofArsuftoanobvious campsitebesidetheRiver Rochetaille,butbeyondthata wide,sandyplainopenedout beforethesmallsettlementof Arsufitselfwasreached. Rumourswereabroadinthe Latinarmythatsomesortof ambushorattackwas imminent.Richardlethis troopsrestbesidetheRiverof Reedson4September,but thateveninghemadea masterfulmove.The unpredictablepaceofthe crusadermarchhadalready sownseedsofconfusionand doubtinSaladin’smind, stiflinghisattemptstoseize theinitiative.Nowthe Lionheartplayedan unexpectedanddeviouscard, dispatchingenvoystothe Muslimadvanceguardto requestpeacetalkswithalAdil. Thesultanhadspentthe dayhurriedlyscoutingthe forestandplaintothesouth, searchingforabattlefield, beforeracingbacknorth. Indeed,hemovedwithsuch hastethatcomenightfall manyofhismenwere‘left scatteredamongstthe woods’.Saladinwas beginningtolosecontrolof hisarmy.Whennewsof Richard’srequestreached himthatnightheacceded, instructinghisbrother‘to spinoutthetalks’.Withtime, thesultanmightbeableto marshalhisforcesandmount anoffensive. Onceagain,however,the kingofEnglandhad comprehensively outmanoeuvredhisopponent. Richardwasinnomoodfor actualnegotiation;insteadhe hadcalledforaparleyto misleadSaladinastohisown intentionsand,perhaps,to garnersomeintelligence regardingMuslimplansand preparedness.TheLionheart dulymetal-Adilatdawnon5 Septemberinaprivate audience,buttheir conversationwasneither prolongednorcordial.The kingbluntlydemandedthe returnoftheHolyLandand Saladin’sretreatintoMuslim territory.Unsurprisingly,alAdilwasoutraged,butno soonerhadthetalksbroken offthanRichardorderedhis armytoadvanceintothe ForestofArsuf.Caught entirelyflat-footed,thesultan wasunabletorespond,his troopsleftindisarray.Most crusadersstillenteredthe forestinastateofanxiety, ‘foritwassaidthat[the Muslims]wouldsetlightto it,causingsuchagreatfire thatthe[Christian]army wouldberoasted’.Butthanks totheirleader’sskilful dissimulation,theypassed throughunhinderedand unscathedtoreachthe Rochetaille.Richardrested hismenon6September– takingthisonelastchanceto drawbreathbeforerunning thegauntlettoArsufand beyond.Saladin,meanwhile, heldclosedtalkswithal-Adil, furiouslyseekingastratagem thatmightavertdisaster.72 AsheawokeonSaturday7 September,theLionheart musthaveknownthatthe enemywouldusethespace affordedbytheopenplain aheadtomountanother blisteringassault.Perhapshe evensensedthatthe confrontationwouldbeona largerscalethanthatfacedon 3September.Forthe crusaders,thatSaturday beganaseverydayofthe marchhadsinceleaving Haifa,withtherigorous structuringoftroop formation.Bythispointthe armycontainedsome15,000 men,ofwhom1,000to2,000 weremountedknights.One crusaderrecordedthat ‘Richard,theworthykingof England,whoknewsomuch aboutwarandthearmy,set outinhisownwaywho shouldgoinfrontandwho behind’.TheTemplars,as usual,weretotakethelead, whiletheirHospitaller brethrenheldtherearwitha strongforceofarchersand crossbowmen.Withamixed groupofPoitevins,Normans andEnglishholdingthe centreandHenryof Champagnecommandingthe left,inlandflank,Richardand HughofBurgundywereto leadamobilereservethat couldrangethroughoutthe army,reinforcingpointsof weaknessasnecessary.As always,atightlyordered formationwasparamount; indeed,itwassaidthatthe Franksleftthebanksofthe Rochetaille‘insuchorder, sidebysideandsoclosethat anyapple[thrownintheir midst]couldnothavefailed tostrikemanorbeast’. Butaccordingtothe crusaderAmbroisetherewas somethingdifferentaboutthat day’spreparations.Inhis account,thekingwas readyinghistroopsnotjust forafightingmarch,butfor battle.Ambroise,who followedRichardeaston crusadeandlatercomposed anepicOldFrenchverse historyoftheexpedition, depicted7September1191as adayofdeliberate confrontation;adayofglory onanalmostHomericscale. Hishero,theLionheart,was shownmakingaconscious, proactivedecisionto challengeSaladinhead-on. Perceivingwithalmost supernaturalforesight‘that theycouldnotgoforward withoutabattle’,theking plannedtodeploythe Christians’mostpowerful weapon–theheavycavalry charge–themomentthe sultanovercommittedhis forces.Timingwastobe crucial,butwithonlythe rudimentarymedievalforms ofbattlefieldcommunication available,Richardhadtorely onanauralsignaltoinitiate theattack.Ambroise describedhow‘sixtrumpets [were]placedinthree differentplacesinthearmy, whichwouldsoundwhen theyweretoturnagainstthe Turks’. Ambroise’saccountof Arsufhasbeenhugely influential:widelycopiedby contemporaries;often uncriticallyregurgitatedby modernhistorians.Theepic imageofthatSaturday morningonthecoastof Palestineengenderedbyhis depictionhaslongheldsway: theresplendentcrusaderarmy beginningitsmarch,primed, practicallystrainingforthe fight;likeanockedarrow, heldquiveringatfulldraw, readyforrelease.But detailed,colourfuland alluringasAmbroise’svision is,othereyewitnessreports challengehisnarrative.Chief amongtheseisaletter–one thathasbeenextraordinarily undervaluedbyhistorians– composedbyKingRichardI himself.Thismissive, effectivelyadispatchfrom thefrontlinestoGarnierof Rochefort,Cistercianabbot ofClairvaux,waswrittennot, likeAmbroise’sversehistory, somesixyearslater,butjust threeweeksaftertheBattleof Arsuf,on1October1191.Its brief,almostpassing descriptionofeventson7 September,suggeststhatthe Lionheart’sprimaryconcern thatdaywastoreachthe relativesafetyoftheorchards atArsufwithhisarmyintact andnottoseekadefinitive confrontationwithSaladin. Intheageofthecrusades pitchedbattleswere extremelyrare.Therisks involved,theelementof chance,meantthatshrewd generalsavoidedopen conflictatallcostsunlessin possessionofoverwhelming numericalsuperiority. Richard’soverallpriorityin thisphaseofthecrusadewas toreachJaffa,andfromthere tothreatenAscalonand Jerusalem.Tolookfora decisivefightwithSaladin whenthesultancommanded equal,orperhapseven greater,militarystrength,and couldchosehisownground, wouldhavebeentantamount togamblingthefateofthe entireholywaronadiceroll. Perhapsthekingdidreadyhis menforbattleatArsuf, shoulditbethrustuponhim– hisletterdoesnotsay–but, evenso,thereisasignificant, albeitsubtle,difference betweenthepreparationfor conflictanditsactivepursuit. ForSaladin,incontrast,a decisiveconfrontationwasall butessential.Facingthe seeminglyunstemmableLatin advance,heknewthat withoutactionhewouldbe forced,injustafewdays,to watchinabjectimpotenceas theLionheartreachedJaffa. Cominghardontheheelsof Acre’ssurrender,thestrategic andpoliticalconsequences wouldbehorrendous,Islam’s holdoverPalestine grievouslydestabilised,his ownreputationasamujahid gravelybesmirched.The Franksmustbestoppedhere, onthedustyplainofArsuf. AsBahaal-Dinbluntly stated:‘[Thesultanhad] everyintentionofbringing theenemytopitchedbattle thatday.’73 Whenthecrusaders marchedfromthe Rochetaille,soonafterdawn, theyweregreetedbya menacingvision:there,where woodedhillsrandowntothe leftedgeoftheplain,Saladin hadarrayedthefullstrength ofhisarmy.Lineuponlineof troopsstretchedoutbefore them,‘piledup,likeathick hedge’.Facingaround30,000 Muslimwarriors,manyof themmounted,theFranks werenowoutnumberedat leasttwotoone.Around9 a.m.thefirstwaveof2,000 enemyskirmishersraced downtowardsthemand fightingbegan.Asthe morningprogressed,Saladin committedpracticallyhis entireforce,holdingback onlyaneliteunitofsome 1,000oftheRoyalGuardto spearheadatargetedassault, shouldabreakappearinthe Latinformation.Forhour afterhour,withtheblistering sunnowbeatingdownon them,theChristiansmarched on,pummelledbythe incessantonslaught. Onecrusaderdescribedthe overwhelmingcacophonyof thebattlefield–ajumbleof troops‘howling,shouting [and]baying’,enemy trumpetersanddrummers pulsingtheterriblerhythmof combat–sothat‘onecould nothaveheardGod thundering,sucharacketwas made’.TheMuslims’primary weaponwasanaerial bombardmentofappalling intensity:‘neverdidrainor snoworhailfallinginthe heartofwinterfallsodensely asdidtheboltswhichflew thereandkilledourhorses’, recalledoneeyewitness, remarkingthatarmfulsof arrowscouldhavebeen gatheredtherelikecorncutin thefields.Alsoamongthe enemyweretroopsfew crusadershadencountered: terrifyingblackAfricans.A Latineyewitnessdeclared that‘theywerecalled “blacks”–thisisthetruth– [coming]fromthewildland, hideousandblackerthansoot ...apeoplewhowerevery quickandagile’. Thehorroroftherelentless assaultthatmorningwas almostunendurable. [TheFranks]thoughttheirlineswould bebroken[and]didnotexpectto surviveonehourortocomeoutofit alive;knowintruththat[some] cowardscouldnothelpthrowingdown theirbowsandarrowsandtakingrefuge inthearmy...Nomanwasso confidentthathedidnotwishinhis heartthathehadfinishedhis pilgrimage.74 KingRichard’spriority throughallthiswasto maintaintroopdisciplineand keephisarmymoving forwardinformationtowards Arsuf.Anypauseorbreakin thelinewouldbelethal,but thetemptationamonghis mentolaunchacounterattackwasnearlyirresistible. Amessengerraceduptheline fromtheHospitaller rearguard,beggingfor permissiontoretaliate,but theLionheartrefused.For now,atleast,orderheld.It wasatestamenttotheking’s forceofwillandcharismaas ageneralthat,forsolong,his authorityheldinthefaceof suchextraordinarypressure. TheChristianswerenow ‘surrounded,likeaflockof sheepinthejawsofwolves, sothattheycouldseenothing buttheskyandtheirwicked enemiesoneveryside’.And yet,theiradvancecontinued. WiththeTemplarvanguard nearingtheorchardsofArsuf, themasteroftheHospitallers himself,GarnierofNablus, rodeforwardtomakea secondpetitiontotheking, bewailingtheshameof inaction,butonceagainthe kingdemurred.Crucially, Richard’sownletterof1 Octoberindicatesthatthe frontranksofthemarchnow reachedtheoutskirtsofArsuf andbegan‘settingupcamp’, afactconfirmedbyBahaalDin,whowrotethat‘thefirst detachmentsof[the Christian]infantryreached theplantationsofArsuf’.This givesthelietothenotionthat Richardwas,throughout7 September,harbouringsome granderstrategy;holdinghis forcesincheckonlysothat theycouldbeunleashedin openbattle.Justasithad beenthroughoutthejourney fromAcre,hispriorityat Arsufwassecurityand survival.Butwiththat objectivesonearto realisation,theLionheart’s handwasforced.75 Lookingback,Richard suddenlydiscoveredthata crusaderchargehadbegun. Withoutwarning,twoknights towardstherear–themarshal oftheHospitallersand BaldwinofCarew–had brokenranks.Drivenbya mixtureofanger,humiliation andbloodlust,‘theyburstout oftheline[and],withhorses atfullgallop,chargedthe Turks’,screamingthename ofStGeorge.Arippleof realisationspreadthroughthe armyand,withinmoments, thousandsofcrusadershad turnedtofollowtheirlead. TheHospitallerrearguard racedintobattle.Then,as Richardwatchedinhorror, HenryofChampagne,James ofAvesnesandRobert,earl ofLeicester,alsocommitted theleftflankandcentreofthe armytothecharge. Thiswasthemomentof decision.Richardmaynot havewantedbattle,butwith nohopeofrecallinghis troopsitwasnowuponhim regardless.Afailuretoreact wouldhavebeen catastrophic,butthe Lionheartshowedno hesitation:‘Hespurredhis horsetothegallop[riding] fasterthanaboltfroma crossbow’,leadinghis remainingforceswithhim. Notsurprisingly,Ambroise’s supposedtrumpetsignalwas neversounded.76 Asceneofcarnagenowlay beforetheking.Thefirst crusaderchargehadresulted inachaoticbloodbath,asthe shockedfrontranksof Saladin’sarmywererouted andoverrun.Theinjured werescreaming,‘while others,wallowingintheir ownblood,breathedtheir last.Averygreatnumber werebutheadlesscorpses troddenunderfootbyfriend orfoeregardless.’Butas Richardracedintothefray, thesultanralliedhistroops andmountedacounterattack.Theking’sown contributiontothebattleis unclear.Richarddownplayed hisownprowess,offeringthis terseaccountoftheencounter inhislettertotheabbotof Clairvaux: Ourvanguardwasproceedingandwas alreadysettingupcampatArsuf,when SaladinandhisSaracensmadeaviolent attackonourrearguard,butbythe graceofGod’sfavourablemercythey