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Second Floor: Building the Lone Star Identity
Chapter 1: Building the Lone Star Identity
The Lone Star is the symbol of Texas
It is the mark of an identity earned by generations of Texans who have committed their lives to
this place.
From 1836, when a single star was chosen for the flag of a newly independent Republic of
Texas, to the Texas Centennial in 1936, the Lone Star was forged as the symbol of the shared
heritage that marks who we are as a people, who the land has made us, and who we will
become.
A Growing Sense of Separateness
1821
"The Mexican nation offers to foreigners, who come to establish themselves within its territory, security
for their persons and property, provided, they subject themselves to the laws of the country." The
National Colonization Law, August 18, 1824
Tejas was part of Mexico. That year, the Mexican government agreed to allow immigrants
from the United States to settle in Tejas and help develop the region through farming,
ranching, and trade.
Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821 but the struggle had left its economy in
shambles. It also put Tejas at risk of being annexed by the United States. By inviting settlers
from the U.S., Mexico hoped to stabilize the situation. Stephen F. Austin, immigration agent
for the Mexican government, began settling the first families in 1822. As a condition for entry
and Mexican citizenship, immigrants had to take an oath to abide by Mexican laws and adopt
the Catholic faith. Many Tejanos, people of Mexican ancestry living in Tejas, cautiously
welcomed the Anglos. Their province was isolated and sparsely populated, and they hoped
the newcomers would help bring prosperity to the region.
Mid-1820s
"The Anglo-American colonists…absolutely refuse to be subordinate, unless they find it convenient to
what they want anyway…[they] practice their own laws…forgetting the ones they have sworn to
obey…." Rafael Antonio Manchola, Commander, Presidio of La Bahía (Goliad), 1826
Mexico began having second thoughts about its policy of welcoming settlers from the United
States. Few of the self-reliant newcomers took conditions for settlement seriously. Most
continued to follow the customs and legal practices they had brought with them from the
American South.
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Troubling incidents kept recurring. Squatters from the U.S. illegally took land in eastern Tejas,
ignoring procedures required by Mexican law. Tejano officials complained that the
government should do more to protect the borders of Tejas. In 1826, empressario Haden
Edwards demanded payment from the long-time residents who lacked land titles. When
Tejanos and Anglos protested, Edwards launched a revolt, proclaiming an independent
Republic of Fredonia. Although local militia and Mexican army units drove out the rebels, the
incident raised Mexican suspicions that the United States wanted to annex Tejas.
1824
"I have no money, but I am not hungry. And were I hungry I would not ask for help from my Province
[Tejas], for she is more fit to receive help than to give it." Erasmo Seguín, 1824, from Mexico City
Stephen F. Austin and his colonists learned what Tejano leaders Erasmo Seguín and José
Antonio Navarro already knew: the Mexican government, nearly bankrupt and preoccupied
with political unrest in Mexico City, had few resources to support or protect its citizens living
in Tejas.
In 1824, the national government held a convention to adopt a new constitution. Tejas was
represented by Erasmo Seguín, whose trip to Mexico was paid for in part by corn contributed
by Austin Colony farmers. The resulting constitution specified an elected president and
legislative bodies. Anglos and Tejanos alike hoped it would provide them with a greater voice
in their own government. But the new constitution combined Tejas with the state of Coahuila
to form Coahuila y Tejas. Saltillo, a distant 500 miles from the Austin Colony, was later named
its capital. Citizens of Tejas believed they had lost, not gained, representation.
1827-1829
"I swore, I would remain firm to this [Mexican] Government so long as it stands and will lose my life
sooner than betray…my oath as a citizen." Stephen F. Austin, 1829
The government of Coahuila y Tejas pro-hibited settlers from bringing enslaved African
Americans into the state after 1827. The national government abolished slavery throughout
Mexico in 1829, although it exempted slaveholders already in Tejas.
These policies threatened new settlers coming from the American South, many of whom were
slaveholders. Stephen F. Austin remained loyal to Mexico while negotiating with the
government in Mexico City to acquire what he claimed was fair and equal treatment for his
settlers. He helped obtain a new law that bypassed prohibitions on slavery by allowing
enslaved African Americans to be brought into Tejas under "labor contracts." But other, more
radical voices were speaking out. Many newcomers began agitating for control over their own
affairs.
1830
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"This law was sufficient to goad us on to madness, in as much as it blasted all our hopes, and…showed
to us that we were to remain scattered, and isolated, and unhappy tenants [of Mexico]." William H.
Wharton October 3, 1832, Convention of Delegates at San Felipe
Mexico banned further immigration from the U.S. by the Law of April 6, 1830. Texans saw the
law as a death sentence for their survival and prosperity.
The law was a response to recommendations made by Manuel de Mier y Terán, sent by the
government to survey Tejas in 1828 and 1829. His report was disturbing to Mexico: Texans and
some Tejanos were allying themselves with the United States, even while more Anglo
Americans were flooding into the province. Outraged by the law, Anglo Texans held
conventions in 1832 and 1833, calling for its repeal. The ayuntamientos (town councils) of San
Antonio and Goliad also protested the measure. The conventions became a forum for
newcomers Sam Houston, William Wharton, and others who wanted bolder action and
demanded that Tejas become a state separate from Coahuila.
1833-34
"…nothing could be expected from Santa Anna but…the deathof our liberties. It is better to let Texas be
reduced to ashes than to live in slavery under a despotic government." José Antonio Navarro, 1834
Stephen F. Austin traveled to Mexico in 1833 to present the Texans' petitions for separate
statehood and repeal of the Law of 1830. He was accused of being a traitor by the Mexican
government and arrested.
Austin had high hopes for success when he began his journey. Mexico had a new president,
Antonio López de Santa Anna, who might give Tejas more autonomy. Although Austin
obtained some of the reforms he sought, the petition for separate statehood for Tejas was
denied. Austin wrote a letter to the town council of Béxar in late 1833, recommending they join
with other towns and organize a local government. By Mexican law, this was treason. The
council sent the letter to Mexican officials who declared Austin a traitor and arrested him in
Saltillo.
From a Jail in Mexico City
Stephen F. Austin was jailed in Mexico City from January through December 1834. "Cell No.
15" in El Palacio de la Inquisición was one of the places where Austin was imprisoned. He was
released after almost a year in confinement, but was not allowed to leave Mexico City for
another six months.
Mexico's View
An Insurrection in Tejas
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Mexico, like Spain before it, was suspicious and apprehensive about United States intentions
toward the region. Mexico's territories, including Tejas and present-day New Mexico,
Arizona, and California, lay in the path of U.S. westward expansion. Mexico feared Anglo
settlers would support a U.S. takeover of Tejas.
In 1834, Mexican President Santa Anna began consolidating his power over the government.
Ignoring the Mexican Constitution of 1824, he dissolved Congress and the state legislatures,
transforming the states into military departments. He crushed revolts in two other Mexican
states and prepared to quiet the rebellious Anglo Americans and Tejanos in Tejas.
Texas's View
A Separate Identity
By 1833, newcomers arriving in Texas often came alone without the assistance of agents such
as Stephen F. Austin. Men like Sam Houston and William Travis were independent-minded
and impatient with Mexico's inability to provide adequate resources and defense of the Texas
frontier. Others, like David Burnet, wanted to sever Texas from Coahuila. Most Texans became
accustomed to taking matters into their own hands, including organizing their own militia
units.
Tejanos also organized to declare their rights. Young leaders including Juan Seguín and
Ambrosio Rodríguez held their own conventions in 1832 and 1833, compiling a long list of
grievances against the national government. They saw the Law of 1830 which prevented
"capitalistas norte-americanos" from moving into Texas as a threat to trade and prosperity.
Protesting "Basta ya" ("Enough"), many Tejanos joined Anglos in believing that ties to
Coahuila threatened their ambitions and well-being.
America's View
Debate over Annexation
Many in the United States looked on Texas as a logical extension of America's "destiny" to
expand to the Pacific coast. Expansionists, notably President Andrew Jackson, wanted Texas in
the Union. Others, led by northern Congressman John Quincy Adams, opposed the idea,
fearing slaveholders in Texas would upset the balance of "slave" and "free" states in the U. S.
Congress. The debate became increasingly heated, fueled by Jackson who was determined to
acquire Texas by any means short of armed force. Abolitionists, those opposed to slavery,
managed to stall his efforts even while many Texans became convinced they had to separate
from Mexico.
Chapter 2: The Road the Independence
The Road to Revolution
1835-1836
"All goes well and glorious for Texas—the whole country is in arms and moved by one spirit…no
halfway measures now—war in full."
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Stephen F. Austin, 1835
1835
Texans learned that Santa Anna had abolished the Constitution of 1824 and centralized
authority in Mexico City. It became clear to many in Texas that the only road to travel now
was one of revolution. Most Texans understood the choice they were making and the
enormous odds against them—including a standing Mexican army that had far more men and
resources than their own poorly equipped volunteer militias. Although the outcome was far
from certain, Texans were willing to risk all to protect their rights—willing to take up arms
against Mexico and to fight.
October 2, 1835
The first shots of the Texas revolution were heard at Gonzales as the war began over one small
cannon. Mexican soldiers had arrived in September on a routine mission to reclaim a
government-issued cannon loaned to settlers for protection against the Indians. The colonists
refused to give it back. In October, the Mexicans sent a larger force. They were met with a
defiant "come and take it" as citizens led by John Henry Moore fired at the troops. The
Mexican soldiers withdrew. The following month Texans hauled the cannon to San Antonio to
serve the newly founded "army of the people."
Making a Stand
Tensions between Texans and Mexican garrisons had started to mount as early as 1832 in a
series of minor skirmishes at Anahuac, Velasco, Nacogdoches, and Tenoxtitlán. But in the
summer of 1835, another confrontation in Anahuac signaled what was to come. Mexican
troops attempting to collect customs duties were driven out by volunteers organized by local
attorney William B. Travis.
