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The interactional nature of deictic verbs in English, Japanese, and Thai: Why Deixis must be treated separately from Path* Yo Matsumoto (Kobe University), Kimi Akita (Nagoya University), and Kiyoko Takahashi (Kanda University of International Studies) Abstract The semantics of venitive deictic verbs like come is not merely spatial but also interactional. Results of video-based experiments in English, Japanese, and Thai are reported, which revealed that the venitive verbs tend to be used more often when the motion is not just toward the speaker but also into his/her space as defined by limits on interaction and visibility, and that they can be used for motion off the direction of the speaker if it is into the speaker’s space. Directional venitive PPs like toward me do not clearly have such properties. The interactional nature of deictic verbs, along with frequency and other evidence, suggests that Deixis should be treated separately from Path in the discussion of motion event descriptions. Keywords: deictic verbs, Path, motion, interactional space, video experiments 1. Introduction In this chapter, we argue that the semantics of “venitive” deictic verbs (i.e. verbs representing motion toward the speaker) involves interactional properties rather than being defined in purely spatial terms. Our evidence comes from video-based production experiments in English, Japanese, and Thai. The discussion supports the general claim that Deixis needs separate treatment from Path in the typology of motion expressions. Deixis is often treated as a component of Path (Talmy 2000: 53ff; see also Chapter 1). However, deictic expressions exhibit a set of behaviors distinct from the expressions of * In writing this paper we are thankful to Brian Williams, Monica Kahumburu, and Yuzo Morishita for their help in creating video clips, to Akinori Ito, Hirotaka Nakajima, and Haiyan Xia for their help in collecting and transcribing data, and to Akinori Ito (again) and Carolyn Heaton for comments on our earlier draft. We are also grateful to Dan Slobin, Colette Grinevald, and Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano for their interest and discussions. All errors are of course ours. The research reported in this work is a part of a National Institute of Japanese Language and Linguistics collaborative research project titled: Japanese and the Typology of Linguistic Expressions for Motion Events: A Crosslinguistic Experimental Study with a Focus on Deixis (Yo Matsumoto, leader). 1 non-deictic Path. First, deictic verbs are usually found as basic verbs regardless of the number and nature of path verbs in a language. For example, come and go are common verbs in English, whose path verbs commonly have a markedly formal flavor (e.g. exit, descend). Second, Deixis has its own morphosyntactic slot in some languages distinct from non-deictic Path (Choi & Bowerman 1991, Koga, to appear; Matsumoto 1997, 2013, etc.). For example, in Japanese, ku ‘come’ and ik ‘go’ always occur as the final verb of multi-verb complexes, with Manner and path verbs preceding them (e.g. arui-te de-te ku-ru (walk-CONJ exit-CONJ come-NPST), koroge-oti-te ik-u (roll-fall-CONJ go-NPST)).1 Similarly, German has a special affixal slot for Deixis distinct from a Path slot, as in hin-aus-laufen (thither-out-run), as do Jakaltek (Craig 1993) and Kupsapiny (Kawachi 2014).2 Frequencies in which Deixis is expressed also differ among languages in a way different from the frequencies of Path (Koga to appear; see below). In this chapter we will look at how and when Deixis is expressed in English, Japanese, and Thai. These are languages often cited as representative of different language types in the typology of motion event descriptions, usually based on examples involving Manner and Path. In Talmy’s (1991, 2000) two-way typology, English is a “satellite-framed” language, and Japanese is a “verb-framed” language. Thai has been claimed to be neither, and arguably belongs to what Slobin (2004) calls an “equipollently-framed” language with verb serialization (see Zlatev and Yangklang 2003). Matsumoto (to appear) proposes a slightly different typology, and categorizes languages in terms of whether Path is coded in 1) the single head (the main verb) of a sentence, or 2) any element outside such a head (head-externals), or 3) any one of a series of verbs that “cohead” the sentence (as in serial verb construction) (see also Matsumoto 2003 [2011]). In this typology, Japanese is said to employ “head coding of Path,” English, “head-external coding of Path,” and Thai, “cohead coding of Path.” The organization of this chapter is as follows. Section 2 points out the possibility that the meanings of deictic verbs are more than just spatial by considering their interactional 1 The abbreviations used in this chapter are as follows: ACC = accusative; CONJ = conjunctive; DAT = dative; NOM = nominative; NPST = non-past; PST = past; 1SG = first person singular, 3SG = third person singular. 2 In these languages a deictic affix occurs outside a path affix. Colette Grinevald (personal communication) argues that there may be an iconic explanation for such a tendency: nonpropositional properties such as Deixis occur outside propositional properties. 2 nature. Section 3 reports on the production experiments that consider both spatial and interactional factors, and we will examine how and when Deixis is expressed in the three languages examined. Section 4 proposes an interactional definition of venitive verbs and draws some typological implications from the findings. Section 5 concludes this chapter. 