wereforcedintoflightjustbyfour squadronsthatwerefacingthem. OtherLatincontemporaries, Ambroiseamongthem, paintedamorestirringscene ofroyalheroism,inwhichthe Lionheartpracticallywonthe daysingle-handed: KingRichardpursuedtheTurkswith singularferocity,felluponthemand scatteredthem[and]whereverhewent hisbrandishedswordclearedawide pathonallsides...Hecutdownthat unspeakableraceasifhewerereaping theharvestwithasickle,sothatthe corpsesoftheTurkshehadkilled coveredthegroundeverywhereforthe spaceofhalfamile.77 Perhapshismartialgallantry didnotreachsoepicascale, butRichard’spersonal contributionmaystillhave beenthedecisivefactorthat tippedthebalanceofthe encounter.Timeandagainin theMiddleAges,warriorkings,seenbytheirmenin thethickoffighting,turned thetideofbattle,assuring victory.Whateverthe explanation,theFranksat Arsufmanagedtorepulse one,perhapseventwo, Muslimcounter-attacks.In theend,withmostofhis troopsrouted,Saladinwas forcedintoashamefulretreat. Hotlypursued,heandthe beleagueredremnantsofhis armymeltedintothe surroundingforests,gifting thevictory,suchasitwas,to theChristians. Thebattle-wearyFranks regroupedtolimpintoArsuf, finallyestablishingasecure camp.Mostcollapsedin exhaustion,butasalways thereweresomescavengers, ‘greedyforgain’,whowere itchingtopickoverthedead anddying.Aseveningfell, theycountedthirty-two Muslimemirsamongthe fallen,aswellassome700 enemytroops,mostofwhom hadbeenslaininthefirst Latincharge.Meanwhile,at firstcount,Latincasualties appearedtobeminimal. Thatnight,however,an unsettlingrumourspread throughthearmy.Jamesof Avesnes,therespected crusaderknightfromHainaut, wasmissing.Atdawnthe nextday,asearchpartyof TemplarsandHospitallers scouredthebattlefield,and eventually,thereamongthe deadofChristendomand Islam,theylocatedhis mutilatedcorpse.Itwassaid that,inthethickofthefray, hishorsehadfallen;thrown fromhissaddle,Jameshad foughtlikealion,butasthe tideofthebattleturned,his oldcomradeinarms,Count RobertofDreux,hadignored hiscallsforaid.Abandoned, Jamesmadehislastdesperate stand,fellingfifteenofthe enemy,beforebeingcut down.Hewasfound,circled byMuslimdead,his‘faceso smearedwithcongealed bloodthattheycouldhardly recogniseituntilithadbeen washedwithwater’.With greatreverence,hisbodywas carriedbacktoArsufand buriedinaceremony attendedbyKingRichardand GuyofLusignan.‘Everyone wailedandweptand lamentedover’hisdeath;the ThirdCrusadehadlostoneof itslongest-standingandmost renownedwarriors.78 ThesignificanceofArsuf TheBattleofArsufhaslong beenregardedasahistoric crusadertriumph.Inseeking toconstructanimageof RichardIasthemonumental herooftheholywar, Ambroisepresentedthis engagementasacritical setpiececonfrontation betweentheLionheartand Saladin–anencounterthat Richardactivelysought,and oneinwhichheachieveda resoundingvictory.This accountofArsufhasbeen widelyacceptedand Richard’ssuccesson7 September1191hasbecome oneofthecornerstonesofhis martialreputation.JeanFlori, arecentbiographerofthe Lionheart,assertedthatthe battlerevealedtheking’s ‘skillinthe“scienceofwar”’, addingthatit‘wasfoughton Richard’sterms’,withthe Angevinmonarchhaving ‘alreadydrawnuphisarmyin battleorder’.79 Intruth,thereconstruction ofmedievalbattlesisa phenomenallyimprecise businessandRichard’s intentionscannotbedefined withabsolutecertainty.On balance,though,theevidence makesitatleastaslikelythat Richarddidnotwanttofight amajorbattleatArsuf.He maywellhaveexpecteda Muslimattackon7 September,butheseemsto haveremainedfocusedupon hisprimaryobjective– reachingtheproposed campsiteatArsufandthen continuingontoJaffa.Inthe event,whenthecrusader rearguardbrokeranksto launchanattack,the Lionheart’sswift,resolute andvaliantresponsedidavert disaster,ultimatelysecuring anopportunistic,butmoraleboosting,victory.Crucially, hisgeneralshipwasreactive, notproactive. Atthetime,KingRichard didnotclaimtohaveplanned thebattle–thatnotionseems onlytohavetakenholdinthe aftermathoftheThird Crusade–buthisletterof1 Octoberdidstatethatthe Muslimswerebadlystungat Arsuf.Itdeclared: TheslaughteramongSaladin’smore nobleSaracenswassogreat,thathelost moreonthatdaynearArsuf[than]on anydayinthepreviousfortyyears... [Eversince]thatday,Saladinhasnot dareddobattlewiththeChristians. Insteadheliesinwaitatadistance,out ofsightlikealioninhisden,[waiting tokill]thefriendsofthecrosslike sheep. Arabicsourcesacknowledged thattheAyyubidssuffereda damagingdefeatatArsuf. Bahaal-Din,whowitnessed thebattle,recordedthatmany ‘metamartyr’sdeath’and admittedthat,althoughalAdilandal-Afdalfought well,thelatterwas‘shaken bythisday’.Inrealterms, though,Muslimmanpower losseswerebynomeans decisive–Saladinhadbeen beatenfromthefield,butthe holywarwouldgoon.Within daysthesultanwaswritingto his‘far-flungterritories’ requestingreinforcements. Thetellingdamage,justasat Acre,waspsychological.As Saladinstruggledtoreimpose controloverhisarmies,his ‘heart’wassaidtobe‘fullof feelingsthatGodalonecould know[and]thetroopstoo wereeitherwoundedinthe bodyorwoundedinthe heart’.Thesultan’s correspondencefromthis periodstrovetopresenta positiveaccountofevents, declaringthatMuslimattacks hadslowedtheFrankish advancetosuchanextentthat theytookseventeendaysover atwo-dayjourneyand celebratingtheslayingof‘Sir Jak’(JamesofAvesnes). Evenso,thetruthofthe mattercouldhardlybe concealed.Onceagain, Saladinhadtriedandfailedto stoptheThirdCrusadeinits tracks.80 On9September1191the Franksresumedtheirmarch, reachingtheRiverArsuf withoutmuchdifficulty.The nextday,Richardarrived outsidetheruinsofJaffa– thewallsoftheporttown havingbeendemolishedon Saladin’sordersinautumn 1190.Suchwasthe devastationthatthewhole Latinarmyhadtobe quarteredinthesurrounding olivegrovesandgardens,but thecrusadersrejoicedtofind agreatabundanceoffood, includinggrapes,figs, pomegranatesandalmonds. Beforelong,Christianships begantoarrive,ferrying suppliesfromAcre,anda defensiblepositionwas establishedonthePalestinian coast.RichardtheLionheart hadledtheThirdCrusadeto thebrinkofvictoryand Jerusalemnowlayjustover fortymilesinland. 17 JERUSALEM Inlatesummer1191King RichardIofEngland prosecutedaremarkably controlled,ruthlesslyefficient marchsouthfromAcreto Jaffa,subjectingSaladintoa humiliating,ifnotcrushing, defeatalongtheway.Since hisarrivalintheHolyLand, theLionhearthadgalvanised theThirdCrusade;nolonger miredandinertinthe northernreachesofPalestine, theexpeditionnowseemed poisedonthethresholdof victory.Successdependedon momentum–onlyimmediate andresoluteactionwould preservethebrittleFrankish coalitionandmaintain pressureonafalteringenemy. Butjustwhenfocused commitmenttoaclear militarygoalwasneeded, Richardhesitated. DECISIONSAND DECEPTIONS Around12September1191, justafewdaysafterreaching Jaffa,worryingreportsfrom thesouthbeganfilteringinto thecrusadercamp.Saladin,it wassaid,hadmovedon Ascalonandevennowwas razingtheMuslim-heldport totheground.Withthese rumoursstirringupamixture ofincredulity,horrorand suspicion,thekingdispatched GeoffreyofLusignan(who hadnowbeenappointed titularcountoftheregion) andthetrustedknight WilliamofL’Estangto investigate.Sailingsouth, theysooncaughtsightofthe city,and,astheydrewcloser, asceneofappalling devastationrevealeditself. Ascalonwasawashwith flameandsmoke,itsterrified populacestreamingawayin forcedevacuationwhilethe sultan’smenswarmedover theport’smightydefences, rippingwallandtower asunder. Thisgravespectaclewas theproductofSaladin’s newlyresoluteapproachto thewar.Stillsmartingfrom hishumiliatingdefeatat Arsuf,thesultanhad assembledhiscounsellorsat Ramlaon10SeptembertoreevaluateAyyubidstrategy. Havingtriedandfailedto confrontthecrusadersheadonduringtheirmarchsouth fromAcre,Saladindecidedto adoptamoredefensive approach.IfRichardcould notbecrushedinopenbattle, thendrasticstepswouldbe takentohalthisadvance–a scorched-earthpolicyto hamperFrankishmovement, involvingthedestructionof keyfortresses.Thecritical targetwasAscalon,southern Palestine’smainportandthe steppingstonetoEgypt.Ifthe Frankscapturedthecity intactthentheLionheart wouldhavetheperfect bridgeheadfromwhichto threatenJerusalemandthe Nileregion.Saladinrealised thathelackedtheresourcesto fightawarontwofrontsand, prioritisingtheprotectionof theHolyCity,orderedthat Ascalon’swallsberazedto theground.Thiscannothave beenaneasydecision–the sultanwassaidtohave remarked,‘byGodIwould prefertoloseallmysons ratherthandemolishasingle stone’–butitwasnecessary. Timewaspressing,forif Richardmarchedonhemight yetseizetheport.Saladin thereforesental-Adilto watchoverthecrusadersat Jaffa,andthenracedsouth withal-Afdaltooverseethe dreadfullabour,drivinghis soldierstoworkatafurious pace,dayandnight,fearfulof theLionheart’sarrival.81 WhenGeoffreyand Williambroughtnewsof whattheyhadseentoJaffa, KingRichardstillhada chancetoact.Throughoutthe latesummerhehadbeen deliberatelyevasiveabouthis objectives,butnowadefinite decisionhadtobemade.To theLionheart,thechoice seemedclear:theseizureof Ascalonwasthelogicalnext stepforthecrusade.Asa generalherecognisedthat,to date,theexpedition’s achievementshadbeen dependentuponnaval superiority.Whilethecrusade continuedtohugthe coastline,Latindominationof theMediterraneancouldstave offisolationandannihilation byofferingalifelineof supplyandreinforcement.So far,theChristianshadnot trulyfoughttheThird Crusadeinenemyterritory; oncetheymarchedinland,the realbattlewouldbegin. Ascalon’sseizureand refortificationpromisedto destabilisefurtherSaladin’s holdoverPalestine,creatinga securecoastalenclave,while keepingRichard’soptions openforaneventualassault onJerusalemorEgypt. RichardarrivedinJaffa apparentlyexpectingthat,as kingandcommander,hiswill wouldbeobeyed;thatthe marchsouthcouldcontinue, almostwithoutpause.Buthe hadmadeaserious miscalculation.Asaspecies ofwar,thecrusadewas governednotmerelybythe dictatesofmilitaryscience, norbynotionsofpolitics, diplomacyoreconomy.This wasamodeofconflict underpinnedbyreligious ideology–onethatrelied upontheoverwhelmingand imperativedevotionalallure ofatargetlikeJerusalemto createunityofpurposewithin adisparatearmy.Andforthe vastmajorityofthosewithin Richard’samalgamated crusadinghost,marching southfromJaffawas tantamounttowalkingpast thedoorwaytotheHolyCity. Atacouncilheldoutside Jaffainmid-September1191, theLionheartwasconfronted bythisreality.Despitehis besteffortstopressforan attackonAscalon,alarge numberofLatinnobles resisted–amongthemHugh ofBurgundyandtheFrench– arguinginsteadforthe refortificationofJaffaanda moredirectstrikeinland towardsJerusalem.Inthe end,asonecrusaderputit, ‘theloudvoiceofthepeople prevailed’andadecisionwas madetostayput.Richard seemsnottohaverecognised itatthetime,buthehad failedacriticaltest.The eventsatJaffaexposedan ominousdeficiencyinhis skillsasaleader.The Lionhearthadbeenwell schooledintheaffairsofwar sincechildhood;since1189 hisskillsandauthorityasa kinghadblossomed.But,as yet,hehadnotgraspedthe realityofcrusading. Withthedecisiontohaltat Jaffa,thecrusadelost impetus.Workbeganto rebuildtheportandits defences,evenasSaladin completedAscalon’s destruction.Crusaders, shatteredbythehorrorsofthe marchfromAcre,now baskedinthesuddenbreakin hostilities.Amongthe constantflowofsupplyships, vesselspackedwith prostitutessoonbeganto appear.Withtheirarrival, bemoanedoneChristian eyewitness,thearmywas againpollutedby‘sinand filth,uglydeedsandlust’.As daysturnedtoweeks,even thewilltopressontothe HolyCityfalteredandthe expeditionstartedto fragment.SomeFranks actuallysailedtoAcreto enjoymoreluxurious comforts,andeventually Richardhadtotravelnorthin persontogoadthese absenteesbackintoaction.82 OntheroadtoJerusalem Intheend,theThirdCrusade remainedstalledaroundJaffa anditsenvironsforthebest