In response, a furious Santa Anna sent Gen. Martín Perfecto de Cos to Texas. Cos set up his
headquarters in San Antonio, declaring his mission was to end any resistance. Over 300
Mexican troops now occupied the largest town in Texas.
An Alarm Goes Out
October 1835
With Mexican troops stationed in San Antonio de Béxar and rumors of Santa Anna’s alleged
military brutality beginning to spread, the stage was set for a rebellion. What had begun in
1821 as a mutually beneficial relationship between Mexico and settlers from the United States
was about to become hostile. Ironically, the defensive arms Mexico had provided the settlers
as part of that relationship would be turned against them as tensions between Mexico and
Texas escalated into war.
Armed Volunteers Assemble
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Autumn 1835
A call went out for volunteers to form an Army of the People. The volunteers formed
themselves into units and then democratically elected their officers, a method or organization
that caused many problems throughout the revolution. Stephen F. Austin was elected
commander-in-chief, a position he held for roughly a month before being dispatched on a
diplomatic mission to the United States. About 3,700 men (nearly 1,500 recruited from the
United States) joined the volunteer army between October 1835 and April 1836. The men were
untrained and unruly, but their zeal provided the basis for the revolutionary army.
Texans Form a Government
November 1835
A delegation of 58 men met at a Consultation in San Felipe de Austin to discuss growing
concerns against Mexican rule and form a plan of action. The group adopted the Declaration of
the People of Texas to announce their loyalty to the 1824 Mexican Constitution and their
resistance to Santa Anna’s policies. They decided to form a provisional Texas government until
they could reach an agreement with Mexico. Branch T. Archer, William H. Wharton, and
Stephen F. Austin were sent to the United States to seek money, men, supplies, and sympathy.
Another convention was called for the following March.
The Texas Army Organizes
November 1835
The Consultation adopted a plan for the creation of a regular army, separate from the
volunteer Army of the People. The regular army was to consist of 1,120 men organized into
regiments modeled after the U.S. Army. Sam Houston was named commander in chief, but
did not have authority over the volunteer army, who had elected Edward Burleson to be their
commander. Houston’s passionate, “Let the brave rally to our standard!” was a call to join the
regular army he still had to form. Houston was not given command over all forces, regular
and volunteer, until the Convention in March 1836.
Battle of Béxar
December 5-9, 1835
Mexican troops in San Antonio under Gen. Martín Perfecto de Cos faced a two-month standoff
against Texas volunteers camped outside Béxar (San Antonio). By December, the growing
number of volunteers included Edward Burleson, Erastus (Deaf) Smith, James Neill, James
Bowie, James Fannin, and Juan Seguín. Rallied by Benjamin Milam and William Cooke, they
attacked the town. After five days of bloody house-to-house fighting, the Mexican troops
surrendered, leaving San Antonio in the Texans' control. Although Milam and thirty others
died in battle, jubilant Texans were encouraged by their victory.
Independence is Declared
March 2, 1836
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Fifty-nine delegates from East and Central Texas gathered at Washington on the Brazos River.
The convention confirmed Sam Houston as commander-in-chief of the revolutionary army.
When news arrived that Santa Anna had two armies of 6,000 troops marching on San Antonio
and Goliad, delegates worked quickly. They passed a Declaration of Independence on March
2, adopted a Constitution of the Republic of Texas on March 17, elected David G. Burnet as
interim president and Lorenzo de Zavala as interim vice president, and then hastily evacuated
the town to escape Santa Anna's advancing army.
Siege of the Alamo
February-March 1836
As Santa Anna's army of several thousand troops approached San Antonio, Texans under
William B. Travis and James Bowie fortified the Alamo, vowing to defend it at all costs.
Reinforced by David Crockett and other volunteers from the United States, the Texan force
only numbered about 250. They held out for thirteen days, until March 6, when the Mexican
army stormed the complex at dawn. The entire Texas garrison was killed. Official lists of those
killed cite 189 Texans, but recent research brings the final tally closer to 250.
Massacre at Goliad
March 27, 1836
In the spring, fighting escalated around Victoria, Refugio, and Goliad. Mexican Gen. José de
Urrea defeated Col. James W. Fannin, Jr., and an army of about 300 Texans in a battle near
Coleto Creek on March 20. Fannin's army surrendered and was marched to Goliad. On March
22, Texans led by William Ward were also captured and imprisoned at Goliad. Santa Anna
ordered all of the captured Texans executed. On Palm Sunday, more than 400 were shot. Only
a few escaped or were spared. The tragedies at the Alamo and Goliad gave new resolve to
Texans who vowed to avenge those who had died.
Civilians Flee
March 1836
As news of the fall of the Alamo spread, thousands of terrified settlers abandoned their homes
and ran from the threat of the Mexican army toward Louisiana. The retreat became known as
the Runaway Scrape. At Lynch's Ferry at the mouth of the San Jacinto River, more than 5,000
people waited to cross the rain-swollen river, their belongings loaded into wagons, ox carts, or
sleds. The government also fled, moving from Washington to Galveston, where it narrowly
escaped capture by Mexican troops.
Victory at San Jacinto
April 21, 1836
Sam Houston's army fell back to the marshes of Buffalo Bayou on the San Jacinto River, terrain
suited to their style of frontier warfare. About 1,200 Mexican troops under Santa Anna and
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Martín Perfecto de Cos followed, expecting an easy victory over Houston's 910 men. On April
21, the Texans caught the Mexican camp by surprise. They attacked shouting "Remember the
Alamo" and "Remember Goliad." The battle lasted only eighteen minutes, ending in a
resounding victory for the Texans. Over 600 Mexicans were killed and 730 taken prisoner.
Only nine Texans were killed and thirty, including Houston, wounded.
The Capture of Santa Anna
April 1836
The battle of San Jacinto was over quickly, but the killing went on for hours as victorious
Texans took their revenge for the Alamo and Goliad. Hundreds of Mexican soldiers were
taken prisoner. Santa Anna was captured the day after the battle on April 22. A wounded Sam
Houston accepted Santa Anna's surrender, witnessed by other Texas heroes of the battle
including Erastus (Deaf) Smith, Thomas J. Rusk, and Mirabeau B. Lamar.
The Republic of Texas is Born
Summer 1836
The Texas Constitution clearly outlined a system of government based on that of the United
States, including three main branches (executive, legislative, and judicial), assured civil rights,
and a democratic voting system. Due to the approaching Mexican army, the Convention of
1836 aimed to complete this document quickly at the beginning of March. Instead of
attempting to hold elections during this turbulent and transitory time, the Convention set up
an ad interim (temporary) government to serve until regular elections could be held. Ad
interim president Judge David G. Burnet spent much of his seven-month term keeping one
step ahead of Santa Anna’s army with important documents (including the Constitution) in his
saddlebags. The government moved from Washington to Harrisburg to Galveston as word
was received of Mexican military maneuvers.
Chapter 3: The Republic of Texas and Early Statehood
The Republic of Texas 1836-1845
Independence celebrations were tempered by immediate problems. In late 1836, the Texas
Congress declared the Rio Grande to be the southern and western boundaries of the Republic.
But the Mexican Congress still considered Texas a province in revolt, refused to recognize its
independence, and threatened to continue the war. Within Texas, communications were poor,
there were few roads, and no regular mail system. The Republic was deeply in debt. Hard
decisions lay ahead.
The population in the Republic grew after the Revolution. Nine out of ten new settlers came
from the United States. These Texans eagerly voted for annexation to the United States in the
first election held in September. The U.S. did not welcome the vote and refused to admit Texas
to the Union, believing another state of slaveholders would upset the uneasy balance of "slave"
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and "free" states in Congress. Texans had no choice but to go it alone. Their course would be
charted by two of the Republic's presidents.
Mirabeau B. Lamar, President 1838-1841
Lamar scorned statehood, believing Texas should remain independent, become a great empire,
and expand to the Pacific Ocean. The policies and programs of his administration became
increasingly aggressive. On many important issues he reversed Sam Houston's decisions. After
he was out of office, however, he too supported statehood, primarily to protect the right of
Texans to own slaves.
Sam Houston President 1836-1838 and 1841-1844
Houston was overwhelmingly elected the first president of the Republic. He strongly believed
that annexation to the United States was necessary for Texas to survive. That goal shaped
every aspect of his policies and programs. He took the conservative course on most issues,
determined to safeguard Texas until he could deliver it to the Union.
Who Will Recognize Us as a Nation?
In March 1837, U.S. President Andrew Jackson officially recognized the Republic of Texas. Sam
Houston sought diplomatic recognition from other nations, particularly Great Britain. He
knew that the United States government feared an alliance between Texas and Britain that
would block U.S. expansion across the continent. Houston hoped that the U.S. would invite
Texas into the Union to prevent such a possibility.
Mirabeau Lamar also sought diplomatic recognition for the Republic to promote his vision of
Texas as a great empire—the equal of the United States and Mexico in North America. His
view was supported by others such as Anson Jones. A member of the Republic Congress,
Jones believed by 1838 that Texas had grown in strength and resources and no longer needed
ties to the United States. By 1841, at the beginning of Houston's second term, Britain, France,
and the Netherlands had also recognized the Republic of Texas.
How Will We Secure Our Borders?
Texan fears that the Mexican army might attack again were realized during Houston's second
term when the Mexican government launched three raids, twice occupying San Antonio in
1842. Houston authorized an expedition under Alexander Somervell to retaliate by invading
Mexico. Somervell captured Laredo and Guerrero but then ordered a withdrawal. Over 300
Texans, refusing to return home, raided Mier. Captured and imprisoned, the Texans attempted
to escape in 1843. To determine their punishment, the men were ordered to draw beans. Those
who drew black—one in ten—were executed. Santa Anna released the remaining few in 1844.
To protect its supply lines to New Orleans, the Republic of Texas purchased several schooners
to serve as the Texas navy. Mirabeau Lamar used the tiny fleet to patrol the coast and sent it to
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assist the state of Yucatán in its rebellion against Mexico. In 1841, Lamar also supported an
expedition to claim New Mexico as Texas territory. The men were captured and imprisoned in
Mexico until 1842. Houston dispatched another force to Santa Fe in 1843 to claim the upper Rio
Grande for Texas, but the U.S. army intervened and returned the men to Texas.