2. The semantics of deictic expressions 2.1. Spatial and interactional nature of Deixis Deictic expressions are those expressions that are sensitive to deictic center, which is usually the location of the speaker. Lexical items that are used deictically include personal pronouns, demonstratives, and verbs of coming and going (see Huang 2006). What are relevant in the motion event descriptions are verbs of coming and going and directional or source/goal phrases involving the speaker or speaker’s location (toward me, hither, etc.). Prepositional phrases like toward me are in fact composed of a preposition representing Path and a pronoun representing a Ground. Fillmore (1971) provides a foundational analysis of English deictic verbs of motion. He argues that come is used to refer to the movement to the location of the speaker or hearer at the time of the motion event or of the utterance, while go is used to refer to the movement to the location where the speaker is not at the time of utterance. Deictic verbs in other languages are similar except that many use only the location of the speaker as the deictic center (see Gathercole 1977, Huang 2006; see also Wilkins & Hill 1995 for other differences). One issue in the semantics of deictic verbs concerns the notion of the “location of the speaker,” which we argue to be functionally defined. In this regard, Enfield’s (2003) work on demonstratives is relevant. He argues that the notion of HERE is not so much the spatial domain of the speaker as his/her functional domain, saying that “[j]ust one of the factors that can define a speaker’s here-space is his or her ENGAGEMENT AREA, the place which is, at moment t, the conceived site of a person’s currently dominant manual and attentional engagement” (p. 89), suggesting it is influenced by such factors as visibility and access. He also states that such a domain is often defined by spatial partitions such as rooms and buildings limiting human interaction (Goffman 1963). The speaker’s location in the meaning of deictic verbs may also be similarly defined. If this is indeed the case, one may hypothesize the following about venitive verbs. Venitive verbs of motion are typically used for motion to the goal within the functional HERE of the speaker or the speaker’s (interactional) space, defined by the spatial limit of interactivity and visibility. More specifically, we predict the following. First, motion to the 3 speaker’s location may be described with venitive verbs of motion more often if the location is within some delimited speaker’s space than in an open space. Second, motion may be described with venitive verbs even if the motion is off the direction of the speaker if it is into the speaker’s space. The speaker’s space can be 1) an artificially delimited closed space, such as a room and a floor, within which the speaker is located, or 2) the space visible to the speaker.3 Another functional hypothesis to test involves the relevance of interactional behavior. If venitive verbs are interactionally based, their use would be enhanced if the motion to be described contains some interactional behaviors of a moving person toward the speaker, such as smiling at or greeting him/her. Such a behavior would encourage the speaker’s conceptualization of the motion as an event that affects him/her, and suggest a potential further interaction with the speaker after motion. We will test these two hypotheses concerning venitive verbs in the experiments reported below. The experiments are designed to test properties of venitive verbs, and interactional properties of andative verbs such as go are outside the scope of this work. The interactional effects on directional phrases like toward me are hard to predict. The above effects may well enhance the use of the first person pronoun. At the same time, if terms like toward are purely directional, interactional effects would not be relevant. We will discuss the issue of directional phrases below. 2.2. Deictic expressions in the three languages Before moving on to our experiments, we will here review lexical means used to indicate Deixis in English, Japanese, and Thai. In those languages, Deixis can be coded primarily in a deictic verb, or in verb phrases or adpositional phrases, as illustrated in (1) to (3). (1) English: 3 a. A man came out of the room walking. (verb) b. A man walked toward me. (PP) Note that visibility is often coded in the semantics of demonstratives (see Huang 2006, Imai 2009). 4 (2) a. Japanese: Otoko ga heya kara arui-te de-te ku-ru. (verb) man NOM room from walk-CONJ exit-CONJ come-NPST ‘A man comes out of the room walking.’ b. Otoko ga kotira ni arui-te ku-ru. (PP) man NOM over.here GOAL walk-CONJ come-NPST ‘A man comes walking this way.’ (3) Thai: a. Phûu chaaj dəәəәn ɂɔ̀ɔk maa hǎa man exit come approach 1SG walk chán (verb+VP) ‘A man came out toward me walking.’ b. Phûu chaaj dəәəәn maa thaaŋ man come in.the.direction.of 1SG walk chán (verb+PP) ‘A man came in the direction of me walking.’ In the three languages, deictic verbs are used differently in a sentence. In English it occurs in the head position, as in (1a), which is the position alternatively occupied by a manner verb. In Japanese it occurs as the head verb, preceded by a path verb and a manner verb, as in (2a). In Thai a deictic verb occupies a position after manner verbs and most path verbs but before “arrival verbs” in the order of serial verbs, as in (3) (see Thepkanjana 1986, Takahashi 2009a,b, to appear, for details). An important fact to note is that in English Deixis is in competition with Manner for expression in the main verb position, which is a factor restricting the use of deictic verbs in this language. The languages also differ slightly in the PPs/VPs expressing Deixis. English and Japanese typically use PPs like toward me in (1b) and kotira ni ‘this way’ in (2b). Thai also has a similar PP, as in (3b), but it can also use a verb phrase like hǎa chán ‘approach me’, placed after the deictic verb, as in (3a). Deictic verbs and PPs/VPs differ in their explicitness of directionality and deictic center. Deictic verbs like come, ku, and maa require the goal to be the speaker’s location or domain (or hearer’s in the case of come), and thus the notion of directionality is not transparently expressed, and the reference to the speaker is implicit (explicitly marked by the co-occurring phrases involving the first person). Phrases like toward me in English and hǎa chán ‘approach me’ in Thai, on the other hand, are transparently directional, with directionality 5 marked by an adposition or a verb, and the reference to the first person is direct.4 3. Experiments 3.1. Method To examine our hypotheses, we conducted a video-based speech elicitation experiment. Twelve Japanese speakers, twelve American English speakers, and eighteen Thai speakers participated in the experiment. The English and Japanese speakers are native-speaker residents of the USA and Japan, respectively, and the Thai speakers are temporary residents in Japan. We asked them to describe orally 30 short video clips in which various motion events are videotaped. All the instructions were in the tested languages. The videos were chosen to test two main factors. The first factor is interactional space: whether the goal of the motion is within the speaker’s space (room, floor, or visible space) or not. The second factor is interactional behavior: whether the moving person greeted or smiled at the speaker while in motion or not.5 The videos were presented in random order, preceded by a practice video that did not involve a motion event. The participants went through the experiment by pressing a key on a laptop. The experiments were designed so that each participant could identify himself/herself in the position of the camera in the videos. The actual instructions that were presented on the screen of the laptop (the English version) are as follows: You’ll see 30 video clips. In these video clips, some people appear on a school campus. Imagine that they are your friends and you are now there, looking at the scenes shown. After each video, please describe what has happened on the scene and tell it to the experimenter. Each video clip is preceded by a brief explanation of the setting. The “brief explanation of the setting” specified where the camera (i.e. the participant) was located in the videotaped scene. The following are the 13 scenes used, videotaped in 4 settings. “S” indicates the location of the camera from which the scene was videotaped, which is also where the participants were instructed to imagine themselves to be. We will refer to this location as the speaker’s 4 The verb phrase hǎa chán ‘approach me’ is often used without the first person pronoun. We will count such a case as an instance of the directional verb phrase. 5 Not every interaction is peaceful. One may also examine whether negative types of interactional features, such as the aggressiveness of the mover, also contribute to the use of venitive verbs. 6 location. L. Lawn (Open space) L-1. motion toward the speaker L-2 motion off to a side of the speaker L-3 motion across in front of the speaker C. Classroom C-1. motion into the classroom toward the speaker C-2 motion into the classroom off to a side of the speaker C-3 motion out of the classroom across in front of the speaker (who is at another door) S. Staircase outside a building S-1 motion onto the speaker’s level toward the speaker S-2 motion onto the speaker’s level across in front of the speaker S-3 motion onto the speaker’s level away from the speaker S-4 motion onto the nonspeaker’s level toward the speaker S-5 motion onto the nonspeaker’s level across in front of the speaker S-6 motion onto the nonspeaker’s level away from the speaker B. Building B-1 motion out of the building across in front of the speaker (who is outside the building) Two video clips were created for each of the scenes above. In one clip the moving person smiled at, or called out to (greeted) the speaker (or in fact, the camera), and in the other such a behavior was absent. The timing of smile/greeting in the video was the most natural moment in each scene: L-1, L-2, L-3, S-1, S-2, S-4, S-5: from the beginning toward the middle of motion; S-3, S-6: at the beginning of motion; C-1, C-2, C-3: at the time of entry/exit; B-1: after exit. There were four other video clips, which functioned as fillers. Figure 1 shows the still frames of three example videos. 7 a. C-1 b. S-2 c. B-1 Figure 1. Example videos The experiments in the three languages were conducted on a university campus or an adjacent area (English: University of California, Berkeley (USA); Japanese: Kobe University (Japan); Thai: Kanda University of International Studies (Japan)) with permission as appropriate from an institutional review board wherever necessary. The participants were all individually interviewed for the experiment. All elicited utterances were recorded, transcribed, and coded for the syntactic realization of each motion-related semantic component. We analyzed all relevant motion sentences in the data. 8 3.2. Results on the frequencies of deictic verbs and PPs/VPs We will first look at the overall frequencies of deictic expressions, venitive and otherwise, elicited by the 26 clips in the three languages, in order to see the general patterns of the expressions of Deixis in the languages. The frequencies are shown in Figure 2. It shows the average percentages of the use of deictic verbs and deictic PPs/VPs per clip in the three languages, with the observed frequencies in parentheses. 0% English Japanese Thai 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 17.9% (52) 19.9% (62) 84.9% (265) 18.3% (57) V PP/VP 72.4% (339) 24.1% (113) Figure 2. The verbal and PP/VP indications of Deixis in English, Japanese, and Thai (average rates of indications per clip) The general frequencies of deictic expressions are quite different, with English speakers using them much less often, especially in the verb. A chi-square test and an adjusted residual analysis of the data revealed that English speakers used a deictic motion verb significantly less frequently than did Japanese and Thai speakers ( 2 (2) = 342.06, p < .001, adjusted residual = −18.16). Responses without a deictic verb in English had mostly manner verbs in the main verb position. English speakers equally used PPs and the deictic verbs (which are used in the main verb position) ( 2 (1) = 0.38, p = .54 (n.s.)), while Japanese speakers used deictic verbs (in the main verb position) for most clips and much more often than PPs ( 2 (1) = 277.61, p < .001). Thai speakers used a deictic verb (as a serial verb) much more often than VPs and PPs involving the first person pronoun ( 2 (1) = 218.52, p < .001). The less frequent indication of Deixis among English speakers is consistent with findings from other studies (e.g., Akita, Matsumoto, and Ohara 2010, Koga, to appear). 9 The attested venitive PPs and VPs, which are relevant to the discussions below, are as follows: Those phrases in English include toward(s) me (or us) (26 instances), to me (11 instances), and approach(ing) me (5 instances); those in Japanese include kotira ni/kotti ni ‘to over here’ (15 instances) and their complex forms such as kotira no hoo ni ‘in the direction of over here’ (18 instances), as well as watasi no hoo ni ‘in the direction of me’ (6 instances); those in Thai include hǎa chán ‘approach me’ (69 instances), thaaŋ chán ‘toward me’ (7 instances), and thîi chán ‘toward me’ (2 instances). 3.3. Results and discussion on venitive verbs We will now look at the interactional effects on the use of venitive verbs. Results on venitive directional PPs/VPs will be discussed in Section 3.4. 