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are dictated by caste. The sudra or jaba (Bln.) caste primarily speak “low Balinese” amongst
themselves, switching to “high Balinese” when they are in a temple setting or are speaking with
those of higher caste. Those who are of higher caste generally speak more prestigious variants
of the language but will often speak a less prestigious variant when amongst friends of lower
caste. This does seem to differ regionally, particularly in the Northern region where caste
designations are not adhered to as stringently.
To consider how the “culture” of Bali has been represented over the last century is,
indeed, a very large undertaking. It is a topic that could be studied over the course of an
academic lifetime and through the scope of several books and papers. Hence, this thesis
certainly could not consider every single source available. With this in mind, I have considered
scholars that are seemingly most influential to the study of Bali, and their relevance to
anthropology and to the North American reader. I anticipate that I may be able to continue this
discussion in future publications using sources and materials I was unable to use in this thesis.
I made every attempt to obtain the original sources cited wherever possible, including in cases
where the original text was not English but was translated for English readers at a later time, for
example Gregor Krause’s Bali 1912 (1922), with its original Dutch text. It was an honour to
spend so much time with a century’s worth of printed studies on Balinese history and culture.
This study will consider several stages of scholarship on Bali. First, it will consider the
earliest 20th century tourists-turned-scholars on Bali who pioneered both the scholarship and
the tourist industry itself. I refer to those writing during this period as “first wave” scholars.
These include Holland’s Gregor Krause and the Mexican-American Miguel Covarrubias, who