Can We Share the Land with Native Americans?
During the Republic period, Indian peoples became increasingly threatened by the line of
settlement moving steadily westward. Sam Houston and Mirabeau Lamar held profoundly
different views about how to reconcile the claims of the two sides. Houston had lived among
the Cherokee as a young man and for a time was married to an Indian woman. He was
sympathetic to the Indians’ plight and negotiated treaties with various tribes. He tried to keep
military units out of Indian territory to avoid further conflict. Few Texas settlers shared his
views.
Lamar responded with removal and force. Convinced that the Cherokee in East Texas were
forming alliances with Mexico, he ignored promises Houston had made to them and denied
they had legal claims to their land. In 1841, the Cherokee and several other tribes were forced
out of Texas. Lamar authorized ranger units to invade Comanche country and recommended
the building of military posts to protect settlements. During his term, hostilities between
Texans and Plains Indians escalated as both sides increased raids and counter-raids.
How Will We Pay Our Debts?
The new Republic was burdened by huge debts from the war and had almost no sources of
income or credit. In 1837, Sam Houston reported to Congress that the government's income for
the past eight months was $500. Its debt was over $1.2 million. To raise funds, he established
custom houses to collect tariffs at the port of Galveston. To save money, Houston disbanded
the standing army in favor of smaller militia and ranger units. During his second term, he
withheld all appropriations made by Congress to the Texas navy, and, in 1843, put the entire
fleet up for sale. Despite his efforts, the Republic's debt grew.
Mirabeau Lamar's vision for Texas included banks, roads, and an army. He asked Congress to
set aside land to endow public schools and two universities. He aggressively asked for
funding for his programs. His administration issued some $3 million in paper money and the
debt continued to climb. By 1845, Texas money had become almost worthless, valued at about
three cents on the dollar. The Republic was $12 million in debt.
How Will We Manage Our Land?
The Republic's main resource was land, over 251 million acres held by the government. During
Sam Houston's first term, the legislature approved a program to give acres away to settlers so
that the land could be taxed to raise income. A family received 1,280 acres, a single man 640.
The government also issued "land scrip," paper currency that could be redeemed for land.
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Problems in the Land Office and forgeries plagued the sale of scrip, and Houston temporarily
closed the Land Office over the protests of Congress.
Mirabeau Lamar was even more aggressive in encouraging new settlement. He introduced
several policies built on earlier Spanish and Mexican laws including an education act to
provide public lands to support schools. A homestead act protected farms from being seized
for debt. Lamar also reinstated the empresario system. In 1841, settlers from the Ohio Valley
received a grant to establish the Peters Colony on the Red River. The Mercer Colony between
the Brazos and Sabine rivers, a colony of French immigrants at Castroville, and another
German colony at New Braunfels all contributed to the growing diversity of people who
would be Texans.
Who Can Be Citizens of the Republic?
In 1836, the population of Texas was roughly 30,000 Anglo Americans; 3,500 Tejanos; 14,200
Indians; 5,000 enslaved African Americans; and a small number of free blacks. Sam Houston
and Mirabeau Lamar, opponents on almost every issue of the day, agreed on this one subject:
only male members of the first two groups could become citizens of Texas. The Constitution of
1836 forbade free blacks to remain in Texas, although the legislature could grant exemptions.
This meant that men such as Samuel McCulloch, Jr., a free black who had fought for
independence and was wounded at Goliad in 1835, did not qualify to be a citizen.
Tejanos found life in Texas increasingly difficult. Despite the service of Juan Seguín, Lorenzo
de Zavala, and others during the revolution, newly-arrived Anglos were suspicious of anyone
of Mexican ancestry. When the Mexican army invaded San Antonio in 1842, attitudes
hardened, forcing many Tejanos to flee to Mexico. Among them was Juan Seguín. This former
captain in the Texas army, mayor of San Antonio, senator in the Republic Congress, and
staunch supporter of the Texas cause was falsely accused of aiding the attack on his city. Other
Tejanos who stayed, such as José Antonio Navarro, had to endure increasing prejudice in their
own country.
Where Will Our Capital Be?
In 1836, the new Congress accepted an offer from the Allen brothers, two land speculators, to
locate the Republic's capital on an undeveloped site they owned about fifty miles upriver from
Galveston. It was named Houston in honor of the president. It was also hot, humid, swampy,
and plagued by insects and fevers, but it attracted settlers and developers.
When Sam Houston left office, his successor Mirabeau Lamar convinced Congress to move the
capital farther inland to support westward expansion. In 1839, the Republic acquired land near
the town of Waterloo on the Colorado River, renamed it Austin, and declared it would be the
permanent capital city. Construction began almost immediately on government buildings,
hotels, businesses, and homes. The legislature moved temporarily to other towns between 1842
and 1845, but Austin remained the capital of Texas.
Vote for Annexation or Empire
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In 1844, Sam Houston saw another opportunity to win statehood for Texas. He played on U.S.
fears that Texas might form an alliance with Great Britain. U.S. President John Tyler responded
by submitting a treaty of annexation to the Senate. The draft was rejected, but the statehood
issue and worries about British influence in Texas remained powerful. James K. Polk, a strong
supporter of annexation, won the presidential election in 1844. As one of his last acts before
leaving office, Tyler again proposed annexation, but this time by a joint resolution of Congress.
By a simple majority vote, Congress agreed to bring Texas into the Union.
By now, even Mirabeau Lamar had decided that his dream of an independent empire had to
be abandoned in favor of security in the Union. On July 4, 1845, the Texas Congress voted for
annexation. Citizens confirmed the vote in October and approved a new state constitution by a
margin of more than 15 to 1. Anson Jones, the last president of the Republic, lowered the Texas
flag at the capitol on February 19, 1846. "The final act in this great drama is now performed,"
he said. "The Republic of Texas is no more."
A Nation Becomes a State
1845-1860
"Thank God we are now annexed to the United States and can hope for home and quiet." Mary
Maverick, 1846
Annexation to the United States in late 1845 ushered in an era of optimism for the future of
Texas. Yet, tensions surrounding the issue of slavery and a potential war with Mexico clouded
a period of expanded economic opportunities and increasing immigration to the state.
Texas gradually sold or gave away millions of public acres to immigrants, the railroads, and
developers to encourage settlement, to fund education, roads, or other public improvements
and pay off debts. By 1860, almost 3/4 of the Texas population had been born outside of the
state. Most were from the American South.
The U.S. Goes to War over Texas
"Mexico has invaded our territory…[and] shed American blood on American soil." U.S. President
James K. Polk to Congress, May 11, 1846
After Texas joined the Union, the Mexican government still refused to acknowledge the Rio
Grande as the border between its nation and Texas. U.S. President James K. Polk was
frustrated with the ten-year old dispute by the spring of 1846. Apparently seeking to force
negotiations or to provoke an incident, Polk ordered Gen. Zachary Taylor's army stationed at
Corpus Christi to advance to the Rio Grande. In April, Mexican troops crossed the river and
attacked a U.S. patrol. In May, Polk asked Congress to declare war. The conflict lasted two
years.
The Course of War
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By the end of 1846, Zachary Taylor’s army had won battled at Palo Alto and Resaca de la
Palma, near Brownsville, and at Monterrey, Mexico. Outnumbered three to one, Taylor’s
forces made a dramatic victory during the February 1847 Battle of Buena Vista, near Saltillo.
Meanwhile, other U.S. army troops had captured the Mexican provinces of New Mexico and
California.
Eager to settle matters with Mexico, more than 5,000 Texans rushed to reinforce the U.S. Army.
A unit of Texas Mounted Rifles led by John Coffee Hays played a significant role in storming
Monterrey. At Buena Vista, reconnaissance by Benjamin McCulloch’s spy company helped
secure victory.
When neither these successes nor U.S. diplomatic efforts brought peace, President James K.
Polk sent Gen. Winfield Scott to invade Mexico at Veracruz. Marching inland, Scott’s troops
won the battle of Cerro Gordo and then marched on to Mexico City. After several battled
around the city, Scott entered the capital in mid September 1847. However, the U.S. had to
wait unit February 1848, after a new government formed in Mexico, to complete a peace
agreement.
Settling the Border
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed in 1848, ended the war between the U.S. and
Mexico. The treaty defined the Rio Grande as the border between Texas and Mexico up to
where it struck the southern boundary of New Mexico. Most importantly, Mexico gave up
claims to Texas as one of its territories.
The treaty had a direct effect on Mexican families north of the Rio Grande who were given the
choice of staying in Texas or moving south of the river if they wanted to remain citizens of
Mexico. Many families who stayed on the north bank had been there for generations but had
no written documentation of their Spanish and Mexican land grants. The task of establishing
land rights in South Texas fell to the Texas legislature and courts. By 1852, family claims began
to be confirmed, but in the decades that followed, the Hispanic rancheros continued to face
challenges to their land ownership from Anglo-American ranchers.
How Did Slavery Shape Texas?
After the U.S.-Mexican War, the southern boundary of Texas was set at the Rio Grande.
However, Texas claimed that its western border also lay along the Rio Grande, territory that
included much of New Mexico. Texas was a slave state, but most people in New Mexico
opposed slavery and wanted to be a separate, free state. After the 1819 Adams-Onis Treaty
between New Spain and the U.S., the province of Tejas (later Texas) had claimed land all the
way north to the Arkansas River. When Texas became a U.S. state in 1845, in was then in
violation of the 1820 Missouri Compromise that limited slave states to territory south of the
36˚30’ latitude.
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In the Compromise of 1850, Texas agreed to give up its claims to New Mexico and all land
north of the 36˚30’ latitude in exchange for federal debt relief.
