Download copelovitch_F1000_1_pres

Survey
yes no Was this document useful for you?
   Thank you for your participation!

* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project

Document related concepts
no text concepts found
Transcript
Master or Servant?
Agency Slack and the Politics of IMF Lending
Mark Copelovitch
Department of Political Science
University of Wisconsin-Madison
IPES Conference
November 17, 2006
Who “Controls” the International Monetary Fund?
•
“The IMF…is a set of ‘silk-suited dilettantes’ given to ‘champagne
and caviar at the expense of the American taxpayer.’”
– Sen. Lauch Faircloth (R-NC), The Wall Street Journal, 3/27/98
•
“Everywhere else in the world…politicians and businessmen insist
that one of the biggest problems with the IMF is that…it acts as the
United States Treasury's lap dog.”
– David Sanger, New York Times, 10/2/98
The Politics of IMF Lending: Two Main Perspectives
Principal(s)
Executive Board?
US government
Agent
What explains
lending variation?
IMF staff
Technocratic economic
criteria or staff
rent-seeking
(Knight/Santaella,
Dreher/Vaubel)
IMF staff
US geopolitical or
financial interests
(Thacker, Oatley,
Broz, Stone)
Existing Explanations: Problems and Questions
A mixed empirical record
• Similar economic circumstances, different loans
• Some countries with strong ties to US get better deals than others
Conceptual gaps
• US has strongest voice, but not veto, over IMF decisions
– “G-5” countries all exercise significant authority
• Bureaucratic rent-seeking: when does the staff “get away” with it?
Argument in Brief
A principal-agent model of IMF policymaking
• G-5 governments as the “collective principal”
• IMF staff as agent
Main findings
• Both states and IMF staff exercise partial but incomplete
control over Fund lending
• Agency slack is case-specific: staff autonomy is conditional on
the intensity and heterogeneity of principal (G-5) interests
– Must account for other large shareholders’ interests, not just US
– IMF staff are not “runaway” bureaucrats
A Collective Principal Model of IMF Lending
IMF Executive Board (“G-5”)
US
UK
GE
R
JP
N
IMF staff
FR
A
Preferences influenced
by domestic interests
(geopolitical, financial)
Preferences influenced
by economic criteria and
bureaucratic incentives
Borrower country
Key question: how much “agency slack” in a given lending case?
G-5 Bank Exposure in Recent IMF Lending Cases
Aggregate
G-5 exposure
($billions)
100%
68.5
39.5
50.3
60.6
34.6
0.3
6.9
90%
80%
70%
France
60%
Germany
50%
Japan
40%
UK
30%
US
20%
10%
0%
Korea 1997
Mexico 1995
Brazil 2002
Thailand 1997 Russia 1999
Bosnia 2002
SOURCE: Bank for International Settlements. Consolidated International Banking Statistics
Croatia 2003
Measuring Agency Slack:
G-5 Interest Intensity and Heterogeneity
Heterogeneity of G-5 interests
Intensity of
G-5 interests
High
Low
Low
High
• G-5 consensus
• G-5 conflict
• Largest loans
• Large loans, but
“logrolling” cost
• G-5 consensus
• G-5 conflict
• Smallest loans
• Small loans, but
“rent-seeking” premium
Mean Loan Size (Amount/Quota) by G-5 Bank Exposure
Short-term IMF loans, 47 countries, 1984-2003
G-5 bank exposure, coefficient of variation
Aggregate G-5
bank exposure
High*
Low*
Low*
High*
AMTQTA=2.04
(N=84)
AMTQTA=1.12
(N=34)
AMTQTA=0.63
(N=26)
AMTQTA=0.60
(N=64)
*Above or below sample mean in a given year
Empirical Analysis
Dataset
• 197 short-term IMF loans to 47 countries, 1984-2003
Sources
• IMF archival documents
• IMF, World Bank, and BIS databases
Dependent variables
• Loan sizei,t – new short-term IMF lending/quota (log)
• Robust to alternative specifications (raw amount, amount/GDP)
Models
• OLS, panel-corrected standard errors, “modified” lagged DV,
country fixed effects
• Robust to alternative specifications
Variables
Explanatory variables
• Measures of aggregate G-5 interests
• Bank exposure, foreign aid commitments, UN voting affinity
• Weighted by relative voting power of G-5 countries
• Measures of G-5 interest heterogeneity
• Coefficients of variation of bank exposure, foreign aid, and UN affinity
• 100*(std/mean) = measures dispersion as % of mean
Control variables
• Borrower macroeconomic/political characteristics
• Temporal trends/global conditions
• “Modified” lagged DV (dummy for outstanding previous loans)
First Differences - IMF Loan Size (Model 3)
Predicted change in
loan size (AMTQTA)
Interpretation
Length of loan
45.77%
20 to 30 months
GDP / quota
27.61%
67.4 to 127.74 times quota
External debt / GDP
24.30%
58.49 to 94.3
Debt service / exports
34.35%
23.55 to 42.26
Short-term debt / reserves
14.39%
0.79 to 3.09
Quota review
-12.30%
0 to 1
Variable
Coefficient of variation, G5BANK
G5BANK=3.55
G5BANK=7.36
G5BANK=9.9
Predicted change in loan size (AMTQTA)
11.16%
-10.18%
-12.29%
Effect of G-5 Interest Heterogeneity at Different
Levels of G-5 Interest Intensity - Bank Exposure
Effect of G-5 Interest Heterogeneity at Different
Levels of G-5 Interest Intensity - Foreign Aid
Effect of G-5 Interest Heterogeneity at Different
Levels of G-5 Interest Intensity - UN Voting Affinity
Main Findings
G-5 governments’ interests heavily influence IMF lending
• Amount and distribution of bank exposure and foreign aid
significantly influence loan characteristics
• UN voting affinity has less clear effects
Agency slack depends on G-5 interest intensity & heterogeneity
• Staff autonomy increases when G-5 interests are weak and divided
IMF lending is highly political
• Evidence for both common political explanations, but each is
conditional on the other
Implications and Conclusions
Understanding IO behavior
• Beyond questions of cooperation and institutional design
– How do IOs make decisions once the rules/institutions are
established?
• Focusing on delegation/agency and internal decision-making
rules is critical
Reforming the IMF
• Abolishing the IMF/curtailing lending
– Would not eliminate G-5 interests, but would simply shift the focus
to bilateral/ad hoc official lending
• Executive Board voting reform
– Replacing G-5 domestic interests with other countries’ is unlikely to
remove politics from the process