partofsevenweeks.This delaygaveSaladintimeto extendhisscorched-earth strategy,demolishingthe networkoffortifications runningfromthecoastinland toJerusalem.Richardspent muchofOctober1191 reassemblinghisarmyand, onlyinthelastdaysofthat month,withthenormal fightingseasondrawingtoa close,didtheexpedition begintoadvanceon Jerusalem.Itnowfaceda challengeunlikeany encounteredbyprevious crusades.Backin1099,the FirstCrusadershadmarched ontheHolyCitylargely unopposed,andintheir subsequentsiege,arduous thoughitwas,theFrankshad encounteredarelatively small,isolatedenemyforce. Now,almostacenturylater, theLatinscouldexpectto meetfarsternerresistance. Saladin’spowermayhave weakenedintheyearssince 1187,buthestillpossessed formidablemilitaryresources withwhichtoharassand opposeeverystepofa Christianapproachonthe HolyCity.Andshouldthe crusadersreachJerusalem,its actualconquestpresented manifolddifficulties. Protectedbyafullgarrison andstoutphysical fortifications,thecity’s defenceswouldbeallbut insurmountable,whileany besiegingarmywould undoubtedlyfacefierce counter-attacksfrom additionalMuslimforcesin thefield.Moretroublingstill wastheissueofsupplyand reinforcement:oncetheThird Crusadeleftthecoastbehind, itwouldhavetorelyupona fragilelineofcommunication backtoJaffa;ifbroken, Richardandhismenwould faceisolationandprobably defeat. TheLionheart’sprimary aimintheautumnof1191 wastheforgingofareliable chainoflogisticalsupport runninginland.Themain roadtoJerusalemcrossedthe coastalplaineastofJaffa, throughRamlatoLatrun, beforearcingnorth-eastto BeitNubaintheJudean foothillsandthenwinding eastuptotheHolyCity (althoughtherewere alternatives,suchasthemore northerlyrouteviaLydda).In thecourseofthetwelfth century,theFrankshadbuilt astringoffortressesto defendtheapproachesto Jerusalem.Manyofthesehad beencontrolledbythe MilitaryOrders,butallhad fallentoIslamafterHattin. TheThirdCrusade:PathstoJerusalem Saladin’srecentshiftin strategyhadlefttheroad aheadofthecrusadersina stateofdesolation.Every majorfortifiedsite– includingLydda,Ramlaand Latrun–hadbeen dismantled.On29October Richardmarchedontothe plainseastofJaffaandbegan thepainstakinglyslowwork ofrebuildingastringofsites runninginland,startingwith twofortsnearYasur.In militaryterms,thewarnow devolvedintoaseriesof skirmishes.Marshallinghis forcesatRamla,Saladin soughttohoundtheFranks, impedingtheirconstruction effortswhileavoidingfullscaleconfrontation.Oncethe advanceonJerusalembegan, theLionheartfrequently threwhimselfintothethick oftheserunningbattles.In earlyNovember1192,a routineforagingexpedition wentawrywhenagroupof Templarswereattackedand outnumbered.Whenthenews reachedhim,thekingrodeto theiraidwithouthesitation, accompaniedbyAndrewof ChauvignyandRobert,earl ofLeicester.TheLionheart arrived‘roaring’with bloodlust,strikinglikea ‘thunderbolt’,andsoon forcedtheMuslimstoretreat. Latineyewitnessessuggest thatsomeoftheking’s companionsactually questionedthewisdomofhis actionsthatday.Chidinghim forriskinghislifesoreadily, theyprotestedthat‘ifharm comestoyouChristianity willbekilled’.Richardwas saidtohavebeenenraged: ‘Theking’scolourchanged. Thenhesaid“Isent[these soldiers]hereandaskedthem togo[and]iftheydiethere withoutmethenwould[that] Ineveragainbearthetitleof king.”’Thisepisodereveals theLionheart’sdetermination tooperateasawarrior-kingin thefrontlineofconflict,but italsosuggeststhat,bythis stage,hewastakingrisksthat worriedevenhisclosest supporters.Itiscertainlytrue thattherewererealdangers involvedintheseskirmishes. Justafewweekslater, AndrewofChauvignybroke hisarmwhileskeweringa Muslimopponentduringa scufflenearLydda.83 Talkingtotheenemy BoldasRichard’s involvementmighthavebeen intheseinlandincursions,his martialoffensivewasjustone facetofacombinedstrategy. Throughouttheautumnand earlywinterof1191theking soughttousediplomacy alongsidemilitarythreat, perhapshopingthat,when jointlywielded,thesetwo weaponsmightbringSaladin tothepointofsubmission, forestallingtheneedfora directassaultonJerusalem. Infact,theLionhearthad reopenedchannelsof communicationwiththe enemyjustdaysafterthe BattleofArsuf.Around12 SeptemberhesentHumphrey ofToron,thedisenfranchised formerhusbandofIsabella,to requestarenewalof discussionswithal-Adil. Saladinacceded,givinghis brother‘permissiontohold talksandthepowerto negotiateonhisown initiative’.Oneofthesultan’s confidantsexplainedthat ‘[Saladin]thoughtthe meetingswereinourinterest becausehesawinthehearts ofmenthattheyweretired anddisillusionedwiththe fighting,thehardshipandthe burdenofdebtsthatwason theirbacks’.Inall probability,Saladinwasalso playingfortimeandseeking togarnerinformationabout theenemy.84 Inthemonthstocome, reliableintelligenceprovedto beapreciouscommodity,and spiesseemtohaveinfiltrated bothcamps.Inlate September1191Saladin narrowlyavertedapotentially disastrousleakwhenagroup ofeasternChristians travellingthroughtheJudean hillswereseizedand searched.Theywerefoundto becarryingextremely sensitivedocuments–letters fromtheAyyubidgovernor ofJerusalemtothesultan, detailingworryingshortages ofgrain,equipmentandmen withintheHolyCity–which theyhadintendedtopresent toKingRichard.Meanwhile, tofurnisharegularsupplyof Frankishcaptivesfor interrogation,Saladin engaged300rather disreputableBedouinthieves tocarryoutnight-time prisonersnatches.ForLatin andMuslimalike,however, knowledgeoftheenemy’s movementsandintentions wasalwaysfallible.Saladin, forexample,wasapparently informedthatPhilipAugustus haddiedinOctober1191. Perhapsmoresignificantly, theLionheartpersistently overestimatedSaladin’s militarystrengthformuchof theremainderofthecrusade. Throughoutautumnand earlywinter1191,Richard eagerlymaintainedaregular dialoguewithal-Adil,and,to beginwithatleast,this contactseemstohavebeen hiddenfromtheFrankish armies.Inpart,thekingmust havebeendrivento negotiationbytherumour thatConradofMontferrathad openedhisown,independent, channelofdiplomacywith Saladin.Asalways,the Lionheart’swillingnessto discussavenuestopeacewith theenemydidnotindicate somepacifisticpreferencefor theavoidanceofconflict. Negotiationwasaweaponof war:onethatmightbegeta settlementwhencombined withamilitaryoffensive;one thatwouldcertainlybring vitalintelligence;and, cruciallyinthisphaseofthe crusade,onethatofferedan opportunitytosowdissension amongtheranksofIslam. EvenbeforeleavingJaffa, Richardenteredintoan intensiveperiodof communicationwithal-Adil between18and23October. Initially,thekingsetoutto gaugetheenemy’sattitude towardsJerusalem.He wantedtoexplorethe possibilitythatSaladinmight relinquishpossessionofacity thatRichardbluntlystated‘is thecentreofourworship whichweshallnever renounce,eveniftherewere onlyoneofusleft’.ButalAdilconveyedan unequivocalresponsefrom thesultan,emphasising Islam’sownreverenceforthe HolyCityandurgingthe Lionheart‘nottoimaginethat weshallgiveitup,forweare unabletobreatheawordof thatamongsttheMuslims’. Richardthenmadean audaciouschangeoftack– onethatsurprisedhis adversariesatthetimeand stillconfoundsmodern historianstothisday.The kinghadalreadymadeapoint ofcultivatinganamicable relationshipwithal-Adil, apparentlydescribinghimas ‘mybrotherandmyfriend’in conversation.Henowtook thefargranderstepof proposinganextraordinary marriagealliancebetween LatinChristendomandIslam, inwhichal-Adilwouldbe wedtoRichard’sownsister, Joanne.Thisunionwould formthebasisofapeace agreementinwhich‘the sultanshouldgivetoal-Adil allthecoastallandsthathe heldandmakehimkingof [Palestine]’,withJerusalem toserve‘astheseatof[the royalcouple’s]realm’.This newpolitywouldremainpart ofSaladin’sempire,but Christianswouldbegiven freeaccesstotheHolyCity. Al-AdilandJoannewould commandtheregion’s castles,whiletheChristian MilitaryOrderswouldtake controlofitsvillages.The pactwouldbesealedbyan exchangeofprisonersandthe returnoftheTrueCross. Withaflourishofseeming magnanimity,theLionheart proclaimedthatthe acceptanceofthisdealwould bringthecrusadetoan immediateendandprompt hisreturntotheWest. Becausethisofferwasnot recordedinanysurviving contemporaryChristian source(beingmentionedonly inArabictexts)itisdifficult accuratelytoassesshowsuch anapparentlyoutrageous arrangementmighthavebeen greetedbyRichard’sFrankish compatriots.TheLionheart seemstohavekepttheentire affairacloselyguarded secret,eveninitiallyfromhis sister,butwhetherhetookthe wholeideaseriously,or whetheritwasmerely intendedasaruse,remains uncertain.Whatisclearis thatal-Adilvieweditasa genuineproposal.In diplomaticterms,Richard’s propositionpossesseda masterfulsubtlety.Aliveto thepotentialtensionsbetween Saladinandal-Adil–the latter’spositionastrusted brotherbeingbalancedbythe threatheposedtothesultan’s sonandheir–theEnglish kingmadeanofferthatalAdilcouldnotignore,butone thatcouldalsomakehim appeartobeharbouring personalambitions.Acutely awareofthisimplication,alAdilrefusedtoconveythe newsofRichard’sschemeto Saladininperson,instead deputisingBahaal-Din, instructinghimtospeakwith strictcaution. Saladinactuallyagreedto theterms,althoughhemay havebelievedthatRichard wouldnevergothroughwith theplanandwasmerely tryingto‘mockanddeceive him’.Certainly,withinafew daystheLionheartsentnews thathissisterwouldbe unabletomarryaMuslimand nowsuggestedthatal-Adil shouldconvertto Christianity,leaving‘thedoor openfornegotiations’.85 Afewweekslater,withthe ThirdCrusadenowgrinding outitsadvanceonJudea, Richardonceagainrequested aparley.Heandal-Adilmet inanopulentlyappointed tent,pitchedjustbeyondthe MuslimfrontlineatRamla, on8November1191.The atmospherewasalmost convivial.Thepair exchanged‘foods,luxuries andpresents’,tasting delicaciesfromtheir respectivecultures;Richard askedtohearsomeArabic musicandafemalemusician wasdulyusheredinto entertainhimwithsinging andtheplayingofaharp. Havingtalkedthroughthe day,‘theyparted’,inthe wordsofoneMuslimwitness, ‘inamityandgoodspiritsas firmfriends’,eventhoughthe Lionheart’srepeatedrequests foradirectmeetingwith Saladinweredeclined. Now,forthefirsttime,the king’snegotiationswiththe enemybecamepublic knowledgeinthecrusader camp,prompting considerablecriticism.One Christianeyewitnessnoted thatRichardandal-Adil ‘seemedtodevelopasortof mutualfriendship’, exchanginggiftsincluding sevencamelsandanexcellent tent.Thegeneralfeeling amongtheFranksappearsto havebeenthatthisdiplomacy wasilladvised.The Lionheartwassaidtohave beenfooledbythefaçadeof generosityandgoodwillinto delayingtheadvanceon Jerusalem–anerror‘for whichhewasmuchblamed andmuchcriticised’–and outmanoeuvredbySaladin’s brother,who‘trappedthe overlycredulouskingwith hisshrewdness’.Thisnotion ofRichardasabefuddled pawn,manipulatedbythe deviouspoliticaloperatoralAdil,doesnotmatchupwith thedepictionoftheLionheart asadiplomatbyMuslim sources.Indeed,theMosuli chroniclerIbnal-Athiropenly praisedRichard,notingthat ‘theking[metwithal-Adil] asaskilfulstratagem’. Infact,theEnglishking seemstohavebeenawily negotiator.Adifferentman mighthavefeltstymiedby Saladin’scontinuedrefusalof directdialogue,butRichard soughttoturnthisfactorto hisadvantage.On9 Novemberhesentthesultan anartfulmessage, capitalisingonthe concessionsmadeweeks earlier:‘Youhavesaidthat yougrantedthesecoastal landstoyourbrother.Iwant youtobeanarbitrator betweenhimandmeandto dividetheselandsbetween [us].’TheChristianswould need‘someholdon Jerusalem’,buthewanted thereto‘benoblameon[alAdil]fromtheMuslimsand noneonmefromtheFranks’. Richard’sratherdevious underlyingintentionwasto shiftthewholebasisofthe negotiations,encouraging Saladintothinkofhimselfas amagnanimousarbitratorand notanarch-opponent.Atleast someofthesultan’sadvisers ‘weregreatlyimpressedby this[approach]’.86 Inthefieldofdiplomatic