San Antonio: Shaping the Texas Identity
"The town seemed much changed since 1842; many strangers had settled here and immigrants were
arriving daily...." Mary Maverick, 1847
During the 1840s and 1850s, established towns grew and new towns began to develop across
Texas. San Antonio, once the capital of Spanish Texas, remained the new state's social, cultural,
and commercial center. The architecture of missions, churches, and homes was the most
visible evidence of its Spanish and Mexican heritage. But San Antonio, like all of Texas, was
changing. Immigrants from the United States and Europe soon outnumbered the Tejano
population; by 1860, only about a third of San Antonio residents were of Hispanic ancestry.
San Antonio
"[San Antonio is] a jumble of races, costumes, languages and buildings...." Frederick Law Olmsted, a
traveler in Texas, 1854
Imagine the noise and dust of a 100-mule wagon train heading west, the clatter of a stagecoach
bringing mail from the east, or a troupe of traveling musicians staging a parade. These were
routine sights and sounds in San Antonio in the 1850s. At the crossroads between established
communities on the coast, remote outposts to the west, and Mexico to the south, San Antonio
was a primary destination for traders and immigrants.
The town drew land speculators, merchants, craftsmen, lawyers, shopkeepers, and teamsters.
Anglos and Germans joined the Tejano families who had lived there for several generations,
and by 1860 town residents numbered over 8,000.
The Tejanos
"... treat with more respect this race of men who, as the legitimate proprietors of this land, lost it... [to
those] who now enjoy the land in the midst of peace and plenty." José Antonio Navarro, 1857
Tejano families, overwhelmed by the number of newcomers, struggled to maintain their
customs, their land, and a voice in the new state government. José Antonio Navarro became a
spokesman for the long-time residents. In his youth, he had worked for the rights of Tejanos as
citizens of Mexico. He was one of the first Tejanos to welcome Stephen F. Austin to Texas, had
signed the Texas Declaration of Independence, and had served in Congress during the
Republic. He played a crucial role in preserving the citizenship rights of Tejanos during the
drafting of the state Constitution of 1845. Now, confronted by the harsh reality that many
Anglo Texans held Tejanos in contempt after the war with Mexico, he remained a passionate
advocate for Tejanos in Texas.
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The Anglos
"San Antonio is a Mexican town but [is] rapidly becoming yankeeized...." Seth Eastman, 1849
Sam Maverick had arrived in San Antonio in 1835 before the siege of Béxar and was a delegate
to the convention that declared Texas independence. He brought his wife Mary and their first
child to San Antonio in 1838. Sam began to build his fortune on legal work, land speculation,
investments in a company manufacturing cotton goods, ranching, and attempts to build a
railroad to the Gulf Coast. He was active in politics, serving as mayor of San Antonio, as a
member of the city council, and as a representative in the state legislature. The Mavericks
eventually had nine more children, yet Mary found time to write detailed diaries and letters
about her life. Her vivid observations are invaluable records of early Texas.
The Germans
"Texas is now the place where you can make money.... On account of the huge immigration from
Germany, England, and the other states, carpenters and cabinetmakers are paid $3.00 and $4.00 per
day." Karl Hilmar Guenther, San Antonio, 1851
The number of Germans living in San Antonio grew steadily to over 3,000 or about one-third
of the population by 1856. The German community had its own newspapers, churches, and a
popular theater called the Casino Club. John Conrad Beckmann and his family arrived in 1846.
Beckmann had been trained as a cabinetmaker and wrought iron craftsman in Germany. His
skills were much sought after by the U.S. army, which was using the Alamo in San Antonio as
a storehouse for military supplies. Beckmann built a house adjoining the Alamo and set to
work as a blacksmith. The Guenthers, who relocated from Fredericksburg, built the first flour
mill in San Antonio in 1859.
"A Land Flowing With Milk and Honey"
"[Texas] is not a paradise, but it is a country where the poor man can easily obtain land.... Texas is the
finest State in the Union...a ‘land flowing with milk and honey'...."Jacob De Cordova, 1858
The sale of land was a booming business after annexation. Men such as Jacob De Cordova,
Henry Castro, and W. S. Peters were among the new state's most energetic land agents. They
acquired acres on speculation and turned a profit by selling the tracts to newcomers from the
United States or Europe. Several, particularly De Cordova, also became ardent promoters of
Texas. Through travelers' guides and published advice to immigrants, they depicted Texas as a
land of endless opportunities. Thousands of settlers heard the call. By 1860, the population was
over 600,000, triple the number only ten years earlier.
A Desire for Freedom
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“Sometimes someone would come along and try to get us to run up North and be free. We used to laugh
at that. There was no reason to run up north. All we had to do was walk but walk south, and we’d be
free as soon as we crossed the Rio Grande.” Felix Haywood, former slave
Many slaves obeyed their master’s orders simply to protect themselves and their families from
physical violence or increased mental abuse. Some slaves rebelled through subtle acts of
passive resistance. For others, slavery was intolerable and they were compelled to attempt
escape. The proximity of Texas to Mexico increased slave owners’ fears of escape attempts and
committees were formed to patrol for runaways. Those that were caught often suffered greatly
for their “disobedience.”
Enduring Servitude
“On the cold winter nights, I sat many a time spinning with two threads, one in each hand and my feet
on the wheel and the baby sleeping in my lap.” Silvia King, former slave
Although their working conditions gave them little free time, many slaves used small
gatherings, religious services and music to create a sense of community. As well, some slaves
were able to apply their skills in sewing, metalwork, and other crafts to trade with other
slaves. These activities provided some respite from their condition, but the desire for freedom
was always present.
A Community of Slavery
“We worked every day except Sunday and had to do our washing then. If somebody got sick week days,
he had to work un Sunday to make it up. When we came in at night, we had to go right to bed. They
didn’t allow any light in the quarters, and you better be in bed if you didn’t want a whipping.” Adeline
Marshall, former slave
Enslaved life was physically demanding, emotionally wrenching, and mentally exhausting.
Slaves worked in a variety of ways including producing cotton and other crops, taking care of
animals and handling home chores such as caring for children, cooking, cleaning and other
tasks.
At all times, their lives were scheduled subject to the whims of their masters. Many slaves
worked from sunrise to sunset, six day a week. Additionally, although slaves were considered
valuable property, they often suffered ill treatment at their owner’s hands.
Galveston: Shaping the Texas Identity
"The majority of the inhabitants are Americans, coming from all States of the Union. The social customs
and habits of living, however, conform to those of the South." Ferdinand Roemer, Roemer's Texas, 1847
Cotton shaped Galveston as the fortunes of its merchants and businessmen—and the Texas
economy—grew out of the cotton trade. Galveston far outpaced other Texas communities in
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the race to export cotton and import goods. It serviced the outlying farms as the port from
which shiploads of Texas cotton, sugar, molasses, cattle, hides, and pecans sailed for markets
in New York, New Orleans, and Great Britain. In return, household furnishings, fashionable
clothing, and construction materials crossed its wharves.
Growing on the Cotton Boom
"For the past few years, the mass of our immigration has been composed of heavy slave owners, seeking
more and better land than they possess in the old States." Texas Almanac, 1857
Galveston was a port of entry for thousands of Europeans, mostly German and Jewish
immigrants, and families from other southern states. The Texas Almanac printed in town,
helped newcomers become acquainted with the state. By 1860, Galveston's population had
grown from fewer than 100 residents in 1840 to over 6,000, including shippers, dock workers,
merchants, custom brokers, hotel owners, dealers in the slave market, and a fair share of
"hoodlums and adventurers."
White Gold
"The increase in wealth, in Texas, has been much more marked than in population.... the value of
property rendered for taxation has more than doubled in five years...." Texas Almanac, 1857
Galveston, generating millions of dollars in exports and imports through the cotton trade,
helped build Texas fortunes. To merchant banker Samuel May Williams, former secretary of
the Austin Colony, and planter families such as the Groces, cotton was "white gold." Williams
helped found the Commerce and Agricultural Bank, the only chartered bank in Texas before
1861. Other financial agents, money lenders, and businessmen prospered, showcasing their
wealth in elegant homes and furnishings.
Chapter 4: Civil War to Centennial
Our Destiny is with the South 1861-1865
"The controlling majority of the Federal Government means to destroy the institutions of Texas and her
sister slaveholding States….Texas has no alternative but to unite her destinies with the South."
Delegates of the people of Texas in Convention, February 2, 1861
During the 1850s, the political views of Texans had become increasingly allied with those of
other southerners. The number of people owning enslaved African Americans had grown in
proportion to the thousands of immigrants from the Deep South. Most Texans were keenly
aware of the bitter debate between northern and southern states over states' rights and slavery.
They concluded that slavery was essential to the survival of the Texas economy and to their
personal prosperity.
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Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States in late 1860 on a platform
opposing expansion of slavery in the West. Many southerners, including Texans, saw Lincoln's
election as a direct threat to their liberties. Even those who did not own slaves concluded that
their right to do so was more important than preserving the Union.
Governor Sam Houston: A Voice against Secession
After Lincoln's election, secessionists in Texas demanded that Houston call a convention to
vote upon the issue. Houston stalled, hoping the fury would pass, but the state legislature
endorsed the convention without waiting for his approval. Houston argued passionately to
keep Texas in the Union, but the vote to secede was overwhelming. In March 1861, he refused
to take an oath of loyalty to the new Confederate States of America and was removed from
office. He retired from public life and died in July 1863.
"[Houston] might as well as had been giving advice to the lunatic asylum. We knew no such word as
fail." Ralph J. Smith, 1861
The Vote for Secession
Secessionist leaders including O. M. Roberts and John S. Ford called for a convention in early
1861. Most delegates who attended were slaveholders. In February, they adopted an
Ordinance of Secession by a vote of 166 to 8. The ordinance was ratified, county by county, in a
vote of 44,317 to 13,020 on February 23. In March, the convention reconvened and declared
Texas out of the Union.
"Fearless and Faithfull"
"I was prompted to enlist because of a strict sense of duty and because I feel our cause is just."
