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The TH/EX Puzzle
Nicholas Sobin
Presented at LING50
MIT, Cambridge, MA
9-11 December, 2011
The University of Texas at El Paso
The ‘short movement’-TH/EX puzzle:
Generally, a surface subject argument is attracted by T
to Spec,TP. But in many Expletive Ss as in (1a-c), the
potential subject moves a short distance and then stops.
What explains this apparently anomalous movement?
(1) Short movement (= TH/EX) in Expletive S’s:
a. There is [vP a train arriving (*a train)]
b. There was [vP a book taken (*a book) from the shelf]
c. There was a book being (*a book) taken (*a book)
from the shelf.
=Apparent leftward iteration of TH/EX
(not legitimate TH/EX for Chomsky (2001))
d. There [vP arrived (*a train) a train]
= rightward TH/EX
(‘invisible’ extraposition) (Chomsky 2001)
Thesis
Low There Insertion, the presence of TH/EX
positions, and the ban on multiple theres
(Chomsky 2001) in expletive sentences can be
explained by viewing the EPP features of
verbalizing heads as being articulated into their
Agree and Merge components. This articulation
is lexically idiosyncratic—it is different for
different functional heads.
Some background findings
TH/EX in the syntaxRezac (2006) posits a TH/EX position in the
syntax in association with the progressive and
passive participles, and a single higher TH/EX
position when both are present. However, their
exact position, the reason(s) for their appearance,
and what motivates movement to them are open
questions.
(5) ‘There is someone laughing’
Verbs allowing There InsertionDeal (2009) argues that the functional structure of verbs is key to explaining which
verbs allow There Insertion. Only non-inchoative unaccusative vs have a basegenerated empty Spec allowing There Insertion.
Deal’s (2009: 298-302) functional analysis of verb types:
(2)
a. Unergative:
b. Transitive:
watch)
c. Inchoative:
d. Non-inchoative unaccusative:
[vP DP
[vP DP
[v Voicev √ ] ]
(e.g. laugh)
[v Voicev [√P √ DP ] ] ]
(e.g.
[vP eventc [ CAUSEv [√P √ DP ] ]] (e.g. fall)
[vP
[ v˜ [√P √ DP ] ] ] (e.g. arrive, be)
Deal’s analysis of ‘There is a train arriving’ (with two instances of v˜ ) has There
Insertion in Spec of the lower v˜ rather that the higher one for purposes of Case and ϕ
agreement between there and a train, leaving TH/EX unaccounted for:
(3) [vP (*there) ⇓ [v v˜ [Asp Aspprog [vP there ⇓ [v v˜ [√P √arrive a trainDP ] ...
(where ‘⇓’ = phase boundary; agreement may hold across one phase boundary)
None of the preceding analyses offer a precise account of TH/EX
positions, TH/EX movement, or the motivation for this movement.
Key aspects of this proposal
A. Quantifier Floating points toward an EPP feature for each v:
i. (All) the girls (all) could (all) have (all) been (all) smoking cigars.
ii. (All) the cigars (all) have (all) been (all) given out.
(6) ‘There is a train arriving’
[vP there ⇓ [v v˜ [Asp Aspprog [vP a trainDP ⇓ [v v˜ [√P √arrive <a trainDP > ...
[uTheta]AGR
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
[uD]MRG
(Here, ‘high’ [uTheta]AGR blocks ‘low’ There Insertion and multiple theres.)
EPP for Voicepass: [uTheta]AGR/MRG
([uTheta] must Agree and Merge an argument.)
(7) ‘There was someone arrested’
[vP there ⇓ [v v˜ [Pass Pass [vP someoneDP ⇓ [v VoicePass [√P √arrest <someoneDP > ...
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
[uTheta]AGR/MRG
(8) ‘There is someone being arrested’
[vP there ⇓ [v v˜ [Asp Aspprog [vP someoneDP ⇓ [v v˜ [Pass Pass [vP < someoneDP >
[uTheta]AGR
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
[uD]MRG
B. Verbalizing heads as proposed by Deal are assumed here, since they appear
successful in delimiting verbs allowing There Insertion (in IVES).
⇓ [v VoicePass [√P √arrest < someoneDP> ...
[uTheta]AGR/MRG
C. Agree holds over at most one phase boundary. (Deal 2009)
(Here too, ‘high’ [uTheta]AGR blocks ‘low’ There Insertion and multiple theres.)
D. Core Claim: Splitting EPP into Agree and Merge components (Chomsky 2000)
may not be‘general’, but lexically idiosyncratic; different functional heads may have
differing split EPP properties.
EPP for simple v (have, seem): [uD]AGR/MRG
([uD] must Agree and Merge either an argument or there.)
(9) ‘There has arrived a train’ (and not *‘There has a train arrived’)
EPP features and derivations
EPP for v˜ : [ uThetaAGR, uDMRG ]
The level of There InsertionRichards & Biberauer (2005) argue that EXPL
Insertion is ‘low’, universally limited to the Spec
of a phase head (v or C).
[vP there ⇓ [v v˜ [Asp Aspprog [vP someoneDP ⇓ [v Voicev √laugh ]]]]]]
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
[vP there ⇓ [v v [Asp Aspperf [vP <there> ⇓ [v v˜ [√P √arrive a train ]..
[uD]AGR/MRG
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
([uTheta] must Agree a true argument; [uD] may Merge an argument or there.)
Conclusion
(4) [vP there ⇓
[v v ˜
[√P √arrive [DP a train ] ] ] ]
[uTheta]AGR
[uD]MRG
‘There arrived a train’
‘Short movement-TH/EX’ occurs when a ‘lower’ v˜ both Agrees and Merges an
argument so that a higher v˜ can locally satisfy it’s [uTheta] feature while Merging
there. Multiple theres are blocked, since once there is inserted, it can only undergo
Agree with a head which will also Merge it.