3.3.1. Presence vs. absence of the speaker’s space We examine the notion of the speaker’s space in three different comparisons. One involves the presence vs. absence of speaker’s space, and the other two involve the issue of directionality vs. speaker’s space. For the purpose of discussing the speaker’s space, we will be using video clips in which motion is accompanied by an interactional behavior (see Section 3.3.5 forResults: the factor of international behaviors). Space sharing I sharing Results: Space Results: Space sharing I I First, we compare the descriptions of motion events which involve the presence vs. eion head mpetition theabsence head of speaker’s space. That is, we compare the responses to the video showing motion in theinhead y Berkeley (Akita) toward (Akita) Eng, Berkeley (Akita)the speaker in an open space (L-1 scene) with motion toward the speaker into his/her gncing space, i.e. into the speaker’s room (C-1 scene) or down onto his/her level (S-1 scene). Figure )e (Matsumoto)3 visualizes the three scenes. atsumoto) g nts in residents ry residents in in porary nJapan (K. Takahashi) ahashi) (K. Takahashi) # of deictic verbs in #the head position # of deictic in the head position ofverbs deictic verbs in the head position S a. open space S SS S b. classroom S S 48 S 48 S 48 c. staircase Figure 3. Scenes used to test the effects of the presence/absence of the speaker’s space ce sharing II II Space ring II sharing Responses to the video clipsInteraction of these three scenes are given in Figure 4, which presents the Interaction Interaction Thai ThaiEnglish English nese English N=18 =10 N=10 N=10 N=18N=10 percentages of the use of venitive verbs per maa pay go iku go maa come pay come go ome 5 0the actual frequencies in the parentheses. 5 0 5160 0016 0 3 13 11 2 2 1 3 1 11 2 4 04 0 4100 0010 0 0 0 83 1 0 0 1 0 08 0 2 17 11 0 2 11 0 21 0 1 18 8 0 1 1 8 0 1 clip for these scenes in the three languages, with Presence/absence of calling/smiling Presence/absence of calling/smiling Presence/absence of calling/smiling S SS S S 50 S 50 50 10 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 8.3% (1) English open space 33.3% (4) 50.0% (6) into S's room onto S's level Japanese 100.0% (12) 100.0% (12) 100.0% (12) Thai 100.0% (18) 100.0% (18) 88.9% (16) Figure 4. The use of venitive verbs for scenes with and without the speaker’s space (average rates of use per clip) In Japanese and Thai, all types of toward-the-speaker motion were described with a deictic verb most of the time, and the three scenes did not show difference due to the ceiling effect. Meanwhile, in English, motion into or onto the speaker’s space (i.e. classroom or staircase level) facilitated the use of come, with the difference between the open space scene and the staircase scene statistically significant (Fisher’s exact test: p < .05). This result shows the relevance of physically delimited speaker’s space to the semantics of English come. When come is not used, the main verb slot is occupied by a manner verb. Actual instances of the venitive verbs used for Scene C-1 (Figure 3b) are cited in (4). (4) a. b. I see my friend coming in. (English) Tomodati ga kyoositu ni hait-te ki-ta. (Japanese) friend NOM classroom GOAL enter-CONJ come-PST ‘[My] friend came into the classroom.’ c. Phɯ̂an dəәəәn khâw maa hǎa chán friend walk enter come approach 1SG naj hɔ̂ŋ rian in (Thai) class.room ‘[My] friend came walking into the classroom toward me.’ 3.3.2. Speaker’s space 1: classroom We will now present data concerning the speaker’s space vs. spatial directionality of motion by examining motion off the direction of the speaker but into his/her space. First, we will 11 compare the descriptions of motion into a closed space in which the speaker is, with motion in an open space. Relevant clips are L-1 and L-2 and C-1 and C-2, which are given in Figure 5. a. Motion in an open space b. Motion into a closed space (room) Figure 5. Scenes used to test the effects of the speaker’s space 1: Room We will examine responses to the two video clips videotaped in each of the two different settings in Figure 5. In addition to the motion directed to the speaker in the Sa positions, which is examined in Section 3.3.1, we examine motion off to a side of the speaker, who is in the Sb position. The Paths taken relative to the speaker (camera) are the same for the two settings, but in the case of the room setting, the motion off the direction of the speaker is one into the speaker’s space. The results are shown in Figure 6. It shows the average percentages of the use of venitive verbs, with the actual frequencies in the parentheses. Japanese English 0% Toward S Off the direction of S 20% 40% 60% 80% 8.3% (1) open space 33.3% (4) into S's room 0.0% (0) 8.3% (1) 100.0% (12) 100.0% (12) Toward S 58.3% (7) Off the direction of S 91.7% (11) 100.0% (18) 100.0% (18) Thai Toward S Off the direction of S 100% 27.8% (5) 88.9% (16) Figure 6. The use of venitive verbs for motion of different directions into/not into S’s room (average rates per clip) 12 の使用 &" oom" " "S’s"floor"" • English: • M/DEnglish: competition the head in the head M/Dincompetition 10 speakers; Am Eng, Berkeley 10 speakers; Am (Akita) Eng, Berkeley (Akita) Japanese: -te sequencing • Japanese: -te•sequencing 10 speakers; Kobe (Matsumoto) 10 speakers; Kobe (Matsumoto) The results show that, in Japanese and Thai, venitive verbs were used to describe motion off • Thai: verb serializing • Thai: verb serializing # of deictic verbs in #the o the direction of the speaker but into the speaker’s closed space more often than to describe 18 speakers; temporary residents in Japan (K. Takahashi) speakers; temporary residents motion of the same direction18 that occurs(K.inTakahashi) an open space, thoughinthe difference was Japan significant only in Thai by Fisher’s exact test (Japanese, p = .15 (n.s.); Thai, p < .001). In fact S Japanese and Thai speakers used venitive verbs in the former case almost as often as for motion directly toward the speaker. 6 3.3.3. Results Speaker’s space 2: staircase levels (Exp B): Space II Results (Exp sharing B): Space sharing II Interacti We now compare the frequency of venitive deictic verbs forThai motion English off the direction of the language/verbs Japanese Thai English language/verbs Japanese N=10 N=18 N=10 N=18 speaker onto the speaker’s level and that onto N=10 some other level inN=10 the staircase sharedness /deixis sharedness kuru /deixis iku maa pay come kuru iku gomaa pay come go setting. Relevant clips S-1 through whichSinvolve three directions: Toward S, Neutral, and down to are toward S 10S-6, 0toward down to 10 5 0 0 5 0 16 0 16 0 S’s floor S’s away from S floor 2 difference, Away from S, in addition to the6 level away from 2 1 11 in2Figure 3 7. 