William W. Heartsill, Lane's Texas Rangers
Texans eagerly rallied to the defense of the South. Communities organized units for the
Confederate army, and by the end of 1861, over 25,000 men had joined. The total number of
Texans who served by 1865 is uncertain. At least 60,000 and possibly as many as 90,000 fought
for the Confederacy. Between 4,000-5,000 Texans fought for the Union. Over two-thirds joined
cavalry units because, as one officer noted, "no Texan walks a yard if he can help it."
During the course of the war—at places like Manassas, Antietam, Valverde, Gettysburg,
Shiloh, and Atlanta—Texans earned reputations for daring and courage and added to the
mystique of the Texas identity. Many went into battle showing their deepest and first loyalty
to their beloved Lone Star State.
"Love of Country Leads Us"
These men, hardy frontiersmen, excellent riders, and skilled riflemen, were fearless and self-reliant...."
James Patrick Major, Brigadier of Texas Cavalry in the Trans-Mississippi
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Col. Benjamin F. Terry recruited the 8th Texas Cavalry in August 1861 near Houston. He
required each of his men to furnish his own arms and a saddle, bridle, and a blanket. The
Confederacy supplied the horses. Terry died leading his troops in battle in Kentucky only four
months later, but his regiment was known ever after as Terry's Texas Rangers. Their motto
"Love of Country Leads Us" was proudly carried on their cavalry flag.
The unit distinguished itself on the battlefields of Shiloh, Chickamauga, and Chattanooga, and
in more than 270 other battles in seven states. Terry's Texas Rangers earned a legendary
reputation as fierce, independent-minded fighters. At war's end, fewer than 300 of the original
1,170 men were still with the unit.
"Texans Always Move Them"
Hood's Texas Brigade had one of the finest reputations of any unit on either side of the Civil
War. The brigade included the 1st, 4th, and 5th Texas Infantry regiments—the only Texans in
Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. Leading charges and covering retreats, the brigade
served as Lee's elite troops. Early in the war, Gen. John Bell Hood had direct command of the
troops for six months before he was promoted, but they were thereafter known as Hood's
Texas Brigade.
In September 1862, at the battle of Antietam near Sharpsburg, Maryland, the 1st Texas suffered
over 82 percent casualties—the highest endured by any military unit during the war. The
brigade went on to fight at Gettysburg and Chickamauga. During the Wilderness campaign in
Virginia in 1864, with his troops faltering, Robert E. Lee welcomed the arrival of Hood's Texas
Brigade saying "Texans always move them." Over 4,300 Texans served in the brigade during
the war; because of casualties, only 617 remained to go with Lee to Appomattox.
A Desperate Piece of Generalship
Brig. Gen. Henry Hopkins Sibley believed an invasion of the Southwest would capture gold
mines in Colorado and extend the Confederacy to the Pacific. He persuaded Confederate
President Jefferson Davis to support his plan in 1861 and proceeded to recruit over 3,200
Texans. Sibley then began marching his "Army of New Mexico" from Fort Bliss up the Rio
Grande.
Sibley's Texans won a bloody battle with Federals at Valverde, New Mexico, and went on to
capture the capital at Santa Fe. At Glorieta Pass, Texans won the battle but were forced to
retreat after Union troops destroyed Sibley's supply train. Survivors made it back to San
Antonio by June. Sibley had lost a third of his men in the disastrous campaign, the last of the
Civil War in the far West.
Mechanics of Great Ingenuity
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Texas and the Confederacy faced a critical shortage of firearms. Unlike the Union, the South
had few factories. Only a trickle of guns could be smuggled through the Union blockade of the
coast. The Texas government decided to encourage the production of firearms at home.
By 1863, four Texas factories were producing ammunition and 800 guns a month. That year
gun works were moved from Little Rock, Arkansas, to Tyler, Texas, where the factory turned
out about one thousand "Tyler" rifles. A few smaller shops also made weapons for Texas.
Brothers George and William Dance of Brazoria and later Grimes counties converted their
machine shop to making highly-prized revolvers copied after Colt models. German craftsmen
E. Krauskopf and Adolf Lungkwitz established a gun cap factory in Fredericksburg. Others
operated in Houston and Austin.
Texas Cotton: Lifeline of the Confederacy and the Struggle for Galveston
During the Civil War, cotton became more valuable than cash as it could be traded in Mexico
or in England for supplies. Cotton production in Texas was higher than in any other state and
was vital to the Confederacy’s survival. While some cotton was transported over land into
Mexico, other shipments were taken to the Texas coast where they were shipped to Bermuda
or Cuba and then to England. When the Union set up a blockade on the coast in 1861 to stop
the trade of cotton and cut off the Confederacy’s supply source, Texas troops made it their
mission to defend their coastline.
In October 1862, eight Union gunships sailed into Galveston Harbor to reinforce the blockade.
By Christmas day, Union troops occupied the city. Early New Year’s Day in 1863, two
Confederate ships slipped into the harbor and attacked the Union by surprise. One Union ship
was captured and the others retreated to sea. The commander of the Federalist flagship
Westfield blew up his own ship instead of surrendering to the Confederates. On land,
Confederate troops under Gen. John B. Magruder crossed an unguarded railroad bridge onto
the island. With naval support vanished, Union troops were forced to surrender and
Galveston remained under Texas’s control for the rest of the war.
The Cotton Trade through Brownsville
"[There was] a never ending stream of cotton pouring into Brownsville….Ox trains, mule trains, and
trains of Mexican carts, all laden with cotton from almost every town in Texas."
John Warren Hunter, 1861
Brownsville, at the southern tip of Texas, was the transition point for cotton crossing the Rio
Grande into Matamoros, Mexico. In November 1863, Union troops marched on Brownsville to
capture Fort Brown and interrupt the trade. Confederates blew up the fort and withdrew,
leaving the town occupied by the Federals. Brownsville remained in Union hands until July
1864, when Confederates under Col. John S. Ford reclaimed it.
Texans shifted the cotton trade west to Laredo under the guard of Col. Santos Benavides and
his Tejano "Partisan Rangers." On March 19, 1864, Union troops attacked Laredo with orders to
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destroy 5,000 bales of cotton stored there. The town's defense fell to Benavides, who vowed to
fight to the last: "I won't retreat, no matter what force the Yankees have—I know I can depend
on my boys." His "boys" numbered forty-two, the Union cavalry 200, but Benavides won the
day—the cotton was saved.
The Last Victory
"There is nothing left to us but to fight…. If I can't have a Confederacy I don't want anything else…."
George Robertson, Giddings Battalion near Palmito Ranch, Texas, May 8, 1865
Troubling news reached Texas troops under Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith in late April 1865.
Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee had surrendered. The Confederate capital in Virginia had
fallen, but the whereabouts of President Jefferson Davis were unknown. Smith, in charge of
Confederate forces west of the Mississippi, made a desperate gamble: if Davis could reach
them, the Confederacy might live on in Texas. The general began reorganizing near
Brownsville.
Rumors reached Union commanders that 300,000 Confederate troops were still armed and
ready to fight. Maj. Gen. E. R. Canby, with 17,000 Union troops, 4,000 of them African
American infantry, prepared to invade Texas. In reality, most war-weary Confederates had
gone home. Only about 800 Texas troops remained under John S. Ford at Brownsville and
Santos Benavides near Laredo.
In mid-May, Union forces marched on Brownsville. At nearby Palmito Ranch, Texans charged
the Federals. Courageous fighting by the Union's 62nd Colored Infantry allowed most of the
Federals to escape. This four-hour action on May 13, won by the Texans, was the last land
battle of the Civil War.
Heroic Achievements at Sabine Pass
In September 1863, Union Gen. William B. Franklin headed for Sabine Pass, where the Sabine
River meets the Gulf of Mexico, with four navy gunboats and 4,000 troops. Franklin planned to
steam upriver, land his army, and march west to capture Houston, Galveston, and a great deal
of cotton.
The only obstacle was Fort Griffin, a rough earthwork protecting a six-gun battery. Richard W.
Dowling, a young Irishman from Houston, and forty-seven artillerymen manned the fort.
When the attack began on September 8, the defenders endured an hour of long-range shelling
before the gunboats came within range. Then, in forty minutes of rapid and accurate fire,
Dowling's men disabled two ships, drove off the other two, and took 300 Union prisoners. The
rest of the Union invaders turned back to New Orleans. Confederate President Jefferson Davis
later praised the Texans' actions as "one of the most brilliant and heroic achievements in the
history of the war."
The Red River Campaign
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In March 1864, Union Gen. Nathaniel Banks started up the Red River with a combined force of
30,000 troops and sixty warships and transports. His objective was Shreveport, Louisiana, a
major supply depot and the gateway to Texas from the east. His orders were to isolate Gen. E.
Kirby Smith's Trans-Mississippi Department from other Confederate armies, capture 200,000
bales of Texas cotton, and stop the cotton trade.
Banks' advance ended on April 8 about thirty miles south of Shreveport at Mansfield,
Louisiana. There the Union troops were met by Walker's Texas Division and other units under
Gen. Richard Taylor. One Confederate remembered the attack by the Texans as a "fearful
charge…they gave a loud and prolonged Texas rebel yell" as the Union gave way. The
Federals, ambushed at every turn, retreated toward Pleasant Hill and took their revenge by
burning the countryside. The Red River Campaign ended in disaster for the Union in May
1864. Texas—and its cotton—remained a Confederate stronghold.
The Fate of Texas
An Ending
"The flag of Texas, its ‘Lone Star,' still floats in the free winds…. But if terms can be procured, I shall
bow to what seems the destiny which returns Texas to the American Union." Gov. Pendleton Murrah,
May 1865
By the end of May 1865, Texans knew the war was over. The few who remained under arms
slipped away to return to their homes. Some Texans, including Gov. Pendleton Murrah and
former governor Edward Clark, fled to Mexico. On June 2, Confederate Gen. Edmund Kirby
Smith, commander of the Trans-Mississippi forces, and Gen. John Bankhead Magruder,
commander of the District of Texas, formally surrendered at Galveston.