machination,however, Saladinwas,attheveryleast, Richard’sequal.Throughout theautumn,thesultanhad beenincontactwithConrad ofMontferrat,afacthemade noefforttohidefromthe Lionheart–indeed,Conrad’s envoyevenoccasionally ‘wentridingwithal-Adil, observingtheFranksasthe Muslimsengagedthemin battle’,aspectaclewhich,it wasbelieved,promptedthe Englishkingtoredoublehis owneffortsatnegotiation. Lookingtoexploittherift betweenRichardandthe marquis,Saladinpushedfora ‘showofopenhostilitytothe Franksfromoverseas’, promisingthatifConrad attackedcrusader-heldAcre hewouldberewardedwithan independentprincipality includingBeirutandSidon. Thesultanjuggledthe negotiationswithRichardand Conradwithpanache,even lodgingtheirrespective envoysindifferentpartsof hiscamponthesameday,all thewhileaiming,inthe wordsofoneofhisadvisers, ‘tocausedissensionamongst them’. By11November,however, withthecrusadersnow threateningRamla,Saladin waswillingtodealinearnest. Heassembledhiscounsellors todebatetherelativemerits offorgingatrucewith ConradorRichard.The marquis’strengthwas certainlygrowing–henow hadthebackingofmuchof thenobilityoftheformer Latinkingdom–but, ultimately,hewasdeemed lessreliablethanthe Lionheart.Instead,the councilbackedanagreement withtheEnglishkingbased onanequitabledivisionof PalestinethatwouldseealAdilandJoannemarriedand Christian‘priestsinthe shrinesandchurchesof Jerusalem’.Intheend, perhapsbelievingthathehad Saladinbackedintoacorner, Richardrespondedtothis significantofferwith prevarication.Fortheunion tobepermissible,heargued, thepopewouldhavetogive hisblessingandthiswould takethreemonths.Evenas themessagewasbeing deliveredtheLionheartwas readyinghistroopsto advanceonRamlaand beyond.87 TOTAKETHEHOLY CITY ByearlyNovember1191the worktorefortifytheregion aroundYasurhadbeen completed.Richardtookthe nextsteptowardsJerusalem on15November,movingthe crusaderarmyforwardtoa positionbetweenLyddaand Ramla.Saladinretreated beforehim,leavingthetwo settlements–theirdefences shattered–totheFranksand, intheweeksthatfollowed,he movedbackfirsttoLatrun andthen,around12 December,tookrefugein Jerusalemitself.Although Muslimforcescontinuedto harrytheLatinsthroughout thisperiod,insomesenseat leastthepathtothegatesof theHolyCitywasnowopen. Butevenashismen hurriedlysoughttorebuild Ramla,theLionhearthadto confrontanewenemy: winter.Ontheopenplain,its onsetbroughtaferocious changeintheweather. Lashedbydrivingrain, freezinginplummeting temperatures,thecrusaders spentsixmiserableweeks stockpilingfoodandweapons atRamla,securingthesupply linebacktoJaffa,before inchingtheirwayforward firsttoLatrun,andthenonto reachthesmalldismantled fortressnearBeitNuba,atthe footoftheJudeanhills,soon afterChristmas.Theywere nowjusttwelvemilesfrom Jerusalem. Conditionswithinthearmy thatDecemberwere appalling.Oneeyewitness wrote: Itwascoldandovercast...Rainand hailbatteredus,bringingdownour tents.Welostsomanyhorsesat Christmasandbothbeforeandafter,so manybiscuitswerewasted,soggywith water,somuchsaltporkwentbadin thestorms;hauberksrustedsothatthey couldhardlybecleaned;clothesrotted; peoplesufferedfrommalnourishment sothattheywereingreatdistress. Andyet,byallaccounts, moraleamongtheordinary soldierswashigh.Afterlong months,andinsomecases years,ofstruggle,theywere nowpracticallywithinsight oftheirgoal.‘Theyhadan indescribableyearningtosee thecityofJerusalemand completetheirpilgrimage’, notedoneLatin contemporary,whilea crusaderinthearmyrecalled, ‘noonewasangryorsad... everywherewasjoyand happinessand[everyone]said together“God,nowweare goingontherightway, guidedbyYourgrace.”’ Enduringcommitmenttothe causeoftheholywarseems tohaveinspiredthem,even amidsttheanguishofawinter campaign.Liketheir crusadingforefathersbackin 1099,theywerenowready, desperateeven,tobesiegethe HolyCity,regardlessofthe riskandprivationinvolved.88 Thequestionwaswhether KingRichardsharedtheir fervour.Asthenewyearof 1192began,hehadacrucial decisiontomake.The crusadehadtakenalmosttwo monthstoadvancejustthirty milestowardsJerusalem.The lineofcommunicationwith thecoaststillheldbutwas subjecttonear-dailyMuslim raids.Mountingasiegeofthe cityintheseconditions,inthe bitterheartofwinter,would beamammothundertaking andahugegamble.Andyet, thebulkoftheLatinarmy clearlyexpectedthatan assaultwouldbemade. Around10January,the Lionheartconvenedacouncil todebatethebestcourseof action.Itsshocking conclusionwasthattheThird Crusadeshouldretreatfrom BeitNuba,turningitsbackon Jerusalem.Officiallyitwas saidthatapowerfullobbyof Templars,Hospitallersand Latinbaronsnativetothe LevantpersuadedRichard. Thedangersofundertakinga siegewhileSaladinstill possessedafieldarmywere toosevere,theyargued,and anyway,theFrankslacked themanpoweradequatelyto garrisontheHolyCityevenif itdid,bysomemiracle,fall. ‘[These]wisermenwerenot oftheopinionthatthey shouldacquiesceinthe commonpeople’srashdesires [tobesiegeJerusalem]’, recalledonecontemporary, andinsteadtheyadvisedthat theexpedition‘shouldreturn andfortifyAscalon’,cutting Saladin’ssupplylinebetween PalestineandEgypt.Intruth, thekingprobablypackedthe councilwiththose sympathetictohisownviews andknewonlytoowellwhat itsrecommendationswould be.Fornow,atleast,Richard wasnotwillingtostakethe fateoftheentireholywaron theoutcomeofsohazardous acampaign.On13January hebroadcasttheorderto retirefromBeitNuba. Thiswasanearthshatteringpronouncement, butinrecentscholarship Richard’sdecisionhasbeen viewedinapositivelight. Championedbythelikesof JohnGillinghamasanastute generalwhosedecision makingwasgovernedby martialrealityandnotpious fantasy,theLionhearthas beenwidelypraisedforhis cautiousstrategy.Hans Mayer,forexample, concludedthat‘inviewof Saladin’stactics,[Richard’s decision]wastheright one’.89 Infact,thetruthofthe matterwillneverbeknown. Onecrusadereyewitnesslater concludedthattheFranks missedanenormous opportunitytocapture Jerusalembecausetheydid notappreciate‘thedistress, thesufferingandthe weakness’oftheMuslim forcesgarrisoningthecity, andtoanextenthewasright. Strugglingtomaintainhis exhaustedtroopsinthefield, Saladinhadbeenforcedto disbandthemajorityofhis armyafter12December, leavingtheHolyCity dangerouslyundermanned. TendayspassedbeforeAbu’l HaijatheFatarrivedwith Egyptianreinforcements. Throughoutthisperioda decisiveanddetermined movetoassaultJerusalem mighthavebrokenSaladin’s will,fracturinghisalready fragileholdovertheMuslim allianceandplungingNear EasternIslamintodisarray. Onbalance,however, Richardwasprobablyrightto forgosuchamassivegamble. Evenso,theLionheart shouldnotescapereproach forhisconductinthisphase ofthecrusade.Todate, historianshaveignoreda fundamentalfeatureofhis decisionmaking.If,in January1192,itwasso obvioustoRichard’smilitary advisersandprobablytothe kinghimselfthattheHoly Citywasunconquerableand untenable,whyhadthatsame realitynotbeenapparent monthsearlier,beforethe crusadeeverleftJaffa?The king–thesupposedmasterof militaryscience–should surelyhaverecognisedin October1191thatJerusalem wasanear-impossible militarytargetandonethat couldneverberetained. Writingintheearlythirteenth century,Ibnal-Athirtriedto reconstructtheLionheart’s thinkingatBeitNuba.He conjuredupasceneinwhich Richardaskedtoseeamapof theHolyCity;onceawareof itstopography,theking supposedlyconcludedthat Jerusalemcouldnotbetaken whileSaladinstill commandedafieldarmy.But thisislittlemorethanan imaginativereconstruction. Richard’scharacterand experiencesuggestthathe wouldcarefullyhave assembledthefullestpossible pictureofstrategic intelligencebeforemounting theadvancefromJaffa. TheLionheartprobablyset footontheroadtoJerusalem inlateOctober1191with littleornointentionof actuallyprosecutinganattack onthecity.Thismeansthat hisadvancewaseffectivelya feint–themilitary componentofacombined offensiveinwhichashowof martialaggressionaugmented intensivediplomaticcontact. Richardsoughtthatautumn andwintertotestSaladin’s resolveandresources,but waseverreadytostepback fromthebrinkifaclear opportunityforvictoryfailed tomaterialise.Inallthis,the kingactedaccordingtothe bestpreceptsofmedieval generalship,buthefailedto accountforthedistinctnature ofcrusadingwarfare. Theimpactoftheretreat uponChristianmoraleand theoverallprospectsofthe crusadewerecatastrophic. EvenAmbroise,the Lionheart’svocalsupporter, acknowledgedthat: [When]itwasrealisedthatthearmy wastoturnback(letitnotbecalled retreat),thenwasthearmy,whichhad beensoeagerinitsadvance,so discouraged,thatnotsinceGodcreated timewasthereeverseenanarmyso dejectedandsodepressed...Nothing remainedofthejoytheyhadhadbefore whentheyweretogotothe[Holy] Sepulchre...Everyonecursedtheday hewasborn. Nowastunnedand bedraggledrabble,thearmy limpedbacktoRamla.From there,depressionand disillusionmentrippedthe expeditionapart.Hughof Burgundyandmanyofthe Frenchdecamped.Some returnedtoJaffa,otherswent offtoAcre,wherefoodand earthlycomfortswere plentiful.Richardwasleftto leadaseverelyweakened forcesouth-westto Ascalon.90 REGROUPING TheLionheartreachedthe ruinedporton20January 1192amidhorrendousstorms thatfurtherdampened morale.Asthecrusaders struggledtocometoterms withtheirretreatfrom Jerusalem,Richarddidhis besttorecoverfromthefirst realsetbackofhiscampaign. Heputhisremainingtroops toworkrebuildingAscalon, determinedtosalvage somethingfromthatdismal winterbymakingpractical andvisibleprogressonthe coast.HenryofChampagne hadremainedloyaltohis uncleandlenthisaidtothe project,buttherefortifyingof sodevastatedacitywasa mammothundertaking–one thatwouldultimatelytake fivemonthsofhardlabour andcostRichardafortune. InlateFebruary,acrisis eruptedinnorthernPalestine –onethatrevealedenduring divisionsamongtheFranks. Eventhoughthewarforthe HolyLandwasfarfromover, theLatinsbeganopenly fightingoverAcre.Genoese sailorstriedtotakecontrolof thecity,probablywiththe connivanceofConradof MontferratandHughof Burgundy,anditwasonlythe fierceresistanceputupby Richard’sPisanalliesthat preventedtheportfrombeing unitedwithTyre.Enragedby whathesawasabrazenact ofbetrayal,Richardtravelled northtoparleywithConrad, andthepairmethalfway betweenAcreandTyre. ‘Longdiscussions’were apparentlyheld,butno lastingagreementcouldbe forgedandthemarquis returnedtoTyre.91 Richard’smilitaryfortunes hadturnedinthehillsof Judea,andnowonthe northerncoasthisgiftfor sure-footeddiplomacy seemedalsotodeserthim. Frustratedbyhisfailureto bullyConradintosubmission, theLionheartimmediately institutedanassemblyand hadthemarquisofficially deprivedoftheshareofthe kingdomofJerusalem’s revenueallottedtohimin summer1191.Intruth, though,thiswaslittlemore thananemptygesture. Conradhadtwotelling advantages:anunassailable centreofpoweratTyre,anda growingbodyofsupport amongOutremer’sremaining Frankishbarons,including thelikesofBalianofIbelin. Themarquismayhavebeena devious,self-serving opportunistwhowaswilling tonegotiatewithSaladin againsttheinterestsofthe crusade,buthismarriageto IsabellaofJerusalemgave himaclaimtothethrone.He alsohadprovenhimselfa strongerleaderthanGuyof Lusignan(hisrivalforthe Jerusalemitecrown)and, unlikeRichard,showedevery signofbeingcommittedtoa permanentcareerinthe Levant.ThatFebruarythe Lionheartchosetoignorethe obvious,buteventuallyhe wouldhavetoacknowledge theuncomfortablereality. Conradcouldbeneither brokennorturnedand, therefore,hewouldhaveto beaccommodatedinany lastingpoliticalandmilitary settlementintheNearEast. Aroundthistime,channels ofnegotiationbetween RichardandSaladinwere reopened.Thesultan,once again,wasrepresentedbyhis brotheral-Adil,while HumphreyofToronspokeon theLionheart’sbehalf. MeetingswereheldnearAcre inlateMarchand,atone point,itappearedthatterms– includingapartitionof Jerusalem–mightactuallybe agreed.InearlyApril, however,Richardbrokeoff