1Note that ‘Toward 11 S 2 6as 3illustrated neutral neutral 0 0is 4 0 10 0 9 4level 10 not 0exactly S’ in the case of motion onto9 the 0non-speaker’s toward the speaker Presence/ab down to toward S to 4 down because of the level difference. non-S’s floor non-S’s floor S away from S 2 neutral 1 S S S a. Motion onto the speaker’s level 3toward 8S 1 4 0 3 7 from away 1 S 11 2 8neutral 1 8 1 S S S S 1 0 0 0 7 0 8 2 1 11 0 2 0 8 1 1 8 0 1 S S S S 50 50 b. Motion onto the non-speaker’s level Figure 7. Scenes used to test the effects of the speaker’s space 2: Staircase levels Figure 8 presents the results, which show the average percentages of the use of venitive verbs Results: Effects of interaction Results: Effects of interaction Discussio for each scene, with the actual frequencies in the parentheses. English language/interaction language/interaction Japanese ThaiJapanese English Thai N=10 N=18 N=10 N=10 N=18 N=10 calling no calling no no calling no calling no no calling calling calling calling calling calling calling calling sharedness /deixis sharedness /deixis to10 toward S16 down to toward down S 10 105 16 2 12 5 2 10 12 S’s floor S’s floor away from S away from S 65 43 11 0 5 3 0 6 4 11 neutral 9 3 10 7 4 0 neutral 9 3 10 7 4 0 Conditions forCo ‘c •J: •J: Direction OR •E: •E: Direction AN Deixis in Engli down toward S8 45 60 80 5 0 0 down to toward S to 4 6 in order to “b non-S’s floor away from S floor away 6 Annon-S’s 20 0off 0 the speaker 0 0has been made from S examination of the descriptions of0motion a side of 2 1 diagonally 0 to 1 0 competition fo neutral 12 10 10 2 0 0 neutral 1 1 1 by Ishibashi (2011), using a set of video clips prepared by the Trajektoire project lead by Colette Interactional n TOTAL 32 32 2412 47 2 31 12 2 TOTAL 24 47 31 Grinevald. She found that many Japanese speakers used a venitive verb for such motion not directed toward me) ofthe ‘come’ in the head position 53 # of ‘come’ verbs#in headverbs position 53 to the speaker. Interestingly, the video clip she used depicts motion of a person from a lake to a shore, seen from a location on the shore, and so the use of a venitive verb was presumably enhanced by the factor of the goal being within the speaker’s space. 13 0% 20% 0.0% (0) Neutral 0.0% (0) English Toward S Away from S 0.0% (0) Japanese Thai 100% 41.7% (5) 25.0% (3) 100.0% (12) 75.0% (9) 25.0% (3) onto non-S's level onto S's level 58.3% (7) 38.9% (7) Toward S Away from S 80% 50.0% (6) 8.3% (1) Away from S Neutral 60% 33.3% (4) Toward S Neutral 40% 88.9% (16) 5.6% (1) 55.6% (10) 5.6% (1) 61.1% (11) Figure 8. The use of venitive verbs for different directions of motion onto/not onto S’s level (average rates of use per clip) Notably, motion onto the speaker’s space elicited venitive verbs very often, even when the motion is not spatially directed to the speaker (i.e. Neutral and Away from S). This is seen in all the three languages. Interestingly, the use of a venitive verb was seen more than half of the time even for motion away from the speaker onto his/her level in Japanese and Thai (e.g. the scene in which a male person walks down the outside stairs to the ground away from the speaker while s/he is on the ground). In contrast, the descriptions of motion onto the non-speaker’s level contain the use of venitive verbs less often, and their use is seen primarily for motion directed toward the speaker. The use of venitive verbs for motion off the direction of the speaker is significantly more frequent for motion onto the speaker’s level than that onto the non-speaker’s level by Fisher’s exact test (English: p < .01; Japanese: p < .01; Thai: p < .001); so is the use of venitive verbs for motion toward the speaker (English, p < .05; Japanese, p < .01; Thai, p < .01). The present data indicate that directionality is not a necessary condition of the use of the venitive verbs in the three languages, and that the goal being within the speaker’s space may make up for the nonsatisfaction of the directionality condition. Examples of venitive verb uses for motion onto the speaker’s level but not toward the 14 speaker (S-2 Scene) are illustrated in (5). (5) a. He’s coming down to greet me. (English) b. Tomodati ga kaidan kara ori-te ki-ta. (Japanese) friend NOM stairs from descend-CONJ come-PST ‘[My] friend came down from the stairs.’ c. Kháw dəәəәn 3SG walk loŋ bandaj maa phrɔ́ɔm kàp thák chán (Thai) descend stairs be.simultaneous with greet 1SG come ‘He came down the stairs walking, simultaneously greeting me.’ 3.3.4. Speaker’s space 3: visibility Another set of scenes tested involves visibility contrast. Relevant clips are L-3, C-3, and B-1, in which motion events depicted in Figure 9 are videotaped. a. motion in an open space b. visible-to-visible exiting c. invisible-to-visible exiting Figure 9. Scenes used to test the effects of visibility In Figure 9a a moving person walks across the open space in front of the speaker. In 9b, a moving person walks out of the room through a door, with the speaker at another door of the room, looking sideways at the movement, to whom the moving person is visible both inside and outside the room. In 9c a moving person walks out of the small building, with the speaker outside the building, looking sideways at the movement, to whom the moving person is visible only outside the building. Note that the motion itself is the same relative to the speaker in all the three scenes, but two of them involve moving out of a closed space, and only one involves a change in visibility conditions (i.e. invisible to visible). The results are shown in Figure 10, which indicates the percentages of the use of venitive verbs, with the actual frequencies in the parentheses. 15 0% English 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0.0% (0) 8.3% (1) open space 25.0% (3) Japanese exiting (visible to visible) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 91.7% (11) Thai exiting (invisible to visible) 5.6% (1) 0.0% (0) 72.2% (13) Figure 10. The use of venitive verbs for the scenes testing visibility contrast (average rates of use per clip) In all three languages, the invisible-to-visible exiting scene elicited many more uses of venitive verbs than the other scenes. Comparison between the two exiting scenes showed statistic significance in Japanese and Thai by Fisher’s exact test (English: p = .59 (n.s.); Japanese: p < .001; Thai: p < .001). It is striking that this is true when the motion in the invisible-to-visible exiting is not directed to the speaker at all. This shows that change in visibility is an important factor in the use of a venitive verb in these languages, and visibility change makes up for the nonsatisfaction of the directionality condition. 