And A Beginning
"Right off, colored folks started on the move. They seemed to want to get closer to freedom, so they knew
what it was—like it was a place or a city." Felix Haywood, Former enslaved African American
Union Gen. Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston on June 19, 1865, to begin the Federal
military occupation of Texas. He immediately made a series of proclamations: all Confederate
laws were void, Confederate soldiers were paroled, and most importantly, slavery was ended.
African Americans celebrated the news with festivities that became an annual remembrance
known as "Juneteenth."
"There is work to be done" 1865-1875
In the decade after the Civil War, Texas citizens struggled to reshape government, rebuild the
state's economy, and revive their communities. Emancipation brought drastic changes,
challenging former Confederates to adjust to new relations with freed African Americans.
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Former slaves faced enormous odds as they gained control of their lives and families for the
first time.
In this period called Reconstruction, there were clashes over politics, land, education, race, and
work. But many people, in the process of rebuilding their daily lives, contributed to the slow,
sometimes painful process of redefining the Lone Star identity.
Governors during Difficult Times
The governors who followed Throckmorton represented differing views as Texans struggled
over who controlled state government.
1866-1867: James W. Throckmorton
As the state's first elected Reconstruction governor, Throckmorton faced the nearly impossible
task of returning political, social, and economic stability to Texas. His challenge was to balance
power among former Confederates in the Democratic Party, conservatives who had supported
the Union, and freed African Americans and Union sympathizers who formed a new "radical"
Republican Party.
His chances for success were over almost before he began. The Texas legislature refused to
ratify the 13th and 14th Amendments. Violence against freedmen spread across Texas. Radical
Republicans opposed him. Throckmorton accused the army of meddling in local affairs.
In March 1867, the U.S. Congress divided the South into military districts. Texas was placed in
the 5th Military District commanded by Philip H. Sheridan. In July 1867, Sheridan decided
Throckmorton was "an impediment to Reconstruction" and ordered him to leave office.
1867-1869: Elisha M. Pease, Moderate Unionist
After Throckmorton was removed from office, the U.S. Army appointed Pease as provisional
governor in August 1867. Pease had been governor before the war from 1853-1857. He helped
establish the Republican Party in Texas, but his fellow Republicans resisted his efforts to
reorganize state government. Former Confederates became bitter towards him, believing him
to be too radical. Pease opposed the U.S. Army's policies in Texas as "despotic" and resigned in
1869.
1869-1873: Edmund J. Davis, Radical Republican
Davis had supported the Union during the war. He was elected governor in 1869 by a close
margin. He tried to improve conditions by promoting the construction of public roads and
railroads, the defense of western settlements, and free public schools. He used the new state
police force, which was 40 percent African American, to protect Unionists and freedmen.
Conservatives and former Confederates denounced him.
In the election of 1873, Davis lost to Democrat Richard Coke by a margin of 2 to 1. He refused
to concede, barricading himself in the State Capitol with support from black militia, and
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waited for U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant to send troops to his aid. The Texas Supreme Court
invalidated the election, the Democrats occupied the Capitol, and Grant refused to intercede.
Davis finally stepped down.
1873-1876: Richard Coke, Conservative Democrat
The election of Coke signaled the end of Republican reforms in Texas. It was the beginning of
strong Democratic control of the state government that lasted for the next 100 years.
During his administration, Democrats abolished the state police, which had included blacks,
eliminating their participation in the protection of freedmen. They changed laws to give
conservatives more control over who could vote at the local level. They dismantled the
centralized school system, limiting access to education for African Americans. Popular among
white conservatives, Coke was reelected in 1876 but resigned to serve in the U.S. Senate.
1865: The U.S. Government Declares Its Terms
Immediately after the Civil War, U.S. President Andrew Johnson proclaimed a series of
conditions by which former Confederate states, including Texas, could rejoin the Union. The
most important required Texas to ratify the 13th and 14th Amendments to the U.S.
Constitution which abolished slavery and extended citizenship to African Americans.
The president appointed Andrew J. Hamilton as provisional governor. He was required to call
a convention to write a new state constitution. Convention delegates and potential voters had
to take oaths of amnesty and loyalty to the federal government before they could participate.
President Johnson sent U.S. troops to Texas to protect the rights of African Americans and to
establish order until the U.S. was satisfied "a loyal sentiment prevails." Texans who had
supported the Confederacy bridled under the army's presence and the mandates of a northern
president. Months of confusion, disagreement, and resistance followed.
The Quest for Learning
Freedmen's Bureau teachers were male and female, white and black, local and northern. Many
freed people took responsibility for building their own schools and paying the teachers with
their own funds.
Mrs. L. N. Campbell, a white teacher in Dallas, opened a school for freed people financed
entirely by African Americans. In Austin, freed people built a school on a lot donated by the
City Council. When it opened, over one hundred black children and their teachers marched
down Congress Avenue to inaugurate the new structure.
1868: Sarah Barnes, Teacher
Sarah Barnes came from Connecticut to Texas in 1868 to run a school in Galveston. She, along
with Sarah Skinner, was sent by the American Missionary Association of the Congregational
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Church. Like most teachers, the women taught freed children during the day and adults at
night. They also organized a Sabbath school and made home visits to teach "moral values."
Former Confederates called northern white women such as Sarah Barnes "Yankee intruders"
and scorned them for entering African American homes. Extremists threatened them and
sometimes burned their schools, but in a short time their students in Texas achieved the best
literacy rate of any southern state.
1865-1870: The U.S. Sends Soldiers and Teachers
The U.S. Army and the federal Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands—
known simply as the Freedmen's Bureau—tried to make major changes in Texas. The military
insisted on loyalty to the Union, intervened in local politics, and offered protection to African
Americans.
The mere presence of federal troops provoked opposition. Conservative Texans were
convinced that the army was undermining their rights, labor system, and economy. In reality,
the number of troops in Texas fell from 51,000 to 3,000 by the end of 1866, but the perception of
them as hostile intruders persisted.
The Freedmen's Bureau operated in Texas from 1865 to 1870. Its mission was to help African
Americans make the transition from slavery to freedom, primarily through education. The
Bureau was assisted by northern religious groups and some white Texans.
Through their efforts, and the public school system initiated by Republicans in the early 1870s,
illiteracy among blacks fell from 95 percent in 1865 to 75 percent in 1880. The proportion of
black teachers also increased steadily. By 1870, almost two-thirds of black schools were owned
by freed people; total enrollment was over 3,200.
African Americans Enter the Legislature
Texans adopted a new constitution in 1869 which allowed African American men to serve in
the Senate and House of Representatives. For the first time in Texas history, thirteen African
American men became elected members of the legislature that convened in 1870.
State Senator Matthew Gaines
A former enslaved farm laborer and self-educated Baptist minister from Washington County,
Matt Gaines was a forceful and charismatic leader. He served in the Texas legislature from
1870 to 1874, earning a reputation as a guardian of African American rights and interests. He
pursued legislation for the election of blacks to public office, a free public integrated school
system, and prison reform.
To encourage religious and community groups to work for education, he sponsored a bill
exempting educational and charitable organizations from taxation. He supported a bill which
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protected blacks at the polls and opposed a law that gave unfair protection to farm landlords
at the expense of black tenants. After leaving the senate, he continued promoting African
American rights at public gatherings and from his pulpit.
State Senator George T. Ruby
Ruby, born a free black in New York, first came to Texas in 1866 to administer schools for the
federal Freedmen's Bureau at Galveston. He also worked as a correspondent for the New
Orleans Tribune. He became friends with Republican Gov. Edmund J. Davis and other
prominent Galvestonians and quickly rose within the ranks of the Republican Party. He was
elected to the Senate from the predominantly white Twelfth District and served on important
committees for the judiciary, militia, education, and state affairs. Known for his tact,
diplomacy, and education, Ruby overcame the opposition of a number of conservative
politicians and was one of the state's most important black politicians.
1870-1876: Norris Wright Cuney
Cuney, son of Adeline Stuart, an enslaved woman, and Philip M. Cuney, a white planter,
became one of the most influential African American political leaders and activists in Texas.
Born near Hempstead in 1846, Cuney attended school in Pennsylvania in the 1850s and
returned to Texas after the Civil War, studied law, and entered politics in 1870. It was the
beginning of a thirty-year career in which he served in key political positions and fought for
equal educational opportunities for African Americans.
Friendships with Republicans Edmund J. Davis and George T. Ruby helped win Cuney
appointments as assistant to the sergeant-at-arms of the Twelfth Legislature, delegate to
national Republican conventions from 1872 to 1892, and secretary of the Republican State
Executive Committee. Dedicated to improving education, he served as school director of
Galveston County in 1871 and supported the establishment of a black college (now Prairie
View A&M University) in 1876.
1867-1874: The U.S. Government Changes Its Terms
The U.S. Congress, frustrated by the lack of cooperation from former Confederates, took
charge of the Reconstruction process in March 1867. Congress revoked the policies of President
Andrew Johnson. It directed former Confederate states to write new constitutions and adopt
the 14th and 15th Amendments granting full citizenship and voting rights to African
Americans. Texas complied and was readmitted to the Union on March 30, 1870.
Blacks in Texas first gained access to the political process during this period. They helped
found the Texas Republican Party in 1867, along with former Unionists and recent
immigrants. Republicans embraced Congressional reforms. Supporters of Governors Elisha M.
Pease and Edmund J. Davis gained control of the state legislature and pushed ambitious
economic and social programs. But the party split into factions, eroding its influence by 1874,
and conservative Democrats regained control of the government.
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Building New Communities
The end of the war renewed the surge of newcomers moving into Texas from other states and
foreign countries. Immigrants included freedmen looking for land or jobs.
Anchors of Community Life
The most important institutions in new black communities were the churches. They were
closely linked to schools and many became centers for political and civil rights activities.
Women were often the most numerous and energetic members.
City Work
White and black men found work as day laborers in cotton gins, mills, and on seaport docks.
In Galveston, Norris Wright Cuney opened a stevedoring (cargo unloading) business that
hired about 500 blacks for wages of $4-$6 a day. Jack Yate's son Willis operated the first blackowned steam cotton gin in Harris County in the 1880s.