thedialogueandsailedsouth tospendEasterinAscalon. Thereasonforthissudden changeofpolicyisuncertain, butitislikelythattheking hadheardrumoursthat Saladin’sexhaustedarmies wereshowingsignsof insubordinationandthatthe sultanwasalsofacing Musliminsurrectionin Mesopotamia.Seizingupon thispossiblevulnerability, Richardseemstohave convincedhimselfthathe nowhadnoneedtoagreeto anythingotherthanthemost advantageousterms.Once backinAscalon,hebegan preparingtolaunchanew offensive. CRISISAND TRANSFORMATION On15April1192Robert, priorofHereford,arrivedin Ascalonhavingsailedeast fromEurope.Heborenews thatoverturnedallof Richard’splans.Theking’s aideandrepresentative WilliamofLongchamphad beenexiledfromEnglandby PrinceJohn,andRichard’s ambitiousbrotherwasnow makingmovestoincreasehis ownpowerinthekingdom. Aftertenmonthsofcrusading intheHolyLand,thiswasa starkreminderofRichard’s dutiesandobligationsas monarchoftheAngevin realm.TheLionheart immediatelyrecognisedthat, withacrisisloominginthe West,hecouldillaffordto tarryintheLevant;but neitherdidhewishto abandonthecrusadeand returnhomeafailure.Richard seemstohavejudgedthathe hadtimetodedicateonemore fightingseasontothecause ofthecross.Buttobringthe Palestinianwartoaswiftand successfulconclusion,he wouldneedtounifythe disparateLatinforcesranged acrosstheHolyLand. Reconciledtocompromise, theLionheartconveneda councilofcrusaderbaronson 16April.Heannouncedthat, inlightofeventsinEngland, hemightsoonhavetodepart andinstructedtheassembly toresolvetheissueofthe Jerusalemitecrown.A unanimousdecisionwas reached,almostcertainlywith Richard’stacitapproval,to offerthekingdomtoConrad ofMontferrat.Guyof Lusignan,meanwhile,wasto becompensatedhandsomely forhislossofstatus– Richardarrangedforthe TemplarstosellGuythe islandofCyprusfor40,000 bezants,amovethatallowed theLusignandynastyto establishapowerfuland enduringlordshipinthe easternMediterranean.Henry ofChampagnewasdeputised tosailnorthtoTyreand informthemarquisofhis suddenpromotion,and,more importantly,topersuadehim tounitehisforces,andthose ofHughofBurgundy,with thecrusaderarmygatheredat Ascalonsothattheholywar mightbewaged. Withinafewshortdays Conradreceivedthenewsand byallaccountshewas ecstatic.Aftermonthsof waitinginthewings, proceedingeverwithcaution andcunning,hisdreamsof threadingapathtoregal powerhadbeenrealised.For allhisearlierintransigence andhesitation,themarquis immediatelyinitiated preparationsforamilitary campaign.Unbeknownstto RichardortheFranks,healso sentanurgentmessageto Saladin,explainingthatan unexpectedagreementhad beenreachedamongthe Latins,andthreateningthat unlessSaladinfinalised‘a settlement[withConrad]in thenextfewdays’,afullscaleconfrontationwould follow.Accordingtoa Muslimeyewitnessinthe sultan’scourt,Saladintook thisapproachextremely seriously.Threatenedby impendingcivilunrestin Mesopotamia,‘thesultan believed...thatthebestplan wastomakepeacewiththe marquis’andon24Aprilhe dispatchedanenvoytoTyre tofinaliseterms.Inthelast daysofApril1192,then, KingRichardandSaladin believedthattheyhadfound waystoconcludethewarfor theHolyLand:theone throughrenewedbattle;the otherthroughpeace.The plansofbothcentredupon ConradofMontferrat.92 Ontheeveningof28April Conradtravelledtothe FrenchcrusaderPhilipbishop ofBeauvais’residencein Tyretohavesupper.Thepair seemtohavestruckupa friendshipinthecourseofthe crusadeandConradwasina relaxed,celebratorymood. Ridinghomethroughthecity laterthatnight,attendedby twoguards,themarquis passedtheExchangebuilding andenteredanarrowstreet. [There]twomenweresittingoneither sideoftheroad.As[Conrad]came betweenthemtheyroseuptomeethim. Oneofthemcameandshowedhima letter,andthemarquisheldouthishand totakeit.Themandrewaknifeand plungeditintohisbody.Theotherman whowasontheothersidejumpedonto thehorse’srearandstabbedhiminthe side,andhefelldead. Conrad’stwoassailantswere subsequentlyrevealedtohave beenmembersoftheorderof AssassinssentbySinan,the OldManoftheMountain. Oneofthepairwas decapitatedimmediately;the othercaptured,interrogated andthendraggedthroughthe streetsuntilhedied.But thoughtheirlinktothe Assassinswasestablished, theoriginalinstigatorofthe attackremainedlesscertain. HughofBurgundyandthe FrenchinTyrespreadthe rumourthatKingRichardhad contractedthekilling,while insomepartsoftheMuslim worlditwasrumouredthat Saladinwasinvolved.Given recentdevelopments, however,neitherruler actuallystoodtogainmuch fromConrad’sdeath.The truthofthematteris impossibletodetermine– Sinanmayevenhaveacted independentlytoeliminate themarquis,havingdeemed himtobeadangerouslongtermthreattothebalanceof powerintheLevant.93 Thepoliticalsituation amongtheLatinswasin disarray.HughofBurgundy triedtoseizecontrolofTyre, butheseemstohavebeen thwartedbyConrad’swidow Isabella,theheiresstothe kingdomofJerusalem.With yetanotheroutbreakof infightingthreatening,anew settlementwaspushed throughquickly.CountHenry ofChampagnewaschosenas acompromisecandidate– becauseasnephewtoboth KingRichardandPhilip Augustusherepresented AngevinandCapetian interests–andwithinaweek hewasmarriedtoIsabella andelectedastitularmonarch ofFrankishPalestine. Theexactextentofthe Lionheart’sinvolvementin theengineeringofthisrapid solutionisunclear.Byand large,however,theneworder suitedhisinterestsandthose oftheThirdCrusade.Henry ofChampagne’sappointment finallyunitedalltheLatin armiesinPalestine–fromthe nativeFranksofOutremer,to HughofBurgundy’sFrench troopsandRichard’sAngevin forces.GivenHenry’sand Richard’srecenthistoryof alliance,therewasalsoa goodchancethatthepair wouldbeabletocooperate effectively. ThroughMay1192the Lionheartsetaboutbolstering hisfootholdinsouthern Palestine,conqueringthe Muslim-heldfortressof Darum,whiletheworkof refortifyingAscalonneared completionandCountHenry andDukeHughmustered armiestothenorth.With Christianmorale reinvigorated,thestage seemedsetforthelaunchofa decisivecampaign– although,givenRichard’s recentexpansiondownthe coasttowardsEgypt,the targetofanyventurestill mightbesubjecttodebate. On29May,however, anotherAngevinmessenger arrivedfromEuropewitha dispatchconfirmingthe Lionheart’sworstfears.Ever sincehisrivalPhilip AugustusofFrancehadleft thecrusadeinmidsummer 1191,Richardhadbeen deeplyconcernedthatthe Capetiansmightthreaten Angevinterritoryinhis absence.Henowlearnedthat KingPhiliphadmadecontact withPrinceJohn,andthat togetherthepairwerebusy plotting.Theenvoywarned thatunlesssomethingwas done‘[torestrain]this abominabletreachery,there wasadangerthatverysoon Englandwouldbetakenfrom KingRichard’sauthority’. TheLionheartwassaidto havebeen‘disturbedtohear thisnews,andafterwards... satforalongtimeinsilence, turningthingsoverinhis mindandweighingupwhat shouldbedone’.InAprilhe hadresolvedtoremaininthe HolyLand,butthislatest gravereportfromtheWest reopenedtheissue. Accordingtohissupporter Ambroise,Richardwas ‘melancholy,downcastand saddened...histhinking confused’.94Christendom’s greatwarriorhadreachedthe criticalmomentofdecision– wouldhefightonasa crusader,orheedthecallof hisAngevinrealmandreturn homeasaking? 18 RESOLUTION Withtheapproachofsummer in1192,Saladinbeganto reassemblehisarmies, girdingIslamforarenewed Christianoffensive.Overthe precedingyearthesultanhad facedaseriesofruinous setbacks.Hehadwatchedin impotenthumiliationasAcre fellon12July1191,andthen sufferedtheshockofKing Richard’scold-blooded executionofthecity’s Muslimgarrisonon20 August.Alleffortstohaltthe Lionheart’smarchsouthto Jaffahadfailedand,on7 SeptemberatArsuf,Saladin’s armieshadbeendrivenfrom thefieldofbattle.Forcedto reconsiderhisstrategy,the sultanmovedontothe defensive,demolishingthe fortressesofsouthern Palestine,shadowingthe crusaders’grindinginland advance,yetultimately retreatingwithintheconfines ofJerusalemitselfaround12 December,theretoawait attack. Sincethegloryofhis victoriesatHattinandthe HolyCityin1187,Saladin hadremainedresoluteinhis commitmenttojihad–if anything,hisdedicationhad deepened.Butevenso,he hadgraduallylostthe initiativetotheFranks. Debilitatedbyrecurrent illness,hamstrungbythe falteringmoraleandphysical exhaustionofhistroops,and distractedbythewider demandsofhisAyyubid Empire,thesultanhadbeen slowlydriventotheedgeof defeat.Then,on12January 1192,thecrusadersretreated fromBeitNuba,offering Islamanewleaseofhopeand giftingSaladinthechanceto regroupandrecover. AYYUBIDSTRATEGY INEARLY1192 HavingsurvivedtheChristian advanceonJerusalem, Saladintookstockofhis positioninthefirstmonthsof 1192.TheAyyubidrealm wasinaworryingstateof disrepair.Afteryearsof neglectingthemanagementof histreasury,thesultan’s financialresourceswere profoundlyoverstretched,and withoutareadysupplyof moneyhewasstrugglingto payforthemanpowerand materialsnecessaryforwar. Egypt’scontinuedprosperity offeredalifeline,but Richard’sreoccupationof Ascalonposedaconsiderable threattocommunications betweenSyriaandtheNile region. Theseeconomicwoeswere linkedtoasecondconcern: thedwindlingavailabilityand waningloyaltyofhisarmies. Throughthenear-constant campaigningofthepreceding fouryears,Saladinhadmade enormousdemandsofthe troopsdrawnfromhisown domainsinEgypt,Syriaand theJazira.Likewise,hehad askedmuchofhisalliesin MesopotamiaandDiyar Bakr.Itwasatestamentto Saladin’sremarkable charismaasaleader,tothe effectivenessofthepolitical andreligiouspropagandahe disseminated,andtothe devotionalappealofjihad thatevenpotentialrivalssuch astheZangidIzzal-Dinof MosulandImadal-DinZangi ofSinjarhadcontinuedto honourtheircommitmentsto theholywarbyansweringthe Ayyubidsultan’scallsto arms.Butthesedemands couldnotbemetindefinitely. IftheconflictinPalestine continuedunabated,itwould beonlyamatteroftime beforethebondsofloyalty andcommonpurposeuniting theMuslimworldbeganto fracture.Thiswaswhy Saladintooktheriskof disbandinghisarmyin December1192. Tothesultan’sdismay, thesemanifoldproblemswere compoundedbythefirst flickeringsofdisloyalty withinhisownfamily.Back inMarch1191,Saladinhad allowedhistrustedandable nephewTaqial-Dintotake possessionofaparcelof territoryintheJazira,eastof theEuphrates,which includedthecitiesofEdessa andHarran.InNovemberof thatsameyear,inthemidstof theLatins’advanceonthe HolyCity,thesultanwas deeplysaddenedbynewsof Taqial-Din’sdeathfrom illness.Byearly1192, however,Taqial-Din’sadult sonal-MansurMuhammad begantoshowwhatoneof Saladin’saidesdescribedas ‘signsofrebellion’.Fearing thathemightbedeprivedof aninheritance,al-Mansur soughttocajolehisgreatuncle,thesultan,intoeither confirminghisrightstothe Jaziranlandsorgranting otherterritoryinSyria.The approachwasevidently underlinedwiththeimplied threatthat,ifthwarted,al- MansurwouldinciteantiAyyubidinsurrectioninthe north-east. Saladinwasappalledby thislackoffidelityina memberofhisownbloodline, andhismooddidnotimprove whenal-Mansurattemptedto useal-Adilasamediator– indeed,theconnivingtactic apparentlyleftthesultan ‘overcomewithrage’.This wholeaffairprovedtobea problematicdistraction,one thatrumbledonintoearly summer1192.Saladin initiallyrespondedbysending hiseldestsonal-Afdalto subduetheJazirainApril, empoweringhimtorequest furtheraidfromhisbrother al-ZahirinAleppoif necessary.BylateMay, however,thesultanhad relented.Al-Adilseemsto haveappliedsomepressure asanarbitrator,andtheEmir Abu’lHaijaalsopointedly advocatedleniencyduringan assemblyheldtodiscussthe case,observingthatitwasnot possibletofightfellow Muslimsand‘infidels’atthe sametime.Saladinduly grantedal-Mansurlandsin northernSyriaandendowed al-AdilwithrightstoHarran andEdessa.However,this ratherabruptreconciliation causedsomethingofarift withal-Afdal.Angeredbyhis father’svacillationandthe decisiontorewardal-Adil,alAfdalshowedamarked reluctancetoreturnto Palestine,tarryingfirstat Aleppoandthenat