3.3.5. Interactional behavior Finally, let us consider the effect of interactional behavior on the use of venitive verbs. We used greeting and smiling as the interactional behavior tested. Figure 11 compares the use of venitive verbs for all the video clips with and without interactional behaviors. It shows that in all three languages, presence of interactional behavior significantly enhanced the use of venitive verbs (English, 2 (1) = 4.52, p < .05; Japanese, 4.16, p < .05). 16 2 (1) = 4.15, p < .05; Thai: 2 (1) = 0% English 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 15.4% (24) 7.7% (12) interactional 57.1% (89) Japanese noninteractional 45.5% (71) 50.9% (119) Thai 41.5% (97) Figure 11. The use of venitive verbs for all the scenes with and without interactional behavior (average rates of use per clip) The effect can also be seen in specific video clips. Figure 12 describes the use of venitive verbs in the staircase scenes in which a moving person moves onto the speaker’s level (S-1, 2, and 3), with or without greeting behavior. 0% English Toward S 20% 40% 60% 0.0% (0) Away from S 0.0% (0) 100% 50.0% (6) 16.7% (2) Neutral 80% 41.7% (5) 25.0% (3) 100.0% (12) 100.0% (12) Japanese Toward S Neutral Away from S 33.3% (4) Thai Toward S Neutral Away from S 75.0% (9) 25.0% (3) 58.3% (7) 61.1% (11) 88.9% (16) interactional noninteracti onal 55.6% (10) 38.9% (7) 27.8% (5) 61.1% (11) Figure 12. The use of venitive verbs for staircase scenes with and without interactional behavior (average rates of use per clip) 17 In all languages there is more use of venitive verbs for clips with greeting than without, except for one clip where the ceiling effect is observed. Fisher’s exact test revealed that the total number of venitive verbs for these clips was larger for videos with interactional behavior than for those without (English: p < .001; Japanese: p < .05; Thai: p < .05). Moreover, there is a total absence of come in the English descriptions of the not-toward-the-speaker motion without greeting, which may suggest that in this language the behavioral factor is necessary to use a venitive verb for motion off the direction of the speaker. The scene for which English speakers used come most often is motion toward the speaker onto his/her level with a greeting. As pointed out above, English has a competition between Manner and Deixis for the main verb slot, in which both manner verb and deictic verb can occur. It appears that English speakers choose a deictic verb over a manner verb when the factors of interactional space and interactional behavior act favorably to the use of a deictic verb, at least in the kinds of scenes used in the present experiment, where the actual Manner of motion is known to the speaker. Examples of the non-use of venitive verbs for neutral motion onto the speaker’s level (nongreeting; S-2 Scene) are given in (6), which can be compared with (5). (6) a. b. He’s walking down the stairs. (English) Tomodati ga kaidan o ori-ta. (Japanese) friend NOM stairs ACC descend-PST ‘[My] friend descended the stairs.’ c. Phɯ̂an dəәəәn loŋ banday. (Thai) friend walk descend stairs ‘[My] friend walked down the stairs.’ 3.3.6. Discussion The present experiments in the three languages demonstrate that the semantics of venitive deictic verbs involves both spatial and functional components, the latter including factors such as speaker’s interactional space (partitioned space, floor, and visible space) and interactional behavior that suggest further interaction after motion. The effects of these factors show up in different ways in the three languages. The use of deictic verbs in English is generally infrequent, presumably due to a strong tendency to place Manner in the main verb slot where deictic verbs are placed, but when additional functional factors are present, the use of deictic verbs is enhanced. In Japanese and Thai the use of deictic verbs is very 18 frequent and due to the ceiling effect the relevance of the functional factors is not visible in the depiction of motion directed to the speaker, but the presence of such factors does enhance the use of deictic verbs when the motion is not spatially directed to the speaker. 3.4. Results and discussion on deictic PPs/VPs We will now look at interactional effects on the use of venitive PPs and VPs. First, Figure 13 presents the use of venitive PPs/VPs in the descriptions of motion in Figure 3, to compare motion toward the speaker into and not into his/her space. 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 91.7% (11) English 41.7% (5) 25.0% (3) open space 91.7% (11) Japanese 8.3% (1) 41.7% (5) into S's room onto S's level 88.9% (16) Thai 55.6% (10) 61.1% (11) Figure 13. The use of venitive PPs/VPs for three scenes with and without the speaker’s space (average rates of use per clip) The speaker’s space did not enhance the use of these phrases. On the contrary, it made the use of such phrases less frequent in all three languages, especially in English and Japanese. Fisher’s exact test found that the use of directional phrases for motion into S’s room or onto S’s level was significantly less frequent than motion in an open space at the .05 level, except for motion onto S’s level in Thai. This somewhat unexpected result can be explained in terms of the cooccurrences with other elements in a sentence. For the open space setting, the path toward the speaker is the only notable path information to code, and so deictic phrase like toward me is the PP that is likely to be picked as an argument of a main verb. In the classroom and staircase scenes, other phrases such as into the room and down the stairs are used to describe the scenes, requiring a complex PP sequence if deictic information is coded in a PP as well. English 19 allows such a sequence but it may be avoided in spoken discourse unless highly necessary. This view is supported by our data. In English, a path PP was used in the 75% of the responses for the classroom and staircase scenes, and it was sequenced with a deictic PP only in the 13% of the responses. In Japanese, the sequence of two goal/direction phrases is not allowed, and this accounts for why the use of a deictic goal PP was very rare in the classroom scene while it was used to some extent in the staircase scene: in the descriptions of the former, a goal PP is used to indicate Path (cf. (4b)), while those of the latter usually include an accusative object NP rather than a PP to indicate the Ground (cf. (6b)). The 100% use of a deictic verb in Japanese also makes the non-use of a deictic PP no great loss of information. A slight effect of speaker’s space was observed in the descriptions of motion off the direction of the speaker into his/her space in Thai. Figure 14 presents the use of venitive PPs and VPs for motion of various directions onto and not onto his/her level depicted in Figure 7. 