Access to Justice
For a short time after the Civil War, blacks served in the state militia assigned to protect
African Americans, especially at the polls. In the 1870s, white supremacy groups such as the
Knights of the White Camellia and the Ku Klux Klan used violence and intimidation to restrict
access for African Americans to the justice system and the polls. Still a number of African
Americans held important jobs. Hal Mason, who had moved his family to Austin after
emancipation, was assistant jailer for Travis County by 1885.
1865-1872: John Henry Yates
Born into slavery in Virginia in 1828, Yates learned to read despite laws prohibiting the
education of blacks. When his wife and children were taken to Matagorda County, Texas, in
1863, Yates gained permission to go with them to keep his family intact. After emancipation,
he moved his family to Houston to look for work. There he found help from the Home
Missionary Society and was ordained a Baptist minister. By 1870, he owned a home and
property.
Yates became the first pastor of the Antioch Missionary Baptist Church, a prestigious
institution in Houston and meeting place for the biracial Harris County Republican Club.
Under his leadership, membership grew rapidly. Yates organized the purchase of
Emancipation Park on Dowling Street for the black people of Houston in 1872 and founded the
Houston Academy for black children in 1885. His legacy lived on in his children who became
missionaries, teachers, and business owners.
1865-1876: Freedmen Move to Cities
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The federal government cautioned newly freed people to remain where they were and work
for wages. Eager to leave farms and plantations and start a new life, thousands of African
Americans ignored the advice. Some looked for work. Others, separated from their families
while enslaved, tried to find their loved ones. The search led them to Houston, Galveston,
Austin, Dallas, and other towns. There they organized all-black freedmen's towns, cities within
cities, and established churches, clubs, lodges, and welfare societies.
Many freedmen could only find low-paying jobs as drivers, cooks, janitors, or servants. Some
opened their own businesses as barbers, beauticians, seamstresses, café owners, and funeral
home operators. Others acquired professional skills as teachers, doctors, lawyers, and nurses.
This shift from farms to towns laid the foundation for greater migrations in the mid-20th
century that changed where African Americans lived and worked in Texas.
Finding Ways to Make a Living
Farming continued to define the tempo of life for most Texans, including African Americans.
But as settlement moved westward, ranching, railroading, and military service opened new
opportunities for many.
Farming
The Texas Homestead Act of 1866 granted free acres to whites only. Blacks found few owners
to sell them land or extend credit. Still, by 1870, a few African Americans had saved enough
money to buy farm land. By 1880, about one quarter of freedmen owned their own farms.
Work for Wages
Freed women and their children often earned money by laundering clothes. Such work was
hard, but washerwomen could be more independent than domestics or crop pickers. Many
worked at home, where they could control their own time and combine the job with household
duties and childcare.
Military Duty
Service in the U.S. Army provided wages, adventure, and some security for African American
men. Troops in the 9th and 10th Cavalry and the 24th and 25th Infantry moved westward
protecting forts and frontier communities, building roads, laying telegraph lines, and escorting
wagon trains.
1866: Matilda Boozie Randon
A small number of freed blacks received gifts of land from their former owners. Matilda
Boozie and her husband the Reverend Eli Randon, newly married right after the Civil War,
were given 1,500 acres in Washington County. The Randons used their land profitably,
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becoming successful farmers and landlords by renting out acres to other black families. Mrs.
Randon also earned money by working as a midwife for many years, delivering almost every
baby, white or black, in the county.
1866-1870: Texans Adjust to a New Economy
Emancipation changed the economic relationship between blacks and whites. Land owners
faced the loss of their labor force as many newly-freed blacks left for the cities. But many other
African Americans stayed on the farms even when their owners could not afford to pay them.
These black families agreed to exchange their labor for a portion of the annual crops as their
pay. It was the beginning of the sharecropping system that lasted well into the 20th century for
many farm workers.
In 1866, the Texas legislature passed a series of "Black Codes," laws which gave African
Americans certain basic rights to own property but segregated public facilities. Their intent
was to reestablish control over black workers by restricting where and how they could work.
The federal Freedmen's Bureau prohibited enforcement of the codes in 1867, but the
foundation for segregation was set as part of life in Texas.
Moving West
After the Civil War, as the military returned to Texas to protect settlers, thousands of people
headed west. Many became ranchers or cowboys. Railroad companies became agents for
westward expansion and ardent promoters of settlement.
Working as Cowboys
Cattle drives were hard, dangerous, and lonely. Cowboys spent months on the trail, but many
Texans were drawn to this way of life. By the 1880s, perhaps one-fourth of cowboys in Texas
were black. Polly and William Ryon welcomed their former slaves to stay on the ranch and
work as cowboys.
Building the Railroads
Railroad companies offered employment for many, including freedmen. Work crews laid track
and maintained the boilers needed to keep the steam engines running.
Building New Lives
African Americans sometimes accompanied white families to their new homes. A number of
black women moved with their soldier husbands to Forts Davis, Griffin, and other army
installations. Others worked at the forts as cooks and laundresses.
1865-1876: Polly and William Ryon
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Polly Jones was born into a wealthy planter family on the Brazos River in the 1820s. She
inherited cattle and land from her godfather before she married William Ryon in the 1840s,
signing a prenuptial agreement that retained ownership of the property in her name. In the
next decade, the Ryons expanded their land holdings in Fort Bend County and operated a
ferry across the Brazos River.
After the war, the Ryons branched out into other businesses including commissaries for their
ranch employees and a dance hall in nearby Richmond. Polly operated the ranch as a highly
successful business after William died in 1875. She founded the Ryon Farm and Pasture
Company and doubled the value of her holdings over the next ten years. Her ranch remains,
known today as the George Ranch Historical Park.
1873-1876: New Enterprises Bring Hope
In the economic turmoil that followed the Civil War, the net worth of most Texans plunged.
For former slave holders, much of the lost wealth was in the value of laborers. The value of
crops and land also declined, erasing other sources of income for farmers and former
plantation owners. The number of Texans owning more than $100,000 worth of property
dropped from 263 in 1860 to 58 in 1870.
Still, this period brought exciting opportunities for many. Cattle drives to northern markets
began in 1866. The Panhandle and West Texas opened for settlement and ranching. African
Americans found jobs building the expanding number of railroad lines. Among white Texans,
the period also produced a wealthy class of merchants and businessmen who emerged to
share economic leadership with land owners.
New Beginnings 1876-1936
In the six decades following Reconstruction, new dreams challenged old ideas. Large numbers
of Southern Anglos relocated to Texas from states devastated by the Civil War. They joined a
majority determined to restore government in Texas to the way it was before the war. The
state's political, economic, and social power structures returned to their control.
Meanwhile, immigrants from other states, Mexico, and Europe poured into Texas. They, along
with women and African American and Mexican American residents, demanded a greater
share in the opportunities Texas offered. Despite resistance from the old order, these groups
began to expand and redefine the Lone Star identity.
The Constitution of 1876
By 1875, a majority of Texans wanted to erase all traces of Reconstruction. They demanded a
new constitution that would overturn Republican policies benefitting African Americans and
would make elected officials directly responsible to voters. They adopted a document in 1876
that shifted much control from the state to the counties, limited the governor's authority, and
set qualifications for voting.
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Still, the new constitution laid the groundwork for change and growth. It provided for statesupported schools and colleges and specified how new counties would be organized and
governed. In 1876, Young and Bexar counties, stretching into West Texas, were divided into
sixty additional counties. By 1931, Texas boasted a total of 254.
In the 1880s and 1890s, almost every county in the state erected a new courthouse, many
grandly designed to symbolize growth, stability, and confidence in the future. These proud
signatures of self-government were among the most substantial public buildings in Texas.
United They Stood
Cotton prices dropped sharply after the Civil War. In 1877, Texas farmers began meeting in
Lampasas County to discuss their problems. These gatherings exploded into an organized
movement known as the National Farmers Alliance and Co-operative Union of America. It
promoted controls on the cost of supplies, shipments, and farm mortgages. The alliance
eventually claimed three million members across the South and West and became a major
basis of support for the national political Populist Party. Its leaders included Texans Charles
McCune, Fannie Leak, Fannie Moss, and Mary Clardy.
Other workers organized alliances and strikes to improve their livelihoods. Laundresses,
garment and cigar workers—even cowboys—formed unions, striking for higher wages and
safer working conditions. Timber, railroad, and mining workers joined the Knights of Labor,
the most powerful labor organization in Texas in the 1880s, which promoted an eight-hour day
and the abolition of child labor.
The "People's Governor"
James S. Hogg, the first native-born Texan to be elected governor, sponsored programs that
greatly aided farmers and small businessmen. His major priority was regulating the powerful
railroads in Texas, many of which were controlled by Jay Gould of New York. Gould was
notorious for fixing rates, manipulating routes to increase costs to shippers, and defying labor
unions. Hogg helped create the Texas Railroad Commission in 1891 which lowered shipping
rates and imposed controls on railroad monopolies such as Gould's.
Workers Organize
The first prominent labor union in Texas was the Knights of Labor which assembled in
Houston and seven other cities starting in 1882. Most of the 30,000 members were farmers. The
Knights, which accepted women and African Americans as members, promoted equal pay for
women, use of boycotts rather than strikes, and a host of other progressive policies. Gradually,
they lost membership to more powerful, nationally based unions. By 1900, the Knights had
been surpassed in Texas by the American Federation of Labor.
Preparing for the Future
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Before 1876, schools for higher learning in Texas were few in number and too expensive for
most families. The new constitution helped facilitate the organization of state-supported public
schools and colleges. State funding was allocated to the Agricultural and Mechanical College
of Texas (now Texas A&M University), which opened to male students in 1876; the University
of Texas, founded in 1883; and the Prairie View Normal Institute (now Prairie View A&M
University), opened in 1879 for the training of African American teachers.
White students of medicine studied at the University of Texas Medical Branch and the John
Sealy Hospital Training School for Nurses in Galveston. Hispanic students and women had
limited access to the state's public programs in other professions. Segregation policies at Texas
medical and law schools forced African American students to leave the state to acquire
training in these professions.