Damascus,deprivingSaladin ofvaluablemanpower.95 Inearly1192Saladinfaced financialinsecurity,troop shortagesandsedition.Not surprisingly,hefurther refinedhisapproachtothe holywar.Duringthe precedingautumnhehad adoptedamoredefensive strategy,avoidingdecisive confrontationswiththe Franksbutstillmaintaining relativelyclosecontactwith hisenemy.Fromspring1192 onwards,thesultanwithdrew almostallofhissoldiersfrom thefield.Barringoccasional skirmishingforaysand opportunisticraids,the Ayyubidarmiesheldfastin defensiblepositionsacross thelengthofPalestine, waitingtorepelanyChristian attack.Inarelated development,Saladin institutedawidespreadwork programmetostrengthenhis majorfortressesand Jerusalem’sbattlements. Thesepreparationswere reflectiveofafundamental changeofpolicy.In1192 Saladinevidentlyconcluded thathecouldnolonger realisticallyexpecttoachieve outrightvictoryagainstthe ThirdCrusade.This realisationpromptedhimto re-engagewiththediplomatic process–establishing dialoguewithRichardIand ConradofMontferrat.Italso forcedthesultantoreevaluatehisbargaining position.Adealbasedona partitionoftheHolyLand,in whichtheLatinswouldretain controlofacoastalstripof territory,wasnowdeemed acceptable.Asyet,however, Saladinretainedtwofirm demands:Islammustretain dominionofJerusalem;and Ascalon,thegatewayto Egypt,mustbeabandoned. Saladin’soverarching strategyofdefenceand diplomacywasnow underpinnedbyasingular objective–tosurvivethe ThirdCrusade.Heknewthat theLatinChristianswhohad comeeastintheirthousands towageawarofreconquest wouldonedayreturnhome. KingRichard,inparticular, couldnotaffordtoremainin theLevantindefinitely. Saladin’sgoalwasto withstandthestorm:limiting hislosseswhereverpossible; avoidingdecisive confrontationatallcosts;but bringingthePalestinianwar toaswiftconclusion,before theAyyubidwarmachine collapsed.Then,oncethe crusadershadsailedfromthe easternshores,thesultan couldturnhismindto thoughtsofrecoveryand reconquest. THECRUSADERS’ SECONDADVANCEON JERUSALEM Saladinhaddonehisbestto prepareforanattackoneither JerusalemorEgypt.Inlate MayandearlyJune1192 troopsfromacrosstheNear Eastbegantoregroupinthe HolyCity.Thesultanalso deployedanumberof scoutingforces,includingone underAbu’lHaija,tomonitor themovementsoftheFranks, whonowwerebasedinthe regionofAscalon. Indecision On6JuneSaladinreceived anurgentwarningthatthe crusadersweremarchingin strengthnorth-eastfrom Ascalon–amovethat obviouslyheraldedan advanceonJerusalem.It appearedthatRichardandthe Latinshadresolvedtomakea secondattempttobesiegeand capturetheHolyCity.Infact, Richardhadspentthefirst daysofJuneinatortured stateofindecision.Badly shakenbytheprospectofan alliancebackinEurope betweenhisacquisitive brotherJohnandPhilip Augustus,theLionheartwas tornbetweenreturningtothe Westandremaininginthe Levanttofulfilhiscrusading vow.TheEnglishking’s dilemmawascompounded furtherbythethornyquestion ofstrategy.TheThird Crusade’sprimaryobjective wastherecoveryof Jerusalem,butRichardstill consideredthecitytobean unrealistictarget.Insome respects,theFrankswere betterplacedtoprosecutean inlandcampaignthanthey hadbeensixmonthsearlier. Nowunited,theycouldrely onstablesummerweather andusethenetworkofrebuilt fortificationsestablishedin late1191.Butinallother respectsthepropositionhad notchanged–thechallenge remainedalmost insurmountable,therisks immense.Evenif,bysome miracle,theattacksucceeded, Jerusalemwouldbevirtually impossibletohold.Richard, therefore,favouredanattack onEgypt:astrikethatwould threatentheveryfoundations oftheAyyubidEmpire,and likelyforceSaladintoagreea truceontermsofthe Lionheart’schoosing.In militaryterms,Richard’splan madesense,butitlargely ignoredthedriving devotionaldimensionof crusaderwarfare.Iftheking wastopresshomehis strategy–winningoverthe heartsandmindsofthe Christianhost,persuadingthe Franksthatthepathto ultimatevictoryledthrough theNile–hecouldafford noneoftheequivocation witnessedinautumnand winter1191.Hewouldhave toofferclear-cut,compelling leadership,commandingwith unfalteringvisionandforce ofwill. Instead,after29May, Richardvacillated, withdrawingintoprivate contemplationtoruminateon hisoptionsandstratagems. Andashedidso,events begantoovertakehim. Popularopinionwithinthe crusaderarmywas crystallising.Inthe Lionheart’sabsenceagroup ofLatinbarons,presumably spearheadedbyHughof Burgundy,heldacouncilon 31Mayanddecidedtomarch onJerusalemwithorwithout theAngevinmonarch.News ofthisjudgementwasleaked, probablyquitedeliberately, andimmediatelyspread throughthearmy,elicitinga ‘wildlyjoyful’reactionthat leftthetroopsdancinguntil aftermidnight. EvenRichard’smost ardentpromoter,Ambroise, admittedthatthekingbecame paralysedatthispoint, reflectingthathe‘wasnotat allhappy,butlaydown,very upsetaboutthenewsthathe hadheard’,addingthat‘he continuallypondered[the tidingsfromEngland]inhis tentandgavehimselfupto thispondering’.Asthe Lionheartwaveredandthe dayspassed,apotentsurgeof enthusiasmsweptoverthe camp,withonethoughtatits core–thecallofJerusalem. AccordingtoAmbroise, Richardexperiencedaform ofspiritualepiphanyon4 June,havingwrestledwith hisconscience.Asaresult, thekingabruptlyproclaimed that‘hewouldremaininthe [HolyLand]untilEaster [1193]withoutturningback andthateveryoneshouldbe prepared[tolaysiege]to Jerusalem’.Perhapsthe Lionheartdidhaveastirring changeofheart,butitisfar morelikelythat,inthefaceof mountingpublicpressure,he bowedtopopularsentiment. Hecertainlyseemstohave harbouredasyetunexpressed ambitionsforanEgyptian campaignandcontinuedto havedeepmisgivingsabout theviabilityofanyassaulton theHolyCity.Nonetheless, heagreedtoadvanceinto Judea.Thiscapitulation signalledthat,fornowat least,Richardhadlostcontrol oftheThirdCrusade.Thus, evenasSaladininterpreted theFrankishmobilisationasa signofnew-foundintenton6 June,grievousfissureswere startingtoappearinthe Christiancommand structure.96 Thethreatposed Oncebegun,thecrusaders’ marchonJerusalem proceededwithremarkable rapidity.By9JunetheFranks hadarrivedatLatrunand,on thefollowingday,they pushedontoBeitNuba.In autumn1191ithadtakenthe Christiansmonthstoreach thissameposition.Now,after onlyfivedays,theyonce againwerewithinstriking distanceoftheHolyCity,just twelvemilesfromits hallowedwalls.Saladin orderedMuslimraiding partiestoharassthenearconstantstreamofLatin supplyconvoyscoming inlandfromJaffa,butother thanintermittentskirmishing assaults,hemadenoserious attempttothreatenthe crusaders’mainforward campatBeitNuba.Instead, thesultanbeganpositioning histroopswithinJerusalem aheadoftheimpending attack. Afterthefirstflurryof movement,however,the Frankishoffensiveseemedto stall.Infact,thisdelaywas causedinitiallybytheLatins’ decisiontowaitforHenryof Champagnetobringfurther reinforcementsfromAcre. Butasthedayspassed,the deep-seateddivisionswithin thecrusadethathadremained submergedatAscalonbegan tosurface,andtheFranks weresoonlockedinafurious argumentoverstrategyand leadership. On20June,Saladin’s scoutsreportedthatalarge contingentofcrusadershad movedofffromBeitNuba. Thisraisedthesultan’s suspicions,becauseatthat verymomenthewasawaiting theimminentarrivalofa massivesupplycaravanfrom Egypt.Concernedthatthe Franksmightseekto interceptthiscolumnand appropriatethevitalresources itcontained,Saladin immediatelydispatched troopstowarntheMuslim convoy.ThetwoAyyubid partiesrendezvoused successfullyandweremaking watchfulprogressinland towardsHebron,whenjust beforedawnon24June RichardIlaunchedasearing attack.AsSaladinfeared,the Lionhearthadbeenalertedto thecaravan’smovementsby oneofhisspiesand, galvanisedbytheprospectof richplunder,immediately rushedsouth.TheAngevin kingspentthreedaystracking thecaravanthroughhis networkoflocalinformants andthenunleashedawelltimedsurpriseassault.Aftera viciousfighttheLatins prevailed.Thebulkofthe Muslimescortescaped,but theyleftbehindaveritable hoardofbooty:precious goods,includingspices,gold, silverandsilks;weaponsand armour;tents;foodsupplies, includingbiscuits,wheat, flour,pepper,sugarand cinnamon;and‘agreatmany cordialsandmedicines’. Perhapsevenmore significantly,theChristians alsotookpossessionof literallythousandsofcamels, dromedaries,horses,mules andasses. Newsofthisdisaster causedrealalarmin Jerusalem.Notonlyhad Saladinlostaplethoraof much-neededsupplies–allof whichwouldnowprofitthe enemy–healsorecognised thattheLatinscouldusethe influxofpackanimalsto ferryfurtherresourcesinland fromJaffa.Whenthe crusaders’expeditionary forcereturnedtoBeitNuba on29June,thesultanbegan ‘topreparethemeansto withstandasiege’.BahaalDin,whowasthenpresentin theHolyCity,recordedthat hismaster‘startedpoisoning thewatersourcesoutside Jerusalem,destroyingthepits andthecisterns,sothat aroundJerusalemthere remainednodrinkingwaterat all’,addingthatthesultan also‘senttomusterhistroops fromallquartersandlands’.97 Thechoice BythefirstdaysofJuly1192 thereseemstohavebeenno questioninSaladin’smind thattheFrankswereaboutto initiatetheirfinaldrive towardsJerusalem.The momentofdecisive confrontation–thecrisisthat hehadhopedtoavoid–was uponhim.OnThursday2 Julythesultanassembledhis mosttrustedemirstodiscuss aplanofaction.Themeeting provedtobeagrim-faced, earnestaffair,asSaladinsat surroundedbythe commandersandcounsellors whohadservedhimthrough longyearsofwarand conquest.Abu’lHaijatheFat wasthere,althoughhis legendarycorpulencehad nowreachedsuchastagethat hehadtroublewalkingand needed‘astooltositonwhile inthepresenceofthesultan’. Bahaal-Dinwasalsoin attendance,andaccordingto hisaccount,Saladinsetoutto instilasenseofsteadfast determinationamonghis lieutenantsbyrepeatedly remindingthemoftheir dutiesandresponsibilities: ‘Knowtodaythatyouarethe armyofIslamanditsbulwark ...TherearenoMuslims whocanfacetheenemybut you[and]theMuslimsinall landsdependonyou.’In response,theemirsaffirmed theirwillingnesstofightto thedeathforSaladin,their lordandpatron,andthe sultan’sheartwassaidto havebeen‘greatlycheered’. Laterthatsameday, however,afterthemeeting hadbrokenup,Saladin receivedaprivatemissive fromAbu’lHaijawarning thatbeneaththeveneerof loyaltyandunityinsurrection wasbrewing.Manywithin thearmywereopposedto ‘prepar[ing]forasiege’, fearfulthatthecatastropheat Acremightberepeated. Therewasalsoarealdanger thatthelong-standing resentmentbetweenthe KurdsandTurksinSaladin’s armymightspillintoopen conflict.Abu’lHaija’sadvice wasthatthesultanshould leadthebulkofhisarmies outoftheHolyCitywhilehe stillhadthechance,leaving behindonlyatokengarrison. Thateveningthesultan summonedBahaal-Dinand revealedthecontentsof Abu’lHaija’smessage.Baha al-Dinrecalledthat‘Saladin feltaconcernforJerusalem thatcouldmovemountains andhewasdistressedbythis communication.Iremainedin attendanceuponhimthat night,anightwhollyspenton theconcernsoftheholywar.’ Asdawndrewnear,Saladin finallydecided,withaheavy heart,toleaveJerusalem– ‘hehadbeentemptedto remainhimself,butthenhis bettersenserejectedthat becauseoftherisktoIslamit involved’.Thechoicehad beenmade;inthemorning, onFriday3July,preparations fortheexodusbegan.Saladin tookthechancetovisitthe Haramas-Sharif,andthere ledalastFridayprayerinthe sacredAqsamosque,where somefouryearsearlierhehad overseentheinstallationof Nural-Din’sglorious triumphalpulpit.Bahaal-Din wrote:‘Isaw[thesultan] prostratehimselfandsay somewords,whilehistears werefallingontohisprayer rug.’ Butthen,aseveningdrew in,astonishingunforeseen newsarrived–newsthat overturnedSaladin’splans andreshapedtheentirewar fortheHolyLand.Jurdik,the Syrianemirincommandof theAyyubidadvanceguard, reportedthattheFrankswere inanevidentstateof confusion.Hismessage describedhowthatday‘the enemyallmountedup,stood inthefieldonhorsebackand thenreturnedtotheirtents’ andaddedthat‘wehavesent spiestodiscoverwhatthey areupto’.Theverynext morning,on4July1192,five yearstothedaysincethe BattleofHattin,thearmiesof theThirdCrusadestruck camp,turnedtheirbackson Jerusalemandbeganto retreattowardsRamla.Amid great‘delightandrejoicing’it becameclearthattheHoly Cityhadbeensaved.98 Frankishfailure Thecrusaders’departureleft theMuslimsinastateof gleefuldisbelief.Whathad causedthissuddenreversal? Jurdik’sagentswereableto piecetogetheronlyagarbled versionofevents,reportinga disputebetweenRichardand theFrench.Infact,theseeds oftheFrankishretreathad alreadybeensownat Ascalon,whenRichardlost hisgripoverthecrusadeand accededtopopulardemands forasecondinlandadvance. Oncetheexpeditionreached BeitNubaon10Juneit rapidlybecameobviousthat theLionhearthadnoreal intentionofbesieging Jerusalem,eventhoughthe Frenchweredeterminedthat anattackshouldbe attempted.On17Junethe crusadeleadersmettodebate thematter.Eventwo eyewitnessChristiansources thatweremostbiasedin RichardI’sfavourfreely admittedthatthekingwas fiercelyopposedtoany furtheradvance. TheLionheartapparently offeredthreeconvincing argumentsastowhyasiege wasunrealistic:the vulnerabilityoftheLatin supplylinebacktothecoast; thesheerscaleoftheHoly City’sdefences;and Saladin’saccesstodetailed intelligenceregardingthe Christians’strengthand movements.Thekingalso bluntlyindicatedthathewas absolutelyunwillingtolead thecrusadeinsucha‘rash enterprise’becauseitwould leadto‘terribledisgrace’for whichhewouldbe‘forever blamed,shamedandless loved’.Thisnotable admissionsuggeststhat Richardwasnotsimply consideringthecrusade’sbest interests,butwasmoved primarilybyconcernsabout hisownreputation.Theking hadobviouslyformulatedthis viewwhilestillinAscalon, becausehenowlobbiedfora switchofstrategy, recommendingthattheLatins immediatelycommittoan Egyptiancampaign– conveniently,healreadyhad afleetwaitingatAcreto portagesuppliestotheNile, andhepledgedtopayfor700 knightsand2,000men-atarmsofhisown,andtooffer financialsupporttoanyother participants.Thiswasthe schemethatRichardmight havepromotedatAscalon hadhenotbeendoggedby hesitationanddoubt. However,theLionheart hadnowallowedthecrusader hosttomarch,forasecond time,towithinafewhoursof Jerusalem.Inthisposition, anyattempttopromote militaryrealismoverpious dedicationwouldbefraught withdifficulty.Evenso,he triedtoforcethroughhis plan,institutingwhat amountedtoariggedjury, which,unsurprisingly, concluded‘thatthegreatest goodofthelandwouldbeto conquer[Egypt]’.When HughofBurgundyandthe Frenchrejectedthis pronouncement,declaring that‘theywouldnotmoveon anywhereexcepttobesiege Jerusalem’,animpassewas reached.99 HavingallowedtheThird Crusadetoreachthisdreadful deadlock,theLionheart’s responsewasshockingly ineffectual.Inanactoffeeble petulance,hesimplyresigned ascommander-in-chief, statingthathewouldstay withtheexpeditionbutno longerlead.Perhapsthiswas brinksmanship,designedto stunandsilencedissenting voices,butifsoitfailed.In manyrespects,byabjuring hisresponsibilitiesatthis criticaljuncture,Richardwas merelyacknowledginga crushingreality–thegreat Angevinkingnowpossessed neitherthepower,northe vision,tocontrolthecrusade. On20June,intelligenceof theAyyubidcaravanfrom Egyptsparkedactionanda briefrespitefromdiscord,but oncetheexpeditionaryforce returnedtoBeitNubaon29 Junethewranglingresumed. Latineyewitnessesdescribed howthe‘people[were] wailingandcomplaining’, ‘grieving’becauseofthe continuedfailuretomarchon theHolyCity.ByearlyJuly thecontinuedturmoilhad effectivelyimmobilisedthe crusade.TheFrenchseemto havemadealast-ditch attempttoinitiateanadvance on3July,butwithout Richard’ssupportthis collapsed.Withnoway forward,theChristianhost finallyacceptedtheinevitable andbeganadispiritedretreat. AccordingtoAmbroise, whennewsspreadthrough thearmythat‘theywouldnot worshipattheHoly Sepulchrewhichwasfour leaguesaway,theirhearts werefilledwithsorrowand theyturnedbackso disheartenedandmiserable thatyouneversawachosen peoplesodepressedand dismayed’.100 Thisreversalmarkedthe nadirofRichard’scrusading career.Thatsummerhewas guiltyofacalamitousfailure ofleadership.Hiserrorwas notthedecisiontostepback frombesiegingJerusalem– justasinJanuary1192,he rightlyadheredtothedictates ofmilitaryscienceand deemedtherisksinvolvedin anattackontheHolyCityto beunacceptable.Thefaultlay innotmanifestingthis knowledgewhilestillat Ascalon,inneglectingto assumefirmcontrolofthe expedition,andinthen allowingtheLatinarmies onceagaintobebroughtto withinonedayoftheHoly City.TheThirdCrusade’s prospectsforsuccesshad alreadybeenseverely impairedbyRichard’s mismanagementofthefirst abortivemarchonJerusalem inlate1191.Now,inJuly 1192,thissecondreversalhad adisastrouseffecton Frankishmoraleandinflicted alethalblowto Christendom’sfortunesinthe warfortheHolyLand. ENDGAME Bysummer1192Saladinand Richardhadfoughtone anothertoastandstill.The sultanhadsurvivedthe crusaders’secondinland advanceandremainedin possessionofJerusalem,but hisMuslimarmieswere utterlyexhaustedandthe AyyubidEmpirepractically atthepointofcollapse.The ThirdCrusade,meanwhile, hadsufferednodeadlydefeat, butitsmartialenergyhad beensquanderedthrough irresoluteleadership. Frankishunity–sorecently buoyedbyHenryof Champagne’selectionas titularkingofLatinPalestine –wasnowshattered irrevocablyandtheLatin coalitionforcesdispersed (withHughofBurgundyand theFrenchcongregatingin Caesarea).Deprivedofthe requisitemanpowerand resources,theLionheart’s plantoopenanewfrontin Egyptwaseventually abandoned.Atthesametime, anxietyovereventsinEurope continuedtofigureheavilyin Richard’sthinking.Withthe forcesofneitherChristendom norIslamabletowinthe Palestinianwar,allthatreally remainedwastosettleupona pathtopeace. Muchofthatsummerwas givenovertoprotracted negotiationaseachside jockeyedforthemost favourableterms,ever watchfulforopportunitiesto gaindiplomaticleverage.One suchopeningcameinlate July1192,whenSaladin soughttocapitaliseon Richard’stemporaryabsence inAcrebyleadingastrike forceonJaffa.Thesultan camewithinhoursof conqueringtheport,butthe Lionheartarrivedbyship (havingbeenalertedtothe attack)torelievetheFrankish garrison.Wadingashore,the kingspearheadedafearless counter-attack,beatingback theMuslimassault.Richard establishedacampoutside Jaffaand,inthedaysthat followed,brazenlysawoffall attemptstooverrunhis position,despitebeing heavilyoutnumbered. Attendedbyasmallpartyof loyalsupporters–including HenryofChampagne,Robert ofLeicester,Andrewof ChauvignyandWilliamof L’Estang–thekingwassaid tohave‘brandishedhissword withrapidstrokes,slicing throughthechargingenemy, cuttingthemdownintwoas hemetthem,firstonthis side,thenonthat’.Whatever hisrecentfailingsasa crusadecommander,the Lionheartremainedawarrior ofunquestionedskilland fearsomerepute.According toMuslimtestimony,around 4AugustRichardevenrode outalone,lanceinhand, beforetheAyyubidlines,in anactofsheerdefiance,‘but noonecameoutagainsthim’. Soonafter,Saladinordered theretreat,utterlyincensed byhistroops’deepening reluctancetoconfrontthis forceofnaturedespitehis exhortationstoattack. Intruth,thesultan’sanger –andtheuncharacteristic recalcitranceofhissoldiers outsideJaffa–canbeatleast partiallyexplainedbythefact thatRichardhadresortedto moredevioustacticsinthe warofdiplomacy.To Saladin’sannoyance,his Angevinrivalwasmaking relentless,andincreasingly successful,attemptsto establishfriendshipswith leadingAyyubidemirs. Alreadyin1191the Lionhearthadshownan interestinexploitingthe potentialforrivalryand suspicionbetweenthesultan andhisbrotheral-Adil.Now, inthesecondhalfof1192,as thepaceandintensityof negotiationquickened, Richardextendedthisploy– re-establishinglinesof communicationwithal-Adil, butalsoforgingcontactswith anumberofotherMuslim potentatesdrawnfrom Saladin’sinnercircle.The menhetargetedwerenot necessarilyopenlydisloyalto thesultan,but,likeeveryone else,theycouldsensethatthe crusadewasdrawingtoa close.Assuch,they recognisedthattheirrolein anyfuturesettlementmight bemarkedlyimprovedifthey servedasmediatorsand peacebrokers. Richarddeliberately conductedmuchofthis contactinpublic–seemingly intentupondemonstratingto Saladinthathisemirs’ appetiteforhard-bitten conflictwaswaning.Even outsideJaffaon1August, Richardinvitedagroupof high-rankingAyyubid commanderstovisithiscamp duringalullinthefighting. Hespenttheevening entertainingandjokingwith them,speakingofthingsboth ‘seriousandlight-hearted’. UnfortunatelyforRichard, theadvantageaccrued throughthisschemingwas largelysquanderedwhenhe fellgravelyillinmid-August. Uptothispointhehad stubbornlyinsistedthat Ascalon–painstakingly rebuiltthroughhisown effortsjustmonthsearlier– mustremaininChristian hands,alwaysaddingthathe hadeveryintentionofstaying intheLevantuntilEaster 1193.BylateAugust, however,withtheLionheart debilitatedbyfever,the hagglingceased.101 Throughlengthyand convoluteddiplomatic dialoguethetermsofathreeyeartrucewereeventually settledonWednesday2 September1192.Saladinwas toretaincontrolofJerusalem, butagreedtoallowChristian pilgrimsunfetteredaccessto theHolySepulchre.The Franksweretoholdontothe narrowcoastalstripbetween JaffaandTyreconquered duringthecrusade,but Ascalon’sfortificationswere onceagaintobedemolished. Strangely,nodiscussionover thefateoftheJerusalemite TrueCrossseemstohave takenplace–inanycase,the reveredChristianrelic remainedinAyyubidhands. Evenatthisfinalmoment ofaccord,Saladinand Richarddidnotmeet.Al-Adil broughtthewrittentreaty– theArabictextofwhichwas pennedbythesultan’sscribe Imadal-Din–toRichardat Jaffa.Theailingkingwastoo weakeventoreadthe documentandmerelyoffered hishandasasignoftruce. HenryofChampagneand BalianofIbelinthenswore oathstoupholdtheterms,and theTemplarandHospitaller mastersalsoindicatedtheir approval.Thenextday,at Ramla,aLatindelegationthat includedHumphreyofToron andBalianwasusheredinto Saladin’spresence.There, ‘theytookhisnoblehandand receivedhisoathtoobserve thepeaceontheagreed terms’.Keymembersof Saladin’sfamily–al-Adil,alAfdalandal-Zahir–anda numberofleadingemirsthen profferedtheirownoaths.At last,withtheelaboraterituals concluded,peacewas achieved.102 Inthemonththatfollowed, threedelegationsofcrusaders madethejourneyto Jerusalem–achieving throughtrucewhathadbeen deniedtheminwar.Among thosewhofulfilledtheir pilgrimvowswereAndrewof ChauvignyandHubert Walter,bishopofSalisbury. ButRichardImadeno attempttotraveltotheHoly City.Itmaybethathis continuedillhealthprevented him;orperhapshedeemed theprospectofvisitingthe HolySepulchrewhile Jerusalemyetremainedin Muslimhandstooshameful tobear.On9October1192, aftersixteenmonthsinthe Levant,theLionheartbegan hisjourneybacktoEurope. Ashisroyalfleetsetsail,the kingwassaidtohaveoffered aprayertoGodthathemight onedayreturn. THEOUTCOMEOFTHE THIRDCRUSADE Intheend,neitherSaladin norRichardtheLionheart couldclaimvictoryinthewar fortheHolyLand.The Angevinkinghadfailedto recaptureJerusalemorto recovertheTrueCross.But throughhiseffortsandthose ofhisfellowcrusaders,Latin Christendomretaineda footholdinPalestine,andthe Frankishsubjugationof Cyprusofferedafurther beaconofhopefor Outremer’ssurvival. AfterleadingIslamto victoryin1187,Saladinhad facedaseriesofhumiliating setbacksduringtheThird Crusade–atAcre,Arsufand Jaffa.Despiteunswerving devotiontothecauseof jihad,hehadalsobeen whollyunabletopreventthe Frankishreconquestofthe coast.Insiegeandbattle Richardhadprevailed,while intheartofdiplomacythe Lionhearthadproved,atthe veryleast,tobethesultan’s equal.Yet,thoughbeaten, Saladinremainedundefeated. Jerusalemhadbeendefended forIslam;theAyyubid Empireendured.Andnow, thecrusade’sendandKing Richard’sdepartureoffered theprospectoffuture triumphs–thechanceto completetheworkbegunat