0% English Toward S Neutral Away from S Japanese Toward S Neutral Away from S Thai Toward S Neutral Away from S 20% 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 40% 60% 80% 25.0% (3) 16.7% (2) 0.0% (0) 8.3% (1) 8.3% (1) 41.7% (5) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) onto non-S's level onto S's level 8.3% (1) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 100% 61.1% (11) 16.7% (3) 0.0% (0) 11.1% (2) Figure 14. The use of venitive PPs/VPs for different directions of motion onto/not onto S’s level (average rates of use per clip) Fisher’s exact test revealed that the use of venitive PPs/VPs for motion toward the speaker onto the speaker’s level was significantly more common than for that onto the non-speaker’s level in Thai (English: p = .21 (n.s.); Japanese: p = .15 (n.s.); Thai: p < .001). This can be 20 spatially accounted for, for the latter motion is not exactly toward the speaker because of the level difference. Motion off the direction of the speaker did not exhibit a significant difference between the one onto his/her level and the one onto the non-speaker’s level, but the difference in Thai is very close to the significance level (English: p = .23 (n.s.); Japanese: p = 1.00 (n.s.); Thai: p = .05 (n.s.)). There were three instances of deictic PPs used for motion off the direction of the speaker onto his/her level in English, two of which were to me rather than toward me; all the five instances in Thai were the VP hǎa chán. The effect of visibility change, on the other hand, was not relevant to the use of deictic PPs/VPs at all. An examination of responses obtained from the scene in Figure 9c showed that no use of such phrases is found in any language, whether they are PPs or VPs. Does the interactional behavior enhance the use of venitive directional phrases? Figure 15 provides relevant results from all 26 clips. It shows that interactional behavior slightly enhanced the use of venitive directional phrases in the three languages, but the difference is statistically not significant (English: = .73 (n.s.); 0% 2 (1) = 0.42, p = .51 (n.s.); Japanese: 2 (1) = 0.11, p (1) = 1.84, p = .17 (n.s.)). 20% 40% English 15.4% (24) 12.8% (20) Japanese 13.5% (21) 12.2% (20) Thai 2 60% 80% 100% interactional noninteractional 19.2% (44) 14.5% (34) Figure 15. The use of venitive PPs/VPs for all the scenes with and without interactional behavior (average rates of use per clip) Of the three languages Thai exhibits a relatively large difference. We have noted that Thai hǎa chán was used five times for motion off the direction of the speaker onto his/her level, instances of which were found for motion with interactional behavior; none were observed for motion without such behavior. This may suggest that Thai hǎa chán is sensitive to interactional behavior, though the scarceness of data prohibits a conclusive statement. 21 4. General discussion We now further discuss our findings, revisiting the semantics of venitive verbs (Section 4.1) and the typology of motion expressions (Section 4.2). 4.1. The functional semantics of venitive verbs Our data suggest the need to redefine the semantics of venitive verbs, which appear to mean more than just ‘move to the deictic center’ (cf. Fillmore 1971). The observed relevance of the speaker’s interactional space and interactional behavior to the use of venitive verbs allows us to revise their meanings in terms of interactionality. Our experimental results indicate that the use of a venitive verb is enhanced by the coexistence of the speaker and the mover at the end of the motion in some shared space, perceived through the natural or artificial division of physical space (e.g. room, floor, visible area). The goal of venitive verbs has been regarded prototypically as the location of the speaker, but this location can be regarded more appropriately in terms of the speaker’s (potential) interaction with the moving person. Thus, one may propose the following interactional condition of the use of venitive verbs: the goal of motion is in the space where the speaker can easily interact with the moving person. The speaker’s interaction with the moving person may simply be just seeing him/her, but also talking to him/her, and perhaps doing something together. This interactional nature of venitive verbs explains why their conditions of use involve the speaker’s location at the time of a moving event (Fillmore 1971). The verb come, for example, has been claimed to refer to the motion to a goal where the speaker (or hearer) is at the time of utterance or at the time of a moving event. The location of the speaker at the latter time is exactly where an interaction can take place. One may note that the location of the speaker at the time of utterance on the other hand is not always where interaction can in fact take place: for example, the speaker may move to another location by the time someone arrives. The verb come can still be used in such a case (e.g. Tell him I’ve left when he comes here), and this may be regarded as a counterexample to the claim that the goal of venitive verbs is the location of potential interaction. However, the speaker can easily visualize a person moving to his/her current location and so can imagine or simulate some interaction. In this sense, the goal of venitive verbs is where the speaker can interact with the moving person in reality or hypothetically. An important finding in this paper is that this interactional nature is not clearly seen in 22 directional deictic phrases such as toward me in English, with interactional effects observed only weakly, and only in some comparisons above. This difference between the two kinds of expressions testifies to