First Nursing School in Texas
The John Sealy Hospital Training School for Nurses opened in Galveston in 1890. The name
was changed in 1896 to the School of Nursing, the University of Texas. It was the first nurses'
training school in the nation to be an official unit of a university. In 1909, the Graduate Nurses'
Association of Texas persuaded the legislature to pass licensing standards which helped
elevate the status of women working in this profession.
Education for Independence
Helen Stoddard, president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union in the early 1900s,
firmly believed that women should be educated to be self-supporting. Many disagreed,
including a number of Texas legislators who thought women should be trained to be "perfect
housekeepers." In 1903, after a ten-year struggle, Stoddard opened the Texas Industrial
Institute and College for the Education of White Girls of the State of Texas in Arts and
Sciences—later known as the Texas Woman's University in Denton.
New Meanings for Women's Work
Texas women formed clubs, which sometimes included men, to build libraries, schools,
churches, synagogues, hospitals, and parks. The Texas Federation of Women's Clubs, founded
in 1897-98, rapidly redirected its members' energies from literary discussions to community
projects. Club women lobbied the Texas legislature, raised funds, and petitioned fellow
citizens to change laws and offer improved social services. Because of their volunteer work,
child labor laws, a welfare system, compulsory education, pure food inspection, kindergartens,
and a juvenile court system were established in Texas.
Women volunteers, especially members of the TFWC, also established the system of free
public libraries in Texas. They raised funds for new reading rooms or converted space in old
town jails. By the 1940s, over 85 percent of the state's libraries had been organized by women's
groups.
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First in Education
Texas women established the state's first public kindergartens. Texas teachers also worked to
meet other needs of their communities. Leonor Villegas de Magnon of Laredo turned her
school into a hospital during the Mexican Revolution in 1910 and cared for wounded on both
sides of the conflict. Jovita Idar started a kindergarten for Spanish-speaking children in San
Antonio in 1917. Jeffie O. A. Conner became the state's first African American home
demonstration agent in 1923, instructing farm women in nutrition, food preparation, and
sanitation.
First in Libraries
Women of the Dallas Shakespeare Club established the reading room in the city's new
Carnegie Library in 1903 (above). In 1929, women in Beaumont organized a traveling
bookmobile for the Tyrrell Public Library, the first in Texas and one of the first in the nation
(below).
A Hundred Origins, One New Home
To "live well in Texas" was the hope of thousands of immigrants who flocked to Texas at the
turn of the 20th century seeking economic opportunity and political freedom. Hundreds fled
religious repression in Southern and Eastern Europe; many were Jewish. Still more came from
Mexico after a revolution in 1910-1920 forced them to escape the political unrest. The dream of
a better life added Russians, Swiss, Scots, Czechs, and Italians, among others, to the growing
diversity of people who now called Texas their home.
The Immigrants' Best Friend
Henry Cohen, rabbi of Temple B'nai Israel in Galveston, offered hot meals, beds, and medical
care to new arrivals and helped them find jobs and housing. Cohen became nationally known
for his relief efforts after the hurricane of 1900 devastated Galveston. He served his
congregation for sixty-two years, gaining statewide recognition for advocating social reforms,
particularly medical care and vocational training for prisoners.
A Grand Capitol for Texas
The Constitution of 1876 reserved three million acres of public land in the Panhandle to fund a
new Capitol in Austin. The legislature agreed to trade the land to a Chicago company which
would underwrite the costs for constructing the new building. The Chicago syndicate of
businessmen organized the XIT Ranch, the largest in North America. The ranch required 6,000
miles of barbed wire fencing, enough to cross the continent twice.
The new Capitol was designed by Elijah E. Myers of Detroit, Michigan. It was built from Texas
limestone and granite quarried by convict labor and carved by Scottish stonecutters. When it
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was dedicated in 1888, hundreds of proud Texans turned out for the celebrations which
included parades, music, and speeches.
The Original Goddess of Liberty, 1888
Capitol architect Elijah E. Myers designed the statue, probably inspired by the statue of
Freedom on top of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. The Goddess was cast of galvanized
iron and zinc, then coated with paint and sand to simulate stone. She is nearly 16 feet tall and
weighs about 2,000 pounds. Her exaggerated features are meant to be viewed from a distance
of several hundred feet.
After almost a century standing watch over the Texas Capitol, the statue began showing signs
of deterioration. The State Preservation Board removed it in November 1985 and replaced the
original with a corrosion-resistant replica made of an aluminum alloy. This museum is now
the original Goddess of Liberty's permanent home.
Women Win the Vote
The Constitution of 1876 banned "idiots, imbeciles, paupers, and felons" from voting. Women,
who were not even mentioned, were outraged. It took Texas women decades of hard work and
three different organizations to win the vote. Rebecca Henry Hayes of Galveston led an 1890s
effort. Annette Finnegan of Houston and Eleanor Brackenridge of San Antonio led suffragists
after the turn of the 20th century. The largest and most successful campaign was directed by
Minnie Fisher Cunningham of Galveston from 1915 to 1919.
The suffragists succeeded in large part because of mass meetings, petitions, lobbying, and
booths at the State Fair. Dallas women collected a petition a mile long, saying they were tired
of having no higher purpose than making dumplings. Texas suffragists won the right to vote
in state primary elections in 1918, when they helped elect Annie Webb Blanton as State
Superintendent of Public Instruction. Then, on June 26, 1919, the Texas legislature became the
first in the South to ratify the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution granting women
suffrage.
Courageous Crusaders
Women suffragists faced a wide range of prejudices. A popular story about Texas suffragist
Jane McCallum reportedly described her encounter with a state senator: Senator: You ought to
be married. McCallum: But I am married. Senator: Then you ought to be having children.
McCallum: I have five. How many do you suggest I have? Senator: Then you should be home
taking care of them. McCallum: They're in school and their grandmother is there. Senator: Then
you should be home darning stockings.
Determined Individuals
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Although the Texas Equal Suffrage Association had no black members, a number of African
American women worked for suffrage. Christia Adair of Kingsville was a young woman when
she began lobbying for black women to get the vote. She continued her efforts for African
Americans in the 1950s and 1960s in Houston and helped ban "whites only" signs in that city's
public places.
After the Vote
In 1928, Minnie Fisher Cunningham was the first Texas woman to campaign for the United
States Senate, running on a platform advocating prohibition, tax reform, farm relief, flood
control, and opposition to the Ku Klux Klan. Although she lost the election, she remained
active in politics and women's issues for the rest of her life.
The "Petticoat Lobby"
After suffrage was won in 1919, Jane McCallum concentrated on political reforms and lobbied
for improved education, child labor laws, prison reform, and maternal and child health care.
She led a coalition of women's groups known as the "Petticoat Lobby" which campaigned for
Daniel Moody for governor in 1926. He, in turn, appointed her Texas Secretary of State after
his election, a post she held for seven years under two governors.
Breaking Down Barriers
Throughout this period, African American and Hispanic Texans continued to face difficult
times. They saw their voting rights sharply curtailed by a poll tax, which few could afford, and
"whites-only" primaries. They were segregated in public places. Many blacks and Hispanics
could only find low-paying jobs, sharecropping, or migratory farm work. Many were forced to
sell their land to commercial farms. Yet a number of individuals and associations worked to
improve job opportunities and conditions.
In 1883, the Texas State Convention of Negroes protested against inferior school facilities for
black children. Jovita Idar and other Hispanic women formed La Liga Femenil Mexicanista in
1911, called the first feminist organization in Mexican American history. The work of all
contributed to slow but steady change. This set the stage for sweeping civil rights legislation
that would come after World War II.
Protesting Segregation
Railroads excluded African Americans from first class coaches and sleeping cars. Adelina
Cuney, wife of the Republican leader Norris Wright Cuney, staged her own personal protest in
1886. She climbed into the window of a first-class car after the conductor had locked the door
so that she could not enter. Other African American women, such as Eliza E. Peterson of
Texarkana, spoke out publicly against segregation and encouraged black men to vote.
"All for One and One for All"
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When the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) was founded in Corpus Christi
in 1929, it was the first nationwide Mexican American civil rights organization. It remains the
oldest and largest continually active Latino political organization in the U.S. Originally,
members were all male skilled laborers and small-business owners. Women were not
encouraged to join until the mid-1930s.
The Power of the Press
In 1910, Laredo teacher Jovita Idar, frustrated with poor conditions in the school where she
was teaching, joined the staff of her father's weekly newspaper La Crónica. It reported on
issues affecting Mexican Americans. She later moved to the paper El Progreso, where her
editorials protesting policies of the U.S. government caused Texas Rangers to close the paper
down. Idar returned to La Crónica which she continued to use as a voice against poverty,
lynchings, and other forms of racism.
Working through the Courts
In the first part of the 20th century, African Americans could vote in local and general elections
but could not participate in primaries. In 1924, Dr. Lawrence Nixon of El Paso, working
through the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), filed the
first lawsuit against the Texas White Primary Act. The U.S. Supreme Court finally declared the
law unconstitutional in 1944.
Texas Centennial Celebrations 1936
The World Comes to Texas
In 1936, despite the Great Depression that gripped the country, Texans staged a world's fair to
celebrate the 100th anniversary of Texas independence. It began as an advertising campaign to
encourage more investment capital in the state. It became a major exposition unlike any other
and promoted a western identity for Texas to a world-wide audience. The spirit spread to
communities across the state with celebrations and the building of monuments, museums,
historic markers, and the restoration of historic sites.
Dallas was chosen as the location of the central exposition, but Amon G. Carter, Sr., sponsored
a competing Texas Frontier Centennial in Fort Worth that stressed "amusement" and a
"winning of the west" theme.
The Dallas exposition included fifty exhibit buildings, the hit performance "Cavalcade of
Texas," dozens of star performers, and theatrical presentations that captivated 500,000 visitors.
Texas was presented as the most modern of states with previews of television, commercial air
travel, and air conditioning.
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