Hattin. Thelongroadends OncenewsofKingRichard’s departurefromtheHolyLand hadbeenconfirmed,Saladin finallyfeltabletodisbandhis armies.Thoughtwasgivento undertakingthepilgrimageto Mecca,buttheneedsofthe empiresoontookprecedence. AftertouringhisPalestinian territories,Saladinreturnedto Syriatospendarainywinter restinginDamascus.Bidding farewelltoal-Zahir,hewas saidtohavecounselledhis sonnottobecometoo familiarwithviolence, warningthat‘bloodnever sleeps’. Byearly1193,Saladin’s healthwasindeclineandhe begantoshowworryingsigns ofexhaustion.Bahaal-Din remarkedthat‘itwasas thoughhisbodywasfulland therewasalassitudeabout him’.On20Februarythe sultanfellill,becoming feverishandnauseous. Throughthedaysthat followedhiscondition deteriorated.TogetherBaha al-Dinandal-Fadilvisited theirmaster’schambersinthe citadeleachmorningand eachnight,andal-Afdalwas alsoincloseattendance.By earlyMarchSaladin’sfever hadintensified,suchthat sweatsoakedthroughhis mattresstothefloorandhe begantoslipinandoutof consciousness.Bahaal-Din describedhowon3March 1193: Thesultan’sillnessgreweverworse andhisstrengthdwindledfurther... [animam]wascalledupontospendthe nightinthecitadel,sothatifthedeath throesbegan,hewouldbewiththe sultan,[able]torehearsehisconfession offaithandkeepGodbeforehismind. Thiswasdoneandweleftthecitadel, eachlongingtogivehisownlifeto ransomthesultan’s. Justafterdawn,astheimam recitedtheKoranbesidehim, Saladindied.Hewasfiftyfive.Hisbodywaslaidtorest inamausoleumwithinthe compoundoftheGrand UmayyadMosqueof Damascus.Itremainsthereto thisday.103 Inhisearlycareer,Saladin hadbeendrivenbypersonal ambitionandahungerfor renowntousurppowerfrom theZangidsandforgeanew andexpansiveAyyubid Empire.Hehadalsoshowna readywillingnesstodefame hisenemies,Muslimand Christian,throughtheuseof propaganda.Thesultan’s dedicationtojihad–a markedfeatureofhiscareer onlyafterhisillnessin1186 –wasevercolouredbya determinationtoleadIslamin theholywar,ratherthan serveasalieutenant. Nonetheless,Saladindoes seemtohavebeeninspiredby authenticreligiousfervour andagenuinebeliefinthe sanctityofJerusalem.Ithas recentlybeensuggestedthat after1187,oncethe overridinggoaloftheHoly City’srecapturewas achieved,‘Saladin’s emotionalcommitmentto jihadfaltered.’Infact,if anything,thesultan’s devotiontothiscause strengthenedduringtheThird Crusade,eveninthefaceof failureanddefeat.Itisalso truethatthesenseofMuslim unityheengendered,while notabsolute,was unparalleledinthetwelfth century.Certainly,inthe worldofthecrusades, adversariesandalliesalike recognisedthatthesultanwas aremarkableleaderofmen. Evenhissometimecritic,the greatIraqihistorianand ZangidsympathiserIbnalAthir,wrotethat: Saladin(mayGodhavemercyonhim) wasgenerous,forbearing,ofgood character,humble,readytoputupwith somethingthatdispleasedhim[and] muchgiventooverlookingthefaultsof hisfollowers...Inshort,hewasarare individualinhisage,withmanygood qualitiesandgooddeeds,mightyin jihadagainsttheinfidels,forwhichhis conquestsaretheproof.104 Aboveallelse,one fundamentalquestion underpinsanyattemptto judgeSaladin’slifeand career:didhechampionthe causeofjihad,conquerand defendJerusaleminpursuit ofhisowngloryandgain,or inthewiderinterestsof Islam?Intheend,perhaps eventhesultanhimself remainedunsureofthe answer. RichardtheLionheart’slater career EvenastheAyyubidsultan passedaway,hisnemesis RichardtheLionheartwas facinganewstruggle. Narrowlyavoidingdisaster whenhisshipwaswrecked byastormnearVenice,the kingcontinuedhishomeward journeyoverland.Travelling indisguisetoevadehis Europeanenemies,hewas capturednonethelessin Viennabyhisoldrivalfrom thesiegeofAcre,Duke LeopoldofAustria– apparentlyRichard’sattempt topasshimselfoffasalowly cookfailedbecauseheforgot totakeoffafabulously bejewelledring. Confinedinaloftycastle overlookingtheDanube,the Lionheartwasheldprisoner formorethanayear,causing politicalscandalthroughout theWest,andwasreleasedin February1194onlyafter protractednegotiationandthe paymentofamassive ransom.Bythelatethirteenth century,however,amore romantictalewascirculating, inwhichtheking’sfaithful minstrel,Blondel,doggedly searchedacrossEuropefor hissupposedly‘missing’ master,pausingatthefootof countlesscastlestosinga songthatheandRichardhad writtentogether.Thekingdid composeatleasttwodoleful lamentswhileincaptivity (bothofwhichsurvivetothis day),butthestoryofBlondel ispurefiction–onemore layerofmythinthelegendof theLionheart. Despiteallhisfears,and prolongedabsence,Richard returnedtofindthatthe Angevinrealmremainedhis torule–theking’sloyal supportershadthwarted John’sattemptsatrebellion. PhilipAugustus,however, hadbeenabletotakesome advantage–seizinganumber ofcastlesalongtheborder withNormandy–and Richarddedicatedmuchof thenextfiveyearsto campaigningagainstthe Capetians.Embroiledinthe affairsofEurope,henever returnedtotheHolyLand.At theendofthetwelfthcentury theLionheart’spenchantfor front-linecombatfinally caughtupwithhim.While besiegingthesmallcastleof ChalusinsouthernFrance,he wasstruckintheshoulderby acrossbowboltandbadly injured.Thewoundturned gangrenous,andRicharddied on6April1199,attheageof forty-one.Hisbodywas buriedatFontevraud,beside hisfatherHenryII,whilehis heartwasinterredat Rouen.105 Contemporaries rememberedtheLionheartas apeerlesswarriorand superlativecrusader:theking whobroughtthemighty Saladintohisknees.Toa largeextent,Richardcanbe creditedwithsaving Outremer.Valorousandwily, adeptinbattle,heproved himselfequaltothechallenge ofconfrontingtheAyyubid sultan.Butforallhis achievementsintheholywar, theAngevinkingalways struggledtoreconcilehis variousdutiesandobligations –tornbetweentheneedto defendhiswesternrealmand thedesiretoforgealegendin Palestine.Crucially,healso failedtounderstandthe distinctnatureandchallenge ofcrusaderwarfare,andthus wasunabletoleadtheThird Crusadetovictory. IV THESTRUGGLE FORSURVIVAL 19 REJUVENATION InthewakeoftheThird Crusade,anxiousquestions aboutthevalueandefficacy ofChristianholywarbegan tosurfaceintheWest.The ‘horrors’of1187–the FrankishdefeatatHattinand theMuslimreconquestof Jerusalem–hadprompted Europetolaunchhistory’s largestandbest-organised expeditiontotheEast.Latin Christendom’sgreatestkings hadledtensofthousandsof crusaderstobattle.Andyet, theHolyCityremainedinthe handsofIslam,asdidthat mosttreasuredofChrist’s relics,theTrueCross.Given thephysical,emotionaland financialsacrificesmade between1188and1192,and theshockingfailure, nonetheless,toachieve overallvictory,itwas inevitablethatwestern Christendomwouldbemoved tothinkagainabout crusading–lookinginwards, toreconsiderandreshapethe ideaandpracticeoffighting inthenameofGod. TRANSFORMATION INTHELATIN WEST Fundamentalshiftswithin LatinEuropealsohelpedto kindlethis‘reformation’in Christianholywar.Crusading hadoriginallybeenbornand fashionedintheworldofthe eleventhandearlytwelfth centuries.Butby1200,many essentialfeaturesofwestern societywereinflux: acceleratingurbanisationwas alteringpopulationpatterns, stimulatingsocialmobility andtheempowermentofa merchantclass,and centralisedmonarchical authoritywasstrengthening inregionslikeFrance.More significantstillwerethe associatedchangesin Europe’sintellectualand spirituallandscape.Fromthe start,crusadeenthusiasmhad beenunderpinnedbythefact thatalmostallLatinsfeltan overwhelmingneedtoseek redemptionfortheirsins.But inthecourseofthetwelfth century,attitudestowards penitentialanddevotional practiceevolved,andnew ideasaboutwhata‘good Christianlife’mightactually entailbegantopercolate throughtheWest. Onegradualchangesawan increasedemphasison interiorformsofspirituality, overexternalmanifestations ofpiety.Forthefirsttimein theMiddleAges,whatone trulythought,feltand believedwasbecomingas,or evenmore,importantthan whatonesaidanddidin public.Inaparalleland relateddevelopment,Man’s relationshipwithGodand Christcametobeseenin morepersonalanddirect, ‘internalised’terms.These notionspossessedthe potentialtooverturnthe establishedframeworksof medievalreligion.Asalvific rituallikephysicalpilgrimage –oneofthebedrocksof crusading–madefarless sense,forexample,ifwhat trulymatteredwasheartfelt contrition.Andif,asmany theologianshadbegunto suggest,God’sgracewas omnipresentineveryoneand everything,thenwhywasit necessarytotravelacrosshalf theEarthtoseekHis forgivenessatasitelike Jerusalem?Itwouldbemany yearsbeforethefull transformativeforceofthis ideologicalrevolutionwas feltinwesternChristendom, butearlysignsofinfluence wereevidentduringthe thirteenthcentury. LatinChristianityalso facedmoreimmediateand urgentchallengesaround 1200.Thefirstwasheresy. Europehadoncebeena strongholdofreligious orthodoxyandconformity, butoverthelasthundred yearstheWesthad experiencedanoutbreakof ‘heretical’beliefsand movementsofalmost epidemicproportions.This rangedfromtherelatively innocuousrabble-rousing ravingsofunordained demagoguestothe inculcationofelaborately conceived,full-blown alternativefaiths–likethatof thedualisticCathars,who believedintwoGods,one good,theotherevil,and deniedthatChristhadever livedincorporealhuman form(andthusrejectedthe primaryLatintenetsof Crucifixion,Redemptionand Resurrection).Alongside thosecondemnedasheretics bytheRomanChurchwere otherswhostrayed desperatelyclosetotheline, butneverthelessmanagedto garnerpapalapproval.These includedtheMendicantFriars –Franciscansand Dominicans–whoadvocated simplepovertyanddedicated themselvestobringingGod’s wordtothepeoplewithnew vigourandclarity.The Churchsoonsoughtto harnesstheFriars’oratorical dynamism,notleastto invigoratecrusadepreaching. ButtheMendicants’ evangelicalenthusiasmalso hadthepowertoaffectthe objectivesofaholywar;to weaveastrandofconversion intothefamiliarbackground ofconquestanddefence.1 Theworldofthethirteenth centurywastobeoneofnew ideasandfreshchallenges,in whichcrusadingmighthave tofulfildifferentrolesand assumenovelforms.The criticalquestion–soon apparenttocontemporaries– waswhatallofthiswould meanforthewarintheHoly Land. POPEINNOCENTIII Onemanwhowrestledwith justthisissuewasPope InnocentIII–perhapsthe mightiestandmostinfluential Romanpontiffinallmedieval history;certainlythemost activeandenthusiasticpapal patronofthecrusadesinthe centralMiddleAges. Innocentwaselectedpopeon 8January1198and immediatelybroughta refreshingleaseofexuberant vitalitytotheoffice.Overthe precedingseventeenyears,no fewerthanfiveelderlypopes haddiedinsuccessionsoon afterelevationtothe pontificalthrone.Innocent, bycontrast,wasjustthirtyseven,brimfulwithvigour, afirewithambition.In background,hewasperfectly suitedtohisnewrole.Being bornofRomanaristocracy, hepossessedexcellent politicalandecclesiastical connectionsincentralItaly. Hehadalsobeeneducatedin Europe’sfinestcentresof learning,studyingChurch lawinBolognaandtheology inParis. Moreover,thetimingof Innocent’srisetopowerwas fantasticallypropitious.Since thedaysofPopeGregoryVII andtheeleventh-century Reformmovement,papal authorityhadbeenstifled persistentlybythecombative predationsoftheGerman HohenstaufenEmpire. Rome’spredicamentonly deepenedin1194when EmperorHenryVI(Frederick Barbarossa’ssonandheir) alsobecamekingofSicily throughmarriage,thereby encirclingthePapalState fromnorthandsouth.Butin September1197,HenryVI diedunexpectedlyofmalaria, leavingbehindonlyathree- year-oldson,Frederick,as heir.TheHohenstaufenworld wassuddenlyplungedintoa cripplingdynasticcrisisthat wouldrattleonfordecades. Thisgavethepapacyunder InnocentIIIanextraordinary opportunitytoactonthe Europeanstagerelatively unhindered.2 Innocent’svisionofpapal authority PopeInnocentwas remarkablyconfidentofthe ess

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Top subcategories

Download The Crusades: The War for the Holy Land