the division of labor between the two kinds of expressions. There are two possible reasons as for why deictic verbs and directional deictic PPs are different. In one possibility, the difference reflects the transparency of a directional component in deictic verbs and prepositional phrases. Prepositional phrases like toward me are transparently directional, given that the preposition toward is specifically used to indicate spatial direction. The venitive verbs, on the other hand, do not transparently express spatial directionality. Another possible source of difference concerns the semantic nature of verbs. Motion verbs tend to encode one of the components of motion, such as Manner, Path, and Deixis, but often they encode other aspects of motion that typically accompany the incorporated component as well. It is known, for example, that manner verbs encode some psychological state of the moving person as well, unlike Manner nouns, as suggested by the difference between stride through the crowd and walk through the crowd with a stride.7 The semantics of path verbs often codes (in)volitionality and certain Manner information, as can be seen in climb and fall, unlike up and down. It may be typical of verbs that cooccurring aspects of motion are encoded together. Perhaps such a property is related to the fact that verbs have a grammatical subject and can encode its properties, and/or that they represent a process that develops over time (Langacker 1990), which presumably enables temporally co-occurring aspects of an event to be coded together. One may be able to decide between these possibilities by more closely examining the use of the directionally transparent verb phrase hǎa chán in Thai, which seems to have some sort of interactional property. Alternatively one may investigate whether interactional properties are found in deictic verbal affixes, such as German her-, Hungarian ide- (Eguchi, to appear), Hausa -o (Newman 2000), and Kupsapiny -n (Kawachi 2014), which are nonverbal elements that do not transparently encode directionality. The present study did not examine the interactional nature of andative deictic verbs such as go. This remains a topic for future study. 4.2. Typological implications How do our findings relate to the issues of the typology of motion event descriptions? One finding of this work is that the functional properties of venitive verbs are seen in all of the 7 We owe this contrast to Dan Slobin (personal communication). The high semantic flexibility of verbs vis-à-vis nouns is also suggested in metaphor study (Cameron 2003: 89). 23 three languages examined, which differ drastically in terms of the coding patterns of (nondeictic) Path. Thus, the proposed interactional nature is essentially independent of the typology of Path coding positions. One important suggestion that the present study makes to the issues of typology of motion event descriptions concerns the differences between deictic verbs and (nondeictic) path verbs. While deictic verbs have interactional properties as described in this paper, no such property is known for nondeictic path verbs encoding Path notions such as ‘ascend’, ‘enter’, etc. (though they may encode volitionality/Manner). This suggests that deictic verbs are fundamentally different in their nature from path verbs in this respect, calling for a separate treatment.8 There are other pieces of evidence in favor of separating Deixis from Path. The frequencies of the indication of Path and Deixis also point to the differences between the two. Our data above in Figure 4 show that languages differ widely in the frequencies of the indication of deictic information: English is quite lower than Japanese and Thai in the frequencies of deictic expressions. This finding is consistent with the findings of Koga (to appear), who points out that English is a Deixis-infrequent language, in comparison to Japanese. Interestingly, English is known as a Path-frequent language (Slobin 1996, Ibarretxe-Antuñano 2009), as far as nondeictic Path is concerned, suggesting that the frequencies of Deixis and Path indications are independent. We have pointed out in Section 1 that deictic verbs and path verbs differ in their status in the lexical repertoire of a language, with the former commonly found in languages that have a poor repertoire of path verbs. We have also pointed out that Deixis is often expressed in a slot different from that for Path. This second point is worth further comments. Deixis and Path are in fact often very different in their coding positions in such a way that results in a different classification of a language depending on which is considered. Matsuse (submitted) argues that Newar, a Tibeto-Burman language of Nepal, has a drastically different pattern of expression for Deixis and Path. In this language Deixis is primarily expressed in the main verb, while Path is expressed in adverbs and case markers. A similar situation is found in Jaminjung, a non-Pama-Nyungan language of northern Australia (Schultz-Berndt 2000), in which Deixis is expressed in the main verb (light verb), and Path is expressed by a 8 As discussed above, deictic directional PPs do not show clear interactional properties. Perhaps such phrases should be treated not so much as deictic expressions but as regular Path expressions plus the first person pronoun in the discussion of the typology of motion event descriptions. 24 noninflecting coverb that occurs with the main verb. These considerations suggest that Deixis must be treated separately from Path in terms of the typology of motion event descriptions (see also Verkerk 2013 for relevant data favoring this view). 5. Conclusion In this chapter, we have argued that the semantics of venitive deictic verbs is not merely spatial but also interactional. Our video-based experiments in English, Japanese, and Thai have revealed that the venitive verbs tend to be used more often when the motion is not just toward the speaker but also into his/her space defined by limits of interaction and visibility, and that they can often be used for motion off the direction of the speaker if it is into the speaker’s space. Furthermore, venitive verbs tend to be used more often when motion is accompanied by an interactional behavior. Directional venitive PPs do not clearly have such properties. Moreover, the proposed interactional nature is essentially independent of the typology of Path coding positions. 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